his Adversaries which have taken no great care to propose clearly their accusations nor to comprehend well the Sentiments of those they accused as appeareth by the obscurity of the Heads which we have read Celestius saith amongst other things that as to what regards the Propagation of Sin he heard several Catholick Priests and particularly Rufinus deny it He presented a Petition to the Council where he confessed the Children were redeemed by Baptism but he was condemned nevertheless and being obliged to depart ouâ— of Africk he retired into Sicily where hâ— writ some works in his Defence It was from thence that he sent to St. Augustine short questions which he had composed to prove that man of his Nature inevitably is not carried to do evil These Interrogations are in fourteen Articles that Vsher hath related at length We shall mention here one or two of them by which the rest may be judged of First of all saith he we must ask of those who say that man cannot be without sin what sin is in general If it is a thing that may be avoided or not If it cannot be avoided there is no hurt in committing it If man can avoid it he may be without Sin But neither reason nor Justice permit that that should be called a Sin which cannot be any way avoided We must again ask if Man ought to be without Sin 'T will be undoubtedly answered that he ought If he ought he can if he cannot he is not obliged Besides that if man ought not to be without Sin he ought to be a Sinner and 't will be no more his fault if it be supposed that he is necessarily such In the same time Pelagius that was at Ierusalem published divers pieces where he expounded more at length his Sentiments and where he particularly granted that no man excepting Jesus Christ had ever been without sin it did not follow that that was impossible He affirm'd that he disputed not of the Fact but of the Possibility and that yet it was not possible but by the Grace or the Assistance of God St. Augustine hath undertaken to refute one of these pieces of Pelagius in his Book of Nature and Grace He accuseth him on the one side of confounding the Graces that God gives us in Creation with those by which he regenerates us and on the other side to say that God gives his Graces according to merit and that these Graces are but outward but it shall be seen in the sequel how Pelagius expounded his Opinion Three years after that Celestius was condemned at Carthage his Master was accused at Ierusalem of holding the same opinions Iohn Bishop of this City called an Assembly of some Priests to examine Pelagius and to see if really he held the Opinions that were attributed to him For to know what was done in Africk against Celestius Into this Assembly were called three Latine Priests Avitus Vitalis and Oros. This last was then at Bethlehem studying as he saith himself at the feet of St. Ierome to whom St. Augustine had recommended him Whilst he was in Africk in the time of the Condemnation of Celestius he related to this Assembly at Ierusalem with what zeal those of Carthage had condemned that Heretick and said that St. Augustine had made a Book against Pelagius and had besides in a Letter written into Sicily refuted the questions of Celestius Having this Letter about him he offered to read it and did so at the entreaty of the Assembly After this reading the Bishop Iohn desired that Pelagius should be introduced It was permitted by connivance saith Orose whether for the respect they had for the Bishop or that it was believed fit that this Prelate should refute him in his presence He was asked if he acknowledged to have taught what Augustine Bishop of Hippona had refuted He instantly answered who is this Augustine and as all cryed out that a man who blasphemed against a Bishop by the mouth of whom the Lord had kept an Vnion in all Africk ought not only to be banished from this Assembly but from all the Church John ordered him to sit in the midst of the Catholick Priests tho' a Laick and guilty of Heresie After that he said to him 'T is I that am Augustine that acting in the name of this offended Bishop can more freely pardon Pelagius and appease enraged Minds We then said to him continueth Orose If you represent here the person of Augustine follow his Opinions He replied by asking us if we believed that what was read was against some other or against Pelagius If it be against Pelagius added he what have you to propose against him I answered by the permission of the Assembly that Pelagius had told me he maintained man could be without sin and could easily observe the Commandments of God if he pleased Pelagius confessed it was his opinion Thereupon I said this that 't was that which the Bishops of Africk had condemned in Celestius which Augustine declared in his writings to be a horrible Doctrine and that which Ierome had rejected in his Epistle to Câ—esiphon and which he refuted in the Dialogues that he then composed But the Bishop of Ierusalem without hearing any thing of all that would have us to bring parties before him against Pelagius We are not answered We the Accusers of this man but we declare unto you what the Brethren and our Fathers have judged and decreed touching this Heresie that a Laick publisheth now lest he should trouble you the Church into the bosom of which we are come Then to engage us in some sort to declare our selves parties he begun to instruct us in what the Lord saith to Abraham Walk before me and be thou upright and what is said of Zacharia and Elizabeth that both of them were just before God and walked bamleless in all the Commandments of the Lord. Many amongst us knew that that was a remark of Origen and I answered him We are Children of the Catholick Church Exact not from us O Father that we should undertake to raise our selves into Doctors above the Doctors nor into Iudges above the Iudges Our Fathers whose Conduct is approved by the Vniversal Church and in whose Communion you rejoice to see us have declared these Maxims damnable It 's just that we should obey their decrees Why do you ask the Children what they think after having learned the Sentiments of their Fathers The Bishop said after that if Pelagius maintain'd that man could be without sin without the help of God it would be a damnable Doctrine but that he did not exclude the help of God and asked what we had to say to that If he denied the necessity of this assistance We answered Anathema to those that did deny it and we cryed out that he was a Latin Heretick that we were Latins that he was to be judged by Latins and that it was almost an impudence in him to pretend to
Inspired him with resolutions to Re-establish the Faith of Nice had already ordered being at Thessalonica by an Edict of the 27 th of February that all his Subjects should Embrace concerning the Holy Trinity the Opinion that was espoused at Rome and Alexandria that those who should profess it should be named Catholicks and the rest Hereticks that the names of Churches should not be given to the latter and that they should be obnoxious to Civil Punishments as well as to Divine Vengeance Being at Constantinople and having observed the great Multitude of Heterodox whereof this City was full he Published an Edict more Severe the Tenth of Ianuary in the Year CCCLXXXI by which he Recalls all those that might have given any Liberty to Hereticks and takes from them all the Churches they had in the Cities commanding them to deliver them to those who followed the Faith of Nice He sent word after that to Demophilus an Arian Bishop to Subscribe to this Council or resolve to quit the Churches of Constantinople Demophilus without Ballanceing took the latter Party and advertised the People that the next day they should Assemble without the City And the Arians were thus Dispossessed of the Publick Churches which they had during Forty Years After this Theodosius was Accus'd of wanting Zeal and some would have had him employ'd Violence to have reduced the Arians as Gregory reports tho he disapproves of the Heat of those who found fault with the Conduct of Theodosius because of that and declares against those that pretend to force Consciences The Emperor having sent for Gregory received him with much Affection and told him he was going to put him in Possession of Constantinople For fear the People the greatest part whereof followed the Sentiments of Arius should rise Theodosius sent Soldiers to Seize the Church of St. Sophia and made Gregory to be Conducted by others through the midst of the People which Cryed on every side and was in as much Concern and Despair as if Constantinople had been Taken which cou'd not be an acceptable Spectacle to a Wise and Moderate Bishop Tho the Sun was Risen it was so full of Clouds that it might have been said it was Night But the Sun immediately appeared when Gregory went into the Churh This Circumstance deserved not to be taken notice of if our Bishop had not related it as some extraordinary thing after having said That although he is one of those who regards not such sort of Thoughts he believes notwithstanding it is better to add Faith to all than equally to refuse to believe what is said So soon as they were in the Church Gregory was demanded for Bishop by the Cry of all the People which was there which he made to cease in telling them by a Priest that they should give God Thanks and not to Cry He was threatned with no Danger except thaat one Man drew his Sword and immediately put it into the Scabbard But although the Arians had given up their Churches they never the less Murmured amongst themselves and were enraged for their being driven away Gregory believed with a great deal of reason that the Heterodox might be drawn by Mildness and used it more willingly than the Authority of the Emperor He complains of a parcel of unhappy young People who called Mildness Cowardice gave Fury the name of Courage and would have the Arians to be irritated and inflamed with Anger The Moderation of Gregory did not displease Theodosius who some times would send for him and make him eat at his Table Notwithstanding