Selected quad for the lemma: city_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
city_n	add_v	great_a	zion_n	49	3	9.5430	4	false

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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A15408	Hexapla in Genesin & Exodum: that is, a sixfold commentary upon the two first bookes of Moses, being Genesis and Exodus Wherein these translations are compared together: 1. The Chalde. 2. The Septuagint. 3. The vulgar Latine. 4. Pagnine. 5. Montanus. 6. Iunius. 7. Vatablus. 8. The great English Bible. 9. The Geneva edition. And 10. The Hebrew originall. Together with a sixfold vse of every chapter, shewing 1. The method or argument: 2. The divers readings: 3. The explanation of difficult questions and doubtfull places: 4. The places of doctrine: 5. Places of confutation: 6. Morall observations. In which worke, about three thousand theologicall questions are discussed: above forty authors old and new abridged: and together comprised whatsoever worthy of note, either Mercerus out of the Rabbines, Pererius out of the fathers, or Marloran out of the new writers, have in their learned commentaries collected. By Andrew Willet, minister of the gospell of Iesus Christ.	Willet, Andrew, 1562-1621.; Willet, Andrew, 1562-1621. Hexapla in Genesin. aut; Willet, Andrew, 1562-1621. Hexapla in Exodum. aut	1633 (1633)	STC 25685; ESTC S114193	2,366,144	1,184

house both because these two young men were of excellent and Angelicall beauty and favour which kindled their filthy lust and God so disposing that before their destruction they should come to the height of sinne QVEST. VI. Why Lot stayed in Sodome so wicked a place NOw whereas it may be questioned why Lot would stay in such a wicked City the answer is 1. That by this occasion a triall might bee had of the horrible wickednesse of the Sodomites 2. And that Gods mercy might appeare in Lots deliverance 3. Chrysostome addeth further that Lot staid ut ●icut optimus medicus morbos eorum emendaret that as a good Physitian hee might cure their diseases and though he saw that he little prevailed yet he was not to give over as a good Physitian though he cure not nihil de arte sua vel officio praetermittit he doth omit nothing of his art or duty QVEST. VII Whether Lot offended in offering his daughters Vers. 8. BEhold now I have two daughters This fact of Lots in offering his daughters to the rage of the Sodomites is diversly excused 1. Ambrose reason is minus erat secundum naturam coire quam adversus naturam delinquere it was a lesse fault to company with his daughter according to nature than with the young men against nature and so according to that saying of two evils the lesse is to bee chosen which rule indeed holdeth in such evils as are punishments but not in such evils as are sinnes in corporall things not in spirituall no evill or sinne is to bee admitted at all neither is it commendable before God to escape a greater sinne by doing a lesse there is no such necessity that a man should commit sinne hee ought rather to dye than to sinne If hee bee blessed that condemneth not himselfe in the thing hee alloweth Rom. 14.22 then hee is not blessed that alloweth a sinfull thing in act which hee condemneth in judgement 2. Chrysostomes excuse is that Lot did it ut servaret hospitib honorem that he might preserve his guests from shame and violence But for this Saint Paul hath given us a rule not to do evil that good may come thereof Rom. 3.8.3 Augustine maketh this supposition though he allow it not noverat ●as non peccare si in ipsis fieret quod in vita fieri in se sustinebant hee knew that his daughters should not sin if they were forced to endure that which was against their wils and therefore his daughters not sinning hee sinned not But Augustine himselfe doth very well answer this objection that if the maidens had consented to the Sodomites facient cum Sodomitis te authore nequitiam thou shouldest be the author of their sinne if not patientur a Sodomitis te authore violentiam thou art the author of this violence 1. It was uncertaine whether they might have beene drawne to consent 2. yet was it a sinne in Lot to prostitute his daughters especially being betrothed to others as it may appeare v. 14. 4. Cajetane thinketh that Lot did not offer his daughters with any purpose to put off one sin with another but useth an hyperbolicall kind of submission thinking thereby to appease their rage some adde further that Lot knew they would not desire his daughters being espoused already to some great men of the City ex Calvin But this had beene too great presumption in Lot and tempting of God to make such an offer to so unruly a multitude hoping that it would not be taken 5. Some thinke that though a man in himselfe is not to doe a lesse evill to avoid a greater yet it is lawfull when we see another obstinately set to commit a great wickednesse to mollifie his mind with a perswasion or insinuation to a lesse evill as Chrysostome would have those that are accustomed to sweare rather to sweare by their owne head than by God Gregory resembleth it thus qui murorum vndique ambitu clauditur ne fugiat ibi se in fugam praecipitet ubi brevior murus invenitur hee that is shut up within the wall that he cannot flye let him escape that way where the wall is lowest Contra. 