Calui where the same day the king was entred This did Triuulce notwithstanding that many others of the citie wel disposed to keepe their faith to Ferdinand did speake against it with many braue and hawtie wordes But being presented to the king all armed as he came in he tolde him in the name of the Capuans and souldiers That they seeing their forces defence and strength to fayle in Ferdinand whom they had faithfully serued whilest there remayned any apparance of hope were now come to make offer of their seruices to him bringing mindes to follow his fortunes where so euer he will employ them vnder honest condicions adding withall that he dowted not to bring him Ferdinand him selfe so that he would enterteyne and acknowledge him as apperteyned The king made him this gracious aunswere that he accepted the offers of the Capuans and the souldiers as also the comming of Ferdinand should be no lesse welcome onely that he should retein no porcion of the kingdom of Naples how litle so euer it were but that he would indue him with estates and honors in the realme of Fraunce It may be dowted with what maner of inducements this Triuulce a capteyne valiant and particular in the profession of honor was drawne to reuolte and leaue his king Touching him selfe he affirmed that he went by the wil and direction of Ferdinand to solicit some composicion with the french And being altogither excluded from all hopes and the iudgement manifest that the kingdom of Naples could be no longer defended by armes he thought it not onely lawful but also allowable to prouide at one tyme for the safetie of the Capuans and securitie of the souldiers But the common opinion of men made an other construction referring his reuolt to a desire he had that the french king might be Victor for that he hoped when he had made a conquest of Naples he would looke into the meanes by the which he might in like sort make him selfe maister of Myllan In which citie he being borne of a most noble familie and because for the priuie fauors which the house of S. Seuerin had with Lodovvyk Sforce with other occasions he had not place according to his vertues and merits he was wholly estranged from Lodovvyk for those occasions many wise men iudged that he had councelled Ferdinand to proceede in the actions seruice of Romania more temperatly then perhaps thoccasions required But in Capua afore the returne of Triuulce all began to declyne to reuolt the souldiers had sacked the pallaice armories and stables of Ferdinand the men at armes made diuisions of them selues and were bestowed in sundry quarters And Virginio and the Count Petillane were retyred with their companies to the citie of Nola belonging to the sayd Count by the donation of the Aragons sending first to the french king to demaund safeconduct for them and their people Ferdinand returned according to his word and promise hauing somewhat appeased according to the tyme the humors of the Neapolytaines by giuing them hope of the defense of Capua he was come within two myles of the citie all ignorant of the chaunge that hapned since his departure But the towne hearing of his returne and so neare approach and the people wholly exclayming against his reentrey drew into armes and by a common voyce and councell sent forth to meete him certeyne of the nobilitie to aduertise him to passe no further for that the citie seeing he had left it abandoned that Triuulce gouerner of the men of warre was gone to the french his owne souldiers had made a spoyle of his pallaice and Virginio and the Count Petillane left them to their fortunes and that almost all his armie was broken they were constrayned for their proper safetie to giue place to the conqueror with these newes no lesse heauy thē troublesom Ferdinand after he had made vayne instance euen with teares to be receiued returnes to Naples being wel assured that the example of Capua would draw the residue of the kingdom to reuolt as the citie of Auerse seated betwene Capua and Naples drawne into emotion dispatched present Embassadors to offer them selues to the french king And the Neapolytans consulting also manifestly to doe the like the infortunat king determined not to resist so obstinat a will of fortune and therefore assembling vpon the place of the new castell many of the nobilitie and people he deliuered to them this last and lamentable speech I may call God to witnesse and the consciences of all those men that heretofore haue had any informacion of my thoughtes and conceites that no desire made me more to aspire to the crowne then to expresse to the world with what greefe I misliked the rigorous gouernments of my father and grandfather and with a recompense more iust plawsible to reclayme by moderacion and benefits those hartes and affections which they had lost by their hard dealing and crueltie But the infelicitie of our house would neuer suffer that I shoulde receiue this frute which I esteeme more excellent and honorable then the kingdom itselfe seeing that to be a king is a thing that often tymes dependes vpon fortune but to be such a king as to turne all his cares and endes to the welfare and felicitie of his peoples that depends onely of him selfe and his proper vertue These be hard tearmes in nature to detect my parentes and chalenge their abuses to those to whom nothing is more welcome then thoccasion of reuenge nor any thing further of then hartes and affections to forgiue or forget I could say enough to iustifie my selfe for that it is easie for innocents to finde wordes to speake but seeing there is so litle comparison betwene their offences past and the merit of my innocencie present it were but in vayne to vrge a hatefull remembrance of them and yet nothing the more acquite you of the calamities that approach No in cases of aduersitie it is a better temperance to prouide for the ill that is comming then to amuse the tyme in complaintes against the Authors supposed leauing the consideracion of the cause to God with whom no mortall creature hath familiaritie in the vnderstanding and ordering of his iustice I see our affayres suffer hard fortunes and thextremitie wherein they are falne is of that nature that we may complayne more to haue lost the kingdom by thinfidelitie and feares of our armies and Capteynes then our ennemies can vaunt to haue wonne it by their proper vertue And yet our fortune leaueth vs not altogither without hope if we susteyne yet a litle tyme for that both by the king of Spayne and all the Princes of Italy is preparing a mighty succor their eyes being now opened that afore could not consider that the fire which burnes our realme must in like sorte without prouidence cast his flames into their seuerall estates And for me at the least courage shoulde not want to determine to gether the kingdom and my life
as the brute went chiefly by her councel the capteines after many reasonings concluded with one consent that for the more common sewertie of them all the bandes of the Venetians should be ioyned to th armie of the Duke of Mugnes leauing sufficient gard in all the other places about Nouaro seruing to the seege That Volgaro should be abandoned for that being within three myles of Verceile it was necessary if the french men came with strength to get it either to loase it with infamie or to succor it with the whole armie That in Camarian three myles from Mugnes where the campe was the garrison should be refurnished lastly that the whole campe being fortefied with trenches and rampiers and supplyed with sufficient artilleries the Capteines and assistants should daily enter into other councells according to the behauiors of thennemie They forgatt not in this consult to giue order to spoyle and cut downe all the trees euen to the walls of Nouaro to giue incommodities to men and forage for horses wherof there were great quantities in Nouaro These resolucions established and a generall mooster made of the whole armie Lodovvyk returned to Myllan to make with more readines such prouisions as daily should growe necessary for the seruice wherein to giue fauors to the forces temporal with the authoritie armes spirituall the Venetians he wrought so much with the Pope that he sent one of his officers at the mace to the king cōmaunding him within tenne dayes to depart Italy with all his armie and within an other short tearme to send all his people out of the realme of Naples otherwayes that vnder the spirituall paynes wherwith the church is wont to threaten he should appeare before him personally at Rome This remedie the auncient Popes haue vsed in tymes before for according to tradicions written Adrian first of that name constrayned with no other armes then these Desiderius king of Lumbards going with a stronge armie to trouble the citie of Rome to retyre from Terny where he was arriued to Pauia But the reuerence and feare which for the holines of their life was nourished in the hartes of men being now sayled it was a thing hard to hope that of manners and examples so contrary would come like effectes The same enabling the french king skorning at his commaundement to aunswer the Messenger that the Pope refusing at his returne from Naples to tary him in Rome whether he went deuowtely to kisse his feete he could not but maruell by what reason he coulde require him now to go thether Notwithstanding he sayd that to obey him he would looke to open his way and prayed him least he tooke those paynes in vayne to attend him there till he came In this tyme at Thuryn the king contracted with thEmbassadors of Florence new capitulacions not without the great contradiction of such as afore tymes had made resistance who now had so much the more occasion to impugne it by howmuch the Florentyns after they had recouered the other borowes and stronge places of the hills of Pysa their campe being afore Pont de Sac and the souldiers that were within rendring it with condicion to haue their life saued they did contrary to their faith and promise giuen put to the sworde almost all the Gascon footemen which were found with the Pysans and vsed many cruelties against the bodies dead This accident albeit hapned against the wills of the Florentyn Commissioners who with great difficultie saued a great part of them but altogether by the stirring vp of certeine souldiers who being prisoners to the frenche were very rigourously dealt withall yet in the court of the king all being taken by their aduersaries as a signe manifest of mindes malicious to the name of all the frenchmen many impediments were obiected to the solicitacion and practise of thaccord which notwithstanding had his passage full conclusion hauing more power then all other respectes not the memorie of promises and othes solemnly made but the vrgent necessitie and want of money and other commodities to succor the affayres of the kingdom of Naples This was thaccord That without any delay all the townes castells which were in the kinges possession should be restored to the Florentyns vpon condicion that the state of Florence shoulde be bownd to deliuer within two yeares next comming at the pleasure of his Maiestie receiuing sufficient recompense for them Pietrasanta and Serazana to the Genovvays in case their estate should fall to the iurisdiction and obedience of the king That vnder this hope the Florentyns should make present paymēt of the thirty thowsand duckats remeyning of the capitulaciō made at Florence receiuing a pawne of iewels for their sewertie and restitucion if for any occasion their places were not rendred That after the redeliuerie of their places they should lende to the king vpon bondes of the generalls of the realme of Fraunce so are called the foure officers royall which receiue the reuenues of the crowne three score and tenne thowsand duckats and to send parte of them in his Maiesties name to the bandes which were in the realme of Naples and an other part to be ministred to the Collonnoys in case they were not reconciled and reaccorded with Ferdinand whereof his maiestie albeit he had some apparance was not yet in such certeinty as to beleue it That if they had no warres in Tuskane they should send to Naples to thaide of the french armie there two hundreth and fifty men at armes And in case their warres were but for the quarrel of Montpulcian yet they should be boūd to send them thether to accompanie the bandes of Vitelli not to interteyne them in that seruice longer then the month of October That they should remit and pardon the Pysans for all their offences committed giuing them a forme certeine for the restitucion of their goods which had bene taken from them together with conuenient and liberall meanes to exercise their traffikes and marchandise That for the sewertie and obseruacion of these thinges they should deliuer as ostages at the election of the king six of the principall Citisens of Florence and they to remeine a certeine tyme in his Court This accord concluded and the thirty thowsand duckats which were immediately sent to make a leuie of Svvyzzers giuen vnder gage of the kinges iewells the commissions and commaundements of the king were immediately dispatched to the Capteines of the places to make present redeliuerie to the Florentyns without any difficultie or standing But within Nouaro albeit the vertue of the souldiers was great most great for the memory of the rebellion the obstinacie of the townesmen to defend the towne yet thinges diuolued daily to more hard and difficult tearmes the store of vittells so fast diminishing that they began euen now to be pinched with the want of necessaries and according to the nature of extremities their hopes to be releued were no lesse desperat then their desires great
signified to the Florentins both by vehement letters and messengers well instructed that it were good to ioyne action to thopportunitie and approche the walles of Pisa beeing carefull afore to furnish with diligence all those things that might be necessarie to take it They confirmed their deuise with all those sortes of hopes whiche men in good fortune do vainely weene not remembring that in fortune there is nothing more certaine then that in all things she is vncertayne They hoped that for that the estate of the Pisans was enuironed on all sides with great difficulties being nowe more desolate then before for the depriuation of the succours of Aluiano and ioyning withall that all things ought to giue place to the reputation of conquerers they thought they should easily carie it interteyning withall a certeine intelligence with certeine of the townesmen in Pisa But the magistrate of the ten called il Magistrato de dieci appoynted director of the matters of warre calling a counsell with his other Citisens communicantes by custome in affayres of importance that deliberation was with one consent reproued by generall voyce for that they considered that in the Pisans was still recontinued their auncient resolution and obstinacie and that being men of so long time experienced and trayned in warre the name or reputation of the victorie which they had had agaynst others would not be sufficient to vanquish them their forces being no way diminished by it Rather it stoode them vpon according to thexamples of tymes past to set vpon them with a resolute force which men of warre did onely feare Besides their counsell was full of apparant difficulties for that the citie of Pisa enuironed aswell as any towne in Italie with most firme wals rampired and fortified and withall defended with bodies actiue and resolute could not be forced but with a great and puissant armie compounded vppon souldiours not inferiour to the Pisans in valour which yet would not be sufficient to carie it by assault or short siege and therfore more necessarie to encampe in the places about it for many dayes to th ende to approche it with more suretie searching out aduantages and rather tyring and wearying them then to suppresse them by force or violence That the season wherein they were was contrarie to those things not beeing hable sodaynely to erect an armie of footemen of other bodies then suche as should be leauied in hast And much lesse to approch it with any intention to make long aboade there both for the inclemencie of the ayre corrupted with the windes of the sea whiche beeing become pestiferous through the vapours of the pooles and marishes were harmefull to armies as was well experienced when Paule Vitelli encamped there And also for that the countrey of Pisa beginneth from the moneth of September to be subiect to raynes whiche by reason of the basenesse or lownesse of the place do so ouerdrowne it that it takes away all oportunities for an armie to remayne there That in suche an vniuersall obstinacie there coulde be no assured foundation reapposed in practises or priuate intelligences for that suche things beeing for the moste parte eyther dissembled or subborned or at least managed by persons vnhable to execute that they promise bring with them so many imperfections that the fruite of thexpectation will not aunswere the tyme that is taken to enterteine them Besides notwithstanding there had bene no publike fayth giuen to the great Capteine yet Prosper Colonno but of him selfe almost vnder their secrete consent had signified and promised that for that yeare there should be made no approche with artillerie to the walles of Pisa In whiche regarde they ought to holde for certayne that aswell for that disdayne and for the promyses he had many tymes made to the Pisans as also for that this successe of the Florentins was nothing profitable for his affayres he woulde oppose himselfe agaynst this enterprise A matter very easie for him to doo for that he might in fewe howres put into Pisa the Spanishe bandes of footemen which were at Plombin as he had oftentimes assured them to doo when soeuer there was preparation to besiege them That it were better to vse thoccasion of the victorie there where albeit the profite were lesse yet thinges without all comparison shoulde bee founde of farre more easie action and yet not without a notable profite That there was not one that had more opposed nor dyd more continually resiste their enterprises not one that had more hindred the recouerie of Pisa nor more procured to chaunge the present gouernment then Pandolffo Petruccio That he had stirred vp the Duke Valentynois to enter in armes vppon their landes That hee had beene the principall author and guyde of thenterprise of Vitellozze and of the rebellion of Aretze That by his counsell and solicitation the Genovvaies and Lucquois were ioyned with the estate of Sienna to supporte the Pisans That it was he that had induced Consaluo to take the protection of Plombin to entermeddle with th affayres of Pisa and to make intrusion into the matters of Tuskane To bee shorte that there was none other that had beene author or fauourer of this bursting out of Aluiano That it was agaynst hym that they oughte to turne their armie and to pyll and ouerrunne all the countrey of Sienna where woulde bee no resistaunce That by the reputation of their armies there might happen agaynst hym some commotion in the Citie wherein he had already manye enemyes at the leaste that they weare not to wante occasion to occupie anye place of importaunce in that countrey whiche they mighte holde in counterchaunge or as a pawne to haue agayne Montpulcian wherein they hoped by this reuenge to doo that which hitherto coulde not bee accomplished with benefites and pleasures that Pandolffo hereafter shoulde not bee so ready to offende them That afterwardes in the same manner they shoulde make incursions into the countreys of Lucquois beeing very harmefull to leaue them so long expected Lastely that by these meanes there was hope to drawe some honour and profite of the victorie gotten where if they went to besiege Pisa there was to be reaped no other thing then expences and dishonour These reasons albeit they were alleaged with common accorde yet did they nothing abate the desire of the people which for the moste parte runneth more guyded by will then by reason crying to plant the campe afore Pisa and beeing blinded with a ielous opinion they had taken of long tyme that the recouering of Pisa was nowhit pleasing to many of the principall Citizens for many ambicious respects In this sentence P. Sodererin Gonsalonier beeing no lesse colde then the residue calling a great councell of the people with whome they had not bene accustomed to communicate in matters of that nature asked if they were of opinion that the campe shoulde go afore Pisa wherevnto euery one aunswering affirmatiuely wisedome was surmounted with rashnes the authoritie of the better sort giuing
an authentike register of all the iniuries which the French kings in times past had done to thempire and nation of Germanie confessing that since the king had accompanied his promise with suche honor and fidelitie that he could do no lesse in common office then for his part to dissolue all remēbrances of things that might minister occasions to be vnthankfull to so great an affection The Cardinall of Amboyse came to him to Trent the thirtenth day of Iune to communicate of their common affaires who beeing receyued with demonstrations well testifying the amitie he bare to his king promised him on the kings behalfe a succor of fiftie launces In so muche that after they had with great agreement giuen directions for other affayres it was resolued that Caesar and the king should speake together in plaine feeld neare the towne of Gard vpon the Marches of both the one and others countreys For which cause the Frenche king prepared to be there at the day appoynted and Caesar in the same regarde came to Riua de Trente bringing in neither of their mindes any suspition the one allured by good experience of benefite and fidelitie and the other assured by the consideration of the same But suche are the variations of Princes and their ordinarie subiection to suspitions and ielousies that themprour after he had bene there onely two houres returned immediatly to Trenta signifying to the French king that by occasion of new accidents hapned at Friul he was constrayned to departe sodenly desiring him to stay at Cremona till he returned to giue perfection to the enterview determined This varietie if notwithstanding it be possible in a Prince so inconstant to finde out the truth many attributed to his credulitie lightnes of belefe some men blowing into his eares something that made him enter into suspition Others made this thoccasion that hauing so small a Court accompanied with a trayne ill appoynted he thought he coulde not present himselfe with that dignitie and reputation as might holde comparison with the pompe and greatnes of the French king who for his part desiring to dissolue his armie to be deliuered of so great a burden no lesse to returne with spede into Fraunce tooke his way to Millan not tarying for themperours signification notwithstanding the bishop of Gurce whom themperour had sent for that effect following him euen to Cremona solicited him muche to tarrie making promise that without all exceptions themperour would returne The discamping of the armie and person of the French king from the confines of Caesar diminished greatly the reputation of his affayres And yet albeit he was accompanied with suche multitudes of men that he might easily refurnish Padoa and the other townes yet he sorbare to sende garrison thither either for thinconstancie of his nature or that he thoughte afore hande to sette vppon some other enterprise or lastely that he interpreted it more to hys honour to discende into Italie wyth a greater armie And whiche more is he pretended as thoughe the former actions had had their due perfection that together wyth the ioynt forces of the whole confederates they should assayle the Citie of Venice A matter very plausible to the French king but greeuous to the Pope and no lesse impugned with open reasons by the king of Aragon About this tyme the Florentins put their laste hande to the warres agaynst the Pisans for after they had cutte off all succours and entrie of graynes into Pisa they leauyed newe bandes to th ende by aduauncing all thindustrie they coulde to choake all their course of vittelles bothe by sea and lande A matter that was subiect to difficultie for the neighborhood of the countrey of the Lucquois who when they coulde secretly doo it obserued wyth a verye negligent fayth their accorde newly made with the Florentins the necessities of their neighbours preuayling aboue the bonde of their promise othe or fidelitie But notwithstanding the secrete succours of those good neighbours the wante of vittayles more and more encreased within Pisa an affliction aboue all others least tollerable and most contrarie to the kinde of man expressing in that aduersitie a peculiar frayltie The souldiours of the playne countrey could not endure it which made those principalls of the Citizens in whose handes rested al publike resolutions being folowed with the greatest part of the youth of the Citie the better to loll the countrey souldiours with deuises accustomed to introduce by the meane of the Lorde of Plombin a practise of accorde with the Florentins An action wherein were artificially consumed many dayes and for whiche the Florentins sent to Plombin Nicholas Machiauel their secretorie the Pisans electing for Embassadors both Citizens and countrey men It was very harde to enclose Pisa for that it stoode in a felden large and full of dytches and marris neyther coulde the entry of vittelles be hindred by any easie meane speciallye by nighte bothe for the faythfull industrie of the Lucquois to refurnishe them and the desperate myndes of the Pysans refusing no perill wherein was anye oportunitie of prouision But to ouercome those difficulties the Florentine Capteines determined to deuide their armie into three partes bestowing one parte at Messana withoute the gate of Plagei the seconde at Saint Peter de Rene and Saint Iames ouer agaynst the gate of Lucquay and the thirde was appoynted to the auncient Temple of Saint Peter d'ingrado standing betweene Pisa and the mouth of Arna In euery campe beeing well fortified they bestowed a thousande footemen with conuenient numbers of horsemen And to let that none shoulde passe ouer the mountaynes by the waye of the vale of Osola whiche leadeth to the mount Saint Iulian they buylded towardes the great hospitall a Bastillion capable of two hundred and fyftie footemen By these impedimentes the Pisans fell more and more into want of vittelles who seeking to gette by pollicie that whiche they dispayred to obtayne by force deuised that Alphonso Mutulo a young man of Pisa but of base condition who beeing aforetyme taken prisoner by the Florentin souldiours and receiuing many pleasures of his keeper shoulde offer to bee thinstrument to make them surprise the gate that goeth to Lucquay Their deuise bare this meaning that at the same tyme that the campe whiche was at Saint Iames shoulde go by nighte to execute thenterprise they woulde not onely oppresse it when one parte was entred but also woulde charge the other campes of the Florentines whiche according to the resolution were to approache more neare the Citie but for that they made not their approche rashely nor in disorder the Pisans wonne no other thing by this practise but the lyues of certayne particulars who at the signe giuen were come to the first gate thinking to enter the Citie amongst whom was slayne with a shotte Paule de Parana captayne of a companie of lighte horsemen to the Florentins and Canaio de Pratovechio to whome Alphonso Mutulo had bene prisoner and vnder his assuraunce
ordered helde no honorable place But the consente of the Viceroy was necessarie who exspecting the firste payment whiche for the diuisions in the Citie coulde not so soone be made kepte as yet within Prato and had no fancie what soeuer was the cause that any newe chaunge shoulde bee made in the Citie of Florence notwithstanding the Cardinall ioyning to hym the Marquis of Paluda and Andrevv Caraffe capteines in the armie tolde him that the name of the Spaniards coulde not be but very odious to a Citie agaynst whiche they had done so many harmes That in all occasions they woulde sticke alwayes to thennemies of the king Catholike and that there was daunger least when the armie should departe they woulde reuoke the Gonfalonnier whom they had expulsed by constraint By these perswasions he consented to the Cardinall who assone as he had made agreement resolution of affayres with him came with diligence to Florence into his houses where many capteines and souldiors of thItalians entred some with him and some seperate the Magistrates being affrayed to let their entry for feare of the Spaniards that were at hande The next morning the councell of the multitude of Citizens beeing assembled at the publike pallace to consult vpon thaffaires present Iulian de Medicis being present and assisting the action the souldiours charged the gate of the pallace and climbing vp by ladders they made themselues maisters of the pallace and made pillage of the siluer vessell which laye there of store for the vse and seruice of the Citie There the Citie together with the Gonfalonnier compelled to giue place to thinsolencies of suche as coulde do more with armes and weapons then the Magistrate with reuerence and authoritie called together with the ringing of the great bell by the direction of Iulian de Medicis the people to parliament vpon the pallace grene where suche as went thither being enuironed with armed souldiours and the yong men of the Citie that had taken armes for the Citie they consented that to fiftie Citizens of the Cardinals naming shoulde be giuen the same authoritie ouer publike businesse which all the people had A forme or state of power which the Florentins call Ampla balia By the decree of these men the gouernment being reduced to that forme which it caryed before the yere a thousand foure hundred nintie and foure a garrison established within the pallace the Medicis resumed vpon them the selfe same state of greatnes which their father had but their gouernment was more imperious and with a power more absolute In this sorte and with armes was oppressed the libertie of the Florentins beeing brought to that degree of aduersitie principally by the disagreementes of the Citizens It was thought it had not falne so farre if they had not behaued them selues with great negligence in the defence of the common businesse specially in the laste times not speaking of the newtrality which they vsed very vndiscretly the cowardise of the Gonfalonnier giuing too muche head to thennemies of the popular gouernment The king of Aragon had not from the beginning so great a desire to reuerse the libertie as to turne away that Citie from thalliance of the Frenche king and to drawe some sommes of money to paye his armie In so muche that assone as the Frenche had abandoned the Duchie of Millan he sent to tell the Viceroy that whether the affaires occurrant shoulde drawe him to an other enterprise or for any other occasion he should knowe that the restitution of the Medicis woulde be of harde action that he should take libertie to determine according to the condition of times and agree or not agree with the Citie according to the meane that brought the best oportunitie to his affayres This was his commaundement in the beginning but being afterwardes discontented with the Pope for the violence he would haue done at Rome to Alfonso d'Este and entring withall into suspicion for the threates he gaue publikely agaynst straungers he gaue playnely to vnderstande to the same Embassador of Florence that came to him in the beginning of the warre enioyning no lesse to the Viceroy that there shoulde be no stryuing to alter the gouernment In whiche deuise these two reasons were indifferent to him he iudged that eyther it would be a thing of more suretie to him to preserue the Gonfalonnier who was enemie to the Pope or else he feared that the Cardinall of Medicis being restored would not more depende of the Pope then of him But his last deliberation came not to the knowledge of the Viceroy vntill the daye after the common weale was reduced to the power of the Cardinall By this discourse it may be discerned that if the Florentyns after the french were chassed had looked to assure their affayres by some agreement or at least had made them selues strong with men and soldiours trayned eyther the Viceroy had not marched against them or at least finding resistance he would easily haue bene brought to composicion for money But their destinie was against their sauetie beeing besides the coniectures and comprehension of mans wisedom warned of the perills that were towards them by certein signes in the ayre for not long affore the lightning that fell vpon the gate that leades from Florence to Prato caried away from an auncient shield of Marble a golden flower de Lys which is the enseigne or armes of the french kings An other tyme a flashe of lightning discending from the toppe of the pallaice into the chamber of the Gonfalonnier touched no other thinge then a great vessell of siluer wherein the lotts are wont to be put when they come to bee made equall for the creacion of the great Magistrat And afterwards falling downe it stroke so violently a great stone which laye at the foote of the stayres and bare vp the burden of the building that beeing remoued from his place without any other hurt it seemed that the handes of men had taken him out with a wonderfull knowledge in Archytecture About these tymes or a litle before the Genovvais beating vpon the castell of Genes with thartilleries which the Pope had lent them the castell keeper beeing corrupted with a bribe of ten thowsand duckatts deliuered it vppe to the townes men This treason of the keeper moued partely by feare for that an armie by sea which was sent out of Prouence for the defence of the towne hauing not courage to take land were retyred by whose cowardisse he had no hope to bee succoured But the lanterne held out for the king wherein the same day certeine french vessels had conueyed vittells and other necessary prouisions Assoone as the matters of Florence were dispatched and the money receiued The Viceroy remoued his armie to march to Bressia About which citie the Venetians hauing now appaised the wills of the Svvyzzers were encamped and laye affore the gate of S. Iohn battering at one tyme both the towne and the castell with artilleries planted vpon the