our Bishop would very seldom be at Court though others were continually there to gain the Favour of the Emperor or of his Officers and made use of the pretence of Piety to advance themselves and ruin their Enemies As he was Old and of a weak Constitution he was often Indisposed which his Enemies attributed to too great Tenderness Being one day in Bed a Man was sent to Assassinate him who touched with Repentance confessed to him at his Beds Feet that he was set on work to have committed this Crime and obtained Forgiveness As to the Revenues of the Church Gregory saith that finding no Account out neither in the Papers of those who had been before him Bishops of Constantinople nor amongst those who had the care of gathering them he would not meddle with them and took nothing on 't that he should not render an Account for the same Theodosius at that time called a Council at Constantinople either to Condemn divers Heresies or to Establish Gregory according to the Canons in the Episcopal See of that City But before we relate what passed therein as to what concerneth Gregory it 's necessary to say somewhat of the Speeches he made whilst he was at Constantinople and which remain yet amongst us Basil Bishop of Caesarea Dyed the First day of the Year CCCLXXX Gregory made a Speech in Honour of him some time after not being able to render his Friend this last Duty as soon as he would He praiseth the Ancestors of Basil who were Persons of Quality and moreover Christians from a long time He saith that during the Persecution of Maximinus some of the Ancestors of Basil being retired into a Forest of Pontus without any Provision and Arms to go to Hunt they prayed God to send them some Game or Venison which they saw in this Wood and that in the very Moment God sent them a great number of Deers and such as were of the Fattest who shewed they were troubled not to be called for sooner Gregory is Merry enough on this Subject according to the Custom of Pagan Orators who do the like in respect to the Pagan Fables That which there is of worst consequence in it is That this renders Suspicious the other Narrations of Gregory 2. Afterwards he makes an Abridgment of the Life of Basil and insists on each Place according to his Custom with much Exaggeration Figures and Moralities Speaking of the manner he himself had passed his Life he saith that he wishes His Affairs may prosper better for the future by the Intercessions of Basil. 3. The ways whereby in his time Men advanced in Ecclesiastical Charges were no more Canonical than the ways which are imployed this day upon that account if Gregory may be Believed After having said that in other Professions Men were advanced by degrees and according to the Capacity they had he assures us that the chief Places were attain'd as much through Crimes as Vertue and that the Episcopal Sees were not for those who were the most Worthy thereof but for the most Potent c. No body takes the name of Physician nor of Painter who hath not studied the nature of Maladies that hath not well mixed Colours and Painted many things but a Bishop is easily found not after his being formed with care but out of hand as the Fable hath feigned that the Giants
Portal were raised 15 foot higher and reached to both sides a little more than four feet Above this was to be seen a Picture which represented Susan the Capital City of Media which the Jews had caused to be put there in remembrance of Esther and of the feast of Purim That was the reason why it was called the Gate of Susan tho it was likewise named the Royal Gate because King Solomon had built the Wall on that side One being ascended to this Gate if he turned himself from the side whence he was come part of the Mount of Olives was to be seen on the right hand separated from Ierusalem by a deep Valley called the Valley of Hinnom or of Tophet or of Ashes There it was that the Idolatrous Israelites used to Sacrifice by an abominable superstition their own Children to Moloch Right against the Gate was the Mount of Olives where the custom was to Sacrifice a Red Cow Thither Men went by a way sustain'd by a double Vault fearing lest the Priest who was to officiate in this Ceremony should pollute himself as he went not knowing it upon some hidden Grave On the Left appeared the same Mountain of Olives separated from the City on that side by the Brook and Valley of Cedron As for the Gate of Susan it was not just in the middle of the outward Circumference of the Holy Mountain because the Temple was not placed in the midst of the Top but towards the North else it could not have been opposite to the Temple which was built on that siâ—e because the place of the Altar which the Fire from Heaven had marked and which was on the North had obliged Solomon to frame thereupon the building of the House of God There were two Gates on the South part of this Wall which were called the Gates of Hulda People went by these two Gates to the City of Ierusalem At the West on the side of Millo and Mount Sion there were four whereof that which was most North was called the Gate of the Rising or of Coponius By reason of the inequality of the Ground and of the depth of the Valley which was at the foot of Moriah Solomon had caused the Ground to be raised from his Palace to this Gate and this rising was garnished with Trees on both sides 'T was that way the Kings went to the Temple The next Gate was called Parbar and the two others were named Assuppim Within these two Gates was a building of the same name where part of the Treasures of the Temple were kept On the North side there was but one only Gate named Tedi or Tadde On this side the Wall which environed the Holy Mountain was not quite on the verge of the Top as on the other sides there remained some space which had been neglected to the end that Holy Place should make a perfect Square At the corner of this space which looked to the North-east a Tower was built called Baris which at first was the Mansion of some High Priests and the place where were kept their Holy Garments but since Herod rebuilt it otherwise and nam'd it the Antonian Tower in remembrance of Marcus Antonius it served to the Roman Soldiers for a Citadel and he that was Governour of it was called the Captain of the Temple Act. 4.1 After this entrance by one of the Gates we mentioned above as by the Eastern Gate there were to be seen along the Wall on the right and on the left three ranks of Marble Pillars holding up a Cieling which could keep out the Rain and the Sun and furnish a covered Walk of 365 paces There were like Porches on the four sides only that which went along the Southern part of the circumference had four ranks of Pillars which formed three Alleys The Cieling of that of the middle was much higher than that of the sides which was equal in heighth to the Cielings of the three other Porches and this same Alley was proportionably larger than the others The Pagans and polluted persons were suffered to enter into these Porches and there to walk round about the Temple as well as in the inward space which these Pillars environed on all sides Within this space was a long Walk surrounded with a Wall full of holes so that light came through by which one might discover all that passed about the Temple This walk encompass'd the Court of the Women and the ascent to it was by some steps No Pagan was permitted to enter therein The Doctors of the Thalmud call it Chel 'T was this which the Jews in the time of Iosephus call'd the second Temple whenas they named the space enclosed within this little Wall which surrounded all the Holy Mountain The first Temple which the Christian Authors call The Court of the Gentiles From the Court of the Gentiles men went up into the second Temple by fourteen steps 'T is in this space and in the Northern part of the Court of the Gentiles where was Situate that which is called properly the Temple with its two Courts When they entred into the second Temple on the East side they might see before them the gate and wall of the Court of the Women from whence one might be distant seven or eight paces and walk covered on all the sides of the Temple Those that were minded to enter into the Court of the Women might go in by three sides to wit on the East on the North and on the South and were to ascend by three steps which were before each door That on the East was more magnificent than the others and 't was for this they called it the Fair Act. 3.2 This Court was also a perfect square of 200 steps or thereabout in length breadth and which on the West had the Court of Israel It was embellished with Porches within as was that which they called the Second Temple excepting the corners where were buildings destined for divers uses In coming in by the gate whereof we now spake on the right hand was seen The House for Wood whereinto was put the provision of Wood requisit for the Altar and where the Priests that were polluted by some accident separated that which was worm-eaten from the other for it was thought unlawfull to put worm-eaten Wood upon the Altar On the left hand was the House of the Nazarites a building where those that had accomplished their Vow of Nazaritism and would return to their Ancient manner of Life boiled the flesh that remained of their offering At the Corner which looked to the South-West was seen the House of Oil wherein the Oil was kept which they stood in need of for the use of the Temple Over against that at the opposite Corner which points to the North-West was the House of the Leprous where were kept enclosed those that presented themselves to be purified from the Leprosie Between these different buildings were four Gates opposite to one another there was an Entrance from