1. This is a good rule where wee are perswaders only from evill and not actors our selves of evill for Augustines rule is good peccare omnino non debemus ne alij gravius peccent we must not sinne at all lest other sinne more If Lot had perswaded them rather to have gone to the maids of the towne and let the young men alone it had beene more tolerable than to prostitute his owne daughters 2. Though in it selfe it be a greater sinne to abuse men unto lust than women yet was it a greater fault for Lot to be the author and counsellor of this attempt against his daughters than to suffer his guests to be abused 6. Wherefore this fact of Lot cannot bee justified no more than that of the Ephrathite Iud. 19.24 though it may be somewhat qualified 1. in respect of Lots good charitable affection to use all meanes to preserve his guests from violence 2. in regard of those times when knowledge was not so ripe nor it might be this point so well cleared to Lots judgement whether a lesse evill might not be admitted that a greater be avoided 3. Lot as Augustine well conjectureth did it animo perturbato with a troubled minde and of a sudden and therefore not so well advised 4. If any shall urge S. Peters words 2. epist. 3.7 And delivered just Lot vexed with the uncleane conversation of the wicked and hence conclude that Lot was herein blamelesse hee shall not so reason well for though generally Lot bee called a just man yet it followeth not that every particular act of his was just for then his incest with his two daughters would finde defence QVEST. VIII With what kind of blindnesse the Sodomites were smitten Vers. 11. THey smote the men with blindnesse c. that they were weary in seeking the doore c. 1. Chrysostome noteth non tantum excoecati sed viribus dissoluti c. they were not only blinded but their strength failed this also may well be conjectured yet the word beareth not that sense but only that they were weary in seeking the doore so Laah signifieth 2. one Ribera as Pererius noteth would have it understood not of Lots doore but that every man returning was weary in seeking his owne doore because it is said Wisd. 19.16 Every one being compassed with darknesse sought the entrance of his doore which words are uttered of the darknesse of the Aegyptians not of the blindnesse of the Sodomites and it is evident by the text that the Sodomites sought to finde that doore which the Angels pulled in Lot by 3. This blindnesse was neither an utter deprivation of their sight for then as Augustine saith they would rather have sought them guides to have led them than laboured to find the doore neither was it an

continued with them it is not like that hee went so farre West-ward It was an usuall thing with the Apostle to faile in these purposes in disposing of his journeyes sometime otherwise directed by Gods spirit Act. 16.7 sometime letted by Satan 1 Thessalon 2.18 sometime upon better reason altering his owne purpose 2 Corinth 1.15 23. he stayed his journey which he had determined to 〈…〉 like sort the Apostles determination to goe into Spaine might upon some other accident b● changed 4. Of this judgement is Gelasius 〈◊〉 ad Hispan●s se promisiss●t ●●urum dispositione divinum 〈…〉 patus ex causis implore non potuit quod prom●●it C. 22. q. 2. c. 5. Paul promising to goe into Spaine being occupied in other greater cause● by the divine disposition could not 〈◊〉 that which he had promised to him subscribeth Tho. Aquin. cap. 15. ad Roman QUEST X. Whether Iacob came to Salem Vers. 18. HE came safe to Sechem c. 1. Some reade he came to Salem a City of Sechem● 〈…〉 Septuag and Latine translator and Mercer but it were superfluous in the same place 〈◊〉 call a City by two names 2. This Salem some would have to be Silo as some Hebrewes some take it 〈◊〉 ●erusalem as Iosephus some for Melchisedecks towne as Hierome where the ruines of Melchisedecks Palace were to be seene in his time some will have this Salem to be that Salem spoken of Ioh. 3.23 where Iohn Baptist baptized and that Salem and Sichem were names of that same City first called Salem afterward Sichem Tostat. But all these opinions are uncertaine Silo and Sechem were two distinct places Iud. 21.19 Salem Melchisedecks towne was Jerusalem Psal. 76.2 In Shalem i● his Tabernacle his dwelling in Sion and if Sichem were the new name Salem the old it should in the Gospell be called by the new name rather than the old and that Salem was a divers place from Sechem called Sychar is evident for Salem was in Judea Ioh. 3.23 and our Saviour leaving Judea came to Sychar or Sichem Iohn 4.6 there might be then another towne beside Jerusalem called Salem but not the same with Sichem 3. Wherefore the better reading is that Iacob came safe and in peace to Sechem not for that he was now healed of his halting as the Hebrewes imagine which in part remained still as a monument of that combat with the Angell but he came same safe in respect of the danger which he feared from the hands of Esau. QUEST XI Whether Iacob