their daunger the difficultie of the wayes encreased continually both for the multitude of their cariages and the great quantitie of their pray and also for that they were driuen to passe thorowe wayes straite and full of ditches which they had had no oportunitie to enlarge or make plaine with mattockes and spades And yet notwithstanding by howe much their aduersities were great and apparant by so much greater was their necessitie of speede and hast their extremities coulde not make them forget to march in order the same proceding as wel of the vertue of the souldiours as the care and good office of the Capteines Neuerthelesse after they had marched two miles with so many perplexities of wayes and trauell they iudged it would be harde to holde out long in that sort their greefe beeing greater by the wearinsse of their bodies then by any feare of the perills they saw at hande But the enemies by their rashnes had not patience to expect till so fayre an occasion mighte be rypened which already was come to his perfection for Aluiano according to his custome being not hable to conteine himselfe charged vpon the rearegard of thennemies guyded by Prospero Colonno he went to the charge not in disorder but with th armie araunged in battell and his artilleries planted ready for th execution and it was sayde for certayne that beeing long in preparing to the charge Loredano a ruler amongest the Venetians rebuked him with very sharpe wordes that he went not to the charge whose slownesse sayd he gaue oportunitie to thenemies being already broken to saue themselues By these prouocations so valiaunt a Capteine was compelled to runne headlong to the feight and in great furie gaue the signe of the battell Some other affirme that Prospero Colonno was the cause of all the actions of armes that day by whose counsell the Viceroy had rather proue the vncertayne chaunce and fortune of the feight then otherwise to followe so small a hope of safetie And it is sayde that hauing made a showe that he would returne towards Vincensa Aluiano had caused to be bestowed in the suburbes of Vincensa Iohn P. Baillon with those bandes that were come from Treuisa and him selfe with the residue of th armie was incamped at Creatia within two miles of Vincensa In this place is a litle hill that gaue a conuenient commoditie for the vse and seruice of thartillerie against thenemies and at the foote of it is a valley capable of a mayne armie raunged in battell but it hath no way of accesse but onely by one straite way that runneth vp along the hilles and is almoste encompased with marishes It is sayde that Prospero knowing what incommodities this place gaue to thenemies perswaded to set vppon them in that quarter hauing there thoportunitie and seate of the place to set foorth their vallour But what so euer it was Prospero began to go to the charge with a resolution worthy of the reputation he bare and hauing sent to call the Viceroy which brought on the battell and on the one side and at one tyme the Spanishe footemen aduauncing by the direction of the Marquis of Pisquairo and on the other hande the squadrons of the launceknightes they brought vpon the Venetians so hotte and furious a charge that their feares beeing redoubled by the terror and vallour of their enemies the first assault almost suffised to put them all to flight The footmen threw downe their pikes and fledde with more shame then hope of safetie their ignorance or want of courage making them vnhable to susteine the furie of the charge The footemen of Romagnia whose Coronell was Ra. de Naldo Brisiquello were the first that serued to the others as an example of cowardise and infamie the residue of tharmy tooke the same course no man almost being seene to fight or once looke his enemy in the face yea the vertue of Aluiano was so abated and confused by this sodayne fleeing away that without stroke striking he left the victorie to thenemies to whom thartilleries with all the baggage remayned a pray The footemen were skattered into diuerse places and for the men at armes some fledde to hyde their shame in the mountaynes and some sought their safetie in Padoa and in Treuisa whither fled in like sorte Aluiano and Gritti In this encounter were slaine Antho. Pio an auncient capteine with Constance his sonne Meleager Furly and Lodo. Parma and the fortune of P. S. Ange was litle better who though his lyfe was reserued yet he escaped not without many miserable and mortall wounds The prisoners were Iohn P. Baillon Iulio the sonne of Iohn P. Manfron Malatesto Soligiano with many other Capteines and persons of name and marke Loredano the Venetian ruler fell into this calamitie but with a worse fortune for that two souldiours striuing whose prisoner he should be the one of them killed him against all humanitie Touching the generall slaughter of this conflict both of dead bodies and prisoners there remeyned about foure hundred men at armes and foure thowsand footemen the slaughter being so much the greater by howe much there could be no expedicion of fleing by reason of the marrais This also brought great domage to such as trusted in the chasse that Theo. Tryuulco shut the gates of Vincensa and would receiue in no kind of person for feare least the Victor and the vanquished should enter pellmell together By which impediment many striuing to passe further drowned them selues in the next riuer amongest whom were Hermio Bentyuiolo and Sacramoro Visconte This was the ouerthrow that fell vpon the Venetians the seuenth day of October neare to Vincensa worthy to be remēbred both for the example it gaue to capteines not to haue confidence touching matters of armes in thItalian footemen not experienced in battells pitched and raunged and also that almost in the turning of a hand the victorie was transferred to those in whom was least hope of sauetie This ouerthrow had put in daunger eyther Treuisa or Padoa notwithstanding with the residue of th armie Aluiano was retyred to the one and Gritty to the other if both the season of the yeare when raynes began to fall had not bene contrary and the townes bearing good fortificacions and the Capteines much troubled to dispose to new enterprises the souldiours that were not yet payd Neuertheles albeit the Venetians stood afflicted with so many aduersities no lesse confused with an accident so farre contrary to their hopes yet they forbare not according to the time and their abilitie to refurnish those cities to the which besides other prouisions they sent many younge gentlemen of the nobilitie as they had wont to doe in times of greatest perill After this battell things began to draw from armes to cogitacions and deuises of peace which was negociated with the Pope towards whom was gon the Bishop of Gurcy principally to protest obedience to him in the name of Caesar and tharch Duke In which action he was
diuersitie of opinions whether in the riuer of Leuant or the West were best to beginne the aduise of Obietto preuayled who promising him selfe much vppon them of the waters of Leuant they adressed them selues to the towne of Portouenere to the which they gaue assault for many howers in vayne for that it was refurnished from Genes with fowre hundreth footemen and the courages of thinhabitants well resolute and confirmed by Iohn Lovvys de Fyesquo lately come thither Being out of hope to carie the towne by assault they retyred to the porte of Lyuorne to reuittell their shippes and refurnish their companies of footemen for when they vnderstood that the townes and peeces vppon the riuer were in good condicion of defence and prouicion they iudged that to that action was necessary a greater supply of force At Lyuorna Federyk being aduertised that the french armie inferior to his in gallyes but mightier in shippes was in preparacion to fall out of the port of Genes sent backe agayne to Naples his shippes to be able with more readines by the swiftnes of his galleyes to keepe aloof from thennemie if with their shippes and gallyes togither they shoulde sett on him hoping notwithstanding to vanquish them if their gallyes were separate from their shippes eyther by aduenture or by will. In the selfe same seasons the Duke of Calabria marched towardes Romania with the armie by lande with intencion to passe afterwardes into Lombardye according to the first resolucions But to haue his passage more free and easie and to leaue no impediments or perills behind his backe it was needefull to ioyne to him the state of Bologne and the cities of Gmola and Furly for Cesene a citie immediatly subiect to the Pope and the citie of Faense belonging to Astor de Manfreddi a young gentleman pensionary and gouerned vnder the protection of the Florentyns were to giue willingly all commodities to the Aragons armie Octauyan sonne to Ieronimo de Riare was Lord of Furly and Gmola with a title of vicaire of the Church but in minoritie vnder gouernment of Katthern Sforce his mother with whom many monethes before the Pope and Alphonso had practised to enterteyne Octauyan in their common pay with condicion to defend his estates but the matter remeyned imperfect partly by the difficulties she alleaged to the ende to get better condicions And partly for that the Florentyns dwelling still in their former purpose not to exceede the bondes they had with Alphonso to the preiudice of the french king could not be resolued to be concurrant in this practise to the which their consent was necessary because the Pope the king would not alone susteyne the charge but much more for that Kattherne would not put in daunger that citie onles with the others the Florentyns would be bound to the gard and defense of the estates of her sonne These difficulties were taken away by the meting and speaking togither which Ferdinand drawing his armie by the way of Marrechia into Romania had with Peter de medicis in the village of S. Sepulcher where he offered him in the name of his father king Alphonso franke power to dispose of him and his armie in all the seruices which he had intencion to execute for the affayres of Florence Siena Faensa these offers giuing a newe life to the auncient courage of Peter as soone as he was returned to Florence he ordeyned notwithstanding the disswasions of the wisest Citisens that thaccord should be subsigned for that Ferdinand had instātly desired him This being dispatched at the common charges of the Pope Alphonso and the Florentyns not many dayes after they had the citie of Bolognia at their deuocion enterteyning Iohn Bentyuole vnder whose authoritie and direction the citie was gouerned in the same maner the Pope promised hauing withall the faith of king Alphonso and P. de medicis to create Cardinall Anthonie Galeas his sonne then pronotorye of the sea These thinges gaue to the armie of Ferdinand a great reputacion which yet had bene more great if with those successes he had sooner entred into Romania But by his slow speede to march out of the kingdom and the diligent care and watching of Lodovvyk Sforce Ferdinand was no soner arriued at Cesena then Monsr D'aubygny and the Count Caiazze gouernor ouer the companies of Sforce togither with a great part of the armie appoynted to make heade against the Aragons being passed without let by Bolognia entred the countrey of Ymola by meanes whereof Ferdinand hauing lost his first hopes to passe into Lombardie was compelled to setle the warre in Romania where other cities following the partie of thAragons Rauenna and Ceruia cities of the Venetian iurisdiction barefauor to neither side This litle countrey stretching along the riuer of Pavv in the possession of the Duke of Ferrara spared no one cōmoditie to the companies of the french Sforce Touching P. de medicis neither the difficulties hapning in thenterprise of Genes nor thimpediments occurring in Romania could bridle his rashnes for being bownd by a secret cōuencion without the knowledge of the common weale made with the Pope and Alphonso to oppose him self openly against the french king he had not only cōsented that the Neapolytan armie at sea should be receiued refreshed in the hauē of Lyuorne with power to leuye footemē through the whole territory of Florence but also restraining his rashnes to no limit he wrought so that Anniball Bētiuole sonne of Iohn mercenary to the Florentyns wēt with his charge the cōpanies of Astor de Manfreddi ioyned with the campp of Ferdinand as soone as he entred into the contrey of Furly sent besides to the sayd Bentyuole a thowsand footemen with artilleries Such a like disposicion was alwaies diserned in the Pope who besides the prouisions of warre not contented to haue exhorted by writing the yeare before king Charles not to passe into Italy but to proceede by way of iustice and not armes reinioyned him eftsoones by an other signeture the selfe same thinges vppon payne of the Church censures And by the bishop of Calagorre his Nuncio at Venice whether for the same effect were gone thēbassadors of Alphonso they of Florence who notwithstanding made not such open demaundes he perswaded much that Senate that for the common benefite of Italy they would protest publike resistance against the french purposes or at least to giue Lodovvyk roundly to vnderstand that he was much discontented with this innouacion But the Senate aunswered by the Duke that it was farre from the office of a wise Prince to pull the warre vpon his owne howse and take it from an other nor to consent to doe either by demonstracions or effects any thing that may displease either of the parties And because the king of Spaine solicited instantly by the Pope Alphonso promised for the succors of Naples to send into Scycile an armie by sea well furnished and at last made excuse that
it could not be so soone ready for want of money the Pope gaue consent besides a certeine porcion which Alphonso sent him power that he might conuert into that vse the moneyes gathered in Spaine by the Apostolike authoritie vnder coler of the Croysade which ought not to be employed against others then thennemies to the faith Christian Alphonso also besides those he had already sent to the great Turke dispatched of new Camylla Pandon with whom was sēt secretly by the Pope George Bucciardo a Genovvay whose seruice Pope Innocent had vsed there afore who being receiued with great honor of Baiazet dispatched with no lesse expedicion brought home large promises of succors which albeit was confirmed a litle after by an Embassador sent by the Turke to Naples yet either for the distance of places or for the distrust he had of the Christians those promises brought forth no effect In this time Alphonso P. de medicis seing their armies succeeded not happily by land nor sea they labored to beguile L. Sforce vsing his owne craftes connings but their industrie brought forth no betteryssue then theirforces It was thopinion of many that Lodovvyk for the consideracion of his proper daunger was not content that the french king should conquere Naples but his plot was that assoone as he was made Duke of Myllan and that the french armie had passed into Tuscane to worke some accorde by the which Alphonso should acknowledge him selfe tributarie to the crowne of Fraunce with assurance to the king of office and obseruancie and so the king the places which the Florentyns helde in Lunigiane reuerting perhaps out of their hands to returne into Fraunce So that the Florentynes by this meane should remeyne battered the king of Naples diminished of force and authoritie and he become Duke of Myllan should haue got for his sewertie so much as was sufficient without feare to fall into the daungers which might happen by the victorie of the french he had hope also that the winter comming on the king would suffer such difficulties as would let the course of his victorie Lastly he iudged that waighing with thimpacience of the french the kinges slender prouicion of money and the wills of many of his people estranged from thenterprise there would not want meanes to worke composicion This was a grosse error in his pollecie to breede the storme and leaue the defence to possibilities dowtefull it is too daungerous to broach a vessell of poyson and haue the vertue of the antydote vncerteyne fier suffered to ronne burnes without lymitt euen to the consuming of such as first kyndled it But whatsoeuer was his secret intencion it is certeyne that albeit at the beginning Lodovvyk studied to separate Pe. de medicis from thAragons yet after he perswaded him secretly to perseuere in his opinion promising him so to worke that the french Kinge shoulde not march at all or at least if he did passe he should with the same speede returne afore he did any action on that side the mountes this he did often reiterate by his Embassador resident at Florence eyther for that such was his iust intencion or else hauing determined to ruinate Peter he desired that he might bring him to doe so much agaynst the kinge as there might be no meane to reconcyle them But Peter determining by the consent of Alphonso to make these behauiours knowen to the french king called one day into his howse thembassador of Myllan vnder couler of being ill disposed of his person afore he came he caused to hyde secretly the french Embassador resident at Florence in a place where he might easily heare their communication There Peter repeated to thembassador plainly distinctly and at large the perswasions and promises of Lodovvyk and that for his authoritie he was vnwilling to consent to the demaundes of the french king taking occasion to complayne greeuously for that with so diligent instance he solicited the king to passe he concluded that seeing theffectes aunswered not his wordes he was constrayned to ioyne him selfe to thenterprise to auoyd his proper and present perill The Myllanoys Embassador aunswered that he ought not to dowte of the faith of Lodovvyk if for no other reason at least for this that in comparison and consideracion of thinges it was no lesse daungerous to Lodovvyk then to any other that the french should enioy Naples ▪ And therefore with all the councell courage and reasons that he could he perswaded him to perseuere in his first opinion least by such hurtfull alteracion of his minde he were not the cause to bring him selfe and all Italy into perpetuall seruitude This discourse with all his actions and circumstances the french Embassador with present speede communicated with the kinge his maister assuring him that he was betrayed by Lodovvyk whose deuise tended all to his particular purposse and profite and all his intencions dissembled and disguised This pollicie and priuate manner of Peter bredd not the effect which Peter and Alphonso hoped for but of the contrary the matter and manner being reuealed to Lodovvyk euen by the french them selues the disdayne and hate conceaued afore against Peter redobled and tooke a stronger qualitie and Lodovvyk with a new diligence and quicknes solicited the french king to consume no more time vnprofitably But now not onely the preparacions that were made in so great plenty both by sea and lande but also the consent of the heauens and of men pronounced to Italy their calamities to come for that such as made profession to haue iudgement eyther by science or diuine inspiracion in the thinges to come assured with one voyce that there were in preparing both more great mutacions and more straunge horrible accidents then for many worlde 's before had bene discerned in any part or circuit of the earth There were seene in the night in Pouylle three sunnes in the middest of the firmament but many clowdes about them with ryght fearefull thunders and lightninges In the territorie of Aretze were visibly seene passing in the ayre infinite numbers of armed men vpon myghtie horses with a terrible noise of drommes and trumpettes The Images and figures of Sainctes did manifestly sweate in many partes of Italy In euery place were brought forth many monsters of men and other creatures with many other thinges against the order of nature concurring all at one time but in diuerse places by meanes wherof the people were caried into incredible feares being already amased with the brute of the french powers fury of that nation with the which according to the testimonie of histories they had aforetyme ronne ouer all Italy sackt and made desolate with fire and sword the citie of Rome and subdued in Asia many prouinces and generally no part of the world which had not felt the vertue of their armes But albeit these iudgements are often tymes fallible and rather coniectures vncerteyne then effectes hapning yet the accidents that drew on brought to them
degrees principall and seeke to haue place in the councells of things of most importance and hardnes for that lesse in vs then in any other citie raigneth the modestie to giue place to such as knowe most and deserue best And so nourishing our selues with perswasion that of right we ought to be all equall in all thinges the power resting in the multitude places of vertue valour and merit will be confounded and this couetousnes stretched out into the greatest parte will bring to passe that such may doe most as know least and merit lesse for that being most in number they wil haue most power opinions being rather compted then considered These thinges well waighed what assurance is there that contenting with the forme which now you would bring in they would not immediatly fall to disorder and confound with inuentions new and lawes vndiscreete which wise men could not resist the wayes to gouerne a common weale which had bene wisely deliberated and established which thinges being daungerous at all times in such a sort of commonweale would bring farre more peril at this present seeing it is the nature of men when they come out of one extremitie wherein they haue bene holden by force to ronne with a swift course to an other extremitie without staying in the middest euen so men drawne out of a tyrannie if they be not restrayned ronne headlong into an vnbridled libertie which iustly may be called a tyrannie Because in these actions a people and multitude is like to a tyrant when he giueth where is no cause of meritt and taketh from him that hath well deserued confounding the degrees and distinctions of persons yea happly their tyrannie is so much the more hurtfull by how much their ignorance conteyning neither waight measure nor lawe is greater then the malignitie which yet perhapps is gouerned by some rule with some bridle or subiect to some limit We ought not much to be moued with the example of the Venetians for that in their behalfe the scituacion makes some thing and the forme of gouernment receiued of long time may doe much togither with the order and disposicion of thinges ruled in such sort that the councells of importance rest more in the power of a fewe then of many and their spirits happely not being by nature so suttle as ours they are more easie to be kept quiet and contented Besides the pollicie of the Venetians standes not onely vpon the two foundacions that haue bene considered but for their perfection and firmenes it imports much that they haue a Duke perpetual with many other ordenaunces which who would introduce into this commonweale should seeme to bring in innouacions find many resistances seeing our citie takes not nowe her being nor at this present the first time of her institucion And therefore auncient customs impugning often times common profit and men suspecting that vnder cooler of preseruacion of the libertie there would be raised a new tyrannie wholsom councels wil be of litle force euen as in a body infected replenished with ill humors medicines are not of that seruice as in a body purged for which reasons for the nature of humane things which commonly goe impairing it is more to be feared that that which in this beginning shall be imperfectly ordeyned will be wholly disordered with time then to hope that by time and with occasions it may be reduced to perfection we haue examples of our owne and neede not the iustificacion of authorities and experiences of others for at what time hath the people gouerned absolutely this citie that it hath not bene full of discordes that it hath not suffered deformitie dismembring and lastly that the state hath not immediatly chaunged And if we stande so much vpon the examples of others why do we not remember that the gouernmēt wholly popular bredd in Rome so many tumultes that had it not bene for the science diligence and discipline of warre the life of that commonweale had bene short Let vs remember that Athens a most florishing and mighty citie lost not for other occasion her Empire and so sell into seruitude of the Citisens and straungers then for that they did dispose of great affayres with the deliberacions and councells of the communaltie But I see not for what occasion it may be sayd that in the forme introduced in the parliament the libertie is not there wholly founde seeing all thinges are referred to the disposicion of Magistrates and they not perpetuall but chaunging are not elected of few but approued of many ought according to thauncient custom of the citie to be referred to tharbytrement of the lott then they can not be distributed by factions or by the appetite of citisens particular we shall haue a farre greater assurance when the affaires of most importance shall passe by thexaminacion and direction of the most wise the most practised and most graue men who are to manage and gouerne them with an other order an other secrecie and an other iudgement then would be expressed in a multitude or communaltie incapable of such thinges some times when is least neede prodigall in expenses and eftsoones in busines great and waighty so sparing and restrained that often times for sauing a very litle they fall into great expenses and daungers euen as men that leaping ouer a great blocke stumble vpon a litle strawe In deede as P. Anthoyne hath sayd thinfirmity of Italy and particularly of our contrey is great and of no litle consideracion euen so the folly is so much the greater when hauing neede of Phisicions experienced and wise we will put our bodies into the handes of such as haue least skill and discression Lastly you haue to consider that you shall mainteyne your people in greater rest and leade them most easily to councells wholsom both for them selues and to the benefit of euery one in giuing them in the common weale a moderate part and authoritie seeing if you referre all thinges to their arbitracion there will be daunger that they will become insolent and wholly disagreeing from the councells of your wise carefull and affectioned citisens In this councell whereunto was not admitted the great number of citisens the aduise then tended to a forme of gouernment not so large and popular had caried it if amongest the deliberacions of men there had not bene mixed authoritie diuine pronounced by the mouth of Ieronimo Sauonarola a religious man of thorder of frear preachers This man hauing bene continually exercised for many yeares in the publike preaching of Gods word at Florence and hauing ioyned to his singular doctrine a generall brute of holines of life had gotten in the opinion of most part of the people the name and authoritie of a Prophet for that at times wherein in Italy was no other apparance in mans reason then of common tranquillitie he would in his sermons prophecie of the comming of forreine armies with so great astonishment of men that neither walls nor