with this dignity which gave them the Preference because they were the three chief Cities of the World The second Question is whether the Bishop of Carthage was subject to the Patriarch of Rome or Alexandria and answer is made that he was subject to neither because he was a Primaâ—e himself of one of the thirteen Dioceses whereof we have spoken As to Jurisdiction he saith that according to the Canons of the Councils the order of the differences amongst Ecclesiasticks and all that concerned the Clergy was immediately to be carried before the Metropolitan and by an appeal before the Primate without acknowledging the Superiority of the Patriarchs That which makes the difficulty is that St. Augustine said that St. Cicilian in his difference with Donatus appeals to the Bishops beyond Sea But answer is made that that ought to be understood of the Council and not of a particular Bishop as that of â—ome who would draw the honour thereof to himself and attributed that Right to himself from the time that the Vandals under their King Genserick destroy'd all Africk as the Popes have done since in regard to the Greek Church by the fall of the Eastern Empire The third Question is an enquiry whether or no England ever depended on the Patriarch of Rome and it s decided in the Negative It had it's Primate who was the Bishop of York For although London according to the Relation of Tacitus was already famous through commerce notwithstanding the City of York was the Capital the Vicar of the Empire resided there and the Emperor Constance Father of Constantine the Great died there If the Gallican Church hath it's Liberties the English Church is not wanting this is examined in a Treatise which followeth those we have already spoken of but 't is not Vshers The Author establisheth for a Foundation that under the ancient Law the Priesthood and Royalty was joyned together and that when they were separated the whole Authority always remained in the Person of the Prince Which is justified by the example of Solomon who nominated Abiathar to perform the Function of High Priest and by other Examples inserted in the request that was presented to King Philip the Fair by all his Subjects against the enterprizes of Pope Boniface VIII And he thence concludes that the outward Policy of the Church belonged always to the Prince and that it 's he alone who hath the power to convocate Councils and in particular by that of Nice and Constantinople which were assembled by the Authority of the Emperours and confirmed by Constantine the Great and Theodosius the Great For tho' the Intrinsick Authority depended on the Word of God the Extrinsick nevertheless depended on the Imperial Seal to give them the force of publick Law From whence he infers Patriarchs were not erected but by the Councils and Authority of the Emperours and chiefly that of Rome the Author evidently demonstrates this dignity was not attributed to it but by the respect that the Fathers and Councils had for the Capital of the Vniverse which was adorned with the Senate and Empire To convince these who are most prejudic'd in favour of the Court of Rome we shall relate but the terms of the last Council save one The Canon of the Council of Calcedon as it is to be seen in the Manuscripts of the Libraries of M. de Thou and M. Iustel He says that the Priviledges of Rome were granted by the Fathers because it was the Mistris of the World Quod urbs illa imperarèt Neither by Divine nor Apostolick Institution as he observes but a motive purely Temporal Therefore also the same Canon grants to Constantinople new Rome the first rank after old Rome for the same reasons because it was also honoured by the Senate and Imperial Throne After that the Author descends to the Priviledges of the English Church and maintains it did not depend on the Roman Patriarch because it was a different Diocess and that it was not in the number of the Suburbicary Provinces This Verse only is a proof on 't Ad penitùs toto divisos orbe Britannos It 's also further justified by this particular circumstance that the English celebrated the Passover according to the Custom of the East and conformed not to the West Having thus prepared the Mind he shews that the Order of Parliament under Henry the 8. who shook off the Popes Yoak was not a new Law but the re-establishment of the Ancient Laws and Maxims of the Kings of England who have maintained in all Ages that the Excommunications of the Pope were void in England and he brings many Examples to prove it He thence draws this Consequence that the Church of England cannot be aspers'd with the odious term of Schismatick because it hath not raised Altar against Altar that it hath kept it's Ancient Government and can shew a Succession of Bishops not interrupted since the beginning of Christianity and consequently it had sufficient Authority to reform it self There is added to these Treatises the advice of Iohn Barnesius a Benedictine Monk Who much disapproved these flatterers of the Court of Rome who have incens'd the Minds of men in maintaining that the Kingdom of England owes any homage to the Holy See and have caused this breach with the Pope He saith it would be very happy if the Pope for the good of Peace would again receive into his Communion the Kingdom of England without rendering it dependant on him until a Council may cure the evil But the Court of Rome never lets go its hold and it 's long since that Pope Paul the fourth answered to this Proposition of Barnesius For the Embassadors of England under Queen Mary asking him Absolution in the Name of the whole Kingdom he omitted not to demand of them if he might send an Exactor of the Tribute of St. Peter declaring unto them that they should not expect this Apostle should open them the Gate of Heaven whilst they retained his Patrimony upon Earth Barnesius confesseth it 's very hard to be submitted to the Pope who when he pleaseth Arms the Subjects against their King and adds that the Councils of Constance and Basil having declared those Hereticks who hold that the Pope was not Inferiour to General Councils the Modern Popes are in the Case of Excommunication declared by these Councils This he saith not to quarrel with his Holiness but humbly to insinuate unto him the means of bringing back so fine a Kingdom into the bosom of the Church Notwithstanding the good Intentions of this poor Monk have been very ill acknowledged for he was sent out of Paris strip'd of his habit tied like a fierce beast and uncompassionately dragg'd to Rome and there cast into the dark Dungeon of the Inquisition where he miserably expired An Extract of the Letters of Grotius I. PART The Subject Criticks and Divinity WE have not seen until now but a very small Number of the Letters of this Great Man the
per voi e dovevate far la per voi e non per altri We thought that the Reader would be glad to learn the Adventures both of an History and an Author who have made so much noise And therefore shall proceed to the Work it self What had been Printed at London contained but the Antient and Modern State of Great Britain It is to be had entire without any thing cut off in the two First Volumes of this Edition except the Author thought it more expedient to reserve for the Fifth Volume any thing which was Historical The First Volume contains eleven Books whereof the First gives a brief account of the History and Religion of England whilst it had been possessed by divers Princes and bore the Name of Britannia to wit unto Egbert who reduced it altogether under his Power and gave it the Name of England or of Anglia at the end of the Eighth Age. There are in this First Book divers things very curious concerning the Druides and the Gods who were adored in England before the Faith had been planted in it The Author describes in the Second Book the Greatness the Situation the Provinces the Rivers the Cities the Bishopricks the Inhabitants the Fertility the Merchandises the Negotiations and the Buildings of England The Third Book is employed altogether upon the Description of the Famous City of London Here there is more exactness than in the very Writings of some English who have given the Publick the state of this Famous City and that of the whole Kingdom There is according to the supputation of Mr. Leti near Four hundred fifty thousand Souls in London and about Six Millions in the whole Kingdom The Fourth speaks of the Government and Priviledges of the same City as well as of the Factions which do divide it The Sixth describes the Humour of the English and the Application they have to Religion and to the Observation of the Laws of the Country The Seventh is a Continuation of the same subject and a description of the Laws and divers Customs of England The Eighth speaks of the strangers who are in that Country and chiefly of the French Protestants who have fled thither some time since In this is the Declaration of the King of France importing That the Children of those of the R. P. R. may convert at seven Years accompanied with political and very curious Reflections In the Ninth Book the Author describes the Three States of England the Clergy the Nobility and the People but particularly the first It contains the number and names of the Bishops of this time the manner of consecrating them their Revenues c. The Tenth speaks of the State of Roman Catholicks in England of their number of their Exercises of the Endeavours to bring in again their Religion of the Missions of Fryars and of the Complaints they make of Protestants The Author adds the Answer of the Protestants to these Complaints and shews by the Catholick Authors the Designs of the Court of Rome upon England and of the Intrigues it makes use of to bring it under its Yoke The last Book of this Volume contains the Policy of the Court of England and its Maxims of State The Second Volume is composed of Eight Books whereof the two first do treat of the Religion and different Parties which divide it Therein are to be seen the Disputes of the Conformists and of the Non-Conformists the Opinions of the Quakers of Anabaptists c. The Fourth contains the Foundations and the Rights of the Monarchy of England the Revenues of the King and other Particulars of this nature There are several things in this place which cannot be found elsewhere The fifth describes the Government of England the King's Council the Parliament and the divers Tribunals