did well in buying a peece of ground of the Sichemites Vers. 19. HE bought a parcell of ground c. Although Iacob had a promise to possesse and inherit the whole land of Canaan yet this purchase which he made did neither shew any mistrust in him neither did he in so doing depart from his right 1. He did it for his necessity of dwelling as Abraham had done the like before for buriall 2. The time of fulfilling the promise was not yet come and therefore Iacob at this time while the Canaanites were possessors of this land doth not prejudice his right in buying this parcell Mercer 3. It was no great parcell of ground that he could buy for so little money nor yet very fruitfull being in the sight and view of the City Calvin QUEST XII Whether Iacob bought his ground for money or lambs Vers. 19. FOr an hundred peeces of money 1. Some read for an hundred lambs for the word chesita signifieth both money and a lambe sic Septuag Latin Oleaster and so they would have the word taken Iob 42.11 where every one of Iobs friends gave him a lamb But it is more like they gave him every one a peece of money which was a greater gift and more sutable to the other gift of an earing of gold 2. Some of the Hebrewes affirme that the Arabians call money chesita but the Scripture needeth not to begge or borrow words or phrases from them 3. Wherefore it is like that this k●sita was a peece of money that was stamped with the marke or print of a lambe and thereof was so called Iun. as among us Angels are so named of the stampe or print set upon the gold 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. Honour to be given to evill magistrates Vers. 3. IAcob bowed himselfe seven times It is lawfull then to yeeld externall honour to evill magistrates that are in authority as here Iacob doth to Esau Mercer as Saint Paul saith Give to all men their duty tribute to whom tribute custome to whom custome c. honour to whom honour belongeth Rom. 13.7 And at this time there were none other but heathen rulers Mordechai indeed refused to bow the knee to Haman because it was more than a civill reverence which that proud man expected and beside he was an Agagite or Amalekite which was a Nation accursed of God Exod. 17.14 2. Doct. God turneth the heart Vers. 4. ESau ran to meet him Thus wee see that God is not onely a searcher of the heart but a worker and changer of it as here Esau his heart is altered of an enemie hee suddenly becommeth a friend wherefore the Wiseman saith That God turneth the hearts of Kings as the vessell upon the waters is ruled and turned by the steares-man Prov. 21.1 5. Places of Confutation 1. Confut. Against humane inventions Vers. 20. HE set up there an Altar Iacob inventeth not neither bringeth in new ceremonies into Gods worship but such as he had received from the instruction of his fathers directed by the spirit of God such was the building of Altars to sacrifice upon by this the Romanists are reproved which have thrust into Gods service so many humane inventions Calvin and so our Saviours rebuke falleth upon them They teach for doctrines the commandement of men Mark 7.3 2. Confut. The sacred signes called by the name of the things Vers. 20. HE called it the mighty God If this reading be received we see that the signes are named by the things as here the Altar is called of God and Moses nameth his Altar The Lord is my banner Exod. 17.15 so the Prophet saith the name of new Jerusalem shall be The Lord is there Ezech. 48.35 We need not marvell then if the bread in the Eucharist be called the body of Christ. 6. Morall observations 1. Morall To be contented with our estate Vers. 11. GOd hath had mercy on me therefore I have all things So Saint Paul saith I have learned in what state soever I am therewith to be contented I can be abased I can abound c. I am able to doe all things through the hope of Christ which strengtheneth me Philip. 4.13 2. Morall Gods worship to be advanced in families Vers. 20. HE set up there an Altar Iacob having setled himselfe and pitched his Tabernacle hath a speciall care to set forward Gods worship and doth consecrate as it were a Chapell and Altar to God wherein Iacob may be an example to all

2. Iosephus addeth further that the Israelites made ditches and trenches to convey the river and built the great Pyramides of bricke yea they carried the filth and dust out of the citie lib. 2. antiquit cap. 5. 3. Eusebius out of Eupolimus writeth that to make the Hebrewes more odious they were commanded to go otherwise apparelled than the Egyptians 4. But we need not seeke further than in the Scriptures as the businesse of their worke is set forth vers 14. they wrought in clay and bricke and in all manner of rurall workes Exod. 5. they were compelled to seeke straw themselves to make their bricke with and yet nothing was diminished of their daily taske if they failed their officers were beaten And therefore in respect of their hard servitude the Lord saith he brake the bands of their yoke Levit. 