Liuorne were immediatly rendred to the Florentyns by Salliane Liefetenant to Monsr Beaumont to whom the king had giuen them in charge when M. D'isle Deputie Commissioner to receiue of the Florentyns the ratificacion of thaccord made at Thuryn and to see the restitucion executed began to treate with Entragues Capteine of the cytadell of Pysa and of the castells of Pietra Santa and Mutton to resolue with him of the day and manner to resigne them vppe But Entragues indused either by the selfe same inclinacion common with the other frenche men that were then in Pysa or by some secret commissions from M. de Ligni vnder whose name and as depending vpon him he was preferred to that charge or perhaps drawne by the loue which he bare to a litle Graciana doughter of one of the Citisens of Pysa for it is not credible that onely the desire of money led him since he might receiue a greater quantitie of the Florentyns he began to oppose many difficulties sometimes giuing to the kings letters pattents an interpretacion contrary to the true sense and sometimes he alleaged that at the beginning he had commaundement not to render them but by secret aduertisements from Monsr de Ligny vpon which impediments after they had in vayne disputed certeine dayes it was necessary for the Florentyns to make a new instance to the king remeyning yet at Verceill to remedie that disorder expressed with so great an offence to his maiestie and hurt to his speciall profit The king became much moued with the disobedience of Entragues and commaunded M. de Ligny not without indignacion to constrayne him to obey determining to sende thether a man of authoritie with newe letters pattents and threates from the Duke of Orleans whose seruant he was But the resolut obstinacie of M. de Ligny and the fauors which he had in court being of more power then the slender councell of the king the dispatch was delayed certeine dayes and in the ende sent not by a man of authoritie but by M. Launcepugno a simple gentleman with whome went Camylla Vitelli to leade his companies to the realme of Naples and withall to conduit thether one part of the money to be defrayed by the Florentyns to whose armie assoone as the kinges letters pattents were arriued were ioyned the men of warre of both the Vitellis This dispatche wrought no more effect then the first notwithstanding the Capteine had receiued two thowsand duckats of the Florentyns to interteyne vntil the kinges aunswer came the bandes of footemen which were in garrison within the Citadell And to Camilla were payed three thowsand duckats because otherwayes he would haue hindred that the kinges letters should not haue bene presented for the Capteine of the citadell to whom as was supposed de Ligni had sent by an other way commissions quite contrary After he had many dayes abused their exspectacion and iudging that the Florentyns for that there were within the towne besides thinhabitantes a thowsand footemen forreyners coulde not force the suburbes of S. Marke ioyned to the gate of Florence leaning to the citadell where the Pysans had made a great bastyllion and that so he might come to the ende of his intencion without manifest obiecting against the kinges will he sent thother Florentyn Commissioners to present their armie afore the sayd gate which they could not doe onles they wonne the suburbs for that if the Pysans would not receiue them in by accorde he would force them to abandon it the same gate being so subiect to thartillerie of the citadell that it was not able to meinteyne defence against the will of such as had it in gard The Florentyns inclining readily to this deuise went thether with a great preparacion a courage resolute and an inflamed disposicion of all the campe then lodging at S. Remy a place neare to the suburbes And with such vallour they assayled the bastyllion on three sides in the forme seate and rampiers whereof they had bene fully instructed by Pavvle Vitelli that they brake and put to flight such as stoode in defence and pursuing the chase they enter Pelle Melle the suburbes by a draw bridge which ioyned to the bastyllion killing and making prisoners the most of them In this furie there was no dowt without the ayde of the citadell but at the same instant they might haue made perfect the conquest of Pysa by that gate many of their men at armes being entred for that the Pysans put to flight made no resistance But the Capteine of the citadel seeing thinges succeede otherwayes then he looked for began to discharge thartillerie vpon the Florentyns with which accident vnlooked for the Commissioners and leaders marueling not a litle many of their souldiers slayne and hurt by thartillerie and Pavvle Vitelli wounded in one of his legges they sownded the retraict holding it impossible to take Pysa at that time for the furious resistance of the citadell yea within fewe dayes after they were constrained for the harmes they receiued by thartillerie to abandon the suburbes which they had brought into their power and so retyred with great discourage and no lesse discontented to Cassina till the king had reformed so manifest a disobedience of his subiectes In this meane while also the Florentyns were not without their perplexities for new and daungerous practises stirred vp principally by the Potentats of the league Who to giue the more impediments to the conquest of Pysa and by some newe necessities at home to enforce them to leaue thalliance of the french king incensed P. de medicis to make triall with the ayde of Virginio Vrsin fled from the french campe the day of the battell of Taro to returne to Florence A matter of right easie perswacion both to the one and other for that to Virginio it soarted to good purpose what so euer came to thenterprise to reassemble at the charges of others his auncient bandes and partakers and readresse him selfe eftsoones in the reputacion of armes And Peter according to the custom of men banished had no want of diuerse hopes for the multitude of frendes which he had in the citie by whom he had intelligence that the gouernment popular was displeasing to many of the nobles and no lesse intollerable to many of his faction and followers which by reason of the auncient greatnes of his house was almost vniuersal thorow the whole dominion of Florence It was beleued that this plot tooke his first deuise and beginning at Myllan for that Virginio was no sooner escaped out of the hands of the french then he made his first office to goe visit the Duke but afterwards the resolucion succeeded at Rome where did negociat many dayes with the Pope thEmbassador of Venice and the Cardinall Askanius who proceeded by commission from Lodovvyk his brother These were the groundes and hopes of this enterprise that besides the bandes which Virginio should leauye of his olde souldiers and with tenne thowsand duckats gathered by P. de
medicis of his owne and by the liberalities of his frendes Iohn Bentyuole being then in the pay of the Venetians and the Duke of Myllan should at the same instant make warre against them vppon the frontyer of Bolognia And also that Kattherine Sforce whose sonne tooke pay of the Duke of Myllan should vexe them by the cities of Ymola and Furly confyning vpon the landes of the Florentyns Lastly they made promise to them selues not in vaine to haue at their deuocion the Syennoys no lesse inflamed with an old hatred against the Florentyns then desirous to embrase occasions to preserue Montpulcian A towne which they distrusted not to be able to defend of them selues for that hauing attempted not many monethes before with their owne strength and the bandes of the Lord of Plombyn and Iohn Sauelle whome the Duke interteyned in common with them to make them selues Lordes of the contrey of the marrysse of Chianes which marrysse had bene long time the lymit or markestone of that side betwene the Florentyns and them and to that ende they had begonne to make neare to the bridge of Valiane A bastyllion to beate a tower erected by the Florentyns vpon the poynt towards Montpulcian things fel out contrary to their hopes and exspectacion for that the Florentyns moued with the daunger of the losse of this bridge which not onely tooke from them all meanes to molest Montpulcian but also gaue entrie to thennemies into the territories of Cortona and Aretze and other peeces which on thother side of Chianes apperteyne to their iurisdiction sent thether a stronge succor which forced the bastyllion begon by the Syennoys And for their full sewertie of that peece they planted neare the bridge but on thother side Chianes a bastyllion conuenient to bestow many souldiers in by whose helpe and commoditie they made roades euen to the gates of Montpulcian vexing with like actions all the townes of the Siennoys on that side To which successe was ioyned this fortune that a litle after the passage of the french king they had broken neare to Montpulcian the bandes of the Siennoys and made prisoner Iohn Sauella their Capteine But Virginio and Peter de medicis hoped to obteine place of retraite with other commodities of the people of Perusia not onely for that the famulie of the Baillons who with armes and aydes of their followers were almost become Maisters of that citie were vnited to Virginio in a common fidelitie to the name and faction of the Guelffs and had withall familiar and straite frendshipps with Lavvrence and Peter de medicis whilest he ruled in Florence by whose fauors and other ministracions they had speciall countenance against all action of their enemies but also being the subiectes of the Church but more in demonstracions then in effectes it was beleued that in thinges concerning principally their estates they would yeld to the will of the Pope hauing communitie therein the consent of the Venetians and Duke of Myllan Virginio then and Peter de medicis departed from Rome with these hopes occupying amongest them selues these perswacions that the Florentyns trauelled with ciuill diuisions at home and vexed by their neighbours abroad vnder the name of the confederats coulde hardely make resistance And remeyning certeine dayes betwene Terni and Todi and these confynes where Virginio studying by all meanes to plucke downe the Gebelyn faction leauyed men and money of the Guelsses At last they setled their campe in fauor of the Perusins before Gualde A towne possessed by the communaltie of Fuligni but solde before by the Pope for six thowsand duckatts to the Perusins who were no lesse inflamed with a desire to haue it then incensed with the contencion of the parties by reason of whose dealinges all the townes about inclined then to emocion and insurrection for not many dayes before the famulie of the Oddies banished from Perousa chieftaines of the factiō contrary to the Bayllions hauing aydes of them of Fuligni Ascese and other peeces there adioyning which embrased the parte of the Gebylins were entred Corciana a stronge peece within fiue myles of Perousa with three hundreth horse and fiue hundreth footemen for which accident all the contrey being risen for Spolette Camerin and other places of the Guelffes were fauorable to the Bayllons they of Oddy within fewe dayes after entred by night within Perousa and that with such astonishment to the Bayllons that hauing lost hope abilitie of defence they began to put them selues to slight But the Oddies by a small and vnlooked for aduenture lost that victorie which the power of their ennemies coulde not depriue them of for that being come without impediment to one of the entries of the principall place and one of them who for that purpose caried a hatchet offring to cut in peeces the chayne drawne ouer the way according to the custom of cities in faction And being so troublesomly enuyroned with the presse of his companies that he had no space to list vp his arme to hewe the chayne cryed with a lowde voyce giue backe giue backe to th ende that hauing more roome his libertie might be more furthering to the action he went about This voyce being wrong vnderstanded and repeated from hand to hand by such as followed him and so deliuered to others in a sense sounding to retyre and flee it was the cause that all the companies without other encownter or let fell suddeinly to flee not one knowing by whom they were chassed nor for what occasion they fledd This disorder restored thaduersaries to such present courage that reassembling their strength they charged them in the chasse and made great slaughter taking prisoner Troyllo Sauello who for the same affection to the faction had bene sent to the succors of the Oddies by Cardinall Sauella And applying their forces to thoccasion that was offered they followed the chasse euen to Corciana which they recouered in this action and with the same furie And lastly not contented with the death of such as they had slaine in the chasse they hanged many at Perousa following the crueltie which for the most part other factions are wont to vse of which tumultes many murders hapning in the places bordring for that in seasons dowtfull the parties are carefull and doe customably draw into insurrection either for desire to cut of their ennemies or for feare to be preuented by them The Perusins inflamed against the Fulignians had sent the campe to Gualda And hauing giuen thassault to it in vaine with no lesse distrust to cary it by their owne strength they accepted the aydes of Virginio who offered him selfe to them to th ende that at the brute of bootie and spoyle the souldiers might ronne with more readines to the warre And albeit they were pressed by him and by Peter de medicis to minister openly to their enterprise or at least to giue some peece of artillerie or place of retraite for their people at Chastillion du
haue no power to proceed in any case cryminall concerning bloud banishment or cōfiscaciō without the councel of a superintendent to be chosen by Hercules or his successors of fyue Doctors of law which the Pisans should name to him That the goods moueable vnmoueable occupied by the one other partie should be restored to whō they apperteined not making restituciō of the fruites of the which euery one was absolued That in all other things they should suffer the Florentyns to enioy fully their rightes in Pisa the territorie forbidding the Pisans that neither for the regard of the Citadels fortresses nor for other cause what so euer they shold practise or cōspire any thing against the commō weale of Florence This sentence was no sooner published at Venice but there were heard thorow the citie great complaintes euē of the nobilitie against the Duke of Ferrara those special Senators which had managed the whole actiō The most of them cōstruing to great blame that faith should be brokē to the Pisans with so many infamies to the maiestie of the commō weale complained vehemētly that the article touching the expenses of the warre was past ouer with so light cōsideracion The discourse of this agreement inflamed not a litle Thembassadors of the Pisans who being before the sentence cunningly enterteined by the Venetians in many promises hopes that vndoubtedly they should remeine in full libertie that not only the residue of the coūtrey shold be adiudged to thē but happly also the port of Lyuorne made the resolutiō so much the more greeuous to thē by how much the effects felout cōtrary to the persuasions wherin they had bene norished In so much as they began with publike cryes to appeale to the equitie of the Senat to whom they cōplained that the promises to protect their libertie so oftentimes reiterated by the Senat vnder th assurāce of whose faith they had not only reiected thamities of all other Potētates but also refused far better cōdicions offred by the Florētyns were vnworthely defiled broken their securitie being not prouided for but with vaine apparances for what degree of safetie was that or how could they be assured that the Florētyns reestablishing their maiestrates within Pisa their marchāts subiects returning to traffike there on the other side their Paisāts who had serued as a principal member in the defēce of the citie retiring to their houses farmes would not bring vnder their iurisdictiō by some propertie of fraude the whole gouernment of their town hauing withal so many oportunities but chiefly the gard cōmaūdemēt of the gates And how could there but lurcke intēciō of infidelitie vnder that suertie where we holding the fortresses such as were appointed to the gard of thē were to be paied by the Florētins not to be lawful in a time so doubtful to bestow a strōger garde thē had ben accustomed in seasōs peasible assured The pardon for the trespasses committed was likewise a thing vaine seeing the Florētins had good meane to destroy them by waies iudicial by iudgements for that the marchandises other goods as had ben made pillage in the time of rebelliō amoūted to such a valew that in recōpēce they wold not only dispose cōfiske our substāces but also in such a reuēgeful authoritie our persōs should not be assured frō imprisōmēt But to cut of the importunitie of these cōplaints the principals of the Senat brought to passe the day folowing although the tearme of the cōpromise was expired that Hercules to whō the general indignacion of the citie brought not a litle feare added to the sentence published a declaratiō without the knowledge priuitie of the Florentyns that vnder the name of fortresses was comprehēded ment the gates of the towne of Pisa with other peeces that had fortresses for whose garde interteinmentes of the podestat superintendent should be assigned to the Pisans a certeine part of the reuenues of Pisa And that the places not suspected wherof mentiō was made in the sentence frō whēce they might draw souldiours should be thestate of the church of Mantua of Ferrara of Bologna not comprehending therein souldiours of other places That touching restituciō of goods there should neuer be speche of it That it should be in the power of the Pisans to name the superintēdent borne in any place not suspected That the Capteine should not proceede in any cause cryminal how litle so euer it were without the superintēdent That the Pisans should be wel intreated of the Florentyns according to the custome of other noble cities of Italy and that there should not be imposed vppon them any new charges This declaracion was not solicited for any desire the Venetians had that it should be obserued but somewhat to qualifie the iust importunities of the Pisan Embassadors so to iustefie thēselues to the coūcell of the Pregati that if the libertie of the Pisans were not altogether obteyned at the least they had so well prouided for their suertie and commoditie that they could not bee charged to haue passed them ouer as a praye or lest them abandoned So that in this councel of the Pregati after much discourse of disputacion reasoning at last what with the cōsideratiō of the cōdicions of times the difficulties to mainteine Pisa but specially for feare of the Turkes armies it was resolued that the sentence should not be ratified with an expresse consent but that things which were of greatest importance should be put in execution making to cease within viij daies all offences drawing all their bands out of Tuskā at the time determined with intenciō to medle no more with the quarel yea many of the Senators begun to desire that the Florentyns should rather recouer Pisa then that it should fal into the power of the Duke of Myllan At Florence after the tenor of the sentēce was communicated to the citie most of the multitude begā to murmure in their mindes not only held thēselues oppressed in this that they must make repaimēt of thexpenses of the warre to those who had vniustly vexed them but much more for that it seemed to them they had obteined no other thing but the naked and simple name of Lordes seeing both the fortresses were in the garde of the Pisans and thadministracion of cryminal iustice one of the principall members to preserue estates could not haue his course without their Maiestrates Neuerthelesse the same protestacions of the Duke of Myllan which had induced them to compromit constrained them to ratifie it and hoping withall that within a litle tyme by industrie and good behauior to the Pisans they might redresse things in a better forme they ratified by name the sentence published but not the addicions declaraciōs which were not yet come to their knowledge But farre greater were thindignacions and doubtes of the Pisans who moued not a litle against the
also he made retyre most part of his footbandes they vnderstanding that the fortresse of Stampace was wonne desiring to make a pillage pray of the towne run thether by heapes to enter And in the meane while the Pisans a bruite running thorow the Citie that the enemies folowed not the victorie pushed forwerd by the lamentable cryes of their wiues women who encouraged them rather to chuse death thē to liue vnder the yoke of the Florentyns began to returne with a new valour to the gard of the Rampiers Amongst whom Gurlyn remembring that from a part or Iawme of Stampace bending towardes the towne there was a way that led to the gate of the sea which they had before filled vp with earth wood fortefied on that side to the Camp but not on that part that looked to Stampace he caused it to be rampierd filled vp on that side casting a plot forme of earth he cut of the entrey on that part with the artilleries that were bestowed in flanke Assoone as Stampace was wonne Pavvle caused to be mounted there certeine Falcounets port peeces which shot thorow the towne of Pisa but offended not the Rampiers which albeit were much afflicted with the artillerie that was planted below yet the Pisans redobling in corage by thimportunities of their daūgers abādoned them not at the same instant they battred the murdring house towardes S. Anthony the water gate the defenses Pavvle Vitelly not ceasing to labour to fil vp the trenche with earth baskettes the more easelie to take the Rampier Against which oppressions the Pisans rising in courage in that they had receiued the night folowing from them of Lucqua a succor of three hundred footmē hurled into the trenche many sortes of wildefyers And laboring with a wonderfull resolucion of minde and diligence to cōstraine the Camp to abandon the Towre of Stampace they turned directly thether a very great Port peece called Bufole by whose furie the Camp was compelled to dismount the artillerie which they had mounted aboue And albeit Pavvle caused to be braked against it certeine Port peeces of his by the which the mouth of Bufole was choked and broken yet sparing not for all that to shoote they brought in certeine dayes the Towre to that reason that Pavvle was constrained not only to remoue his artillerie but also to abandon the place Notwithstanding all this the Generall would not make himselfe frustrat of the hope he had to cary in the ende the victorie which according to his custome desiring to haue with the most suertie the least hurt to the army that could bee albeit in many places there was more then fyue hundred yeardes of the wal vppon the earth he labored cōtinually to encrease the battery to fil vp the ditches with earth and to fortefie the Towre of Stampace to replant new artilleries and to beate in flanke the great rampiers which the Pisans had made labouring with all his pollicie and industrie to winne alwayes some commoditie to giue with more suertie the assalt generall determined which last exployt notwithstanding he had brought thinges into that estate that as often as he would haue followed the assalt he might haue had great hope of the victorie he prolonged willingly to th ende the harmes of the armie might not deface the honor and reputacion of the victorie And albeit the assistantes of the Florentyns to whom euery litle respit was troublesome and the continuall letters and messages from Florence ceassed not to hasten him to the assalt the better to preuent those impediments that might happen yet Pavvle stood firme in his owne councel which albeit might happely be discreete according to thexperience discipline of warre yet it had a cōtrary fortune for that the countrey of Pisa which is ful of lakes marishes betwene the next sea the citie being in that season of the yeare subiect to ayres pestilent and specially on that side towardes the Camp there came vppon the army in two dayes many diseases which so wasted and weakned the bodie of the Camp that when Pavvle gaue order to prepare to the assalt the foure and twentith of August he founde so many of his regimentes made vnprofitable and vnhable for seruice that those that remeined whole and disposed sufficed not to meinteyne thassalt which vnhappie accident albeit the Florētins and he who was also sicke labored to helpe by leauying new bandes of footemen yet the influence of the ayre contending against their industry made thinfectiō so vehement that euery day the diminucion was found greater then the supplie In so much that their long hope of the victorie being now turned into an other habit both doutful desperat fearing harmes both more speciall and importing he determined to leauy breake vp the Camp A resolucion much resisted by the Florentyns who aduised him that leauing garrison sufficient within the fortresse of Stampace he wold repose with the armie about the confines of Pisa But he making this councell no direction to him abandoned the Towre of Stampace which he helde not tenable for that it had bene first shaked with his artilleries and then battred with the great shot of the Pisans And drawing the whole armie to the way of the sea the fourth of September and not hable to trayle his artilleries by lande to Cascina for that the wayes were drowned with waters he embarked them in the mouth of the Ryuer of Arne to conuey them to Lyuorne But fortune striuing against him in this laste action many of thartilleries were sunke in the waters and a little after drawne vp againe by the Pisans who at the same tyme recouered eftsoones the Towre that gardes the mouth of the Ryuer By these occasions the seruices yea and faith of men are interpreted by opinion the ill disposicion conceiued alreadie by the people of Florence was so redoubled with the Maiestrates that within fewe dayes being called to Cassina by the Commissioners vnder cooller to consult into what places they should distribute the companies hee was made prisoner by commaundement of the soueraigne Maiestrate of the towne and from thence sent to Florence where the same night he arryued being painefully examyned by torments hee was executed by the head the day following by sentence of the Maiestrate his brother being almost taken in the same daunger and fortune for that as the Commissioners sent to apprehende him in the same instant So beyng sicke of the disease hee had taken in the Camppe hee made semblaunce to obey them And rysing out of his bedde he conuerted the tyme that they gaue him to araie him into deuises directions to steale away In so much as beguiling with diligence the securitie of the Florentyns he was in one instant with the helpe of his seruantes well mounted vppon a horse of speede and fleeing to Pisa he was receiued with generall gladnes of the whole inhabitantes The principall pointes
entred Auerso But as open warre ministreth many occasions to reuenge perticular wronges So Monsicur D'aubigny in his marching from Rome burned Marina and Caua with certeine other peeces of the Colonnoys being angry that Fabricio had put to executiō in Rome the messengers of certeyne Barons of the realme holding with the french which were gon thether to cōtract with him Afterwardes he tooke his way to Montfortyn where he thought Iulio Colonne would make resistance But hauing left it abandoned with verie litle honour Monsr D'aubigny passing further commaunded all the places which be along the way to Capua vntill the Ryuer of Vulturno neare Capua which being to deepe for the army to passe ouer without perill the vertue of their Generall founde out a way to passe by marching vp more high towardes the mounteyne wherof Federyk being aduertised retyred to Naples and abandoned Auerso which with Nola and many other places gaue themselues to the french whose whole strength was now brought into the confynes of Capua where they camped some on thislyde and some beyonde the Ryuer on the vpper side where the Ryuer beginneth to runne neare the towne And putting force to their fortune they battered it on all partes and charged it afterwardes with a furious assalt which albeit was not pleasant to them but were cōstrained to retyre from the walles with their many harmes Yet imparting no lesse terror and daunger to the defendantes the myndes of the Capteynes and Souldiors began to incline to accord the people of the Citie beginning to drawe into mutiny together with the regiments of Peasants withdrawne thether in great numbers But as in warres there be some insolencies which the Capteynes can not bridle and many negligences which be fatall instruments and occasions of perill So Fabricio Collonne the eight day after the Camp was planted hauing begun to Parley with the Count Catezzo vppon a Bastillion the negligent garde of those that were within as often hapneth when men be nearest accord gaue occasion to thennemies to enter And they vsing the lawe of victors tooke libertie to turne all things to the rewarde of their aduenture In so much as what for the greedines of Pillage and desire to reuenge the harmes receiued at the first assalt they put the whole towne to sack and made a wonderfull slaughter reteyning only for prisoners suche as remeyned free from theyr crueltie The licentiousnes of the victors was such that their crueltie raged vppon all ages sexes and qualities of creatures not sparing the virgins in religion whose bodies were a miserable pray to the lust of the souldiours And as many of them were solde afterwardes at Rome for a very small price so some of them esteeming it agreeable to their vertue to feare death lesse then the losse of honour threw them selues into welles and offred vp in Ryuers an oblacion of their vndefiled bodies It is sayde that besides other abhominacions worthie of prepetuall infamie many of the women which had escaped the first furie being withdrawne into a Tower vnder none other confidence then such as folow creatures in miserie The Duke of Valentynois who folowed the armie as the kinges Lieftenant went to take a view of them accompanied only with the Gentlemen of his house his guard And after he had considered not of their estates but of their beauties The compassion he showed was that he reteyned for his owne vse fortie of the most fairest of them Fabricio Colonno Dom Hugo of Cardona and all the other Capteynes and men of condicion were made prisoners amongst whom Rinucce Mariano who at the assalt had receiued a wound with a Cros bow shot being in the keeping of the soldiors of the Duke dyed within two dayes not without suspicion of poison The losse of Capua cut of all hopes to king Federyk to be hable hense forward to defend any thing Caietta yelded with a speed according to the felicitie of the victors And M. D'aubygny being come with his armie to Auerse the Citie of Naples left abādoned which made composiciō for three score thousād duckats Federik retired into the new castle immediatly after hauing only regard to his life in such extremity of fortune made couenāt with Monsr D'aubygny to deliuer vp within six dayes all the townes and fortes which he helde apperteyning to that moyetie of the deuisiō which shold discend to the french king Reseruing only for six moneths the Ile of Yschia during which tyme it should be lawfull for him to goe whether he would except in the realme of Naples And to send an hundred men at armes to Tarenta That he might take out of the newe Castle and the egg Castle what he would except thartilleries of king Charles which remeyned there That free pardon should be giuen to all faltes committed since the late king Charles conquered the realme of Naples and that the Cardinalles Colonne and Aragon should still enioy those ecclesiasticall reuenues which they had in the kingdome But within the rocke of Yschia might be seene drawne into one showe a true resemblāce figure of all the infelicities of the lyne of the old Ferdinād which was a spectacle verie pitifull For that besides the aspect of Federyk newly deuested of so noble a realme the consideration of his litle children ioyned to the lamentable condicion of Beatriss his sister redoubled his sorowes To the calamitie of his sister this increase of miserie hapned that after the death of her late husband Matthias that renowmed king of Hungary she receiuing promise of mariage of Launcelot king of Boemia inducing her to ayde him in the conquest of the same realme She was refused by him with great ingratitude after he had filled his delightes with the sweete fruites of her bodie and afterwardes maried an other by the dispensacion of Pope Alexander To this infelicitie was also ioyned Isabell affore tyme honoured with the titles dignities of Duches of Myllan but now no lesse wretched then the others for that almost at one tyme she suffred priuacion of her husbande of her estate of her only sonne Amongest these tragicall accidents I may not forget this notable example of thaffection of a sonne to his father A matter so much the more straunge by how much in those tymes the loue of children was rare towardes their fathers One of the sonnes of the L. G. Montpensier being gon to Pozzuolo to visit the sepulcher of his father suffred him selfe to be so much ouerruled with passion that after he had washed all partes of the monument with his lamentable teares he fainted and fell downe dead vppon the sepulcher of his father who had as litle sence of those his latest sorowes as he had feeling of so great a fault to giue such libertie to the rage of nature To men affilicted this is one cōsolacion to know the vttermost of their mishaps and when the perils be past that nourished their feares they returne to a