of Justice of this Kingdom Herein are the Reasons why Parliaments have opposed in so many Rencounters the Designs of King's which Strangers are commonly ignorant of The sixth speaks of the particular Government of Cities and of Countries as also of the Posts of Governours of Places of the Garisons and of the Land Forces and Sea Forces of England The seventh is a Description of the Court and the King's Officers and of the Royal Family The last speaks of the strange Ministers who are at London of the manner wherewith they receive Ambassadours there Residents Envoys c. and of the Priviledges they enjoy Here is the Description of those who were in England whilst the Author lived here He tells very frankly their good or ill Qualities and this is not a little useful to judge of their Negotiations and to know why the one succeeds without pains in his Designs whilst the other stumbles every where It were to be wished that all the Histories which we have were thus circumstantiated For as there would be much more pleasure in reading them so we might also profit thereby much more than we do We should know not only the Events but also the secret Causes the Intrigues and the means which have contributed to the great Revolutions and it is what may profitably instruct us What signifieth it to know in general that a certain thing hath happened in a certain Year if we do not know how and wherefore It is the Conduct of Men which serveth us for an Example and an Instruction and not the simple Events which of themselves are of no use to us But where are there Men so couragious as to write without Flattery the History of their Time Where are there Princes who are so just as to suffer that their Truths should be told to their Faces Where are there even Ministers of State who would permit that their Defects should be divulged during their Life Nevertheless it is but then that it can be well done for if in the time wherein things are fresh more than one half is forgotten much more are the following Ages deprived of the knowledge of a thousand particular Facts which have produced great Affairs The Author having thus described the State of the Kingdom in the two first Volumes takes up again in the three others the sequel of the History of England from Egbert and continues it unto M DC Lxxxii He hath disposed his Work after this manner that after having made all the Essential Remarks of the History of England in the two first Volumes he should not be obliged in the following to interrupt the course of his Narration The third Volume contains Six Books whereof the last is destined to the Life of Henry the VIII The fourth Volume is composed of Five Books the first whereof includes the Reign of Edward and of Mary and the Second that of their Sister Elizabeth In the Third the Author after he begins the History of King Iames who reunited the Three Kingdoms makes a Description of Ireland and Scotland and speaks of their Ancient and Modern State after which in the Fourth Book he composes the History of the Reign of King Iames wherein
of falshood as also by Leo and by Innocent 4. That there are several proofs of the submission of the Bishops of Africk to that of Rome as the Letter of Stephen Bishop of Mauritania Written to Damasus in the name of three Synods of Africk where after several high Titles which this Prelate gives to the Pope he tells him That the Decrees of all the Fathers of these Synods have reserved every Sentence Iudgment of Bishops and Determination of Ecclesiastical Affairs to his See in honour of blessed Peter 5. That it is not true that this 6th Council hath prohibited to Appeal from Africk to the Pope seeing that in the Letter which the Bishops Writ to him they only desire him not to hearken slightly to the Ecclesiasticks of Africk who shall have recourse to him To refute the first Objection Episcopius relates the very words of the Canon of the Council of Millan viz. It was ordered that when Priests Deacons and other inferior Clerks shall complain of the Iudgment of their Bishops they shall be heard by the Neighbouring Bishops who with the consent of their Bishop and joyntly with him shall pronounce a definitive Sentence upon his Affair That if they would appeal from this Iudgment of Bishops they shall carry their appeal but before the Councils of Africk or before the Primate of their Province so as it hath been often ordered in affairs which respect Bishops If any one would appeal to the other side the Sea that is to say to Rome or without the Diocess let him be excluded from the Communion of Africk The Letter which the Bishops of the 6th Council of Carthage Assembled to the number of 207 Writ to Pope Celestin after they had received the Original of the Council of Nice and seen that the Canons alledged by the Deputies of the Bishop of Rome were not in it deserveth to be related We pray you say they that for the future you give no more so slightly Audience to those who shall go hence to you and that you no more receive into Communion those who are excluded from ours seeing you may easily mark that this hath been thus ordered by the Council of Nice For if it seems that this Council was willing to prohibit from such Appeals the inferior Clerks and Laicks by how much more would it have this Prohibition to give place in the affairs which regard Bishops whence it followeth that those who are suspended from the Communion amongst us ought not to be re-established precipitatly or unlawfully by your Holiness Let therefore all Refugé be taken away from bad Priests seeing there is no Canon which hath deprived the Church of Africk of this priviledge and that those of Nice have as well submitted the inferior Clerks as Bishops to their Metropolitans The Fathers of this Council have prudently and justly judged that every Affair ought to be judged in the place where it happeneth assuring themselves that the Grace of the Holy Ghost would not fail to be poured into each Province where there are Priests of Iesus Christ capable of examining wisely the equity of an Affair and of constantly maintaining it especially since that it is lawful for every one who thinks he hath reason to complain of his ordinary Judges to Appeal to the Provincial Councils or to the General If it be not as some imagine that God may sufficiently inspire every one of us to judge of the equity of an Affair but that he will refuse his Grace to a great number of Bishops Assembled in Council It is a vain conjecture to say That the Council of Nice which was kept at Constantinople the Copies of the Patriarchs of Antioch and Alexandria and all those that 207 Bishops had were defective But we cannot believe that the Pope knowing that some Canons were missing in Copies of Particulars imbraced this occasion to make three Canons of a Synod of Sardis to pass for Decrees of the Council of Nice which were in his favour 3. It 's true that Iulius Writ a Letter to the Eastern Bishops to get Athanasius and some other Bishops re-establish'd in their Sees but it 's also true that when these Bishops had received it they looked upon it as an outragious Letter assembled themselves into a Synod at Antioch and made him unanimously a civil Answer in appearance but full of Ironies and Menaces saith Sozomene to which Socrates adds That they severely reprehended Julius letting him know That it was not necessary that they should take Laws from him in banishing some Persons from their Churches and that they had not opposed him when he had banished Novatus from his As to the Letter of Stephen to Pope Damasus most of the Learned do take it to be suppositious because it 's only to be found in Isidonus Mercator who hath attributed several other Letters to Damasus and one to Aurelius Bishop of Carthage which Baronius acknowledgeth false But though it was true What can be concluded from the Letter of a particular Bishop but that he was one of these Ecclesiasticks who having been Excommunicated because of their Crimes in Africk flattered the Bishops of Rome to re-establish them again by their means To this unknown Stephen are opposed famous St. Cyprian and Firmilian Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia who treated Pope Stephen with contempt enough upon the occasion of the dispute touching the Baptism of Hereticks 5. The terms of not receiving slightly and unlawfully the Communion the African Ecclesiasticks who fled to Rome mark not according to Episcopius and that the Bishop of the City had a right to admit them to the Peace of the Church provided this was done with the necessary Formalities He pretends that the Fathers of Carthage expressed themselves thus to shew that not only the Pope violated the Canons but that he often did with much temerity and without any specious pretence as when he received the Appeal of the Priest Apiarius and admitted him to the Communion though this very thing is expresly prohibited by the Canons of Sardis which the Deputies of Zozime would suggest as Decrees of the Council of Nice III. The third Fact which Episcopius alledgeth is the Erection of the Bishoprick of Constantinople into the Patriarchship to whom equal Priviledges were given with him of Rome in Ecclesiastical Affairs with this only difference That the Patriarch of ancient Rome would have the precedency in Councils before him The Bishop of Bizantium was in times past but a Suffragan of the Metropolitan of Heraclea but after that Constantine had transported thither the Imperial Seat it was considered as new Rome and erected into a Patriarchiate by the Third Canon of the Council of Constantinople composed of 150 Bishops and confirmed by the 28 th Canon of the 4 th Ecumenick Council which is that of Calcedonia The objections that our Catholicks make against these Canons are so weak that we think them not worthy of being related especially seeing Mr. du Pin hath cleared this fact