26.13 and tooke them out of the iron fornace Deut. 4.20 5. Thus the Egyptians three wayes kept them under they exacted of them tribute to empoverish their wealth Bor. they laid burthens upon them to weaken their bodies and by this meanes they thought to hinder their generation and increase Simler QUEST XI Of the cities Pithom and Rameses which the Israelites built for Pharaoh Vers. 11. ANd they built the cities of munition Pithom and Ruhumses 1. The word is Mischenoth which signifieth not Tabernacles as the Latine translation readeth being deceived as is like by the similitude of this word and succoth which signifieth Tabernacles most reade the cities of treasures as sochen is taken for a treasurer Isa. 22.15 the Hebrewes take them to bee granaries where the Egyptians laid up their store of corne which was the riches and treasure of Egypt so Vatablus readeth repositoria storehouses Lyranus thinketh they were called cities of treasures because they were so sure that they might serve for the keeping of treasure Oleaster deriveth the word of suchan to enclose or shut up as it is taken Psal. 139.3 Thou hast shut up all my wayes and so mischenoth should signifie places made to keepe or shut up any thing and in this sense they may be taken cities of defence inclosed with walles Pererius And so it is most likely that these were cities of munition as the Septuagint read and as the word is taken 1 King 9.19 sic Iun. 2. Pithom some thinke to bee the towne Butis or Buto at one of the mouths or dores of Nilus famous for the Oracle of Latona but it is rather the towne Patraion in the borders of Egypt toward Arabia Petraea whither reached the great ditch made from Nilus to the red Sea supposed to be the worke of the Israelites which Herodotus falsely ascribeth to Pharaoh Necho Iun. 3. The other citie Rahamses Tostatus thinketh to be the same with that in the land of Gosen mentioned Gen. 47.11 by anticipation not bearing then that name but so called when Moses wrote that booke Hierome thinketh that it is there the name of a Province here of the chiefe citie of the Province Perer. which is most like because the Israelites tooke their journey from Rameses but from one citie being so many they could not goe it seemeth by the Hebrew points to be a divers place from the other for that is called Rahmeses this Rahamses and so thinketh Iunius 4. The Septuagint beside these two cities make mention also in this place of On which is Heliopolis but this citie was not now built by the Israelites as Hierome well observeth seeing long before in the storie of Ioseph P●tipherah is said to be the Prince of On and the Septuag Gen. 41. doe make it to be Heliopolis QUEST XII How many yeeres the affliction of the Israelites is supposed to have continued NOw concerning the continuance of the servitude of the Israelites 1. It was neither so long as Iosephus thinketh foure hundred yeeres for seeing the whole time of their being in Egypt could not be above foure hundred and thirtie yeeres Exod. 12.40 and Ioseph lived seventie yeeres after Iacobs comming into Egypt it would follow that this affliction began fourtie yeeres before Iosephs death and beside Iosephus is herein contrarie to himselfe who in the same booke lib. 2. antiquit maketh the whole time of the Israelites abode in Egypt but two hundred and fifteene yeeres 2. Neither yet was the time so long as Eusebius conjectureth 144. yeeres from the death of Ioseph for not onely Ioseph but the rest of that generation were dead before their oppression began of the which number was Levi who lived 23. yeeres after Ioseph for he was foure yeeres elder than he and lived 137. yeeres and Ioseph died at 110. yeeres 3. Neither is the conjecture of the Hebrewes certaine that the affliction tooke beginning at the death of Levi from whence to the going out of the Israelites were 122. yeeres or thereabout for not onely Levi but all of that generation were dead whereof some came very young into Egypt as Phares not then above a yeere old who is like to have survived Levi long ex Perer. 4. Nor yet did their servitude continue an hundred fifteene yeeres beginning after one hundred yeere of their being in Egypt which was a full generation Simler for Phares was of that generation who is likely to have exceeded an hundred yeeres 5. Wherefore seeing all that generation was first dead of the which Phares was one who being a yeere old at Iacobs comming into Egypt may be supposed to live according to the rate of the yeeres of mans life then which was about 130. as Levi lived 137. Kohath 133. Aaram 137. Exod. 6.16 20. then it will follow Phares age of 130. being subduced from 215. the time of the Israelites being in Egypt there will remaine about 86. or 87. yeeres of their affliction when the Hebrewes supposed Miriam Moses sister to have beene borne so called of the bitter affliction which was all her time ex Perer. QUEST XIII The reasons why the Lord suffered his poeple to be afflicted in Egypt WHy the Lord suffered his owne people to be thus hardly entreated 1. It was not chiefly or onely for their Idolatry which they learned and practised in Egypt as Thostatus thinketh Quest. 7. in Exod. For though it is like that they learned some corruption that way of the Egyptians as the Prophet sheweth that the breasts of their virginitie were pressed and they committed fornication in their youth in Egypt Esa 23.2 it appeareth by their setting up of the golden calfe which was a resemblance of the Egyptians god Apis yet it is not like that they practised Idolatrie while Ioseph lived nor generally were corrupted for then the Egyptians in all likelihood would not have so hated them if they had beene conformable unto them in their Idolatrous worship 2. Other reasons therefore may be better yeelded why the Lord suffered his people to be thus tried 1. That the Israelites should hate the impure manners and superstitions of Egypt 2. That by this meanes