and therefore sent officers to keepe Courtes of iustice at Tripaldo within two myles of Auelino where were resident the frenche maiestrates These beginninges of open dissention being troublesome to the principall Barons of the realme they interposed betweene Consaluo and Levvys D'arminack Duke of Nemours Viceroy for the french king and by their intercession Levvys being come to Melfe and Consaluo to Atele a towne of the Prince of Melfe after the trauel of certein moneths in which time the two Capteynes spake together findyng in them no conformitie to any forme of accorde they brought them to agree to exspect suche resolucion as theyr kinges shoulde sette downe of the controuersie and that in the meane tyme they shoulde forbeare to innouate any thing But the Viceroy for the frenche presuming much that hee was the mightier in power and force within fewe dayes after published an other declaration protesting to make warre vppon Consaluo if hee woulde not vppon the sight leaue Capitinato And with a speede as swift as his councell was rashe hee made his souldiours runne vp euen to Tripaldo of which inuasion the warre tooke his beginning wherein the Frenche perseuering with actions of hostilitie they followed theyr purpose without regarde to occupie by force in Capitinato and other quarters the townes which the Spanishe helde Which outrages were not only not redressed by the frenche king but being aduertised that the Spanishe ment not to yelde him Capitinato he conuerted him selfe wholly to the warre and sending by sea for the strength of his people two thousande Svvyzzers hee kepte still enterteyned in his paye the Princes of Salerno and Bisignian and other of the principall Barons Besides the kinges person came to Lyon to th ende in his owne presence to furnishe more conueniently the prouisions necessarie for the conquest of the whole kingdome whereunto the places in question were lesse then to satisfie his ambicion he aspired manifestly with intencion to passe into Italy if neede required A voyage which he was constrained to performe with a speede aboue his exspectation to suppresse the new tumultes hapned in Tuskane to the which Vitellozzo gaue beginning with the priuitie and consent of I. P. Baillon and the Vrsins but specially by the councell and authoritie of Pandolfe Petrucci who all ioyned in one desire that Peter de Medicis might be reestablished in thestate of Florence Of this begunne the mutinie VVilliam Pazzi Agent for the Florentyns in Aretze being aduertised that certeine of the Citizens had conspired with Vitellozze to stirre the Citie to rebellion against the Florentyns beleeued that in suche a communaltie of wise Citizens the minde of euery one was not corrupted nor remembring that to fauour the suspicion makes the treason more daungerous And occupying with him self this persuasion that the authoritie of the name publike would supplie the want of forces he omitted to areare a sufficient strength to oppresse the conspirators and such as had power to resist him and only apprehended for prisoners two of the accessories or competitors to the treason A dealing too milde in so great peril for that he gaue oportunitie to the residue of the coÌ„spirators to raise the people by whom according to the ill affection they bare to the Florentyns the prisoners were easely reskued and the Agent apprehended together with the residue of the officers suffring this daunger more by theyr owne credulitie and negligence then any prowes or vertue of theyr aduersaries The whole Citie forthwith published the name of libertie and made manifest declaration of rebellion the Citadell only remeyning in the deuotion of the Florentyns to the which in the beginning of the tumult was retyred Cosma Bishop of the same place and sonne to the Agent seeking his safetie where either his feare or fortune wold lead him After this beginning the men of Aretze sent speedely to Vitellozze who was not well content that the matter was burst out affore the tyme he had agreed with the conspirators for that it was to intercept him in his pollicie as hauing not yet set downe sufficient direction for the prouisions he ment to make to resist the bandes of the Florentyns if as was verie likely they made any attempt to enter Aretze by the Cytadell For feare whereof and to satisfie with his presence the myndes of the Citizens hee went from Citta de Castello to Aretze accompanied with his men at armes and a choice strength of footemen and leauing order that they should looke diligently to holde those in the Citadell straitly inclosed to th ende that through it there might bee no action against the Citie he returned eâ—tsoones to Citta de Castello promising to come againe with the same speede but with a greater strength In all humaine actions there is nothing which with lesse perill may not temporise and exspect then rebellion in the oppression whereof there is no greater vertue then expedicion of action For that by howe much it is suffred by so much it riseth into degrees of worse nature euen as a soare that is lingred breedeth a cure doubtfull They of Florence to whom apperteined to prouyde for this mischiefe considered not well in the beginning of what importance it was For the principall Citizens by whose councell the waightie affaires of the Citie had wont to passe giuing this direction that the regimentes which were incamped before Vicopisan a number so sufficient that marching with diligence they might haue vanquished all resistance shoulde be conuerted to Aretze Many others which occupied the greatest romthes and offices their knowledge being lesse then their authoritie and their ignorance slaunderous to the places they occupied meinteyned that it was a matter but of small moment and that they might redresse it with the forces of their other subiectes neighbours to the same Citie Their ignorance made them suspect the soundnes of the other councell and according to their wilful credulitie they beleeued that those good Citizens bearing mindes estraunged from the present gouernment made the daunger farre greater then it was for a desyre they had to hinder the action of Vicopisan and by that meane to take away the oportunitie to recouer Pisa By which variacion and wandryng in councell they deferred so long to sende strength thether that Vitellozze takyng courage of theyr delayes returned to Aretze with an increase of forces drawyng thether after him with other bandes I. P. Baillon and Fabio the sonne of P. Vrsin Peter de Medicis and the Cardinall Who hauing receyued municions from Sienna they beganne to batter the Citadell wherein accordyng to the custome of many which are more carefull to erect newe fortifications then diligent to preserue the fortes alreadie builded was no lesse want of vittelles then of all other prouisions necessarie to defence And to adde the laste discomforte to men in extremitie they inuironned it so straitly with trenches and mountes on the out syde to giue impediment to the succours that might enter that they made them
reason to esteme it much to their behoof that vntil Philip borne norished in Flaūders where things were gouerned diuersly had attained a riper age taken a greater knowledge of the laws customes nature maners of Spayne al their realmes might be preserued for them vnder one peaceable well ordred gouernment the coūtreis of Castill Aragon being meinteined in the meane while as one selfe body But as in mortall actions the wit of man is insufficient to set downe a firme stabilitie for that all things vnder the highest circuite haue their proper reuolutions so litle helped the wise prouisions of this Queene to stay the alteration of things for that after her death newe accidents hapning in Spayne the state tooke a newe forme of gouernment But touching th affayres of Italie as we meane to expresse hereafter they were better disposed to a newe peace The yere 1505. things continued in the same estate of tranquilitie wherin they had bene norished the yere before which was such that had not the quarell betwene the Florentins and Pisans brought some alteration the actions of armes for that yeere had wholly surceased one part of the potentates beeing desirous of peace and the other that were enclined to warre holden reteyned for many reasons for it suffised the king of Spayne who continued still the same title and as yet traueled with the thoughtes of his dead wife to keepe the kingdome of Naples by meane of the truce that had bene made The Frenche king was entred into a great suspicion for that Caesar following in this as in all other things his wandring nature had not ratified the peace The Pope albeit he was desirous of innouation and newe things yet he neyther durst nor coulde stirre onlesse he were accompanied with the armes of some mightie Prince And the Venetians esteemed it to no small grace if in so great consulte and counsell of things agaynst them and in so yll a disposition of the Pope they stoode quiet and were not molested by others wherein the better to appease the Pope they had offred many monthes before to leaue him Rimini and all that they had possessed in Romania since the death of Pope Alexander to th ende he did consent that they might reteyne Faenza with his territories This offer they made also for feare they had of the Frenche king and for that Caesar at the solicitation of the Pope had sent his Embassadours to Venice to sommon them to make restitution of the landes of the Churche But the Popes aunswere was so resolute that they passed no further he tolde them according to the constancie of his minde and his free nature to expresse his conceytes that he woulde not consent to the reteyning onely of a little towre but dyd hope to recouer before his death bothe Rauenna and Ceruia cities whiche they possessed no lesse iniustly then they did Faenza with whiche aunswere they kepte suspended their further sutes till the beginning of the sommer when their feares beeing become greater they offred by the meane of the Duke of Vrbin a friende indifferent to restore all that they had occupied which was not of thappurtenances of Faenza and Rimini so that the Pope who would not afore admit their Embassadours to tender their obedience would nowe consent to receyue them This demaunde albeit the Pope shewed him selfe somewhat harde to accept supposing he should do wrong to his dignitie as not conuenient to allowe it remembring the great quarrels and threatnings he had made to them yet hauing regarde to the perplexities that were endured by them of Furly Ymola and Cesena who depriued of the greatest parte of their countreis suffred many incommodities And seeing withall no other meane to redresse things with spede for that the affaires betweene Cesar the French king proceeded with so great a longnes of time and delay at last he consented to that which in effects was a gayne without losse since neither by wordes nor writings he was bounde to any thing So that after the townes were restored eight embassadors of the principals of the Senate chosen since he was created Pope were sent to him The greatest companie and most honorable shewe of Embassadors which that commonweale had euer sent to any Pope if he were not a Venetian But after they had tendred their obedience with the ceremonies accustomed they brought not backe to Venice any signe by the which they coulde gather that the Pope was become more easie or tractable so deepe were thimpressions of his misliking agaynst them or els so cunningly coulde he dissemble contrarie to his owne promises and their expectations About this time the French king desiring to put ende to that which had bene debated sent the Cardinall of Amboyse to Haguenau a towne of base Almaine where Cesar Tharchduke attended him hauing newly taken that towne vpon the Counte Palatin There were published sworne solemnly the conuentions that had bene made the Cardinall paying the moytie of the money promised for thinuesture with promise that Caesar should receyue thother moytie assoone as he should passe into Italie notwithstanding both at the present he gaue to vnderstand and a little after he declared that he could not passe that yere for thimpedimentes which were in Germanie the same making the suspition of warre so much the lesse the French king being determined to enter into no new attempt without him Only the warre almost continuall betweene the Florentins and Pisans remeined kindled in Italie the which proceeding by easie degrees and not pursued but when occasions offred to the one or the other partie who otherwise had no one setled enterprise it hapned that Luke Sauelle issued out of Cassina in which lande the Florentins made their retraite of warre and with him certeyne captaynes and constables of the Florentins with foure hundred horse and many bandes of footmen their intention was to reuittell Librafatta and by the same meane to leauie certayne heards of cattell of the Pisans feding on the other side the ryuer of Sercle vpon the grounds of the Lucquoys not so muche for the benefite and pillage of the pray as for the desire they had to drawe the Pisans to the feight hauing a confidence to ouerthrowe them for that they were the stronger in the fielde And when they had conueyed vittels into Librafatta possessed the pray they pretended they returned with leisure by the same way to th ende to intise the Pisans with that oportunitie to come and charge them Tarlatin chiefe commaunder ouer their men of warre issued out of Pisa assone as he vnderstoode thenemie droue away their cattell And bicause the chiefe poynt of the reskue rested in expedition he tooke no moe with him then fifteene men at armes fortie light horsemen and threescore footemen leauing order that a greater strength should follow him so necessarie is speede in enterprises that oftentimes they are wonne and lost with a lesse measure distance of time then is required to
that race of tyme he felte not so muche as the death of any his friendes he had alwayes for himselfe and children pensions appoyntmentes and great honours of all the Princes in Italie beeing followed withall with this felicitie to escape easily out of all waightie and dangerous affayres for all which graces good succedings he seemed besides the conuenient situation of that Citie to be principally beholding to fortune for that according to common iudgement he could not merit any thing by the propertie of his wit or by his wisdome and much lesse by any valour that was in his person Caesar nowe minding no more to deferre the mouing of armes dispatched a Heralte to Verona to publishe his resolution to passe into Italie to take Thimperiall Crowne and to require lodging for foure thousande horse Whervnto the gouernors of Verona hauing first communicated with the counsel of Venice answered him that if he would passe for no other occasion then to receyue the crowne they would honour him with all the offices and obseruaunces they could but they saw effects contrarie to his perswasions hauing already brought and bestowed vpon their marches so great proportions of men at armes and artilleries In regarde of which aunswere measuring by theÌ„ the deuotion of others Maximilian assone as he was come to Trent to giue beginning to the warre made a solemne processioÌ„ the fourth of February which he assisted in person hauing before him the Heralds of the Empire the Imperiall sworde naked and in the ende of the solemnitie his secretary M. Lange afterwardes Bishop of Gurce being mounted into a high seate or theater published in the name of Caesar his determination to passe in warlike aray into Italie he named him no more king of Romains but Emperour elect as are wont to be intituled the kings of Romains when they come to take the Crowne And forbidding the same day that none shoulde issue out of Trente after he had caused to be baked a great quantitie of Byskie and made baskettes of wood and sent by the ryuer of Adice sundrie boates and lighters loaden with prouisions he went out of Trente the nighte after a little before day with a thousande fiue hundred horse and foure thousande footemen not of those regimentes whiche were agreed to hym in the Dyot but of the peoples of his Court and proper estates taking the way that leades by those Mountaynes to Vincense At the same tyme the Marquis of Brandebourgh marched towardes Rouero with fiue hundred horsemen and two thousande footmen of the same countrey bodies with whom he returned the day after with no memorie of other action then that he presented himselfe before Rouero and demaunded in vayne to be lodged in the towne But themperour elect being comen to the mountayne of Siagne the foote whereof draweth within twelue miles of Vincensa after he had taken the landes of the seuen communalties a people so named dwelling in the toppe of the Mountayne vnder many exemptions and priuiledges of the Venetians and after he had filled vp many trenches whiche they had cast for their defence and to stoppe the waye he caused to be drawen thither many peeces of artillerie Heere it seemed that eyther his intention had imperfection or his fortune was contrarie to the disposition of the tyme for as mens mindes enterteined a wonderfull expectation of some good successe he retyred from this place the fourth daye after he departed from Trente and returned to Bolsana a towne further remoued from the confines of Italie then Trente wherein as it gaue occasion to euery one to wonder at so greate an inconsideration or rather inconstancie so so weake a beginning reuyued eftsones the myndes of the Venetians in so muche that as they had already interteined many bandes of footemen so they called to Rouera the Frenche companies whiche were at Verona with Triuulce and beginning to make greater preparations they stirred vp the Frenche king to do the lyke who marching towardes Italie sente before an armie of fiue thousande Svvizzers of his payes and three thousande payed by the Venetians that Nation for that Maximilian was not hable to minister paye to them being ronne without any regarde to thintertainment of the Frenche And yet after they were departed and payed they woulde not go vppon the landes of the Venetians alleaging for their reasons that they woulde not serue Caesar in any other action then for the defence of thestate of Millan A greater stirre but farre more wretched and vnhappie as wherein was nourished the beginning of greater thinges was kindled in Friul whither didde passe by the waye of the Mountaynes and by Caesars appoyntment foure hundred horse and fyue thousande footemen all bodies commaunded in his countrey of Tiroll Assone as they were entred into the valley of Cadora they tooke the Borowe and Castell wherein was a verye slender garrison together with the Magistrate of the Venetians that was within whiche beeing vnderstande at Venice they commaunded Aluiano and George Cornaro Superintendent remayning vppon the landes of Vincentin to make speedily to the succours of that Countrey and to keepe occupied the enemies on that side they sente towardes Trente foure lighte Galleys with certayne vesselles of other nature And at the same tyme Maximilian who was marched from Bolsano to Brunech and turning to the waye of Friul for thoportunitie of the passages and largenes of the countrey ronne through certayne valleys more then fortie myles within the territories of the Venetians with a strength of six thousand footmen leauied in those quarters and after he had takeÌ„ the valley of Cadora which leadeth to Treuisa leauing behind him the borow of Bostauro lately apperteining to the Patriarks of Aquilea he tooke the borow of S. Martin the borow of Pieua the valley which was kept by the Countes of Sâ—â—â—â—gina with other places adioyning he performed these incursions rather in the propertie of an inferior capteine then in the person maiestie of a king more contented with victories of meane persons places then seeking after actions of importance according to thexpectation of his name vertue And after he had speÌ„t some dayes in these trifling seruices he coÌ„maunded his coÌ„panies to draw to Treuisan and returned himself vpon the end of February to Ispruch to lay Iewels in paune make other prouisions for money wherof being rather a prodigal waster then a temperat distributer no reasonable quantitie could suffice to furnishe the necessitie of his affayres for that his wantes could not be satisfied with thabundance of things since he measured not his sufficiencie according to the nede of kind but after the rage of his opinion prodigalities But vnderstanding on the way that the Svvizzers had taken the pay of the French he was not a litle discontented with them and so went to Vlma a Citie of Svvauia to induce that ligne to ayde him as they had done in times past in the warre agaynst the Svvizzers he made also vehement instance
euer we will obey you in all your commaundementes lawes decrees and impositions and holding that to belong to our dutie deuotion and fidelitie which dependes vppon your authoritie or respects your securitie we will repute vs in the condition of subiects not conquered by armes and victorie but voluntarily yeelded vnder your pietie and clemencie We beseech you let our teares and true demonstrations of sorrowe induce you to defende vs from the insolencie of those who earst were our companions in armes and nowe do proue them our bitter enemies desiring nothing more then the ruine of our name In preseruing vs by your clemencie we are to call and honor you by the name of father and founder of our Citie to make you a perpetuall monument in our Chronicles and registers and to leaue perpetuall reapport to our children and posteritie of your high merites and vertues esteeme it no small increase of your prayses that you are the first Prince afore whose feete the common weale of Venice falles prostrate before whose face we bowe our knees vnder whose handes we offer our selues humbled and whom we honor reuerence and respect as a Prince holding iust authoritie ouer vs There can be nothing required which we are not ready to performe and those things which of your modestie you forbeare to demaunde our necessitie hastneth vs to offer into your handes our humilitie beeing the true interpreter of the fayth and deuotion of our mindes we hope thextremitie of our perils wil not make vs the lesse apt to receiue your fauors for that he giues a greeuous sentence agaynst the state of mans mortalitie that denieth compassion to men in miserie And the law of honor clemencie holdes vs so farre assured that you will not make vs reiected because we are afflicted since it is one cheefe office in your christian pietie to minister succors to men in necessities Compassion debates not causes and reasons but proceedes to the releefe of suche as suffer and expect it then agreeing with true magnanimitie when it ministers comfort vpon free and liberall motions The glory is greater to lende your hande to those that are already falne then by drawing your sworde agaynst your enemies to carie the prayse of their victorie and confusion the one beeing iust and necessarie and the other a high action of charitie which carrieth the doers into the fauor of God if ambition and worldly inspiration had not so commaunded our auncestors that they had forborne to aspire to thestates of others our common weale might haue stande aduaunced aboue all the cities of Europe in glory in nobilitie in magnanimitie and riches where nowe deformed altogether with infamie and reproche it is torne and broken in a moment and nothing remaining of so many honors and victories but a perpetuall monument scorne and derision And by howe muche our aduersities are great and our petitions lamentable by so muche it concernes you in clemencie as you are hable in power to reestablishe thestate of the Venetians an action that brings with it suche a reputation of name and honor as in olde age no prescription or antiquitie no lawe of time nor course of yeeres shall be hable to wipe it out of the mindes and memories of mortall men but as you shall merite with all peoples and nations the onely name of pityfull iust and pardoning so for our parts receiuing our safetie from your clemency we shall attribute to your vertue to your felicitie and to your goodnes that we liue that we breath or that we are reserued to holde communitie with men The calamities of the Venetians made them of nothing so carefull as to render those peeces which so long they had occupied of others their fortune giuing them at that time no better meanes either to appease or assure their aduersities They sent according to the same deliberation into Povvilla to restore the portes to the king of Aragon who knowing howe to enioy the frutes of other mens trauels without his owne expenses or daunger had dispatched into Spayne a small Nauie at sea which had commaunded certayne places apperteining to those cities and hauens of the sea They dispatched also into Romagnia a publike secretorie with commission to giue vp to the Pope all that they helde there vpon condition that Iohn Paule Manfron and other prisoners might be restored with libertie to drawe out their artilleries and that the people that were within the castell of Rauenna should departe in safetie Which conditions whilest the Pope made difficultie to accept for that he would not displease the confederates the castell of Rauenna was rendred the souldiours giuing it vp of them selues notwithstanding the Venetian secretarie that was entred sought to hinder it for that suche as solicited for them at Rome gaue hope that the Pope in the ende would consent to the conditions vnder the which they had offred restitution But the Pope complayned muche that they had shewed a greater contumacie agaynst him then agaynst Caesar or the king of Aragon and therefore when the Venetian Cardinalls in the name of the Senate demaunded absolution of the Bull as beeing due for that they had offred restitution within the tearme of xxiiij dayes he made aunswere that they had not obeyed because their offer was not simple but ioyned to conditions limited and for that they were admonished ouer besides the restitution of the townes to yeelde accompt of the frutes they had receyued together with the benefits they possessed apperteining to Churches or to persons ecclesiasticall In this sort was ouerwhelmed with a wonderfull furie the estate of the common weale of Venice one calamitie growing vpon an other all their hopes declining vayne and fallible and no signe remayning by the which after the losse of so great a dominion they might hope for the preseruation of their proper libertie So great a ruine touched diuersly the minds of Thitalians of whom many receiued contentment remembring that the Venetians proceeding in too great ambition without respect to iustice or obseruation of fayth aspiring to all things that occasion or oportunitie offred had manifestly quarrelled the whole Monarchie of Italie aspiring to the vniuersall subiection of all those regions things which made their names hatefull and their gouernment intollerable by the consideration of their naturall pride On the other side many looking without passion into the present estate of things and howe wretched and fowle it were for all Italie to be brought wholly vnder the seruitude and yoke of straungers felt no little griefe that suche a maiestie of citie the auncient seate of libertie and the very glory of Thitalian name through all the world should fall into suche extremitie that so worthy a member should be cutt of which more then all the residue had bene the protector of their common glory and renowme But aboue all so great a fall and declination began to be greeuous to the Pope who doubting the powers of Caesar and the Frenche king desired to
couert prouided of vittels and forrages and we must encampe all bare and naked not carrying with vs that should serue for our necessarie noriture but muste exspect the things to come after which in reason ought to go with vs It belongeth not to vs to be credulous in brutes and muche lesse to be carried with the reapportes and opinions of the countreymen that knowe the countrey since warres are managed with the weapons of souldiours and with the counsels of capteins they are determined by the execution of the sworde and not by suche plottes as are presented in paper by people ignorant in warre bearing no other knowledge then according to thinstruction of their rude nature To attempt newe enterprises whereof the victorie is lesse certayne then the perill is contrarie to the grauitie and reputation of a leader and in actions of warre those enterprises are put to aduenture that are done by will and not by reason For my part I neither suppose our enemies to weake nor their campe in suche disorder and much lesse that in their encamping they haue bene so negligent to take thoportunitie of the waters and other situations that it can be in our power to assayle them though our fortune bring vs in safetie to the place where we seeme so desirous to expresse our valours Many difficulties may compell vs to make our aboade there two or three dayes yea the snowes and raynes ioyned to the crabbednes of the season may suffice to deteine vs howe shall we then do for vittels and forrages what shall we be hable to do in the warre wanting the things that should giue vs strength and sustenance In warre no lesse needefull is foode and forrage then the weapon to strike â–ª And be it we should haue them in our power to assayle them what is he that can promise any suretie of the victorie which seldome foloweth the multitude of the souldiours that fight but hath regard to the innocencie of the cause that is followed What is he that considereth not how daungerous it is to go seeke thenemie in a strong campe and to be driuen at one time to fighte agaynst them and agaynst thincommodities of the situation of the place If wee compell them not to abandon their campe we can not but be enforced to retyre A matter of very harde action in a countrey so wholly agaynst vs and where euery little disfauour will turne to our great disaduauntage I see no necessitie to put the kings whole estate in a danger so present since as I take it we are entred into armes for no other occasion then to succour the citie of Ferrara which if we do eftsoones refurnishe with newe garrisons we may holde our selues in suretie though we shoulde dissolue our whole armie And be it that that Citie is so much consumed that it is impossible that in short time it will not fall of it selfe thenemies remayning at the backe of it yet we haue meane to diuert them which in warre is a most mightie remedie and with the which we may enforce them to drawe backe from Ferrara without putting one horse in daunger I haue alwayes perswaded and stande styll firme in this counsell that we turne eyther to Modona or to Bolognia taking the high way and leauing Ferrara well furnished onely for those fewe dayes it shall be necessarie This is no fleeing from the enemie and yet in warre it is no shame to flee when the fleeing profiteth in giuing place to the aduersarie I holde it best according to the time that we goe to Modona whither also we are called by the Cardinall of Este A personage of name and merite not vnknowen and by whom we are assured of intelligences hable to put it into our handes and conquering a place of that importance there resteth no other safetie to thenemies then to retyre towards Bolognia like as also if our fortune make vs fayle of our exspectation of Modona yet the feare that thenemies will haue aswell of it as of thestate of Bolognia will dryue them to abandon A thing which no doubt they had done many dayes since if this counsell had bene executed from the beginning Now did the whole assistance by the reasons of this graue Capteine discerne the difficulties that were present which he had founde and seene when they were farre of In which regarde his opinion was allowed of euery one And Chaumont leauing to the Duke of Ferrara for his better suretie a greater strength of men he drewe towardes Carpy by the same way hauing not yet obteined that the Marquis of Mantua should come in which was one of the principallest reasons that had bene alleaged by those that gaue counsell agaynst thoppinion of Triuulco for the Marquis desiring to stande indifferent and as a person newter during the troubles when the time drewe on wherein he had giuen hope to declare himselfe he solicited with many excuses to be yet deferred for certeine dayes debating with the Pope the daunger of the Frenche armie that threatned him and beseeching Monsr Chaumont â–ª not to take from him the hope he had that the Pope would restore to him his sonne within a very short time But the deuise to take Modona tooke no good successe the suttle and secret counsells of the king of Aragon giuing greater impedimentes then the armies of the Pope Caesar shewed him selfe yll contented that the Pope vsurped Modona a citie estemed in all times of the iurisdiction of the empire and holden by long continuance by the familie of Este with priuiledges and inuestitures from themperours And albeit he had made request with many complaints to haue it deliuered to him yet the Pope nourishing an other opinion touching the rightes of that citie had alwayes refused it but principally so long as he hoped to be hable to take Ferrara But assone as the French armies began to discouer more manyfestly in fauour of them of Este and that he had no habilitie to defend Modona without making great expences and defraymentes he began to taste the counsell of the king of Aragon who encouraged him to redeliuer it both to auoyde so many present troubles and to appease the minde of Caesar and also by that action to kindle some alteration betwene him and the French king he induced him besides with this comfort that if he desyred to haue it agayne in an other time more conuenient it would be a matter of no great difficultie â–ª contenting Caesar with a reasonable summe of money This debating was prolonged for many dayes for that according to the diuersitie of hopes the deliberation of the Pope chaunged onely they stucke alwayes vpon this one difficultie that Caesar refused to receiue it vnlesse in the instrument of assignation it were clearely expressed that that Citie apperteined to thempire A matter wherevnto albeit the Pope would not consent at the first yet seing after the taking of Mirandola that Monsr Chaumont was the strongest in the fielde and that the wonted expences and