used to moderate the severity of Wisdom by honest Recreations to render it amiable and would not have Vertue to be painted with an Austere Face and with a Forehead always wrinkled In short the Soul is so engaged in Sense and Matter that this Philosophy is too fine which in a manner unmans a Man and deprives him of all his Senses This hath made his followers nothing but Idea for they often perceive that they have a Body as other Men have which troubleth and hindreth them so much the more as they have a desire of giving all to the Mind It must therefore be allowed that Wisdom it self may sometimes Laugh without offence Every one knoweth that he admitted for Principle a Vacuum and Atoms The Vacuum because if all was full there would have been no Motion The Atoms because according to him nothing is made of nothing He maintained that the World cannot be eternal because it bears sensible Marks of Novelty We know for Example the birth and progress of Arts and Sciences He pretended that Providence medled with nothing but leaves all things to Chance The Ancients agreed not amongst themselves about the time in which Zoroaster lived and our Author relates all along and at the same time resutes their Sentiments After all he subscribes to the Opinion of those which place it 600. Years before the Expedition of Zerxes against the Greeks which goes back to the Year 3634 from the Iulian Period that is to say about the times of Samuel Very little as yet is known concerning the Life of Zoroaster Plato calls him the Son of Oromazes but this is the Name which Zoroaster of Persia gave to the Divinity whose Son t is said he was for the Veneration he had for him Plin. lib. 36. c. 1. says that he laughed the same day he was born and that his Brain beat with such Violence that it lift up the Hands of such as toucht it a presage of Learning which one day he was to be Master of He liv'd 20 Years in a Desart without growing aged for having wish't to dye by Thunder Heaven heard his Prayer But before that he advertiz'd the Syrians to keep his Ashes very carefully assuring them that their Empire should continue so long as they regarded that Injunction Suidas attributes this Advertisment to Zoroaster of the Chaldeans and Cedrenus to him of the Persians He composed two Millions of Verses which were delivered in Greek and upon which Hermippus made a Commentary But some say that the Oracles upon which Syrianus wrote 12 Books made some of these Verses There are some other Books attributed to him which are evidently supposititious Africanus says that 't was Belus who invented Astronomy and that this Prince lived in the times of Deborah according to this Author Belus began his Raign Anno Mundi 2682. There were yet some other Magi of the Chaldeans who were sufficiently celebrated amongst the Greeks but the Names of 'em are only remaining He who first brought the Sciences of the Chaldees into Greece was Berose a Priest of Belus he taught 'em Astronomy and Philosophy in the Isle of Co and composed three Books in which he finisht the History of the Medes Iosephus preserved some of his Fragments in his Books against Appion they were dedicated to Antiochus under the name of GOD KING OF ASSYRIA under whom he liv'd as Mr. Vossius believes tho other Authors say that he lived under Antiochus Soter We ought yet to take care that we confound not this Berose with that of Annius of Viterbe which every Body knows to be fictitious and full of ridiculous Fables Iustin Martyr assures us that the Babylonian Sybil who gave her Oracles at Cames was his Daughter if it is true then there was another Sybil besides that which lived in the times of Tarquin the Old who lived two hundred and fifty Years before Berose Onuphrius proves that there had been many Sybils Altho the name of Chaldeans properly belonged to a whole Nation yet it was given in particular to certain Philosophers who liv'd retir'd in separate places and were exempt from Imposts and publick Charges They were particular Families which communicated their Knowledg to their Children after such a manner that it spread not to other Families but only passed from Father to Son They might thus perfect their Sciences better than by admitting Strangers in their Schools and 't is said that this practice is now used amongst the Chinese in respect of their Trades The Greeks who have spoken thereof as Strabo distinguish the different Sects of the Chaldeans according to the places where they lived There was of 'em at Hipparena Orchoe Babylon and Borsippa Cities of Mesopotamia and Chaldea They were not all of the same Opinion if we may believe Strabo and Lucretius who says lib. 5. that in case there was no fault of the Copiest in this Work the Babylonians refuted the Doctrin of the Chaldeans touching Astrology Vt Babylonica Caldaeam Doctrina refutans Astrologorum Artem contra convincere tendit The Babylonians gave diverse Names to these Sects and some of 'em may be seen in the Prophet Daniel but the signification thereof is very uncertain Our Author tells us the Conjectures of the Rabbins upon teefe Names 2. He divides their whole Doctrin into four parts The first thereof contains their Speculative Divinity and their Phisicks There was a study as Mr. Stanley believes appropriated to those which were called Chartummim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The second includes their Astrology and art of Divination in which those were employed who were called Chasdim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And Mechasephim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The third treats of Theurgie or Natural Magic And the fourth of Divine Worship which was the study of the Asaphim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Psellu◠tells us that Zoroaster divided all Beings into three Orders There is one saith he which is Eternal without beginning or end Some have had a beginning which will never end But others shall have an end as they have a beginning Divinity hath for its object the two first Orders And Natural Philosophy the last The Chaldeans affirm'd but one only Principle of all things full of Goodness and Wisdom To represent its perfections they gave it the Name of Fire and of Light which is the Reason that in those Oracles that yet remain amongst us we often find God spoken of in these Synonimous terms The Light the Rays the Brightness of the Father Paternal Fire the only Fire the first and supream of all Fires When any one demanded of 'em after what manner they apprehended the Divinity He Answered that his Body resembled Fire and his Soul the Truth From whence it may be they understood that God was Goodness it self or the Chaldean word which they Translate for Truth signifies Goodness and that it appeared adorned with Fire The Hebrews speak after the same manner when they say God is a Consuming Fire that he is full of
small Difficulty to found any thing thereon It seems the People sometimes stoned those that were accused without staying for any Sentence or Order of the Judges according to the Custom of the Romans Obruere ista solet manifestos poena nocentes Publica cum long as non habeâ— ira moras Whether it was so or no they observed no Formalities towards St. Stephen except the Witnesses according to the Law Deut. 17.7 The hands of the Witnesses shall be first upon him to put him to death and afterwards the hands of all the People The Law most wisely established this That provided he that was put to Death was Innocent the Witnesses who were the cause of his Condemnation were only guilty of his Death since he was kill'd by them before the rest of the People cast any Stones against him Some say the Martyrdom of St. Stephen was three Years after the Death of Iesus Christ Eusebius supposed it to be a little afer his Ordination and the Excerpta Chronologica published by Scaliger places his Death at the end of the eighth Month after the Ascension of our Lord. Lucian the Presbyter saith St. Stephen was Stoned in the North of Ierusalem at the side of the Brook Cedron a little without the Gate that hath since been called the Gate of St. Stephen and formerly according to some the Gate of Ephraim after others the Gate of the Valley or the Gate of the Fish Some Travellers to the Holy-land tell us that they have seen the place where St. Paul kept the Garments of those that Stoned this Martyr The Empress Eudocia had formerly caused to be built near this place a Temple which bore the name of St. Stephen And as those who are curious after the Search of Relicks never fail to find what they please so they have discovered not only the place where St. Stephen was stoned but also the very Stone that he kneel'd upon which was afterwards carried to Mount Sion and placed in the Church that was built in Honor of the Apostles Baronius also relates That some devout Persons kept one of the Stones with which St. Stephen had been stoned and that it is still to be seen in the Treasury of Ancona I shall rehearse these things as Dr. Cave has done without refuting of them tho' he says enough to testifie he does not give Credit thereto He yet reports other Circumstancâ—s drawn from Lucian's Epistle and from the Menology of the Greeks which I shall not repeat lest it should savour too much of the Legend and only relate what Lucian Presbyter of Caphargamala in the Diocess of Ierusalem saith that in the 415 th Year of our Saviour that Gamaliel formerly Lord of that City after being converted from the Jewish to the Christian Religion had revealed to him in a Vision that St. Stephen was buried there The Bishop of Ierusalem thus advertised by Lucian made these Relicks be taken up and carried to Mount Sion from whence they were sent to Constantinople as Nicephorus informs us who hath been very diligent to relate all Histories of this Nature With a great deal of Reason Dr. Cave observes that excessive Veneration to Relicks was one of the Defects of that time by consequence one cannot much confide in these sort of Histories He brings another out of Baronius not less Marvelous than the precedent 'T is thus that a Viol full of the Blood of St. Stephen brought to Naples by one Gaudois an African Bishop used to boyl of it self every third of August according to the account of Ancient time as