Noah is bidden to take of all meat that is eaten would inferre that Noah preserved of all kinds of plants and seeds in the Arke but that was not needfull except onely for present food for the seeds of herbs might by Gods providence bee preserved in the earth as plants were kept under the water as was the olive ex Mercer QVEST. VII Of the Phoenix whether there be any such COncerning the Phoenix the question is because there is but one of that kind whether it were preserved among other foules in the Arke but I thinke it may be more worthily doubted whether there bee any such Phoenix or no 1. Plixy saith this bird is in Arabia Cardanus and Scaliger in the Mediterranean parts of India being called Semenda 2. Some say that after 500. yeares it dieth Pompon Mela. lib. 3. c. 9. Ambrose others that it liveth 660. yeares Plin. ibid. 3. Some that the Phoenix having made her a neast of divers spices intrare emori goeth in and dieth Ambr. Pompon ibid. other that motu alarum with the flittering of her wings she setteth the stickes on fire and is burned to ashes 4. Pliny addeth out of Cornelius Valerianus that the Phoenix was brought to Rome and openly shewed when Ir. Plantius and Sex Papinius were Consuls the 800. yeare of the City As this may seeme to bee a fable so also the rest For if the Phoenix dye upon her neast how could she be brought to Rome 5. Some also write that the Phoenix hath rostrum trifistulare a bill with three pipes wherewith she singeth melodiously before shee dieth sic Cardanus But Scaliger holdeth this to bee but a fable 6. No other like is that which Pompon Mela and Pliny write that of the ashes of the Phoenix commeth a worme and thereof another Phoenix which being now ready to flye taketh the bones of the old Phoenix with the neast and carrieth it to the City of the Sunne in Aegypt called Heliopolis and there layeth it upon the Altar as it were solemnizing the funerall thereof who seeth not how fabulous a fiction this is devised to countenance Pagan Idolatry and not agreeing with it selfe for if the Phoenix bee burned to ashes how can the bones and neast bee so carried 7. But among the rest this seemeth to be most unlikely that there should never be but one Phoenix at once for what species or kinde of any creature can they rehearse whereof there is never but one and whereas the Lord said to all his creatures increase and multiply this benediction should take no place in the Phoenix which multiplieth not and beside seeing of all creatures there came two and two the male and female into the Arke the Phoenix by this meanes should have perished seeing there was not of this kind male and female to be preserved in the Arke 8. But whereas Ambrose thus writeth Phoenix cum mortua fuerit reviviscit solos non credimus homines resuscitari the Phoenix being dead reviveth can we think then that man only shall not be raised Ambrose in so writing delivereth not his opinion but ex concessis as we say by the received report of the Phoenix among the heathen out of their owne grounds he proveth the resurrection QVEST. VII Whether the Arke were sufficient to containe the beasts with their food for a whole yeare IT is further doubted how the Arke could containe so many severall kinds of beasts and birds and beside sufficient food for them all 1. For the divers kinds of beasts they are reckoned not in all to bee above an hundred and fifty whereof there are 30. kinds of serpents and other creeping things 40. kinds of ravenous beasts which live with flesh which one with another exceed not the bignesse of wolves there are 40. more of other great beasts which one with another in quantity may be thought to bee equivalent to oxen and 40. kinds beside of small beasts which may one with another in proportion answer unto so many sheepe the whole number maketh an 150. All these severall paires of beasts were lodged in the middle region of the Arke which contained 400. cells or cabbins being each in breadth 6. cubits as much in length and nine in height as I have shewed before these roomes are large enough to receive the greatest paire of beasts or if some as the Elephants require a large space many of the rest might bee received in a lesse so that there were cabbins enough twice told to place all the beasts in 2. And if the middle part of the Arke were large enough for the beasts there is no doubt but that the upper story being of the same bignesse sufficed for the birds which though they bee more diverse and variable in their kinds yet are they of farre lesse quantity and so might bee contented with smaller cages 3. And whereas of the cleane beasts there were seven taken of every sort whereof there are ten severall kinds reckoned Deuter. 