trayne of nobilitie all their bands and followers beeing sumptuously apparelled The Embassador of Venice resident with the Pope came to meete him at the gate of the towne making signes of very great submission But he with a wonderfull pride and arrogancie both in his gestures and wordes shewed him selfe not a little discontented that he that represented the ennemies of Caesar coulde not so muche brydle his impudencie and boldnesse as to forbeare to come in his presence With this pompe he went vp to the publike Consistorie where the person of the Pope attended hym with all the Cardinalls There he expressed in short speeche but with very hawty and proude wordes that as Caesar had sent him into Italie in a desire to obteyne that that apperteined to him more by the waye of peace then by the rigour of warre so neuerthelesse there was no place or possibilitie for peace if the Venetians made not franke restitution of those things that belonged to him in any sort soeuer After he had declared thus much in publike audience he deliuered no lesse in priuat to the Pope nothing abating his hawtines and the day following he accompanied these seuere beginnings with actions no lesse proude arrogant for the Pope hauing by his consent appointed three Cardinals to negociat with him the cardinall S. George Cardinall Regina and Cardinall de Medicis who attended him at the houre assigned to meete together he sent three of his gentlemen to negociat with them excusing him selfe to haue other busines holding it in deede a matter of great indignitie to debate with any other then the Pope This indignitie with many others the Pope swallowed sweetely thincredible hatred which he bare to the French surmounting the disposition of his nature But in the accorde betwene Caesar and the Venetians which began first to be drawne into disputation there were many difficulties for albeit the Cardinall of Gurce who in the beginning had demaunded all the townes consented in the ende that Padoa and Treuisa should remayne to them with all their partes and appurtenances yet he stucke to haue them giue to Caesar in recompence a very great quantitie of money and that they should holde them of him in chiefe and resigne to him the rightes of the other townes Matters which coulde neuer be agreed vnto by the Senate of Venice wherein it was vniuersally concluded that it was better for their common weale hauing already so fortified Padoa and Treuisa that they feared not to loose them to preserue and keepe their money for that yf euer that tempest passed ouer there might fall out some occasion to recouer easily all the residue of their dominion On the other side the Pope nourished an importunate desire to haue them agreed with Caesar hoping to make that an occasion to estraunge him from the Frenche king in which regarde he pressed them partly by requestes and partly by threates to accept the conditions that were offred them But his authoritie was no more so great with them not so much for that they were not ignoraunt from whence proceeded so great a desire as for that they knewe that their association and companie was so necessarie to him if he were not reconciled with the French king that they made assured reckonings that he would neuer abandon them Neuerthelesse after the trauell of many dayes and muche disputation made the Bishop of Gurce abating somewhat of the harde conditions which he offred and the Venetians yeelding more to the vehement instance of the Pope then they had determined and withal thembassadors of the king of Aragon interposing in the action it seemed they came at laste to accorde the Venetians the better to retayne Padoa and Treuisa by the consent of Caesar paying huge summes of money but referred to long tearmes There rested onely a meane to reconcile the Pope and the Frenche king betweene whome appeared no other difference then for the quarrells of the Duke of Ferrara and to resolue them with the residue of the controuersies for without that Caesar was determined to establishe nothing the Bishop of Gurce went to speake with the Pope to whome he went but seldome beeing perswaded by the hopes whiche the Cardinall of Pauia and the Catholike kinges Embassadors had put him in that it woulde be a matter of very easie action And on the other side he knewe that the Frenche king hauing lesse regarde to dignitie then to tranquillitie was disposed to consent to many thinges which bare but little preiudice to the Duke of Ferrara But the Pope on the contrarie cutting him off at the first began to exhort him that agreeing with the Venetians he shoulde leaue at libertie the matters of Ferrara seeming to be sorie that Caesar knewe not thoccasion that offred to be reuenged with the forces and money of an other of so many great iniuries done agaynst him by the French and withall that he carried to be required in a matter wherein reasonably he should beseech others with great instance To whiche things when the Bishop of Gurce had replyed with many reasons seeing he was not hable to turne him from his opinion he tolde him he would depart without giuing other perfection to the peace with the Venetians And at the instant hauing according to the custome kissed his feete he departed the same day beeing the xv after his arriuall at Bolognia to Modona the Pope sending after him in vayne to call him agayne assoone as he was departed the Citie from Modena he tooke his way towards Millan complayning of the Pope for many things but specially for that whilest by his comming into Italie there was almost a general surceassing frō armes the Pope had sent secretly the Bishop of Vintemille sonne to the late Cardinall Fregosa to trouble the state of Genes neuerthelesse the Frenche men sette such good espiall of his iorney that they tooke him in the contrey of Mountferat all disguised and vnknowen as he was and from thence carried him to Millan where he made manifest detection of the cause of his going and the whole enterprise his present perill driuing him to seeke his safetie more by disclosing then by excusing When the Bishop of Gurce departed from Bolognia he required the Embassadors of Aragon seeming not a little discontented with the Popes obstinacie to see returned to the realme of Naples the three hundred Spanish launces whervnto they condiscended readily A matter which made men to maruell the more for that at the same time that the generall councell was in negociation with exspectation that the armies of Fraunce Germanie accompanied with the presence of their Princes should be most mightie in Italie the Pope besides the yllwill of the French king seperated Caesar frō him stoode depriued of the succors of the king Catholike Some doubted that in this action as almost in al others the counsels of the king of Aragon were different from his demonstrations and that his Embassadors had practised one thing in publike and an
neuer consented to the conuocacion of Pysa disauowing all such as had vsed his name Assoone as he had thus ratified the councell of Latran he departed from Rome to be present when Maxymylian Sforce being now come by commission of Caesar to Verona should take possession of the Duchie of Myllan the Cardinall of Syon disposed him selfe very hardly to exspect and attend his comming and also the Embassadors of the whole nation of Svvyzzers that were at Myllan for that they would that in the demonstracions and solemnitie of thactions that was to be vsed it might appeare that the Svvyzzers were the men that had chassed the french men out of that state and by their vallour and courage Maxymylian receiued it They would that the veritie and effect of that conquest might be transferred to them by such publike ceremonies as were to be vsed in the enstalling of him whom their vertue onely made Lord of the Duchie But such was the working of the Viceroy that more by practise then by his authoritie he obteyned so much that they taried for the comming of the Bishop of Gurcy who after he had ratified at Florence in the name of Caesar the confederacion made in Prato and receiued certeine summes of money of the Lucquoys whome he tooke into protection came at last to Cremona where Max. Sforce and the Viceroy attended him from thence they went al together to Myllan to make their entrie at the day appoynted into that citie with solemnities and honors accustomed to newe Princes In which action albeit it was long disputed betweene the Cardinall of Syon and the Viceroy which of them should giue him the keyes at the entry of the gate in signe of possession yet in the ende the Viceroy giuing place the Cardinall put into his handes the keyes of the towne in the vniuersall name of the Svvyzzers And that day being one of the last dayes of December he did all thinges both in showe and act that were necessary to make knowen that Maxymylian Sforce receiued the possession of them he was receiued with an incredible gladnes of all the people both for the desire they had to haue a Prince proper and perticular and also they hoped he would resemble his grandfather or his father of whome the memorie of one remeyned very fresh in the mindes of the people of that state and touching the other the despites they had receiued by the gouernment of straungers had turned their hatred into good will The working of tyme with thexperience of the yoke of straungers had made in that people a wonderfull conuersion and nature in those actions works not a litle bringing that people to reioyce at the returne of him whose father they abhorred with a iust and vniuersall hatred But these gratulacions and ioyes were yet vnperfect vntill the castell of Nouarro were recouered A matter not long deferred for that they within yeelded it vp their fortune being farre inferior to their faith The confederacion made at Rome had not altogether broken the hopes of agreement betweene Caesar and the Venetians for that the Pope had vppon the suddeine sent to Venice Iacques Staffilio his Nuncio with whom went accompanied three Embassadors of the Svvyzzers to perswade them to accord And on the other side the Senat the better to enterteine the goodwil of the Pope and not to giue cause to Caesar to inuade them with armes had sent to their Embassadors a newe direction to cleaue to the councell of Latran They had commaunded also the men of warre assoone as the confederacion was made to retyre vpon the territories of Padoa And for that cause the Viceroy not willing to trouble the hopes of the peace had turned his armie towards Myllan But all these thinges serued to no purpose for that the same difficulties did yet continue touching the restitucion of Vincensa and the payments of money which Caesar demaunded That was the cause that the Pope assayled not the Duke of Ferrara whom agreement going betweene Caesar and the Venetians he supposed he should be able to vanquish with the aydes of the Venetians together with the brute that the Spanyards were to come on if neede should be otherwayes he had resolued to deferre that expedicion till the springe tyme for that he accounted it a matter of hard action to take in a season of winter the towne of Ferrara the situacion being strong in respect of the riuer and greatly fortefied besides by the continuall industrie of Alfonso It may happly seeme to some if I intangle my historie with thaccidents of Fraunce in that yeare that I wander or chaunge my course which is not to speake of matters hapning out of the bondes of Italy But because the affayres of that nation haue some affinitie and relacion with the busines of these partes And that to the successe of the one the councells and yssues of the other were oftentymes conioyned I am constrayned not to passe them altogether vnder forgetfulnes and silence About the beginning of Maye an armie of six thowsand English footemen sailed in vessells of England and Spayne to Fontarabye A frontyer towne belonging to the crowne of Spayne vpon the coast of Fraunce and standing vpon the Occean sea The seruice and purpose of this armie according to the couenants made betweene the father in law and sonne in law was together with the forces of Spaine to set vpon the Duchie of Guyen which is a part of the prouince of Aquitaine according to the auncient names and diuisions of the same Against this warre the french king not yet assured on the coast of Picardy prepared a new pencionary band of eight hundred launces which he had erected waged many bands of footemen of the lower parts of Germany not subiected to thEmprour And knowing of what importance for the defence of the Duchie of Guyen was the Realme of Nauarre which was both appropriat and dowrie to Katherin de Foix and possessed ioyntly with Iohn the sonne of Albert who was her husband he called to the Court the father of the sayd Iohn and carefully considered how he might make him his friende and consociat Wherein serued to good purpose the death of Gaston de Foix by the instigacion of whome pretending the same kingdom not to fall vpon the femall and by consequent to apperteine to him as to the next heire male of the house of Foix the french king had pursued the sayd Iohn On the other side the king Catholike who had sette his eyes vppon that Realme required the king of Nauarre to stande Newter betweene the french king and him And to suffer to passe thorow his Realme his souldiours that were to enter Fraunce And for the assurance of these things he would put into his handes certeine places of strength vnder promise to render them assoone as the warre should ende It hath bene a perpetuall desire in the auncient kings of Spaine to impatronise them selues vpon the Realme of Nauarre In which respect the
king of Nauarre being also not ignorant whither those demaundes tended chused rather to offer him selfe to a perill that was vncerteine then to accept a losse certeine hoping he should not faile of the succors promised by the french king for whose affayres it came well to passe that the warre begon in the Realme of Nauarre And at the same tyme eyther to giue more leasure to such as were appoynted to come to his succours or to deliuer him selfe if he could from those demaundes he treated with the king of Aragon who according to his custom proceeded in those conferences with great cunning But the industrie and warines of the king of Aragon hurt not more the king of Nauarre then the negligence of the french king who taking courage by the slownes of thEnglish armie that for many dayes since they were arriued at Fontarabye had done nothing And trusting withall that the king of Nauarre was able with his owne forces to defende him selfe for a tyme deferred very long to send him succours By the commoditie of which delayes the king of Aragon who had cunningly nourished and enterteyned the hopes of the king of Nauarre conuerted thether with great expedicion the bandes which he had prepared to ioyne with thEnglish So that the king of Nauarre both vnprepared of him selfe and by his priuacion of hope dispayring to be able to make resistance gaue place to his fortune and fled into Bearu beyond the Pyreney hils By which accident the Realme of Nauarre was left abandoned except certeine stronge places which yet held out for the king who in his feare was fled And so without any exspenses or difficultie and more for feare and reputacion of thEnglish that were at hand then by his owne forces that were farre of the king of Aragon made him selfe Lorde of that kingdom And because he could not affirme that he possessed it lawefully with any other title he alleaged that he was rightfully and iudicially impatronised of it by thauthoritie of the sea Apostolike for the Pope not satisfied for the happy successe of Italy had a litle before published a Bull against the french king wherein naming him no more Christianissimo but illustrissimo he subiected aswell his person as whosoeuer were his adherents to all the paynes of heretykes and schismatykes giuing sufferance to euery one to occupy their substances estates and all that apperteyned vnto them And in the same seueritie and rigour ioyned to an indignacion that the Cardinalls and other Prelats who were fled to Myllan had bene receiued into the towne of Lyon he commaunded vnder greeuous penalties and taxacions that the fayre or mart accustomed to be kept at Lyon foure tymes euery yeare the traffike of Marchantes beeing no lesse plentifull then the resort of straungers infinit shoulde bee hereafter transferred to the citie of Geneua from whence king Lovvys the eleuenth had taken it for the benefitte of his kingdome And lastly he had brought the whole Realme of Fraunce vnder thinterdiction Ecclesiasticall In his malice he omitted nothing that might apperteyne to seueritie or rigour But after the king of Aragon had conquered the kingdom of Nauarre which albeit is but of litle circuit and of lesse reuenue yet for the situacion it is very conuenient for the kingdom of Spayne and greatly auaileable to the sewertie of it he determined in him selfe to passe no further esteeming it no lesse against his profit then inconuenient for his sauetie to make warre against the french king beyond the Mountes In this respect as also euen from the beginning that thEnglishmen arriued he had beene dilatorie in bringing forth his forces rather temporising with euasions and deuises then aduauncing according to the true meaning of his promisse And after the conquest of Nauarre as the English solicited him to ioyne his forces with them to th ende to marche together and incampe affore Bayon A citie neare to Fontarabye and almoste standing vppon the Occean sea so he protracted thexpedicion they required and proponed other enterprises in places remoued from the sea alleaging that Bayonne was so manned and fortefied that there was no hope or possibilitie to cary it These reasons were aunswered and auoided by thenglishmen who without the towne of Bayonne esteemed nothing of all the other conquest of the Duchie of Guyhenno And therefore after thenglish armie had vainely spent much time to vrge the king that was altogether vnwilling they contemned his suttleties and delayes embarked to returne into England without commission or licēce of their Prince By the retyring of which armie the french king remeyned assured on that side And fearing no more thinuasions of thEnglish by sea for that at last he was become so stronge by sea that he commaunded all that part of the Occean from the coastes of Spayne to the shoares of England he determined to make tryall if he could reconquer the Realme of Nauarre To which expedicion he was encouraged besides the departing of thEnglish fleete for that by reason of his aduersities in Italy all his bandes of souldiours that remeyned were returned into Fraunce At the tyme that the king of Aragon gaue hope to thEnglishmen to enter into the warre the better to bring vnder him the whole iurisdiction of the Realme of Nauarre he had sent certeine regiments of men to S. Ioh. Pie de Porto which is the last place of that kingdom standing at the foote of the Pireney hills on that side towards Fraunce And afterwards as the french forces began to encrease thereabouts he had sent thether with the maine armie Federyk Duke of Alba capteine general of the warre But the french armie at laste beeing become farre more mightye by the presence of the Daulphin Charles Duke of Burbon and Monsr Longeville the very flowers of the Realme of Fraunce The Duke of Alba lying encamped in a stronge place betweene the plaine and the Mountaine held it an action very necessary to that seruice to let the french men for entring into the Realme of Nauarre The french men not able to force him out of that place for the strength of his situacion determined that the king of Nauarre with seuen thowsand footemen of his contrey and Monsr Palissa with his companie of three hundred launces remouing from Sauueterra neare to S. Ioh. Pie de Porto where the whole armie lay should passe the Pireney hils by the way of the vale of willowes And drawing neare to Pampelune the Capitall towne of the kingdom their deuise was to occupy the way of the willowes by the which were brought to the spanish armie vittells whereof the sterrilitie of the contrey had made them suffer great want In Pampeluna the peoples taking corage by the nearenes of the french men beganne already to draw to mutinie not otherwaies rebelling then to releeue their king for whose restoring they thought it good deuocion to aduenture their liues This was theffect of this deuise After the king of Nauarre and Monsr Palissa had wonne
gaue this as a warning and lesson that that man was neither to be excused nor esteemed worthy of compassion who beeing once beguiled by an other returneth eftsoones to reappose confidence in him An enemie reconciled charitie leades vs to loue him but wisedome willeth vs not to trust him and to a friend once disproued there can be no greater daunger then eftsoones to reenter into confidence with him The Cardinall of S. Seuerin was of an other opinion who as his aduersaries sayd crossing Tryuulce more through enuie then for other occasion for that with his brethren he had alwaies defended the Gebelin faction in Myllan replied in the contrary that nothing could be more profitable to the king and his seruices then in ioyning with Caesar to breake the vnion of thennemies specially the confederacion being made by such meane as they might hope it would last That it was the propertie of Princes in their councells and deliberacions to preferre alwayes profitte affore good will affore hatred and affore other affections And what greater benefit could be done to Caesar then to ayde him presently against the Venetians with hope that his Nephew should come to succeede in the Duchie of Myllan That Caesar being seperat from the others the king Catholike would not obiect against his authoritie as well for thinterests of his Nephew as for other regards Moreouer that as nothing could more amaze the Pope then this confederacion so of the contrary to confederat with the Venetians was full of indignitie since there must be accorded to them Cremona Guiaradada members so conuenient to the Duchie of Myllan that to recouer them the king had stirred vppe all the worlde And yet if the vnion of the others were not broken and deuided the confederacion with the Venetians would not suffice to obteyne the victorie At last this opinion caried the king the rather for thauthoritie of the Queene who desired greatly thaduauncement of her Daughter onely her desire was accompanied with this condicion so farre forth as it might bee obteyned that till the consummacion of the mariage the younge Damesell might remeyne with her And she to bind her faith and promisse to keepe her in the name of Caesar as the spowse assigned for his Nephew to whome she would redeliuer her assoone as her age and yeares made her able to the full office of mariage But the Kinge beeing afterwardes certefied that Caesar woulde not agree vnder this forme of lymitacion but rather that he foysted in those offers for the tyme and by suttletie to detract his diligence and giue him cause to proceede more slowely in his other plottes he brake off from this practise and sent backe againe for Monsr de Asperot brother to Monsr de Lautrech already gone from the Court with his commission to finde the Bishoppe of Gurce On the other side the feare of the vnion betweene the king and the Venetians encreasing dayly the king of Aragon aduised Caesar to render Verona and to transferre the warre into Burgondy by the helpe of the money which he shoulde receiue of the Venetians and with the Spanishe armie Of this aduise was the Bishop of Gurcy who hoping to be hable to moue Caesar by his presence nowe returned into Germanie being followed not onely of Dom Peter de Vree which was come with him but also of Iohn Baptista Spinella Count of Carriato Embassador to the sayde king of Aragon resident with the Venetians And because no newe difficulties should breake of the matters that were nowe in action he induced first the senate to make truce with Caesar for the whole moneth of Marche And those Embassadors gaue them their fayth that Caesar shoulde render Verona if they would promise him within certayne times two hundred and fiftie thousande duckets and for yerely pension fiftie thousande In these alterations of affayres and in these times so deuided and conspiring the Pope fell sicke And happly he was then more full of high conceites and trauelling thoughts then at any time before for notwithstaÌ„ding he had brought his fortune to be equall to his desires obteined the thing he aspired vnto yet his deuises plots did nothing diminish but grewe increasing by the same meane which should haue satisfied them he had determined in the beginning of the spring and first opening of the yere to sende to thenterprise of Ferrara which he so muche desired and his opinion was that that state was hable to make no resistance both for that it was naked of all succours because the Spanish armie was to ioyne with his companies He had secretly bought of Caesar for the price of xxx thousande duckets the Citie of Siena for the behoofe of the Duke of Vrbin to whom except Pesera he woulde neuer giue any thing of thestate ecclesiastike to th ende to reserue to him selfe the whole glorie to haue simply and onely studyed for thexaltation of the Churche he agreed to lende to Caesar fortie thousande duckettes receyuing Modona in gage he threatned them of Lucquoy who in the heate of th affayres of the Duke of Ferrara were become lordes of Garsagnana making instance that they woulde deliuer it to him He was out of conceite with the Cardinall of Medicis for that he thought him to cleaue more to the king Catholike then to him And because he knewe he was not hable to dispose of the Citie of Florence as he thought he studied already newe plottes and newe practises to alter that estate He was yll contented with the Cardinall of Sion from whom he tooke the name of Legate and enioyned him to come to Rome for that in the Duchie of Myllan he had appropriate to him selfe a yerely rent of more then thirtie thousande duckets of the estates and goods of diuers persons The better to assure the Duke of Vrbin of Sienna by intelligences of his neighbours he had of newe taken into his paye Charles Baillon to chafe out of Perousa Iohn Paule who by affinitie was very neare ioyned to the sonnes of â—andolffe Petruccio successors to the greatnes of their father He would of newe create Duke of Genes Octauian Fregosa deposing Ianus from that dignitie an action wherevnto did consent the others of the house of Fregosa because for the degree that his auncestors helde in that state it seemed best to apperteine to him He studied continually either howe he might worke out of Italie the Spanish armie or cut it in peeces by the ayde of the Svvizzers whom aboue all others he exalted and embraced In this deuise he had this intention that the kingdome of Naples beeing occupied by him Italie should remayne free from straungers A speeche that often passed out of his mouth and to that ende he had hindred that the Svvizzers did not confederate with the king Catholike And yet as though it had bene in his power to batter all the world at one time he continued his accustomed rigour agaynst the French king and notwithstanding he had heard a message
the Dukes Embassador remayning in his Court fortie two thousande duckettes to sende to the Svvizzers but with this charge that if the matter came to the knowledge of others he should giue out that twentie thousande of them were vppon the accompt of their pensions and the other twentie two thousande to satisfie a pretended due to the three Cantons by his predecessor but alwayes refused to be payed by him This returning of the Viceroy with his armie together with a brute of the descending of newe companies of the Svvizzers made the Millanois eftsoones sorie for their sodaine reuolting and in that confusion betwene a newe hope and their olde feare they gaue tokens to Maximilian Sforce their Duke that they woulde bee readie to returne to his obedience whensoeuer they saw the Svvizzers and the spanishe armie ioyne together in the field And the more to nourrish them in these hopes the Viceroy with whom was Prosper Colonno prepared to plant a bridge vppon Pavv promising from time to time to passe ouer but neuer did put it in effect for that hauing a speciall care to saue his armie he determined to proceede according as thinges fell out He helde it very daungerous to haue the Frenchemen in his face and the Venetian armie at his backe who hauing alreadie taken the Citie of Cremona and cast downe the bridge into the bottome of Pavv were not farre from him By this was Bartl Aluiano gone from Susa to Venice Where after he had in open councell without any contradiction cast vppon the Count Petillano the fault of the ouerthrowe of Guiaradada he spake very prowdlie of the present warre and by the Senate was chosen Capteine generall of their armie with the same condicions vnder the which the Counte Petillano had bene preferred to the same degree This estate and election happened to him much about the same time that foure yeares before he fell into the power of thenemies so often doth fortune laugh at thignorance of mortall men deuising in their vaine fancies what shall happen vnto them Assoone as he was chosen Generall he went to th armie that was mustering at S. Boniface vppon the demaines of Verona Theodar Triuulce was with him as Liefetenaunt to the Frenche king with whome he drewe neere in great diligence to the gates of Verona the selfe same day that the French armie parted from Susa the reason of this expedicion was that in that Citie certaine factions had conspired to receiue him in But the day after a strength of fiue hundred launceknightes entred the towne by the riuer of Adice by which impediment together with the detection of the conspiracie Aluiano loasing all hope to preuaile determined contrarie to thauthoritie of the Venetian assistant to drawe towardes the riuer of Pavv either to stoppe the Spanyards or else according to the state and behauiour of thinges to ioyne with the French armie A resolution which he did not imparte to the Senate vntill he was gone from Verona one bayte for that notwithstanding he alleaged that the whole depended vppon that which shoulde succeede in the Duchie of Millan and that there the affaires of the Frenchemen being in ill condicion whatsoeuer should be attempted or obteined in any other place woulde be but vaine and not durable and therefore it was necessarie by all possible meanes to helpe to make the Frenche king victorious yet he feared and not without cause that the Senate woulde be against it not so muche for the desire he had that there shoulde be first a care to recouer Verona and Bressia as for that certeine other of the Capteines allowed not that they shoulde passe the riuer of Mincia onlesse they had first a more particular knowledge of the proceedinges of the Frenche wherein they shewed in case of any inconuenience howe hard it woulde be to retyre in safetie hauinge to passe by the confines of Verona and Mantua contreys either subiected or at the deuocion of Caesar Valeggia and the towne of Pesquiero fearinge the threates of Aluiano yeelded them selues to him by whose example also the castellkeeper gaue vp the rocke his feare beeing greater then that any hope could assure him onely he receiued by composition a small summe of money aswell for him selfe as also to be shared amongest certayne launceknightes that were within it About the same time certayne of the chieftains of the Mountayne entred into Bressia in fauor of the Venetians with a great strength of peisantes And yet Aluiano neither for the requestes of the Bressian Embassadors which came to him to Gambaro nor at the desire of the Venetian Assistante coulde not be brought to consent to go thither and remayne there onely one day to recouer the Castell that was kepte in the name of the Viceroy so great was his desire to followe without intermission his firste deliberation With whiche celeritie beeing come to the gates of Cremona he founde that at the same time Galeas Paluoisin called by certayne of Cremona was entred in fauor of the Frenche king But hauing in him no lesse ambition then vallor and not liking that any other shoulde participate with him in the glory of that action he brake and put to pray his bandes of souldiors and entring the towne he stripped Caesar Fieramosqua that was left there in garrison with three hundred horse and fiue hundred footemen of the Duke of Millans He had not to loase time to recouer the Castell for that it had bene alwayes holden by the French king and newly reuitled a litle before by Ranse de Cere who as he returned to Crema where he was appoynted gouernour he brake a trowpe of two hundred horsmen of Alexander Sforce which he encoūtred at Serzana From thence Aluiano encamping at the channell vpon Pavv with the bridge made to passe ouer he could not let his souldiors to do insolencies sometimes vpon the landes of the Pope his discipline not being hable to conteine the men who had as great custome in spoyling as in well seruing Afterwards he marched to Pisqueton hauing already for the mutation of Cremona Soncino Lody and other places thereaboutes aduaunced the French ensignes But affore assone as he had recouered Cremona he had sent to Bressia Ranse de Cero with one parte of the men of warre both to assure that Citie and to recouer the Castell but muche more to hinder the good successe of thAlmains for that almoste assone as he was broken vp from before Cremona Rocand capteine of the Launceknightes and Feder Gonsago de Bossolo issuing out of Verona with six hundred horse and two thousande footemen were gone to S. Boniface where Aluiano had lefte vnder Sigismond Cauallo and Iohn Fortin three hundred light horsemen and sixe hundred footemen and they beeing scattered in the countrey without all discipline and order hearing of the comming of thenemies were fledde to Colorguo where the Launceknightes following them in chase entred the towne by force and committing all the souldiours to the calamitie of