if it had been just shed But since that Pope Gregory XIII having corrected the Calender this Blood doth the same at the end of the thirteenth of August in which day after the new Reformation the Feast of St. Stephen is kept a manifest Proof say they that the Gregorian Calender is received in Heaven altho' in some Countries Hereticks have refused to follow it The Author adds not so much Faith to Modern Miracles as to those who did them and to what is spoken of in the time of Honorius It seems not Irrational to believe that there was a great number of Sick Persons who were cured by the admirable Odour that proceeded from St. Stephen's Tomb the first time it was opened if we may give credit to Lucian and Photius But he relies more on what St. Augustine says in his City of God Liv. 22. c. 8. of Miracles done in a Chappel where some of St. Stephen's Relicks were kept carried from Ierusalem into Africa by Orosus Dr. Cave believes God might do Miracles then to convert the Heathens which were in great Numbers amongst the Christians in those days where altho' there was no necessity of them yet he could not tell what might be done The Author of the Logick of the Port-Royal speaking of the same Miracles maintains that all men of Sense whether they had Piety or not must acknowledge them as true But one of a good Understanding and Pious too could not well think that St. Augustine should suffer himself to be deceived in things of that nature and upon slight ground would take that for a Miracle which was not so or that he made use of them as proper means to convert the Heathens without examining whether they were Matter of Fact or not it is very certain that he relates them with great Assurance and at this day apparent Falshoods are advanced with no less Confidence Tho' this is not a place to examine the Miracles of St. Augustine 'T will be more to our purpose to pass to the Life of Iustin Martyr Who was born in a City of Samaria formerly called Sichem afterwards by the Inhabitants Mabarta and in fine by the Romans Neapolis and Flavia Cesarea because of a Colony sent thither by Vespasian His Father whose Name was Priscus brought him up in his own Religion and took a great deal of care to have him well instructed in Philosophy He engaged himself particularly to that of Plato which was a means as he himself has declared of his embracing Christianity Having conceived a dislike against the other Sects of Philosophers he becomes a perfect Platonist and from that a Christian after he had some Conference with an Old Man of that Persuasion in Palestine He gives an account of his Conversion in his Dialogue with Tryphon but the Learned receive this as a feigned History or at least look upon it to be extremely imbelish'd Dr. Cave believes it to have been about the 132 d Year after our Lord. Nevertheless he quitted not his Habit of Philosopher for amongst the Greeks they were not attired like other Men. St. Ierom says the same of Aristides an Athenian Philosopher and Origen of Heraclus who was since Bishop of Alexandria The common People generally wore a single Tunick without a Cloak those that were of a better Quality or Richer had always a Cloak besides which the Philosophers had also but no Tunick
he thought there were three Gods also as Dr. Cave remarks St. Athanasius is far from attributing any Error to him in this Case and cites him among the Fathers who have been Orthodox touching the Trinity and calls him an admirable Man and one of great Studies 3. Many of his Opinions are rather Sentiments of Philosophy and Speculation than of Religion also we see not that the Councils have denied any thing about him nor that the Divines raise any Disputes concerning him amongst themselves 4. He hath written many things for his own particular Use and which were publish'd against his will as Pamphilus hath formerly complain'd casting the fault upon his Friend Ambrose to whom he had communicated them 5. The Hereticks have corrupted and added many things to the Works of Origen as Ruffinus hath shew'd more at large and Origen himself complain'd on even in his Life time Ruffinus also makes it appear that the same Fate happened to the Writings of St. Clement Romanus Clement and Dionisius of Alexandria and to Dionisius of Corinth But Dr. Cave believes that it was not amiss that Marcellus and Ancyrus had reasonably said that Origen had mingled too much Platonism with the Christian Religion and that he began to Teach in a time in which he had much more studied Plato than the holy Scripture Thus Dr. Cave c. Gregory Nazianzen his Works and Life with many of his Epistles c. at Cologne in Folio 1690. GRegory was born according to the most exact Chronology in the Year Three Hundred in a Village of the second Cappadocia named Arianze near the City Nazianze whence the Surname is taken which is commonly given to Gregory His Father and Mother were Persons of Quality and whose Virtue was esteem'd of those that knew them if we may believe their Son who always speaks of them with much praise He is free to tell us that his Father who likewise was named Gregory was born of Parents who had I know not what Religion divided betwixt the Pagans and Jews They had neither Idols nor Sacrifices but they adored the Fire and Torches They observed the Sabbath abstained from Eating of certain Beasts and yet despised Circumcision They took the name of Hypsistaires because they boasted they did adore but the Supreme God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 These People seemed to have borrowed the worshipping of Fire from the Magi of Cappadocia which were called Pyrathes because of the respect they had for the Fire which they look'd upon as the Symbol of the Supreme Divinity But they were not like them in other things It is a Wonder that Gregory who as we see denies that they adored Idols and saith that his Father was born in these Sentiments should elsewhere positively say that he worshipped the Images of Animals It seems that his Memory was a little short in this place or his great Zeal made him fall into this Contrariety unless we excuse him by taking what he saith of the Idols of Animals which his Father adored for an Exaggeration of Rhetorick a figure common enough in the Style of Gregory As for his Mother Nonna she was born of Christian Parents who had carefully educated her and who had found in her a Disposition extremely inclined to Piety Her Son also praiseth infinitely her Wit and her Conduct A Woman thus qualified must be much afflicted for her Husband's Inclination to such Errors as those of the Hypsistaires yet he was of a very mild Temper and extreme orderly so that although his Sentiments were erroneous nothing could be found of ill in his Manners Nonna would continually press him to get himself instructed in the Christian Religion and as he could not be prevailed with it happened that he had a Dream which made him resolve to do it He dreamed that he Sung these words of the Psalm cxxii I have rejoiced in that I was told we shall go into the House of the Lord. This manner of Singing though new gave him delight and his Wife failed not to make use of this occasion to induce him to embrace Christianity It happened when Leontius Bishop of Cesarea in Cappadocia passed by that place with some other Prelates to go to Nice where Constantius called the Council Gregory went to see him and told to him the desire he had to become a Christian. Leontius got him instructed and whilst they were instructing him for a Catechumen he kneeled without any bodies advice whereas Catechumens were commonly standing whilst they were instructed Those that were there observed this Posture because it was that of Priests whilst they were Consecrated His Son testifieth that every body guessed from thence that he would be one day honoured with the Order of Priesthood After that as the Bishop of Nazianze baptized him those that were present saw him go out of the Water all environ'd with light and the Bishop could not with-hold saying that Gregory would certainly succeed him in the Episcopacy as it really fell out after that the See of Nazianze had been sometime vacant His Son in relating these two Circumstances treats on them both as Miracles and as then so at this day all the World believed not all that Ecclesiasticks said he declares he proposes these Marvels but to the Faithful only Because there is none of these fine things which appear credible to prophane Minds Without being Prophane we cannot but suspect not of Falsehood but of a little Credulity and Exaggeration these Rhetorical Souls which draw an Advantage from every thing in relating matters of this Nature When we think to declare what we have seen we often say what we judge of a thing which surprizes us and instead of affirming what we see with our Eyes we draw some doubtful Consequences from a prejudiced Mind so we believe without enquiry all that is advantageous to that which we have embraced and all that is contrary thereunto is false or at least suspicious If we do not make these Reflections in reading Gregory of Nazianze we shall run the hazard either ' to take him for a Man of little Truth or to believe his Miracles suspicious Nonna had at the beginning of her Marriage but one Daughter Gorgonia of whom Gregory her Brother speaks in divers places who was the first of Nonnas Children her Mother wished very much for a Son and vowed to Consecrate him to God if she had one whereupon she had presently after a Dream that she saw the Face of the Son which she was to have and what should be his Name Instead of one Son she had two of whom she took great Care as to their Education because she found them of a Nature worthy of Instruction As soon as Gregory was a little grown he was sent to Cesarea the Metropolis of Cappadocia where the best Masters had the Instruction of him to wit to understand the Greek Poets and Orators and to learn perfectly that Tongue This was the only