14. beside the paires counted before we must number five more for every sort of the cleane beasts which will make 50. single and 25. couples which added to the rest will make 175. couples which if they did arise unto 200 there might be found roome enough for them all in the middle division as before is said 4. Now that there was capacity sufficient in the lowest region of the Arke wherein to lay up food for the cattell thus it may appeare 1. Let it bee supposed that there were about 60. paire of beasts as great as oxen 50. paire of the bignesse of wolves and 60. more of the like quantity unto sheep 2. Allow to every wolfe as much food in quantity because they are ravenous as to an oxe and to 4. sheep as much wee shall have as it were an 125. paire and 250. single oxen 3. Then admit that all the beasts did eat of hey which asketh a large roome to lye in whereas other food as of graine and such other may bee layed in a narrower compasse 4. Then allow for every oxe 40. l. of hey in a day as Columella doth apportion it lib. 6. de re Rustic c. 3.50 and 40. l. of hey will easily bee contained in the space of a solide or square cubit so much hey then as will serve 250. oxen in a day will require for layer 250. cubits the layer then for so much hey as will suffice a whole yeare which consisteth of 365. dayes will have no lesse roome than of 85250. cubits it commeth not to 90. thousand cubits 5. Now take the capacity of one of the chambers being 300. cubits in length 50. in breadth 9. in height allowing one cubit for the partition above for otherwise it should be 10. cubits high and it will arise to an hundred five and thirty thousand square cubits for every ranke of cubits containeth 15. thousand so much maketh the length of 300. cubits multiplyed by the breadth of 90. this summe of 1500. being

cited by Augustine 2. Some give too small a time as Herodotus of 500. yeares lib. 1.3 But others yeeld a longer time as Velleius a 1070. yeares Instinus a 1300. lib. 1. Eusebius Cyril Isidor Beda a 1240. yeares Diodorus a 1390. which opinion is most probable for from Abrahams birth to Manasses raine under the which the Assyrian Monarchy ceased are counted yeares an 1310. adde hereunto 40. yeeres of Ninus raine before Abrahams birth and they make a 1350. And if the Assyrian Empire were surprized in the 40. yeare of Manasses as Pererius thinketh the whole time will make a 1390. yeares Perer. QVEST. XVIII How long the City of Ninive stood Vers. 11. ANd builded Ninive c. Concerning the continuance also of this City of Ninive and the finall overthrow thereof many opinions there are 1. It is not like that this City was destroyed either in the 7. yeare of Ozias as Eusebius thinketh or in the reigne of Manasses as Iosephus either in the 14. yeare of his reigne as Diodorus or the 40. as Pererius nor yet under Iosias as Hierome for in the last yeare of Iosias reigne Pharao Necho went up against the King of Assur 2 King 23.29 As yet then the Kingdome of Assur flourished and Ninive also the head City thereof 2. Neither is it like that Ninive was surprized by Ciaxares King of Medes after whom Astiages reigned 35. yeares whom Cyrus succeeded as Herodotus for thus the destruction of Ninive should fall within the 70. yeares captivity of the Israelites But whereas the Prophet Nahum prophesieth that Ninive should bee destroyed by the Chaldeans Nahum 3.7 The opinion of the Hebrewes is most like that Nabuchadnezer destroyed Ninive and not the King of the Medes in the first yeare of his reigne about the beginning of Iehoiakims reigne for it is not like that the King of the Chaldeans could so prevaile and begin his Monarchy till hee had conquered the King of Assur and subdued the chiefe City the strength of his Kingdome so then the Kingdome of Assyria and state of Ninive continued almost 50. yeares beyond the 40. yeare of Manasses that is 15. yeares more of Manasses reigne and of 29. Iosias and some part of Iehoiakims reigne which make in all a 1440. yeares or thereabout QVEST. XIX Of Rehoboth Calah Resen Vers. 11. THe City Rehoboth and Calah Resen c. This is a great City 1. Rehoboth is here the proper name of a City not to be taken appellatively for the broad streets of Ninive as Hierosolymit and Hierome for the addition of the word City sheweth it to bee a peculiar place so called and therefore it is called Rehoboth of the river Genes 36.37 likely to bee the City Oraba which Ptolome placeth upon the river Tygris 2. Calah Epiphanius taketh for Thobel Hierosolym for the City Hariatha which Ptolome calleth Ar●agicarta But it was rather the chiefe City of the countrey Calacina or Calachena in Assyria whereof Strabo maketh mention as confining upon Ninive Iun. 3. Resen not as the 70. read Dase some take it for the Towne Resama in Mesopotamia some for Arsianes in the province Susiana Epiphanius calleth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lobus Hierosolym Thelessarum But it is most like to bee the City Bessarum in Assyria according to Ptolome sic Iunius 