deuout intencion he protested and for the good disposicion he had shewed in the negociacions with thEnglish and the Svvizzers and lastly for that he had prouoked him to thenterprise would ioyne with him and fauor thaction the rather for that he had made him many generall offers and perticularly had promised to aide him to reconquer the realme of Naples either to the vse of the Church or to the benefit of Iulio his brother But there hapned new occasions for the which the king beganne to enter into some distrust of him The Pope would neuer put ende to the affaires that the Duke of Ferrara had with him notwithstanding at his first aspiring to the Popedom he had giuen him many faire hopes promising to rēder to him Reggia at such time as his brother the Cardinal should be returned from Hungria But he was more liberall to promise then readie to performe for that after the returne of his brother he went alwayes in deferring with many excuses And yet he forbare not to confirme to him the selfe same promises not onely with wordes which might be vaine and vnassured but by wryting sette out vnder thauthoritie and testimonie of his name in which he consented that he should take the reuenues of Reggia as a degree to the whole which was to returne vnder his dominion it was wel knowen that the Popes intencion was farre otherwise dissembling in meaning the thinges he had simplie spoken with his mouth his inclination and desire to occupie Ferrara were stronger then his promise and true meaning whereunto happily he was caried by Albert de Carpy Caesars Embassador and great enemy to the Duke and also by the reasons of many others setting before his eies the glorie of Iulio which was perpetuall for that he had so greatly aduaunced augmented the dominion of the church And sometimes they preferred thoccasion to bestow an honorable estate vpon Iulio his brother who thirsting after too great thinges and nourishing him selfe with hopes immoderat had voluntarily consented that his Nephewe Lavvrance should reteyne at Florence the authoritie of the house of Medicis so that the Pope being entred into these thoughts obteyned of Caesar who was alwayes needy of money to deliuer to him in morgage the citie of Modona for xl thowsand duckats according to the capitulacion made with him a litle affore the death of the late Pope he made his reckoning to vnite that citie with Reggia Parma and Pleisanca and to giue them in patronage o◠perpetual gouernmēt to Iulio adding to them Ferrara if euer thoccasion serued him to get it he sought to doe a thing by authoritie and fauor of tymes which he could not doe by equitie or lawefull course of iustice But that manner of morgaging put the french king into great suspicion for that in his conceit it caried a manifest signe of straight alliance with Caesar being also no lesse discontented that the Pope had giuen him money Whereof notwithstanding the Pope excused him selfe alleaging that Caesar had deliuered Modena to him for assurance of the money which he had receiued of him affore The king on the other side augmented his suspicion for that vppon a victory which the Turke gotte vpon the Sophy king of Persia the Pope construing it to the vniuersall daunger of Christendom wrote letters to all Princes aduising them to depose armes amongst them selues to resist or inuade the common enemies of the faith he protested one thing vnder his letters and practised an other by operacions secret proceeding alwayes with faire apparances and yet holding his intencions dissembled But the matter that almost altogether disclosed his purposes was that he sent vnder the same shadowe and pretence to Venice Peter Bembo his Secretorye and afterwards Cardinall to dispose that state to agree with Caesar towards whom the same difficulties continuing that had bene before the Venetians would not be wrought but manifested to the french king thoccasion of his comming A dealing that did so much discontent the king that the rather for that the Pope sought to depriue him of his succours at a time when he was ready to aduaunce armes he renewed eftsoones with the king Catholike the auncient practises and that either to th ende the Pope should be touched with that feare or at least if he were carelesse to conclude absolutely so hot he was aboue all other thinges in the expedicion of Myllan In those tymes there were not in any quarter of Italy other stirrs or emocions thē against the Venetians against whom were raysed many secret ambushes and conspiracies for according to the testimonie of their Cronicles certeine spanish footemen feyning to be fugitiues from thennemies campe entred Padoa with mindes to kill Aluiano by direction of their Capteines who hoped by the trouble and disorder of the people for the death of such a Capteine they should be able with their campe to cary the towne So different at this day are the stratagemes of warre from the vertue of thauncients who much lesse that they would subborne an instrument to so great a trayson but of the contrary hauing knowledge of it they would lay it open to thennemies to th ende that by their vertue they might vanquish thinfidelitie pretended but the conspiracie being detected the Magistrates committed the traytors to the due paynes of their offence The spanish armie being now wel diminished in numbers lay incamped betwene Montagnano Cologno and Este And the Venetians to thend to constraine them to returne to the kingdome of Naples leauyed an armie at sea and made their Admirall or capteine generall Andrea Gritti whom they thought to sende to inuade Povvilla But for many difficulties that happned that expendition went no further beeing assone discontinued as it was thought vpon Afterwards the Spaniardes came to the towre neare Vincensa by the perswasion of thAlmains that were within Verona to th ende to ioyne with them in an enterprise to waste and ouerronne the corne of the Padoans But after the Spaniards had taryed in that place in vayne many dayes being both reduced to a very small number and not hable to accomplishe the promisses vnder the which they had called them they left there their enterprise to spoyle their corne for bearing in suche rashnes to do a violence which would draw with it a greater reuenge then was the iniurie And after they had gotte of the Almains xv hundred footmen they marched with seuen hundred men at armes seuen hundred light horsemen and three thousande fiue hundred Spanishe footemen to incampe before Citadella wherein were three hundred light horsemen they marched with great diligence all the night and came to the place within two howres in the moarning and falling to batter it with their artilleries they caryed the towne the same day at the seconde assault they made prisoners all the lighte horsemen that were there and so returned to their campe lying within three myles of Vincensa Aluiano making no resistance He had receyued
meane to execute against the parties so that dispatches went out according to the olde rates The king for his parte promised not to take into his protection any of the Cities of Tuskane And albeit afterwardes he required to haue libertie to protect the people of Lucqua who offered him fiue and twentie thowsande duckats saying he was bounde to that protection by thobligacion of his predecessor yet the Pope would giue no consent but promised for his parte that he woulde forbeare to molest them in any sorte Lastly they agreed by indifferent consent of them both to sende frear Giles Generall of the Augustins and an excellent preacher to Caesar in the Popes name to dispose him to render to the Venetians Bressa and Verona taking a recompense of money And so vppon the expedicion of these matters but not sette downe by wryting except tharticle for nominacion of benefices and payment of the Annats according to the true vallue the Pope in fauour of the king pronounced Cardinall Adrian de Boisy brother to the great Maister of Fraunce and of the greatest authoritie with the king and in the generall gouernment That the enteruiewe brake vppe the king departing from the Pope verie well contented and in great hope to haue him his perpetuall frende who for his parte expressed no lesse with all reasonable demonstracions but in his minde he nourished other impressions for that bothe it was a matter no lesse greeuous to him then affore that the Duchie of Myllan shoulde be possessed by the Frenche king and Parma and Plaisanca restored and also that the Duke of Ferrara should be eftsoones reinuested in Modena and Reggia And yet all these not long after turned to vanitie and smoake for that the Pope being gone from Bolognia to Florence remeining there about a moneth had receiued of the Duke promises of the money that should be payd assoone as he should enter into possession being there set down in writing by common consent thinstrumentes that were to passe betwene them the Pope neither denying nor accomplishing but interposing many delayes and excuses refused to giue perfection to things The king being returned to Myllan dismissed his armie except seuen hundred launces six thowsand launceknightes and foure thowsand frenchmen such as they caladuenturers whom he left for the gard of that estate And for his owne person he teturned into Fraunce with great speede about the first beginning of the yeare 1516. leauing behinde him as his Lieftenaunt Charles Duke of Burbon he thought he had left his affayres in Italie in good estate of sewertie both for the allyance newlie contracted with the Pope and also for that about that time he was newly compounded with the Svvyzzers who notwithstanding the perswasions of the king of England to haue them to reenter into armes against the frenche king renewed with him thalliance by the which they bound them selues to furnishe alwayes for his seruice and at his paye both in Italie and out of Italie for defense and offence and against all nations suche numbers of footemen as he would require and that vnder their vniuersall name and publike enfeignes onely they excepted to beare armes against the Pope the Empire and thEmperour And on the other side the king confirmed to them of newe their auncient pensions with promisse to paye them within a certaine time the six hundred thowsand duckats agreed vpon at Dyon with three hundred thowsande if they gaue vp to him the villages and vallies apperteyning to his Duchy of Myllan A matter which the fiue Cantons that possessed those places refusing to do as also to ratifie the accord the king began to pay to the other eight Cantons that parte and porcion of the money that apperteined to them who accepted it but vnder this expresse condicion that they should not be bound to take his pay against the fiue Cantons About the beginning of this yeare the Bishoppe Petruccio an auncient seruant to the Pope chassed out of Siena by the Popes aide and some helpe from the Florentins Borgueso sonne to Pandolffe Petruccio his cossing and impatronised him selfe vpon the place the authority and gouernment remeining by equity in the possession of his said cossing the Pope had two respects inducing him to this actiō the one for that that citie standing betwene the estate of the Church and the dominion of the Florentins was gouerned by a man wholly at his deuocion the other was much more particular and mouing for that he hoped with the fauor of some good occasion to make it fall into the gouernment of his brother or his nephew wherein he douted nothing of the Bishops consent hauing already framed him tractable to all his desires and ambicions The warre continued kindeled betwene Caesar and the Venetians who for their partes desired to recouer by the aide of the frenche king Bressa and Verona But for other places and regions of Italie things seemed to stand in a peasible estate onely there beganne to burst out mocions of new stirres that were pushed on by the king of Aragon who fearing least the greatnesse of the frenche king would bring some aduersities to the realme of Naples delt with Caesar and the king of Englande to recontinewe the warre A matter not onely of no great difficultie and hardnesse to drawe Caesar vnto being both desirous of innouacion and newe thinges and also was not able easily to kepe the townes which he had takē from the Venetians But also it was fullie concluded and agreed vnto by the king of England The remembraunce of the late infidelitie and breache of promise of his father in lawe being of lesse power in him then either his present emulacion or auncient hatred against the crowne of Fraunce besides he was enuious that the Skottish king being in minoritie should be gouerned by people of his appoyntment or any waye depending on him These matters had bene followed both with better councell and greater forces if during the negociacion the death of the king of Aragon had not hapned who after he had bene vexed with a long indisposicion died in an inferior village called Madrigalege as he went to Seuile with his Court he was a king excellent in councell and so furnished with al other properties of vertue that he bare no occasion matter of reprehension if he had bene constant to keepe his promisses for touching thimputacion of nigardnes or the reapport that went of him to be straite in exspenses it was proued vntrue by the testimonie and discouerie of his estate after his death leauing behinde him no amasse of treasor notwithstanding he had reigned xlij yeares But it hapneth oftentymes by the corrupt iudgement of men that in a king prodigalitie is more praysed though the raking and oppression of subiects be ioyned to it then a sparing straitnes wherin is nourished an orderly absteyning from taxing the goods of others To thexcellent vertues of this Prince was ioyned a most rare and perpetuall felicitie
of Mantua confessing with one voyce that they were deliuered from a great daunger partely by the benefite of fortune and partly by the negligence and indiscression of thennemies for if they had not stayed at Rebecca the very same day that they were appoynted to goe to Boydellano there had remayned to them a very small hope of safetie for that the selfe same or else greater necessities had constrayned them to retyre by whiche aduersitie the retraite beeing longer and thennemies more neare the perill was moste manifest In like sorte it is moste certayne that the victorie had vndoubtedly falne vppon Monsr de Lavvtrech if he had marched to incampe neare thennemies the same daye he sent the artilleries to Pontvvike wherevnto he was aduised by many of the Capteines but chiefly by the Svvizzers for by reason of his nearenesse they had stande depriued of all meanes to retyre in safetie bothe for that they coulde not raunge them selues into battell araye for thinpedimentes of thartilleries of Pontvvike and also the rage of the famine woulde not giue them suffrance in that place aboue three or foure dayes But suche are the ordinarie fruites of singularitie and selfe weening that whylest by his nature and custome he despised the counsayles of all others he layde open to thennemies the knowledge of the perill that was towardes them and through his fault made them hable to preuent his threatninges by their suddayne departure In so muche as it was not without reason that the Svvizzer Capteines tolde him that they had well deserued the payes accustomed to be giuen to souldiors that had wonne the battell seeing it was not long of them that they had not gotte the victorie At Gabbionetta the army of the League fortified their campe with great industrie and in their owne safetie remayned there manye dayes Neuerthelesse bothe for that the comming of the Svvizzers seemed dayly to linger and suspende and also for feare of the neighborhood of the French both mightie in strength and braue in demonstracions to sette vpon them they passed the ryuer of Oglia and went to incampe in the borowe of Ostiano apperteining to Lodovvike de Bossolo with intention not to departe from thence till the Svvizzers were come which resolucion made with wisedome and counsell was also accompanied with good fortune for that at Gabbionetta by reason of the lowe and shalowe situacion the army had receiued great domages by the abundance of raynes and waters falling assone as the campe was gone But whylest in this sort the tyme ranne foorth ydely betweene both the armies the one lying at Ostiano and the other at Rebecca The Bishoppe of Pistoia and Vitelli hauing drawne into one strength the Svvizzers and the bandes of Italian footemen gaue charge vppon the garrisons of the Duke of Ferrara that laye at Finalo who albeit had for their aduauntage the oportunitie of the place bothe strong by nature and well fortified by arte yet the Svvizzers whose feare is alwayes least when the perill seemes moste presented themselues with a braue resolucion to the daunger and giuing an ouerthrowe to the whole they slewe manye of them amongest whome the knight Coriano passed by the sworde as he was feighting This brought so greate feare and amaze to the Duke of Ferrara lying then at Bodena that yeelding to thaduersitie which he could not ouercome he abandoned foorth with that towne and fled to Ferrara his feares beeing greater then his assurance And to take from the ennemies all oportunities to followe him he retyred with a present diligence all those barkes vppon the whiche he had buylded a bridge in the same place In this meane whyle the regimentes of Svvizzers that were exspected were discended vppon the territories of Bergama and yet their mindes beeing no lesse variable then their difficulties certayne they stayed to passe further hauing expresly refused to turne them selues to inuade the Duchie of Millan according to the instance of the Cardinall of Syon and the Agentes of the Pope and Caesar They also made difficultie to ioyne with the armie that exspected them at Ostiano for that it was prepared to marche agaynst the Frenche king offering to goe to the seruice of anye place that the Pope shoulde thinke good in the estate or dominion of the Churche for the defending of whiche they sayde they were entred into paye And yet according to their barbarous interpretacion of things they consented to marche to assayle Parma and Plaisanca as Cities manifestlye apperteyning to the Churche or at least to the whiche the Frenche kinge had no certayne righte or interest They required also that affore they should march there shoulde bee sente to them from th armie three hundred lighte horsemen the better with their ayde to leauye vittayles in those countreys and places through the whiche they shoulde passe These were the difficulties they stoode vppon bearing more vppon frowarde wilfulnesse then vppon reason or necessitie of the present seruice Neuerthelesse in the ende the light horsemen were sente who passed at vnwares in greate diligence along the territories of the Venetians They disposed their marching so as they might come into some place moste neare the armie to haue the more conueniencie and oportunitie to consulte and resolue what were to bee done And in their waye they gaue the chase to certayne bandes of the Frenche and the Venetians whiche were bestowed at Pondovville or rather vpon the lake of Eupile to stoppe their passage Assoone as they were drawen neare to the armie there was present labour made to dispose them to ioyne agaynst the French in which solicitacion were employed many messangers and Embassadours and chiefly tharchbishop of Capua going to and fro in the name of the Cardinall de Medicis At laste the bandes that were leauyed of the Canton of Surich who as they haue a greater authoritie so they make profession to doo thinges with a greater grauitie refused it constantly The others after many doubtes and obiections neither expresly denyed nor manifestly accepted the offers that were made to them for that as they refused not to followe the armie so yet it was without declaracion that they woulde enter with them into the Duchie of Millan So that what by the counsayle of the Cardinall of Syon and labour of the Capteynes into whose willes were made manye corrupte insinuacions by offers and promises the armie determined to marche on vnder this hope that since they refused not to followe they woulde not bee harde to be drawne to any place where the armie went. The bandes of Surich conteining foure thousande in number brake of and returned towardes Reggia and the armie after it had remayned about a moneth betwene Gabionetti and Ostiano ioyned with the other Svvizzers at Gambaro They caried marching in the middest of them the two Legates of Syon Medicis with their crosses of siluer enuironed with infinit weapons artilleries blasphemers mankillers robbers so much at that time did they abuse the reuerence of religion
farre from Parma when Federike departed was called in by an vniuersall consent of the people and made his entrie The Capteines and Assistantes of the League deuised howe to recouer the residue of the estate vnder this foundacion to make no more so greate expences And accordingly they dispatched from Millan at the same tyme the Marquis of Pisquairo with his bandes of Spaniardes and the Launceknightes and Grisons to laye siege to Coma In whiche enterprise in maye be doubted whether was more forwarde his desire or his fortune for he had no sooner begonne to enforce the terrour of his artilleries then the defendantes dispayring of reskew agreed to render vp the place vnder condicion of sauetie of life and goods aswell to the Frenche bandes as to thinhabitantes of the towne And yet when the Frenche men were vppon their departure the Spaniardes made their entrie and sacked it to the greate infamie of the Marquis who beeing afterwardes accused of fayth breaking by Iohn Chabannes chiefe of the Frenche bandes within Coma was by him defyed and chalenged to the combat At the same instant they of the League sent the Bishop of Verula to the Svvizzers to assure them of their willes neuerthelesse assoone as he was come to Belinsone they committed hym to warde for that standing yll contented that their regimentes of footemen had marched agaynst the French king they did not onely complayne of the Cardinall of Syon and the Pope but also of all their ministers and officers But chiefly they inueyed agaynst the Bishoppe of Verula for that being the Popes Nuncio with them at suche tyme as they leauyed their men he laboured to induce them to goe agaynst thexception vnder the which they had bene accorded The estate and affayres of the warre was reduced into these tearmes with a wonderfull hope in the Pope and Caesar to confirme the victorie bothe for that the French king had no meane to dispatche with expedicion newe companies into Italie and also for them selues they thought the power of those who had wonne Millan vpon him with the moste parte of the Duchie was sufficient not onely to preserue it but also to runne through all the residue that remayned in the handes of thenemie Yea suche a thing is terrour that the Senate of Venice fearing least the warre begonne agaynst others would not fall vpon them gaue hope to the Pope to cause the French bandes to depart out of their landes But of thoughtes sodaine began to spring an accident vnlooked for for newes came that the Pope was dead sodenlye the first day of December As he laye at the village of Magliana whither he went oftentimes for his recreation he heard the first reapport of the taking of Millan which stirred in him suche an extreme passion of ioye that the same night he entred into a small feauer and for his better remedie he caused himselfe the next daye to be remoued to Rome where he dyed within very fewe dayes after notwithstanding the Phisitions in the beginning made no great reckoning of his disease There was great suspicion that he was poysoned by Barnabie Malespina his Chamberleine whose office was alwayes to giue him drinke And yet though he was made prisoner through the suspicion of the fact and the vehement reasons of the same yet the matter was dashed and thexaminacion thereof for that the Cardinall Medicis assone as he came to Rome set him at libertie fearing to fall further into the disgrace of the Frenche king by whose practise it was supposed that Barnabie gaue him the fatall drinke This was but whispred secretly the author being no lesse doubtfull then the coniectures vncertayne He dyed if we consider the cōmon opinion of men in very great glory felicity not so much for that by the surprising of Millan he saw himself deliuered of daungers and exspences intollerable whiche hauing drayned him of all store of money and treasor he was constrayned to aduaunce all meanes and maners for his supply and releeuing But also that a very fewe dayes affore his death he receyued aduertisement of the taking of Plaisanca and the very day he dyed newes came to him of the winning of Parma A matter so greatly desired by him that at such time as he debated to moue warre agaynst the Frenche men it is very well remembred that he sayde to the Cardinall de Medicis laboring to disswade him that as he was in nothing more caryed to the desire of that warre then to recouer to the Churche those two Cities so when so euer God should blesse him with theffect of that desire it would not greue him to dye He was a prince in whom were many thinges worthy to be commended and blamed and in the estate and discourse of his life he deceyued greatly thexpectation that was had of him when he was created Pope for that his gouernment was with a greater discression but with farre lesse bountie then was looked for The death of the Pope did greatly diminishe th affayres of Caesar in Italie as also it was not vnlikely that suche an enemie beeing taken away with whose money the whole warre was both begon and continued both the French king would enter into a newe sprite and dispatche a newe armie into Italie and also the Venetians for the same causes would recontinue the confederacion they had with him So that it seemed that by this accident the deuises to assayle Cremona and Genes vanished were dissolued and the officers of Caesar who till then had payed the Spanishe bandes with great difficultie were constrayned to dismisse a great part of them A matter not without daunger since there were holden yet for the king Cremona Genes Alexandria the Castell of Millan the Castells of Nouaro and Tressa Pisqueton Domussolo Arona and all the Lake maior Besides the Rocke of Pontremo was eftsones returned to his deuocion which being lost before was reconquered by Sinibaldo de Fiesquo and the Count Nocero Neither had the affayres of the French king any good successe beyonde the Mountes for that Caesar bringing warre vpon Flaunders had taken from him the Citie of Tornay and not long after the Castell wherein were no small quantities of artilleries and municions In so muche that by reason of the Popes death newe gouernmentes newe counsells and newe estates of affayres and doings were introduced into the Duchie of Millan The Cardinalles of Syon and Medicis made foorthwith to Rome to communicate in thelection of the newe Pope The Imperials kept retayned with them fifteene hundred footemen Svvizzers and dismissed all the others together with the Launceknightes who went their waye The bandes of the Florentines tooke their way to returne into Tuskane Touching the regimentes of the Church Guido Rangon ledde one part of them to Modona and the other remayned in the state of Millan with the Marquis of Mantua and that more of his proper resolucion then by the consent of the College of Cardinalles who standing deuided amongest themselues could bring