to Dr. Cave in his English Life of Clement Alexandrinus which hath been very useful to us in the making this Clement in the Passage which hath been related concerning the Philosophy he approved if as Socrates who in his Phoedon applies to Philosophers this Proverb which they made use of in their Mysteries There are many who bear the Thyrse but few who are truly filled with the Spirit of Bacchus Socrates adds immediately after These are I believe only those who applied themselves as they ought to Philosophy of the number of whom I have endeavoured to be as much as I could c. As the whole Passage is in Roman Character Dr. Cave thought that these words Of the number of whom c. were Clement's whereas they are Socrates as appears in Plato and even at the bottom of the Page where Clement Cites them If all this Passage had been in Italick Dr. Cave would not have been deceived in it which ought in no wise to appear strange to those who know that to write the Life of an Author collected out of divers places Attention must be given to so many things all at a time that it is very difficult to avoid confounding ones self Besides in distinguishing the Subjects by a Line and the Citations by different Characters more Facility is given to those who have read an Author in finding such places again as they may have occasion for which is not of little use As to this Edition there are three Indexes one of the Passages cited by St. Clement the second of the Subjects and the third of the Words and Greek Phrases either worthy of Remark or such as this Author applieth to a particular Sense If these Indexes were complete and correct they would be without doubt very useful but they are neither There is an infinite sigâ—t of Faults in the Numbers and often conâ—rary to what is in Clement The Passage of Iob There is no one that is clean is related in Chap. 25. of his Books whereas it is in the 14 th There is in the Index Peccato originali infectae omnium animae corpora 488. d. On contrary Clement refutes this Opinion in this place but Sylburge or some other who hath made this Index had apparently in his mind what Clement ought to have said according to him rather than what he effectually did say There is besides a fourth Index at the beginning of the Work which contains a List of the Authors cited by Clement but the Pages where he cites them being not marked it is altogether useless It were a thing to be desired for the Republick of Letters not only that Kings were Philosophers or that Philosophers were Kings but also that Booksellers were learned or that the Learned Men were Booksellers and that they brought back the Age of the Manuces and Stephens for to give us good Editions of the Writings of the Ancients and to level the way for a Study which of it self is hard enough without making difficulties by our own Negligence Chap. 1. Our Author begins the Defini-nition of the word Church as used in the Primitive Times which since it agrees so much with the present general Definition we shall pass it over to remark what is more uncommon Afterwards he comes to treat of its Members which he distinguishes into the Clergy and Laity in which he considers these three Particulars 1. Peculiar Acts of the Clergy 2. Peculiar Acts of the Laity 3. Joint Acts of both The Clergy he considers in these three Offices Bishops Priests and Deacons He begins at Ierusalem where the Holy Ghost descended upon the Apostles and Disciples induing them with the Gift of Tongues working Miracles and fitting them to Preach the Gospel to all the World He assigns St. Andrew to Scythia St. Bartholomew to India St. Matthew to Parthia St. Iohn to Asia the less telling us also that the rest of the Apostles had every one their Commission and Allotment according to Clemens Romanus The Apostles went forth Preaching both in City and Country appointing the first Fruits of their Ministry for Bishops and Deacons which they left behind them whilst they planted the other Churches Thus Clemens was ordained Bishop of Rome by St. Peter and Polycarp Bishop of Smyrna by St. John as says Tertullian Our Author reconciles what the Scripture and St. Clemens Romanus says Ep. ad Cor. p. 2. about the Plurality of Bishops in one Church with the Negation of Ignatius Tertullian and St. Cyprian who affirm that there ought to be but one Bishop in a Church He says the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was the Bishop by way of Eminency and Propriety tho' there might be others such as St. Cyprian reckons Bishop Pastor President Governor Superintendent and Priest 2. Our Author shews in the Second Chap. that these Bishops Jurisdiction or Ancient Diocesses appeared to him to be but one Congregation for which he brings the Authority of several of the Fathers He also shews that the word Parish is as old as Irenaeus who in his Synodical Epistle to Pope Victor calls the Bishopricks of Asia Parishes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud Euseb. l. 5. c. 24. p. 193. He brings eight more Instances of the word and gives us some Examples of matter of Fact parallel hereunto which cou'd not be otherwise as to meeting all together receiving the Eucharist from the Bishop alone were Baptized only by the Bishop who was the Common Almoner all the People met at a Church Censure and when the Bishop was dead all met to choose another publick Letters were read before the whole Diocess or Parish all the Diocess met to manage Affairs c. Our Author all along cites his Authorities very plentifully in the Margent to maintain his Assertion 3. In the Third Chap. he considers the Bishops Office which he says was Preaching the Word Praying with his People Administring the two Sacraments of Baptism and the Lords Supper taking care of the Poor Ordaining of Ministry Governing his Flock Excommunicating Offenders and Absolving Penitents for every one of these Offices our Author Cites a Father He proceeds a little after to shew the manner of his Electing Bishops which he shews was by the Choice of all the People who knew his Life and Conversation before-hand but the Voice of the People was not sufficient by it self for after they had Elected one they presented him to the neighbouring Bishops for their Approbation for without that the Election was not valid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Euseb. Lib. Cap. 11. Pag. 212. After a Bishop's Election he was install'd by Imposition of Hands by other Bishops he cites all along his Authorities 4. He treats of Presbyters and gives this Definition That a Presbyter is a Person in holy Orders having thereby an inherent Right to perform the whole Office of a Bishop but being possessed of no Place or Parish nor actually discharging it without the Permission and Consent
were not forbidden the last 7. That there were few Disputes in the Church concerning Morality There are many Tables at the end some Chronological ones observing the times in which the Holy Writers and Ecclesiastick Authors Flourished with that of their Birth and Death others that serve to distinguish the true Works from the Supposititious There are also Alphabetical Indexes for Authors and for the Subjects they treat on De Antiqua Ecclesiae Disciplina dissertationes Historicae Autore Ludovico Ellies Du Pin Saerae Facultatis Theologiae Parisiensis Doctore An Historical Dissertation upon the Ancient Discipline of the Church by Mr. Du Pin Doctor of Divinity At Paris 1686 in 4to THE Author speaks very freely against the Ambition of the Court of Rome and for the Liberty of the French Church He vigorously maintains the Independence of Kings Superiority of Councils and other points which have a long time caus'd many Disputes between France and Rome which altho' it does not run into an actual Schism yet it does into a Virtual one but it wou'd be something very humbling to the Roman Communion if its Divines had not wholly betaken themselves to the Asylum of Providence For in fine never to agree upon the Principle of infallibity and to dispute eternally upon Pretensions of the greatest importance and by a fundamental Rule which the two Parties agree upon I mean Tradition is not this Eagle against Eagle and Rome against Rome It not this to discover its Nakedness to all Passengers And what will become of it if this last Remedy is wanting that God being willing to try our Faith permits this great diversity of Opinions about the Authority of his Vicar Indeed we must confess this is a great Latitude for a mans Faith But let us see Examin what Mr. Du Pin says in his 7 Dessertations which are in very good Latin He proposes in the I. to shew the Ancient Form of Church-Government and to this end he shews the division that was made of great Bodies into Metropolis's Iurisdictions ArchBishopricks Exarchats and Patriachates He tells us the Names and Privileges of those that possess'd these different dignities and as these things had not a beginning all at the same time nor have continued in their original terms he forgets not to observe their rise and different changes the name of Metropolitan he believes was not used in the same sense we take it now before the Council of Nice and he says that that of Arch-Bishop was not known before the Fourth Age when they some times gave it the Pope and some other Prelates of the greatest Towns but that afterwards it was given to all Metropolitans There were also Bishops amongst the Greeks which took upon 'em the Quality of Archbishops Not because they did not see very well that to do things in order theâ— ought to add a Title with the real thing signified but it depended not upon themselves to extend their Jurisdictions over other Bishops they must therefore accommodate themselves to an abuse that they desired to cure by joyning with the Word the thing it signify'd Simplicibus Episcopis says the Author Speciosum Archopiscopi Nomen sibi vindicare haud difficile fuit At subject as alijs Ecclesias sibi subere non iâ— a facile There are also at this time in Italy Archbishops who have no Suffragans What he says upon the word Patriarch is a very learned account of the Variations and Fortune of this Word and may be surprizing to those that imagine Ecclesiastick affairs have been