4. Ninive was this great City not Resen before spoken of as Mercerus following R. Levi not so great in the beginning but at that time when Moses did thus write the wals were in compasse 60. miles the height of 102. feet the breadth able to receive three carts one meeting another it had an 150. towres of the height of 200. feet In this Citie when Ionas preached were an 120. thousand little children which could not bee above the 5. part so that the City may be supposed to have had no lesse than 600. thousand inhabitants It is called a City of 3. dayes journey that is to walke about the compasse or circuit thereof or as Pererius thinketh to take a view of the streets and parts thereof QVEST. XX. Of the sonnes of Mizraim Vers. 13. MIsraim begat Ludim c. 1. Ludim are not the Lydians of Asia minor but a people rather confining upon the Aegyptians and confederate with them as Ierem. 46.9 the Prophet nameth the Aethiopians Lybians Lydians as assistants to the Aegyptians the Ludaei then are the inhabitants of the countrey Meraeotis in Aegypt some take Ludim for Mauritania Mercer Hierosol 2. The Hanamaei Hananims are the Pentapolites or Cyrenians in Aegypt Hieros or rather a people in Aethiopia Mercer 3. Lehabims they are the Lybians in Africa where also the people called before Phutei inhabiting the inward parts Hierom. in tradition in Genes 4. The Naphtahims are certaine Aethiopians in the further part of Aegypt where there was a City called Napatha Plin. lib. 6. c. 29. 5. Pathrusims not the Pelusians in the edge of Aegypt as Hierosol or the inhabitants of Arabia Petrea but the Pharusians rather as Ptolome and Pliny call them a people inhabiting the middle part of Aegypt whereof Isay maketh mention Isay 11.11 Mercer 6. The Caslahims are the inhabitants of the countrey Cassiotis and the Capthorims of the region Sethroitis about the mouth of Nilus bordering upon Palestina Iun. QVEST. XXI Of the originall of the Philistims Vers. 14. OVt of whom came the Philistims 1. These are they whom the septuagint call Allophyli that is aliens or strangers and the Latines Palestini and their countrey Palestina which contained five regions according to five principall Cities of Gaza Ascalon Gath Accaron Azotus all bordering upon the Mediterranean sea 2. These Philistimes came of the Capthorims for so are they called the remnant of the Isle of Capthor Ierem. 47.4 which Capthorims cannot be the Cappadocians as the Chalde readeth here and both the Greeke and Latine interpreter Deut. 2.28 for the Cappadocians inhabited a large countrey neare to Pontus and the hill Taurus farre distant from Palestina and therefore it is not like the Philistims should come from so farre and of any other Cappadocia nearer hand we find no mention But these Capthorims inhabited in the nearer parts of Aegypt as is before shewed 3. Whereas here the Philistims are said to come from the Casluhims and in other places from the Capthorims it may be explained thus that the Capthorims came first up to the Casluhims which is in the way to Palestina and joyning with them being yet the chiefe ringleaders themselves invaded the country Palestina 4. Some thinke that both the Philistims and Capthorims came of the Casluhims Mercer but the better reading is to make this a parenthesis of whom came the Philistims so that the Capthorims shall be the seventh sonne of Mizraim 5. Some Hebrewes will have the Philistims and Capthorims to come both of the Pathrasims and Casl●hans of whom marrying together they say were the Philistims Giants and the Capthorims dwarfes But the Philistims are

33.18 the true reading is that Iacob came Shalem safe to the City Sichem as the Chalde interpreteth not to Shalem a City of Sichem Secondly that Salim where Iohn baptized is the same City which is called Shagnalim or Schalem belonging to the tribe of Benjamin 1 Sam. 9.4 wherefore this Shalem in Sichem hath no ground out of Scripture 2. Hierome saith that there was a towne neare to Scythopolis called Salem in his time where the ruines of Melchisedecks pallace were to be seene Answ. But whence shall it be knowne that Melchisedecks pallace sometime stood in that place this is warranted onely by an uncertaine report neither is it like that Melchisedeck being a King of one small City did build himselfe such a sumptuous and great Pallace whose foundation should continue so long above two thousand yeares 3. The City of Jerusalem was much out of Abrahams way as he returned from Dan but the other Salem was in his way Hierom. Answ. As though a small distance of way could hinder Gods purpose in causing Melchisedeck and Abraham to meet which might be either in drawing Melchisedech somewhat from home to salute the Patriarke or in moving Abraham to visit the City Salem famous for the true worship and service of God 4. But Hierusalem cannot come of Salem for so two words of divers languages should be mixed together the first name being Greeke the other Hebrew Answ. Hierome imagineth that the first part of this name should come of the Greeke Hieros holy for so Jerusalem was called the holy City But the Hebrewes doe better derive the name of Jerusalem they say Sem called it