Cente defended by the Bollonois was retyred to Finalo at such time as the Svvizzers arriued yet he stoode afrayde least he would attempt some violent action vpon Modona being made naked of the garrison And the Bishop of Pistoia so wauered and was troubled for the instant requestes which Guicciardin made to him and for the perswasions of Vitelli who for his owne interest stirred him vp to passe into Romagnia with the Svvizzers to th ende to stop the passage of the duke of Vrbin That what for that he was irresolute what through his naturall slownes he did neither the one nor the other of those matters both for that Parma defended her selfe in Romagnia no impediment was giuen to the Duke of Vrbin because the Svvizzers would not march for wāt of their payes Which duke of Vrbin and with him Malatesta and Horace of the famulie of the Baillons passed the one to recouer his estates lost the other to returne to Perousa hauing assembled at Ferrara 200. men at armes 300. light horsemen and 3000. footemen An armie which willingly followed them partly for friendship and partly for hope of spoyle for neither of the frenchmen nor Venetians they could obteine no other fauor then a permission to who soeuer had takē their pay to folow thē that the Venetians were contented that Malatesta Horace should depart out of their pay Thus they went from Ferrara to Lugo all along Pavv and finding no impediments in the estate of the Church they drew neare to the Duchie of Vrbin where the duke being called in by the peoples recouered presently his whole estate except certaine peeces holden by the Florentins and so turning towards Pesero he tooke the towne with the same facilitie and within fewe dayes after the castell he ioyned diligence to his good fortune and hauing chased out of Camerin Iohn Maria de Varana the auncient lord who for his greater dignitie and illustracion had obteined of Pope Leo the title of Duke he bestowed within it Sigismund a gentleman of the same famulie by whome was pretended a better right in the same estate And yet the Duke who was withdrawne within Aquila kept still the Castell And so after thexpedicion of these matters he turned with Malatesta and Horace Baillon to Perousa of which place the Florentins had taken the defence not so muche of their owne counsell as following the will of Cardinall de Medicis wherein he was pushed on eyther by a kinde of hatred that he nourished agaynst the Duke of Vrbin and the Baillons or by thimpediment of their neighborhood which he thought might put in daunger the authority he had in Florence or lastly for that aspiring to the Popedome he sought to cary the reputacion that he alone was the defendor of the Churche during the sea vacant the College of Cardinals hauing no care to defende any part of the ecclesiastike dominion neither in Lombardie in Tuskane nor else where The same proceding partly by the diuision of the Cardinalls being no lesse full of ciuill factions then wholly drowned in deepe ambicion to climbe to the Popedome And partely for that it coulde not be founde neither in the treasorie Pontificall nor in the Castell S. Angelo that the late Pope had lefte any prouision of money for suche were his prodigalities that he had not onely consumed the moneyes whiche his predecessor had left him with an incredible quantitie of treasor which he had leauyed of the creacion of newe officers with a yearely diminucion of fortie thousande duckets of reuenue But also he had left the sea charged with huge debtes and layde to pawne all the precious Iewelles of the holye treasorie Vppon whiche occasion was published this subtill speeche that other prelacies ended with the death of Popes but the pontificacie of Leo was to continue many yeares after Onely tharchbishop Vrsin was sent by the Colledge to Perousa to accorde an vnitie and reconcilement with the Baillons but that deuise was no lesse vayne then the labour fruitlesse for that the man was suspected to Gentill for thalliance he had with the sonnes of Iohn Pavvle and also for the condicions that were offred bearing no suretie for him In so muche as towardes the laste daye of the yeare the Duke of Vrbin Malatesta and Horace Baillons with Camilla Vrsin who being followed of certayne voluntaries was newly vnited with them went to Pont. S. Iohn and from thence running vp to other places thereaboutes they dyd great domages aswell by night as by daye to the Citie of Perousa where ouer and besides fiue hundred footemen whiche Gentill had leauyed the Florentines had sent thither two thousande footemen and an hundred light horsemen vnder Guido Vaino and 120. men at armes and an hundred light horsemen vnder Vitelli. This time was quiet in the duchie of Millan no other thing beeing done by eyther of the parties then certayne roades and pillages And the better to execute those domages vppon places holden by the Church those bandes of Frenche men which were remaining in Cremona being 2000. footemen had set vp a bridge vpon Pavv by thoportunity wherof passing oftentimes vpō the territories of Plaisanca Parma they did harmes to the whole contry And notwithstanding Prospero by thincitacion of other capteins did publish that he would take Trezzo had already sent thither artilleries yet he forbare to put the deuise to execution alleaging that it was not conuenient that the armie should be restrained to any one place to thend to be the more hable to succor thestates of the Churche if the Frenche shoulde begin to execute any action vppon them But it seemed his thoughtes were farre different from his wordes for that when he was tolde that the Frenche campe was planted before Parma muche lesse that he made any signe to succour it seeing he sayde it was more conuenient to exspect the euent and issue yea that whiche more is at suche tyme as Plaisanca remayned disfurnished of garrison for that the Svvizzers of the Cantons of Zurich according to the sommonce of their Lordes were gone awaye in haste Prospero dyd what he coulde to lette the Marquis of Mantua for going from Millan with his bandes and he beeing put within Plaisanca susteyned that Citie to his great prayse with the footebandes of his estates not sparing oftentymes to releeue their necessities with money Amidde so many daungers and variacions there was no prouision for thelection of the newe Pope a matter which was deferred to the great preiudice of thestate ecclesiastike both to giue time to the absent Cardinals to resort to Rome and also for that the Cardinall of Yurea going from Thurin to Rome was deteined in Millan by commaundement from Prospero Colonno to th ende he should not assist the assemblie in the conclaue for that he was a fauorer of the French Vppon whose restrayning the College set down a decree that so many dayes would they tary to enter the conclaue howe many the Cardinall Yurea
could not be established but by such as were within for which condicions after they had made a vaine battry vppon the wall and had no harts to goe to the assault they began vnder those signes of dissolute dealing to haue a very slender hope of the victory In these times the difficulties of the confederats increased in Lombardy for notwithstanding the regiment of fiue thowsand Svvizzers leauied by Capteine Mius the Bishop of Loda were at last come to the armye yet for that the Duke of Vrbin held them not a number sufficient to execute the enterprise of Myllan there was exspectacion of an other proporcion of that nation which they had sent to require of the Cantons in the name of the French king They hoped the Cantons would not be hard to accord those leauies though not for other hope at least to deface the ignominy of the battel of Pauya And that for the same reasons the bands of souldiers would agree to goe to the warre with a ready corage specially in so great a hope of the victorie But as in that nation who not many yeares before for their vallour for the authority they had won had no small oportunities to get a very large dominion or iurisdictiō There was now no more neither the same desire of glory nor any care of the interests of the cōmon weale So of the contrary hauing their minds ouercaried with incredible couetousnes and appetites of gaine they gaue them selues ouer as to the chiefest end honor of the exercise of warre to returne to their houses loden with money bootie In which humors the generall Cantons harkning to the solicitacions of warre as marchants do in bargaines marting either publikely seruing their turnes of the necessitie of others for their owne profit or els hauing amōgest them many men whose mindes were vendible corrupted They did either accorde or refuse to depart with souldiours according to the working of those endes And by their example the chiefe special Capteines being labored to be enterteined into pay did rise so much the higher made their demaunds so much the more intollerable by how much they saw that Princes cōmō weales had neede of their seruice In regard of these reasons the french king summoning the Cantons according to the articles of the contract to ayde him with men who by common consent were to be paid with the forty thowsand duckats which the king deliuered out of his treasor The general Cantons after many coūcels deliberacions made him aūswer according to their custō that they would not agree to any leauies or mooster of soldiours onles the king made them first contented of all the arrerages of their pensiōs which he was bound to pay by yearely reuenue which summes being great hard to be satisfied in a litle time the kings agents were cōstrained to enterteine capteines perticular yet not without leaue authoritie of the Cantons who graūted such power not without great difficultie A course which besides the long tract consuming of time which could not be but daungerous for the present estate of affayres did neuerthelesse not succeede neither with that effect nor that reputacion which it would haue done if the consent authority of the Lords of the Cantons had concurred Vnder this occasion no lesse slaunderous to the Duke of Vrbin then hurtfull to the general proceeding of the warre the Imperials who in this meane while were dispensed with from all vexacion of thennemies lying idlely at Marignan turned all their diligēce to fortifie Myllan Not the body of the city as they did in the beginning of the warre but the rampars bastillions of the subburbs which they did no more distrust to be able to defend for that by howe much the reputacion of thennemies was diminished by so much was their hope reconfirmed their corage redoubled And because they had taken from all the inhabitants of Myllan their armes weapons had thrust out of the towne all persons suspected much lesse that the Capteines had now so great a feare or ielousie as before seing they established their own assurance by reducing the towne to so cruell a seruitude that they stoode careles to make payes to the souldiours And lodging the bands by their tyranny in the houses of the inhabitants they did not onely compel the masters owners of houses to minister daily foode to the soldiers both plētifully delicatly but also to furnish them with money for all other things which in their vanities fancies they would desire not forgetting to impose vpon them as much as the rigour of tyranny could deuise which dealings were so intollerable to the citizens that they had no other remedye then by stelth and secret wayes to slee from the place where were layde vp the monumentes of their natiuities the effect of their delightes and the rewards of all the pleasures and solace of their lyfe Neyther durst they seeke this miserable safety openly or manifestly for that the eyes of those that oppressed them kepte a seuere espiall vpon them And the better to assure the souldiours of those rates and taxations imposed vpō euery housholder but especially the Spaniards for in the launceknightes was a greater modestie and fauour the Capteines kepte bounde and in chaynes in their owne houses certaine principall housholders with their wiues and little children not omitting to expose euery sex and age to their abhominable luste By reason of this tyrannie all the shoppes of Millan were shutte in and euery man sought to hyde as secretly as he coulde his goods and Iewells of moste value making also the same conueiance and bestowing of the riches and ornaments of Churches which for all that were not altogether in suretie for that the souldiours vnder cooller to searche for armor and weapons tooke libertie to ransacke all the corners of the towne and in that insolent authoritie forced the seruauntes to disclose the goodes of their maisters which when they found they imparted to the owners porcions not according to equitie or conscience but such as in their licentiousnes they thought good The face vniuersall apparance of that Citie was made miserable to beholde the auncient inhabitantes and glory of the same reduced to an estate of extreme oppression A matter worthy of great commiseration and an incredible example of the mutation of fortune to such as had seene it fewe yeres before moste populous and riche in Citisens plentifull in Marchantes and Artificers proude in pompes and very sumptuous in ornaments for men and women naturally addicted to feastings pleasures and not only full of reioysing solace but also most happy in all other nature of comfort contentment for the life of man Where nowe it stoode lamentably depriued of inhabitantes what by the stroke of the plague that raged there and for the continuall euasions of suche as fledde from the violation of tyrantes Miserable was the apparance of men
and bringing away a true discouerie and informacion howe easie it were to take the place bothe for the litle forces they had and for the lesse order they kept he perswaded the residue to assault it presently But the Lieuetenant cutting of that deuise stept in and with very short speeches tolde him what greese the Pope woulde conceyue by those disorders together with the domage that consequently woulde followe vppon all the affayres of the Confederates In which regardes as it were better to labour rather to appease and settle then to kindle and incense the heartes of men So also it was a matter not a little preiudiciall to make knowen to the Duke of Vrbin and others so great a facilitie to carye it In so muche as raunging him to his opinion he procured him so to temper with the residue and to reconcile the mutinie without the helpe of armes that they all approued his deuise and made choyse of them two to goe vp to the Pallace to deale with the Conspirators and assure them in generall and particular that what so euer they had committed agaynst the lawes of the state that daye shoulde not in any sorte be imputed agaynst them And beeing gone vp to the Pallace vnder safeconduit of those that were within they induced them at laste after many difficulties to condiscende to abandon the Pallace which they coulde no longer keepe Thus was the tumulte appeased more by industrie then by armes And the Citie that earst was full of insolencie and furie was thus by counsell deliuered from daunger and all thinges returned to the same estate wherein they were before the mutinie But oftentimes as ingratitude and reproche are farre more ready then the remuneration and prayse of good workes So albeit for the present the operation and witte of the lieftenant Guicciardin was highly esteemed and commended yet not long after the Cardinall of Cortono burst out into murmure and complayntes agaynst him that holding more deare the safety of the Citizens and particularly Levvis Guicciardin his brother being at that time chiefe Magistrate then carefull ouer the greatnes of the house of Medicis his artificial dealing had bin the cause why thestate had not bin that day established for euer in the house of Medicis with the armes blood of the Citisens And on the other side the commons and populars followed him with accusations and complayntes for that bringing backe from the Pallace reaportes that the daungers were farre greater then they were he had betrayed the vallour of the Nobility by inducing them for the benefite of the famulie of the Medicis to render without any necessitie So hard it is to do the thing that beareth a cleare sight in the eyes of all men for that no good action what dignitie so euer it hath if it bring not with it the fauour of the time wherin it is done and the opinion iudgement of those into whose hearts it seeketh to insinuate and winne place it is but a candle that burneth dimme and whose shadowe seemeth more then the lighte Albeit you see the tumulte of Florence appeased the same daye without murder and blood yet from that originall ground did ensue successiuely many great disorders yea it may be inferred that had it not bin for that accident the ruine that happned immediatly after had bin accompanied with his euasion for bothe the Duke of Vrbin and Marquis of Salusse abyding still at Florence for the occasion of the mutinie went not on according to the first resolution to view the lodging of Ancisa And also the day after the appeasement Lovvis Pisan and Marke Foscaro Embassadour for the Venetians with the Florentins taking occasion vppon the inconstancie of the Citie protested that they would not suffer the armie to passe Florence vnlesse there were made a conclusion of the confederation which had bin negociated In which they demaunded contribution for ten thousande footemen seeking through the oportunity of the time to serue their turnes of the necessities of the Florentins But in the end the cōclusion was accomplished the xxviij day referring the matter of the cōtribution to the sentence of the Pope who was beleued to be alredy reunited with the confederates Besides the time being accomplished for the payes of the Svvizzers Loys Pisan hauing no mony to furnish them for the yll ordenāce and addresse which the Venetians had giuen there past certen dayes before he could make prouision of money In so muche as through these variations and other impedimentes subsisting the good counsell to drawe with the armies to Aneisa was made vayne But in this estate and condition of affayres the Pope looking with better eye into the wyles wherewith the Duke of Burbon had abused the Viceroy and also seeing him to aduaunce forwarde into the heart of Tuskane turned by necessitie all his cogitations to the warre And in that humor discerning on all sides nothing but visions of daunger and feare after the xxv daye he made a newe confederation with the Frenche king and the Venetians by the whiche as they were bounde to minister to him a greate summe of money so he would not restrayne him selfe nor the Florentines to anye further obligation then their faculties were hable to beare alleaging that vppon them both had bene layde already heauy burdens of exspences and trauelles But albeit these conditions very grieuous of themselues were approued by thEmbassadours of the confederates to seperate entirely the Pope from the accordes made with the Viceroy yet they had not their perfection and confirmation by their maisters and heades principall in whom eyther their authoritie or their will did muche to dissolue the conditions of the action for the Venetians charged Dominike Venerio with a great errour for that without commission of the Senate he had concluded a confederation of great exspences and little frute since they gathered by the Popes inconstancie that in all occasions he would eftsoones turne to his firste desire to accorde with the Viceroy And touching the French king both drayned of money and driuen more to weary themprour with the longnes of the warre then with the victorie he iudged it would suffice nowe to enterteyne the warre with a small exspence And which more is albeit in the beginning whē he vnderstood the Pope had made truce with the Viceroy both the matter and manner of the truce were grieuous to him yet looking better afterwardes into thestate of affayres he wished that the Pope would dispose the Venetians without whom he could make no conuention to embrace the truce But at this tyme the Pope was not a little discontented to see the body of the warre transferred into Tuskane and yet lesse grieued then if it had imbraced the towne of Rome and in that regarde he leauyed bands of souldiours made prouisions for money but not with that property of diligence which the estate of his daungers required He had also a purpose to sende Ranso de Cere agaynst them of
himselfe with the residue of his people he aduised him to goe ioyne himselfe to the army of the league where he should do more profite then if he were inclosed within the towne of Rome Which letter albeit did litle harme for that the Count was not so farre aduaunced as he might aryue in time yet it made good declaratiō what slender sense or feling he had of the present dangers But if it may be referred to a wonder that mortall men neither can not nor know not howe to resist destenie it was a matter no lesse maruelous that the Pope who before was wont to despise Ranso de Cere aboue all other capteins threw himselfe now into his armes and reapposed his life and estate wholly vpon his confidence and iudgement And yet this was a matter more straunge and contrary that he who in farre lesser daungers was wont to be vexed with feare and terror beeing euen vppon the poynt to abandon the Citie at such time as the Viceroy drew with his campe to Frusolono Now in so great a tempest of perill and hazard cōtrary to his custome his nature and all exspectation did not only constantly remayne in Rome but had so great a hope to defend it that being as it were the aduocate somner to solicit for thenemies he did not only forbid men to go away but also in the same obstinacy he gaue out ordenance that there should not be transportation nor outcarying of goodes suche as Marchantes with other natures of Artificers woulde for safety haue sente downe the ryuer The fift day of May the duke of Burbon incamped within the medowe neare to Rome from whence with the insolencie of a souldiour he sent a trumpet to demaund passage of the Pope through the citie of Rome to go with his army to the Realme of Naples The morning following vppon the poynt of the daye by the consideration of his case and thaduersities therof he found there remayned no other hope for hys affayres then to be resolute to releeue the afflictions of his armie and according to the oportunitie that was offred by the citie of Rome eyther to dye or to vanquish In which resolution pushed on more and more by the murmures and exclamations of his souldiors in whom he could not discerne which was greater either their insolencies or their necessities he drew neare the suburbes by the way of the Mountaine and Santo Spirito where he began to giue a furious assault wherein he seemed to haue the fauour of fortune who made him present the armie in more surety by the benefite of a thicke mist which beeing rysen before day and increased with degrees of fogge and thicknes became such a couer to his whole campe that his souldiours were not discerned til they were neare the place where they began to giue the assalt The Duke of Burbon through a laste dispayre of his estate aduaunced before all his companies eyther for that he had no other exspectation of refuge in case he returned not victorious or else by his owne example he thought to call on with a greater courage the Launceknightes whome it seemed went not resolutely to the seruice But suche was his destenie to determine his life and his glorie together or rather suche the rewarde of his wilfull forwardnes which for the most parte heapeth wretched effectes vpon such as seeke not to accompanie their vallour with counsell and discression In the beginning of the assaulte he was striken with a bullet of a harquebuze of which wound he fell downe dead to the earth receiuing iustly vpon his body and life the price of the action which contrary to all iustice and pyetie he went about to execute But muche lesse that his death did abate or diminishe seeing it did inflame and redouble the courage of his souldiours who feighting with a wonderfull constancie the space of two houres made way at last by their hands and weapons to enter the suburbes wherein they were not onely holpen by the weaknes of the rampiers which were great and generall but also they found helpe in the slender resistance which the defendantes made An experience of right good doctrine to such as haue not as yet gotten by the benefite of examples paste the knowledge of things present who in that action may discerne what property of difference is betwene the vertue of souldiours exercised trayned in warre and armies newly and hastily leauied and compounded of the multitude of a people more wilful then skilfull and by so muche lesse apt to be drawne vnder discipline by how much more by their nature and custome they are seldome conformable to any good order For there was at the defence of the suburbes one parte of the youth of Rome vnder the enseignes of the people notwithstanding that many of the Gebelins and faction of Colonno desired or at least did not feare the victorie of thimperialls They hoped in regard of their faction to receiue no harme or offence by the victors the same being the cause why they proceded so coldly in the defence Neuertheles for that according to the rules of warre it is a hard matter to take townes without artilleries there dyed of the assaylants partly by that want and partly through their wilfull forwardnes about a thousand footemen who hauing once by their vallour made the waye open to enter in all the defendantes fled before them as men whose feare was farre aboue any other sense or passion in them In which disorder some tooke the waye which his fortune and not his witte layde out for him some in the astonishment seking to flee who durst no more feight was slayne by thenemy afore he could resolue vpon the way of his safety some eyther better prepared or more happly preserued found that safety in running away which they could not but dout if they had longer endured the fight and some with that resolutiō which their present calamity would suffer ranne by heapes towards the Castell where in place of reskew they founde a feare conformable to their owne In so much as all things beeing reduced to confusion and manyfest flight the suburbes were entirely abandoned and lefte a pray to the victors And the person of the Pope who exspected with great deuotion in the pallace of Vattican what would be the issue of thassault hearing that the enemies were entred had also with the others his passions of feare and frayltie and in that tymerous contemplation of hys owne perill he fledde with certayne Cardinalls to the Castell His feare kept him from beeing resolute in a perill that was so desperate neyther dyd he thinke that with the presence and maiestie of his person though it was couered with the vayle of the highest dignitie vpon earth he was hable to put by the daunger which the vallour and fidelitie of his souldiours could not defende with their weapons There he consulted with the Cardinalls whether it were more for his safety to remayne there or during
alleaged the contract appeared not by writing notwithstanding the Pope mainteyned a further obligation So that he solicited to enter into the paye of the French and Florentins complayning bitterly of certaine intelligences and practises enterteyned against him by the Cardinall of Cortono and of a letter which he had surprised written by the Cardinall Medicis to Braccio Baillon But the Pope seeking indirectly to stoppe the effect of his deuice forbad by Edicts publike that none of his subiectes without his leaue shoulde take the payes of other Princes vpon paine of confiscation Neuerthelesse Malatesta forbare not for that to prosecute his deuise The Frenchmen bounde them to indue him with a charge of two hundred horsemen two thowsand crownes pension the order of Saint Michael and in time of warre with two thowsand footemen And the Florentines gaue him the title of Gouernor two thousand crownes pension a thousand footmen in time of warre fiftie horsemen for his sonne and fiftie for the sonne of Horatio with fiue hundred crownes for the paye of them both They tooke vpon them the protection of his estate and of Perousa and aswel the French King as they made him one ioynt allowance in time of peace of an hundred crownes the moneth to enterteyne ten Captaines And the Florentines a part made him a paie for two hundred footmen for the garde of Perousa and for his part he was onely bounde to this to goe to their seruice with a thousande footemen when their affaires required yea though he shoulde not haue the bandes promised from the Frenche King Of this dealing the Pope complayned highlye to the Frenche King as a matter done directlye to let him for disposing according to his will of a Citie whiche was vassall and subiect to the Churche the same making the King who bare no mynd to kindle the Pope to deferre the action of ratification and for the same cause the Pope hoping to be able to alter or retyre Malatesta perswaded him to continue out his yeare and at the same time he enterteyned secretly Braccio Baillon Sero Colonno and the exiles of Perousa who hauing assembled and mustered bands of souldiers lay incamped at Norcio But all these practises together with all offers and oblacions serued to no purpose for that Malatesta was resolutely fixed to continue no longer in the Popes paye and as the Florentins ministred ayde to him openly so he feared so much the lesse those stirres or emocions by howe much they ceassed foorthwith the Pope finding they were vnperfect and insufficient to leade on his hopes to their effectes Besides the Pope would not suffer the Duke of Ferrara to dwelin rest and he was so farre of from obseruing the couenants made with the Duke in the name of the Colledge of Cardinals that the byshoprike of Modena being newly fallen into vacacion by the death of Cardinall Gonzaguo an estate promised to the Dukes sonne by the sayde couenants he bestowed it by his authoritie vpon Ierom Moron seeking vnder colour of refusing the possession occasion to prouoke against him suche a personage and minister bearing great authoritie in the Emperours armie He enterteyned also a practise with Ierom Pio to occupie Reggia and that by the meane and operacion of Hubert de Gambaro gouernour of Bolognia But when the Duke was informed of the state of the practise and how farre it extended he passed Pio to such propertie of punishment as his offence deserued He layde plotts also to surprise Rauenna which likewise sorted to none effect And about this time inclining dayly by apparant degrees to the Emperours part and being also well aduaunced in the solicitation of things he sent vnto him the Byshop of Vasono his stewarde he called backe the cause of diuorce of the King of Englande which he had done long time before had not the regarde of the Bull which was already in Englande in the hands of his Legat Campeius reteyned him For as the good fortunes of the Emperour encreased in Italie so he sought not onely not to offende him further but also to reuoke the offence he had done him alreadie being in deede determined before he was sicke to reuoke the cause In which action he sent Frauncis Compagnio into Englande to the Cardinall Campeius dissembling to the King that he was sent for other matters including notwithstanding matter apparteyning to that cause where in deede he brought commission to Campcius to burne the Bull And albeit Campeius for a maladie the Pope was fallen into deferred for a time the execution of that commission yet when he knewe he was recured he perfourmed the thyng he was commaunded So that the Pope being thus deliuered of that feare reuoked the cause though not without great indignation of that King especiallie when he required the Bull of the Legate and vnderstoode by him the vnworthie accident of it These matters made both more seuere and more readie the ruine and fall of the Cardinall of Yorke whose authoritie the King supposed to be so great and gracious with the Pope that if his mariage with the Lady Anne had bene agreeable to him he might haue obteyned of the Pope what dispensation he had woulde By whiche occasion opening his eares to the enuie and mallice of his aduersaries he grewe kindled against him euen to the taking from him his goodes and treasure of a wonderful value and in his indignation leauing him a smal part of the reuenues of his benefices he restrayned him to his Byshoprike with a slender traine of seruants And so not long after eyther by a surprise of letters which he wrote to the French King or for some other propertie of malice of his enemies who gathering by the Kings speches that he was not without inclinacion towardes him and therefore feared least he woulde rise againe into his auncient authoritie he was conuented to appeare in counsell to speake for him selfe in matters to be obiected against him For whiche cause as he was brought towards the Court as prisoner he was suddenly taken with a fluxe engendred either of the humour of disdaine or of the passion of feare of which he dyed the seconde day after he was apprehended with the maladie an example in our dayes worthie of memorie touching the power whiche fortune and enuie hath in the Courts of Princes About this time fell out in Florence to the greate preiudice of the gouernment that then was a newe chalenge against Nicholas Cappony Gonfalonier it happened almost vpon the end of the second yeare of his magistracie and was incensed principallie by the enuie of some of the chiefe citisens who tooke occasion of the vaine suspicions and fond ignorancies of the commons Nicho. Cappony during all the time of his magistracie hath had these two principall obiectes the one to defend him selfe against the freshe enuie of those that had bene honored of the house of Medicis suffring the principals amongst them to communicat with the other Citisens in the honors and