always the same Tho' they will be yet more astonished says the Abridger when they shall know that Mr. Du Pin proves by very good reasons that the charge of Metropolitan or Patriarch was neither instituted by Iesus Christ nor his Apostles but that it proceeded from the rank that was held in certain Cities according to the division of the Provinces by those who in the Roman Empire had such a place in the Civil Government It s very Natural to suppose that those who were Pastors in Capital Towns had some Authority in the Province because it s very necessary that the People shew'd have recourse to them if any difference happen'd amongst 'em wherein they needed advice or determination This introduced a Custom that displeased not these Pastors and from whence they were very willing to deducea Title and Right to Possesiâ—n Natural Order requires it and when Nature wills a thing it s very rare that she does not accomplish it Thus from the First Ages the Archiepiscopal degree of Hierarchy began to form it self which afterwards passed by little and little into custom and then the Canons confirm'd it and thus the Ecclesiastical Government was divided according to the Form of Civil Government so that when some Cities were the chief of many Provinces their Prelates had also some Authority over the Metropolitans for that Reason the Churches of Rome Antioch and Alexandria became the Principal ones the First in the West the Second in the East and the Third in South Constantinople was rais'd to the same degree after it became the Seat of the Emperours As for the Church of Ierusalem it was the same but not for the greatness of the place but because of its Primogeniture Rome Antioch and Alexandria aquired Privileges beyond other Seats either by time Learning or the Liberality of their Synods Thus we may translate the words of Mr. Du Pin Vel sibi vindicarunt vel a Synodâ—s Concess a receperunt He gives many proofs for what he advances concerning the rise of Metropolis's after which he gives a particular account of the distribution of the Ecclesiastical Government which was regulated after the form of the Civil Government and when he comes to the division of the Gauls he forgets not the difference between the Archbishops of Arles and Vienna nor the Priviledg of Primate which some French Metropolitans enjoy He is very large upon the Authority of the Patriarchs and maintains that Rome had always the First Rank but that it's Jurisdiction extended no further than the Suburbicary Provinces since elsewhere he had no power to command the Metropolitans which is one of the particular Prerogatives belonging to the Patriarchs He confesses that the Popes have enlarged the limits of their Patriarchate more than they ought and that they have since ruined the Priviledgs of all Metropolitans He examins the Objections of the contrary Party and many difficulties which are represented about the Patriarchate of Constantinople the Sixth Canon of the Council of Nice and some other Passages One of these Two things cannot be deny'd when so many Innovations are Visible either that for some time the Popes remitted a part of their Right or that they have Usurped over other Prelates The First is much more unlikely than the Second But there is another Question which extreamly perplext those that are not used to dispute viz how so great a number of Learned Men can be so confidently accused of
of Rome must be distinguished from the Pomaerium which being at first without the City was afterwards one part of it within the Walls and the other without because that those that enlarged the Walls was also obliged at the same time to enlarge the Pomaerium the Augures so managed the matter that all which had this quality before preserved it self He also says That when they made their City bigger they proportionably removed certain places without taking from them their Ancient Names For Example the Grove of the Muses and the Cave of Egeria or Numa was often removed being once but a little distance from the Gate of Capena which in the time of this King was not very far from the middle of Rome But after a while this Grove and this Cave were found at Aricia near the outmost parts of the City fifteen thousand Paces from the place where the Gate of Capena anciently stood This Observation may serve for an Answer to a Passage in Pliny where it is said That Rome was limited at the East by the Caprice of Tarquin the Proud for if any wou'd infer from thence That the Limits of the Town were only distant from the Center about two thousand Paces he may be answer'd That this distance which was effectively so once is so encreased in proportion to the enlargement of Rome because the Monument which bears the Name of Tarquin was always extended to the utmost bounds of the City Our Author adds That 't is vainly alledg'd that there 's no Trace left at this Day of the prodigious Bulk of Rome for says he if one wou'd find any Marks of it he must dig sixty foot deep and to find any of the Ruins of Nineveh or Babylon which were built upon soft Foundations he must dig two hundred foot deep What he says afterwards is not less common viz. He brings a long List of the numberings of the Roman People from the time of Servius Tullius to the Year of Rome 667. The first Account gives 130000 Citizens that of the Year 667 affords above 46000. In respect of the Inhabitants 't is hard to give a positive determination because they were never reckoned but our Author affirms they were of a far greater number than Lipsus believed for if the proportion between the Slaves and Citizens was the same as betwixt those of Rome and Athens where for 20000 Burgesses there were 400000 Slaves it wou'd follow that Rome contain'd 8000000 of Slaves a greater number than any Kingdom of Europe whatsoever has in it He assures us in another place That before the Tyranny of Sylla the City of Rome by it self had as many Inhabitants in it as the Moiety of Europe has at this day But to the Computation he brings he supposes that the City of Paris and that of London joyn'd together would fill an Area of six thousand Paces Square And that the City of Rome with its Suburbs and that Quarter beyond Tyber wou'd take up twenty times a greater Square than those six thousand Paces He supposes also that Rome was at least as well Peopled as Paris and London and grounds his Opinion upon the Prodigious height of the Houses as appears by Augustus taxing them at 70 foot apiece Now we may well suppose here with those who are not carry'd away with the Multitude in their Computation that there are not more than six hundred thousand Inhabitants in each of those Cities that I have named In another place he is not so liberal he allows only that number to two Cities joyn'd together he concludes this following Proposition That there was in Rome fourteen Millions of Inhabitants a Number says he that the three most Populous Cities of Europe will not supply us with For after having related many fine things upon the manner how Rome fell to decay upon the greatness of Babylon Nineveh Thebes in Egypt Alexandria Carthage Cairo and some Cities of China thus he divides the different Nations of Europe he gives to Spain two Millions of Inhabitants to France five Millions to Italy to the three Isles of Sicily Corsica and to Sardinia two Millions to Great Britain and Ireland two Millions to the Low Countries two Millions to Germany Bohemia and Hungary five Millions to the Estates of the King of Denmark excepting Norway four hundred thousand to the Estates of Sweedland and Norway 600000 to the Estates of Poland a Million and an half to Turkey c. five Millions and an half adding as he goes along all Muscovia to Europe and supposing 3000000 of Inhabitants in Muscovia from whence it follows That all Europe has not above thirty thousand persons Inhabitants He does not believe that if we shou'd joyn the Inhabitants of Africa to America they wou'd amount to an hundred Millions but that Asia is more populous for altho' the War with the Tartars hath destroyed at least an hundred Millions of the Chinese yet there remains above three hundred Millions of Inhabitants tho principal part whereof are in the Eastern Regions and in the Isles He cannot determine of the Southern parts but supposes that all the persons in the World do not exceed 500000000. He adds that one might place 'em all standing on a Superficies which contain'd a German League in length and as much in breadth giving to each person a Foot square from whence he concludes that Lucan had great reason to say that Rome wou'd contain all Mankind Urbem Populis victisque frequentem Gentibus generis si coeat turba capacem Humani For according to his Calculation the Ground of this City contain'd at least twenty German Leagues square which divided between five hundred Millions of Men wou'd allow to each person twenty Foot square Mr. Vossius is of opinion that the World is much diminished and has lost a great part of her Inhabitants he believes there were formerly more Men in Sicily than there are now in Sicily and Italy too and that the number of Persons was greater in Athens only than now it is in all Greece which is probable enough and therefore we cannot dispute it But when he allows Paris but Three hundred thousand persons and to Holland but Five hundred and fifty thousand Four hundred and fifty to the Cities and an Hundred thousand to the Country he is very far from multiplying upon the matter And when he speaks of China he thinks he cannot number too many He believes that in the last breaking in of the Tartars there were in China an Hundred and seventy Millions of Inhabitants He supposes the Town of Hancheu for so it ought to be call'd and not Quinzai as in some corrupted Copies was inhabited with near twenty Millions of people without reckoning the Suburbs and with taking them in with more than all Europe besides and that it was larger without the Suburbs than Rome was with them When he speaks of that Country the Men cost him nothing but he is afraid that all the Europeans will complain of his