Salem and Abraham Jireh there the Lord will be seene Gen. 22.14 which both put together make Jerusalem which signifieth the vision of peace so Midras in Psal. 76. This derivation of Jerusalem is more probable than from the Greeke Iireh as Hierome or from Jebus and Salem which make Jebusalem and for better sound to the Jerusalem as Pererius Wherefore I preferre rather the opinion of Iosephus that this Salem was the same City which was called afterward Jerusalem for these reasons 1. Because there is no evident mention in Scripture of any other City called Salem but this converted into the name of Jerusalem two Salems we read not of one was Jerusalem 2. This is evident Psal. 76.2 In Shalem is his Tabernacle his dwelling in Sion Sion then and Shalem were both in one place 3. The Jewes also hold this tradition that the place where David and Salomon built the Temple in the floure of Araunah is the same place where Abraham built an Altar and would have sacrificed Isaack where Noah first built when he came out of the Arke where Cain and Abel offered c. This place then being consecrate with so many Altars and sacrifices is like to be the place where the greater sacrificer and high Priest Melchisedeck dwelt 4. The type also better answereth to the body that Melchisedeck a figure of the high priest Ihesus should there dwell where Christ afterward performed that great and divine act of his Priesthood in offering himselfe up in sarifice upon the Crosse at Jerusalem QVEST. XVIII How Abraham is blessed of Melchisedeck Vers. 19. HE blessed him c. 1. It is like that Melchisedeck used a more ample forme and manner of blessing which is here onely abridged by Moses Luther 2. Though Melchisedeck blesse Abraham first and then God herein hee offended not as the Hebrewes affirme and for that cause they say his Priesthood was translated to the posterity of Abraham for beside that the servants of God in their prayers being carried with zeale forget to observe order even this blessing pronounced upon Abraham is referred to the praise of God As also the Apostle otherwise collecteth that Melchisedeck was greater than Abraham in that he blessed him and that his Priesthood was not translated to Aaron but to Christ ex Mecrer 3. Abraham is blessed and God is blessed but God is blessed Benedictione laudis with the blessing of praise Abraham Benedictione opitulationis with the blessing of Gods helpe or assistance Cajetane 4. Neither is Abraham pronounced blessed onely herein because hee had obtained this victorie but aeterni faederis respectu in respect of the eternall covenant which God made with him and his seed Vatablus 5. And this is more than an ordinary blessing it is a Priestly benediction and it is set forth as an act of Melchisedecks Priesthood whereby he ratifieth the promise made to Abraham Calvin 6. Melchisedeck is found to be the first that giveth this title unto God in Scripture to be possessor of heaven and earth Tostatus whereby the true God is distinguished from all false gods QVEST. XIX How Abraham payed tithes Vers. 20. ANd he gave him tithes of all c. 1. Although it bee not expressed in the text whether Melchisedeck or Abraham gave tithes yet the Apostle cleareth this doubt that he received tithes of Abraham Heb. 7.6 and the text also giveth this sense for seeing Melchisedeck is named to be a Priest he was more fit to receive than give tithes 2. Some thinke that Abraham gave not tithes of all the goods recovered seeing ●e after refused to take so much as a shooe threed of that which belonged to the King of Sodome vers 25. He then gave tithes onely of his owne substance Calvin Mercer But though Abraham refused to touch any part of the Sodomites substance in himselfe for his owne use yet he might even of that offer the tithe unto God 1. Because it was his by common ●ight and the law of Nations 2. Because he giveth reason lest he should say that he had made Abraham rich which reason served onely against the private and proper use not the publike and religious use of those goods 3. If Abraham had not prevented them in giving the honour of the victory unto God the Sodomites would have offered the same things in sacrifice to their Idols Neither is the opinion of Cajetane to be allowed that Abraham gave not the just tenth part as afterward was appointed by the Law but a certaine portion in the name of the tenth for the Apostle sheweth that Abraham paid tithes properly and Levi in Abraham was tithed as the Levites received tithes afterwards Heb. 7.5 6. 4. Whereas Levi is said to pay tithes in Abraham being yet in his loynes and thereby proveth the Priesthood of Melchisedeck to be greater than of Levi that is so said because the Priesthood went then by carnall generation not by spirituall election as now under the Gospell 5. And though Christ were also in Abrahams loynes secundum substantiam corporalem in respect of his corporall substance yet he was not there secundum rationem conceptionis in regard of the manner of his conception because he was conceived by the holy Ghost But Levi was in Abrahams loynes both wayes and therefore the argument for superiority in Melchisedeck concludeth well