a cāpe they would driue the ennemies through difficulties to dissolue the warre which they durst not resist by their vallor Neuertheles either to auoid these difficulties or to prepare a remedy the prince of Orenge had sent out xv hundred footemen iiij hūdred horsemen with iiij peces of artilleries to take Lastra wherin were three enseignes of footemē of whom was passed to the sword two hundred bodies and the towne taken before the reskewes of Florence could ariue it hapned also that in the night of the xj of December Stephen Colonno with a thowsand harquebuziers and iiij hundred halberdiers and partisanes all armed with corselets and cassakins after the maner of camisado of Spaine set vpon the regiment of Sero Colonno lying in the houses neare to the Church of Saint Margaret de Monticio and in that surprise they slew and wounded many soldiours without the losse of one person of theirs About that time were slaine with the bollette within the gardin of Saint Mymato Maria Vrsin and Iulio saint Crosse And in the like fortune Pirrhus going to Saint Peters Borovv to take Montopoly which is a towne of the contrey of Pisa he was cut of by the footemen that were within Employ and being defeated in the waie betwene Palaia Montopoly many of his companies fell into the fortune of prisoners The Florentyns sent to the borow of Saint Sepulchro Napolion Vrsin with an hundred fiftie horsemen to encounter Alexander Vitelly who was sent to destroie the contrey all a long the saied borow and Anguiaro But now the warre beginning to fall into action of terror and astonishment after the regimēts newly sent by themprour were passed the Alpes the townes of Pistoya and Prato being abandoned of the Florentyn garrisons were yeelded vp to the Pope By reason whereof the armie that had left behind them no impediment marched not to ioine with the others but remaining incamped on the other side of Arno they went to lodge at Peretola neare the walls of the citie vnder the authoritie gouernment of the Marquis of Guast though the prince of Orenge was alwaies superior and absolute aboue all By which disposing of the armie apart and separate things were rather reduced to the forme of a seege then to an action of oppugnacion At this time also Pietrasanta was rendred to the Pope And as the Pope labored with a perpetuall studie and care of minde to leade to perfection the purposes he had pretended to reestablish and sette vp his house in Florence so towardes the ende of this yeare partly at the request of Malatesta Baillon who gaue him hope of accord he sent to Florence directly to him Rodolffo Pio bishop of Faensa with whom were debated diuerse and sundrie thinges some with the priuitie of the citie and for their profitte and some in secrecie by Malatesta against the weale of the citie matters which much lesse that they soarted to any effect seeing it was discerned that Malatesta who was now come to the expiracion and full time of his paie had enterteined them with art conning to th end that the Florentins fearing to be abandoned of him would estsones reteine him into their pay with title of capteine general of the warre which in th end he obteined This enterprise of Florence continued also the yeare a thowsand fiue hundred and thirtie and albeit the prince of Orenge in beginning to make new caualiers cast new trenches made demonstraciō to batter vehemently the bastillions but chefly the bastillion of Saint George which was very strong yet what thorow his ignorance which could not be without his ignominie and what for the difficultie in the action wherein his errour was nothing lesse not one deuise was put in execucion the garde of the whole Mount apparteining to Stephen Colonno In the beginning of this yeare the Florentins taking hope in the matters of negociacion with the bishoppe of Faensa sent of newe other embassadours to the Pope and to themprour but with expresse commission to innouate nothing nor harken to any mocion by the which the gouernment might be altered or the generall iurisdiction diminished So that as they were repugnant in the principall article so they could neuer obteine audience of themprour but according to the vanitie of their commission they retorned to Florence without any conclusion There were within Florence nyne or tenne thowsande footemen strong but payed according to the number of foureteene thowsande And as the souldiours were resolute to defende the Citie with a great affection and readynes of fayth So to confirme them the more all the Capteines being assembled in the Church of Saint Nicholas after the celebration of the Masse and in the presence of Malatesta they made a solemne othe to stande against the iniuries and inuasions offred agaynst the Citie vntill the laste man Onely in this vniuersall constancie was founde vnconstant Napoleon Vrsin who notwithstanding he professed him selfe assured to the Florentins by receyuing their money and imprest yet he became a reuolte and returning to Bracciano compounded his affayres with thEmperour and the Pope and reuoked from the seruice of Florence certaine capteines whom he had sent thither before But the Pope omitted no diligence wherein he thought was any meane to aduaunce his intention Wherein he so wrought with the French king that he sent Monsr Cleremont to excuse thaccorde he had made by necessitie to redeme his children And where he alleaged how impossible it was to comprehend that state in thaccorde he counselled them with reasons inducements to lay themselues downe to the necessitie of the time and take suche conditions as they might so farreforth as they were conducible to the profit and conseruation of their liberty In which good inclination to helpe to raunge the issue of things to their weale and benefite he offred as it were to interpose in the action He also commaunded by publike protestation Malatesta and Stephen Colonno being of the kings creation and dependancy to depart from Florence notwithstanding a part and seuerally he gaue them comfort to the contrary But the thing that imported moste to staye his reputation and astonishe the people was that to satisfie the Pope and the Emprour he retyred his ordinarie Embassador resident at Florence leauing there notwithstanding as a person priuate Emilio Ferier by whom for that he woulde not vtterly leaue them desperate he made secret promise to ayde thē assone as he had recouered his children Such was the Popes ambition in this action and so suttle was his humor to serue his turne of all meanes that eyther art or industrie could insinuate that he had almoste brought the Frenche king to make retyre from his Court thembassadour resident for Florence Wherein to drawe better fauour to his purposes he sent by the Bishop of Tarby the Cardinalls Hatte to the Lorde Chauncellor and not long after he gratified him with the legation of the realme of Fraunce And by him
reuenge as he confessed of a trumpet whome he had caused to be hanged beeing sente to him at the siege of Voltero to declare a message Thus the Florentins seemed delyuered vp to a condition abandoned of all succours bothe diuine and humaine in whome also increased dayly afflictions of famine without hope of further remedie or comforte And yet albeit their extremities for their nature were no lesse heauye and greeuous then their remedies desperate yet the obstinacie of those that opposed agaynst the accorde was nothing abated but was augmented by the same degrees which multiplied their wantes and extremities Those men beeing induced by a laste dispayre not to pull vpon them their owne ruine without the distruction of the countrey and standing nowe no more wilfully resolued to dye for the safety of the countrey but that their common countrey and their lyues should take ende together were also followed of many who flattered them selues with this impression that the succours of the great God of wonders woulde not appeare before thinges were reduced to suche tearmes as there remayned no further exspectation in humayne helpe And as the Magistrates and almoste all suche as managed any publike authoritie were concurrant in this obstinacie and no place left to impugne it for that greater was the awe of the Magistrates and threates of armes then the reasons or perswasions of those that were of the contrarie opinion So there had bene daunger that the warre woulde haue ended with the laste destruction of that Citie had it not bene for the industrie of Malatesta who seeing the aduersitie of the Citie to be without remedie dyd as it were constrayne them to incline to accorde Wherein happlye he was caryed by pitie and compassion to see wholly perishe throughe the rage of her Citisens a Citie so auncient and flourishing And happly he was moued by the dishonour and domage that mighte come to him to bee present at so greate a ruine But the principall cause of his induction was that he hoped to obteyne of the Pope by the meane of that accorde suffraunce to returne to Perousa So that whilest the Magistrates and suche as were most furious and forward were consulting to make issue out of the Citie the souldiours to giue battell to thenemies who both exceeded them in numbers and aduauntage and strength of place and that he refused to go out with them They suffred their passion to cary them so farre that they decassed him and deposed hym from his charge of Capteine and sente certayne of the moste disordered amongest them to denownce agaynst him a commaundement to go out of the towne with his companies A matter which both for the soddennes comming vnlooked for and for the property of iniurie being not deserued did so inflame and kindle him that striking at one of them with his dagger the assistantes that were by him had muche to do to deliuer him with his life out of his hands By which accident the present company being astonished the whole Citie beginning to ryse those that were not so farre incensed with passion and fury began in better temperāce to reprehend the rashnes of the Gonfalonier who though he went to arme himselfe protesting sometimes that he would set vpon Malatesta and sometimes that he woulde issue out to feight with thenemies at laste thinges were qualified to this moderation that the desperate obstinacie of many gaue place to the extreme necessitie of the whole In so muche as in those moodes they sente out foure Embassadours the nynth of August to capitulate with Don Ferrand Gonsaguo who for the death of the Prince of Orenge commaunded in the army the Marquis of Guast beeing retyred before with whom the day following the conclusion was made of which these were the principall articles that the Citie within very few dayes should pay fourescore thousande duckets for the withdrawing of the armie That the Pope and the Citie shoulde giue authoritie to themprour to declare within three monethes what should be the fourme of the gouernment alwayes reseruing and sauing their lybertie That there was generally pardoned all maner of iniuries done agaynst the Pope his friendes and his seruauntes That tyll the declaration and sentence of themprour were passed Malatesta Baillon should remayne within the Citie in garrison with two thowsande footemen Assone as this accorde was made and whilest the money was collected for the armie whereof there was neede of a farre greater summe for that in the Pope was found little readines to releeue the Citie with money in so great a daunger The Popes Commissarie called Bart. Valory ioyning with Malatesta who aspired altogether to returne to Perousa made a conuocation of the people in the publike place according to the auncient customes of that Citie to the which the Magistrates and multitudes agreed through feare And in that Parliament they introduced a newe fourme of gouernment by the whiche was giuen authoritie to twelfe Citisens of the faction of the Medicis to dispose as they thought good of the pollicie of the Citie who reduced it to that fourme whiche it was wont to carye before the yeare a thowsande fiue hundred seuen and twentie After this the armie dislodged and brake vp and hauing receyued money for the orderly pay and satisfying of the vniuersall bandes the Italian capteines conuerting to their owne priuate vsage to the great ignominy of their discipline that which should haue runne amongst the souldiours by share retyred into Florence loaden with the money which was appoynted to paye the armie They contented with a litle the regiments of footemen and dismissed them who remeining without leaders or commaunders went dispersed into diuers places of the contry But for the Spanyards launceknights being fully aunswered of all their payes they went out of the townes and iurisdiction of Florence drew to the contry of Sienna to reorder the gouernment of that citie And as Malatesta Baillon whome the Pope suffred to returne to Perousa without tarying for the declaracion of thEmprour left the citie wholly to the arbitracion and will of the Pope So after the souldiours were gone out of it the persecutions punishments of the Citizens began the ende of one calamitie being the beginning of an other for those into whose power and administracion was diuolued the gouernment and authoritie partly to assure better the state and partly by malice conceiued against the authors of so many euills and partly for memorie of iniuries perticularly receyued but principally to satisfie the intencion and endes of the Pope though he made small manifestacion thereof Those I say obseruing happly the superficies and outward declaracion of the wordes but wresting and peruerting the inward sense interpreted that the chapter or article by the which pardon was promised to such as had iniuried the Pope and his friendes extended not to deface and wipe out the wrongs crymes which by them selues were committed in matters that cōcerned the common weale In which
inclinacion to reuenge thinformacion things being preferred vp to the Magistrates six of the principalls were beheaded many imprisoned and a great number bownd ouer according to the tradicions and statutes of the citie Insomuch as the citie being so much the more made weake and feeble by how much she was shaked in her pillors and chiefe foundacions And withall those that had pertaked in these reuenges and punishments being reduced into greater necessities and difficulties The power of the Medicis returned more free and more absolute yea almost royally into that citie which had for so long and great a warre remeyned much impouerished of money made naked both within and without of many inhabitants and spoyled both of dwellings and goods abroad lastly stoode now more then euer deuided in it selfe A calamitie which yet was made so much the more great and heauy by how much had bene more lamentable for many yeres their vniuersall necessitie and difficultie to make prouision of vitteis in forreine contries for the generall skarcetie and darth which the whole contry endured for as for that yeare by reason of the afflictions and impediments of the warre they made neither seede time nor haruest so it was so seueare a calamitie continued to the yeares succeeding that the citie being raked and dreyned had yssued out more money to make prouision of corne from forreine regions and cattell without the lymits of their own dominions then had bene defrayed for thexspenses of so great a warre full of heauy burdens and charges In this meane while thEmprour assembling the dyet at Auspurge had caused to be elected king of Romains Ferdinand his brother And calling into question the cause of the Lutherans both suspected touching the power of Princes and for the multitude and ambicion of their followers deuided into diuers heresies and euen the life and example of Martyn Luther the originall Author of that opinion being now almost of no consideracion The Princes of Germany could deuise of no better remedie then to assemble and celebrate a councell for both the Lutherans seeking to couer their cause with the authoritie of religion solicited vehemently to haue their cause disputed in a publike and free councell And on the other parte it was beleued that the decrees which the councell should set downe would beare authoritie sufficient if not to reduce and remoue the minds of the heretikes from their errours at least to retyre and recouer to a more sownd opinion one parte of the multitudes infected But in Germany euen those that followed the factions and opinions of the Catholikes desired the conuocacion of a councell to th ende to reforme the excessiue charges and abuses of the Court of Rome Where what with the authoritie of indulgences and with the profit of dispensacions and lastly with the annates or yearely frutes of benefices that were giuen together with the allowances that in thexpedicion of them reuerted to the offices infinitely multiplyed in that Court It seemed there was no other studye or carethen to exacte by those corrupcions a huge masse of treasor throughout all Christendome without regarding the health and true comforting of soules nor that matters Ecclesiastike were rightly administred and gouerned for both many benefices incompatible were transferred and heaped vppon one person and also without respecting the merits and worthines of men they were eyther bestowed by partialitie and fauor or at least such persons were introduced who for their age were incapable or for their doctrine insufficient or which worse is for their life and example most slaunderous The Emperour was verye forwarde to satisfie this vniuersall instance and solicitacion of the partes and states of Germanye And helde it also not out of purposse for his affayres to appease in those prouinces the causes of the tumultes and contumacye of the peoples In which regardes he vrged the Pope by reducing to his memorye the conference they had together at Bolognia to call a councell promising him least he feared his authoritye and dignitye shoulde fall into daunger to bee there in personne to take perticularly care of him But for the Pope albeit there was nothinge in the worlde that coulde bee offered more to his displeasing or discontentement then the assemblye of a councell yet to nourishe the opinion that men had of his good intencion he dissembled that inclinacion or rather cause of feare And yet in effecte he had many deepe and setled feares one was least the councell to moderate the abuses of the Court and the indiscreete permissions of many Popes woulde not too much diminishe and restrayne the power of the sea Apostolyke an other was which was no small impression in him that albeit when he was called to bee Cardinall he had proued by witnesses that he was borne in lawefull mariage yet in truthe he knewe it was contrarye And albeit there coulde bee founde no lawe written that forbadde any man not lawefully borne to ascende to the Papacie yet there was enterteyned amongest them an auncient and common opinion that no man vppon whome coulde bee proued illegittimacion coulde bee capable of a Cardinalls place Thirdely he reduced to remorsse and conscience that he was raysed to the sea Apostolyke not without some suspicion of symonie practised with the Cardinall Colonno And lastely he feared least for the seuerities and rudenes whiche he had vsed towardes his naturall contrye accompanyed with so manye tumultes and aduersities of warre he shoulde bee made perpetually infamous in the generall councell the rather for that it had appeared vppon theffectes that he was moued not to reduce that citye to a good and moderate gouernment but was induced with ambicion and enuye to put it eftsoones vnder the yoke and seruitude of his house In regarde of these causes and feares lyke as he abhorred the name of a councell and coulde not accompt the fidelitie of the Emperour a sufficient sewertye to him So after he had communicated the whole matter with some Cardinalls deputed to the discussion of a cause of so greate waight who also stoode in feare to be corrected by the councell he aunswered that there were many reasons against the calling of a councell in that time both for that there was no assured stabilitie of peace amongest the Princes of Christendom And also the feare was no lesse that the Prince of Turkes would recōtinue the warre in which case it were not good that he found the regions of Christendom encombred with the disputacions and contencions of the councell Neuerthelesse making show to referre the resolucion of it to thEmprour he concluded that he was contented that he should promisse in the dyet the induction of the councell with these obseruacions That it might be celebrated in Italy That a reasonable tyme were assigned for the calling of it That it be assisted with the person and presence of thEmprour And that the Lutherans and other heretikes promising to refer them selues to the determinacion of the councell should in the
meane while desist from the practise of their corrupcions And rendring to the sea Apostolike their due obedience they should returne to their former conuersation of Christian Catholikes This article made more hard the whole practise and negociacion of the councell ▪ for the Lutherans were not onely not to desist from their opinions and ceremonies before the celebracion of the councell but also it was beleued that they had no inclinacion to the councell where they could exspect no other matter then a reprobacion of their doctrine the rather for that their principall opinions had bene many times refuted as hereticall by the former councells yea it was thought they insisted vppon the conuocacion of this councell for that knowing it was a matter fearfull to Popes to stand in presence of a councell they were of opinion that the court of Rome would not accorde to it And so by that meane they should support their cause with the nations of the world with a greater authoritie With these actions and intencions determined the yeare a thowsand fiue hundred and thirty and successiuely followed the yeare 1531. wherein was wrought no great matter of emocion and stirre for notwithstanding it was comprehended by many signes that the French king was not onely ill contented with the accords and contracts made with the Emprour but also stoode very desirous to innouate things to new tumults with whom the king of England bare the same inclinacion especially against thEmprour for that standing in defence of the cause of the sister of his mother he impugned the matter of his diuorce yet the French king beeing both impouerished of money litle leasure to respire from the trauells of so long warrs he sawe the time was not yet apt to kindle matters of innouacion Neuerthelesse he omitted not in the meane while to conspire aswell in Germany with such Princes as bare mindes estraunged from thEmprour as in Italy with the Pope to whome the better to assure his amitie he made an ouerture of mariage betweene his seconde sonne and the Popes Neece In which practises and conspiracies he suffered him selfe to be so much ouercaried with malice and reuenge that to the great offence of God and perpetuall infamie to the crowne of Fraunce which alwayes made principall profession to defend Christian religion and for those merits was honored with the title of Christianissimus he enterteyned practises with the Prince of Turkes to stirre him vp against the Emprour Towards whome the Turkes were ordinarily ill disposed no lesse for a naturall hatred they bare to the name of Christians then for the matter of controuersies they had with his brother tending to questions for the Realme of Hungrie with the Vayuode whome he had taken into his protection The Turkes also began with much ielousie to suspect and enuye the greatnes of thEmprour By this time th Imperiall Capteines leauied their forces from the territories of Sienna to leade them to Piemont But before they departed to satisfie the Pope they reestablished within Sienna the famulie of Montonouo repossessing them of their cōtry and goods yet altered not the forme of the gouernment And to assure them in their estate they left them a garde of three hundred Spanyards depending vppon the Duke of Malfy vnder whome beeing not able to keepe his authoritie thinges so reuerted forthwith to their olde disorders that suche as had beene reestablished and restored left for feare the thinge they could not holde by force Moreouer the Emperour pronownced the forme of gouernment for Florence dissembling that parte of the authoritie giuen to him which lymited their libertie saued for that according to the very instructions which the Pope had sent to him he expressed that the citie shoulde be gouerned with the same Magistrate and in the same manner it was wont in the tymes when the Medicis ruled it he declared also for chiefe of the gouernment Alexander the Popes Nephewe and his sonne in lawe And that in case of him and his yssue extinct there shoulde succeede from hand to hande the children the descendants and the next procreated of the same famulie he restored to the citie all the priuileadges agreed vnto beforetymes by him and by his predecessors but with this condicion annexed to be deposed from them as often as the citie shoulde attempt any thinge against the greatnes of the famulie of Medicis inserting throw all the decree wordes which showed that he tooke not his ground and inducement onely vppon the power that had beene giuen to him by the parties but also vppon the authoritie and dignitie imperiall In which manner of dealing where he happly satisfied the Pope more then was extended by the facultie giuen him by the writ of compromisse he offended him as much immediatly after in a matter which was no lesse greeuous to him then the other was agreeable for after the Doctors especially assigned had heard and examined the controuersie betwene the Pope and Duke of Ferrara before whome both the parties had produced many testimonies and inscripcions with a long course of processe and pleading he pronownced sentence according to their councell and relacion that as Modena and Reggia apperteyned of right to the Duke of Ferrara so the Pope in receiuing of him an hundred thowsand duckats and reducing the tributes to the auncient manner he should inuest him of new in the iurisdiction of Ferrara Wherein the Emprour labored to insinuat into the Pope that where contrary to his promisse made in Bolognia not to pronownce in case he founde his cause not to be iust he had giuen sentence That he was not to complaine against him but rather to blame the Bishoppe of Vasona his Nuncio to whome he alwayes gaue significacion that he woulde not pronownce sentence for that he woulde not bee constrayned to passe iudgement against the Pope But he perswading the contrarye and interpreting those significacions for a discharge of the promisse he had made to giue sentence if the right were in him had pressed so muche the publicacion of the sentence that he was halfe constrayned to it for the regarde of his honour An excuse whiche the Pope woulde sooner haue admitted if the sentence and iudgement had not beene in the same sorte and manner Wherein thEmprour had many tymes assayed to reduce the matter by accorde But the poynte wherein the Pope was moste offended was that the Emperour in pronowncinge vppon the matters of Modena and Reggia hadde followed a waye and taken a coursse of a Iudge moste rogorous but in the action of Ferrara wherein the rigour was manifestelye for hym he hadde donne the office of a friendelye Arbitrator and Compromittor Therefore though he woulde neither ratifie the sentence pronownced nor accept the payment of the money wherein the Duke was condemned neither did he at the next feaste of Saint Peter accept the tribute which was publikely offred to him according to auncient custom yet the Emprour forbare not for
state of Sienna at ten thowsand and the citie of Lucquay at a thowsand And to thend to be found prepared against all suddeine vnlooked for inuasions vntill defense might be made with the contribucions afforenamed it was agreed that immediatly should be leauied a loane of a summe of money almost equall to the taxacions and that not to be exspended onlesse the preparacions to inuade Italy were manifestly discerned There was also set downe a small contribucion yearely for thinterteinment of those Capteines that remeyned in Italy and to defraye certeine pensions to the Svvyzzers to stoppe that nation for giuing ayde of men to the French king Ouer this league was declared Capteine generall by common consent Antho. de Leua with ordenaunce that he should remeine in the Duchie of Myllan Touching the generall councell there was nothing cōcluded to the liking of thEmprour who stil solicited the Pope to send out present summonce for it But he refused to accomplishe the mocion alleaging that as in that ill disposicion of the time and mens mindes there would be daunger lest the kings of England and Fraunce would not appeare So if the councell were celebrated without them much lesse that there could be introduced either vnion or reformacion of the Church seeing it was to be feared lest things would diuolue to a manifest scisme Onely he was content to send out Nuncioes to all Princes to induce them to so holly a worke But albeit thEmprour made a question to him what would be the yssue of thinges if those two Princes did dissent from them without iust cause and pressed him in that case to intimat the councel yet he could neuer dispose him to it So that his Nuncioes were assigned and sent out with a very slender hope to bring backe any good conclusion ThEmprour was no better satisfied touching the negociacion of the parentage for that when the two Cardinalls which the French king had sent were comen to Bolognia and had eftsoones recontinued the negociacion of the mariage with the second sonne of Fraunce The Pope gaue aunswer to the offer made for the Duke of Myllan and exhibited by the Emprour That whereas the Frenche king had long time before made an ouerture of mariage for his sonne he had harkned to the mocion by the consent of thEmprour declaring at that time his good consent and liking he should nowe doe too greate a wronge to the Frenche king if during the negociacion he should giue his Neece in mariage to one of his ennemies But he perswaded him that that practise was artificially introduced by the French king to enterteine him and not with intencion to conclude it seing there was betweene the parties so great disagreement and inequalitie of degree and condicion Lastly he assured him that he would not commit so great an offence to the king if he sawe not before the practise and solicitacion altogether broken And the Emprour for his parte beeing not to be perswaded that the French king would adioyne his sonne to a matche so farre vnequall to him encouraged and aduised the Pope that for the better vncouering of the kings dissimulacions he would presse the Cardinals to send for a procuracion to contract them which accordingly was accomplished in fewe dayes and exhibited in very ample forme By which readines and resolute meaning not onely was lost all hope of affinitie with Frauncis Sforce but also the solicitacion with the French king was pursued with so muche the more importunitie and to it was further added according to the deuise betweene them longe before that the Pope and the Frenche kinge shoulde contracte together at Nyce A citye of the Duke of Sauoye standing vppon the ryuer of Var and separateth Italye from Prouence These matters were not a litle discontenting to thEmprour aswell for a suspicion he had that betwene the Pope and French king were concluded a greater coniunction to his preiudice as also for that he was ielous that in the Pope remeyned not some secrete memorie and impressions of his imprisonment of the sacke of Rome of the mutacion of Florence and of other wronges To these he adioyned the passion of disdayne wherein he iudged that the honor which the Pope had done to him in making two iorneyes to Bolognia to speake with him woulde stande derided and diminished if he shoulde make a voyage by sea so farre as Nyce to meete with the French king But in vaine were these suspicions and the causes of them though he could not dissemble them for that in the Popes mind was vehemently norished and affected the desire of that affinitie beeing happly moued more with ambicion and appetit of glorye in that beeing of a house almoste simple and priuate he had obteyned in recompense of a bastarde Nephewe of his A bastard Daughter of so mightye an Emperour and nowe in exchaunge of his Neece legyttimate he had honored his howse with the seconde sonne of Fraunce lawefully borne and orderly assured Then that he was induced which many councelled him that by the meane of that parentage he might giue cooller of right though more apparant then true to the Frenche king to enter for his sonne and for his Daughter in law vppon the estate of Florence To these discontentments of thEmprour may be added also as a full accomplishment of his disliking That where he made instance to the Pope to create three Cardinalls exhibited by him he obteyned onely and that with difficultie the calling of thArchbishop of Bary the Pope making his excuses vppon the contradiction of the Colleage of Cardinalls The Emprour stoode litle appeased in the readines which the Pope showed to make a secret confederacion with him wherein he promised to proceede iudicially to pronownce iudgements and censures and all other things that might be done by right against the king of England and against the Lady Anne Bolleyne And they were bownd to make no new confederacions or accords with Princes without reciprocall consent one of an other Thus thEmprour departed from Bolognia the daye after the conclusion of the confederacion being now no lesse assured in him selfe that the sayd mariage would goe on together with thenteruiew betweene the Pope and the French king Then he had reason to doubt some greater coniunction And beeing embarked at Genes he passed into Spaine with this resolute intencion that if the mariage of Katherine de Medicis were celebrated with the seconde sonne of Fraunce he woulde dissolue and breake the matche made betwene his Daughter and Alexander de Medicis Not many dayes after the Pope departed to goe to Rome beeing accompanied with the two French Cardinalls and nothing troubled with the newe confederacion for that as he was excellent in simulacions and practises in which he was not surmounted with feare so he had told them that vppon concluding the league the spanish armie was to dissolue decasse A matter which would turne more to the benefit of the french king then the league