sinne in hell then in heauen with sinne Which saying and wish of his if it were his may seeme to proceede out of a mynde neither speaking orderly according after the phrase and vnderstanding of the scripture nor yet sufficiently acquainted with the iustification of a christen man Further they report him to be so farre from singularitie that hee should say it was the vice which thrust the angels first out of heauen and man out of paradise Of this Anselme it is moreouer reported that he was so ilwilling to take the Archbishoprike that the kyng had much adoe to thrust it upon him and was so desirous to haue him take it that the Citie of Caunterbury which before Lanfrancus did holde but at the kings good wyll and pleasure he gaue now to Anselme wholy which was about the yere of our Lord 1093. But as desirous as the king was then to place the sayd Anselme so much did he repent it afterward seeking all maner of meane to defeate hym if he might Such strife and contention rose betweene them two for certayne matters the ground and occasion whereof first was this After that Anselmus had bene thus elected to the see of Canterbury before he was fully consecrate the king commoned with him assaying by all gentle maner of wordes to entreat him that such lands possessions of the church of Cant. as the king had geuen and granted to his friends since the death of Lanfrancus they might still enioy the same as their owne lawful possession through his graunt and permission But to this Anselme in no case would agree Wherupon the king conceiuing great displeasure against him did stop his consecration a great season till at length in long proces of time the king enforced by the daily complaintes and desires of his people and subiects for lacke of an Archbishop to moderate the church was constrained to admit and autorise hym vnto them Thus Anselme with much ado takyng his consecration and doyng his homage to the king went to his see of Cant. And not long after the king sailed ouer to Normandy About this time there were two striuing in Rome for the Popedome as is afore touched Urbanus Guibertus Diuers realmes diuersly consenting some to the one some to the other England taking part with theyr kyng was rather enclined to Guibertus called Clemens the 3. but Anselmus did fully go with Urbanus making so hys exception with the king entring to his bishopricke After the king was returned againe from Normandy the Archbishop commeth to him and asketh leaue to goe to Rome to set his palle of Pope Urban which when he could not at the first obtaine he maketh his appeale from the king to the Pope Whereat the king beyng iustly displeased chargeth the Archbishop with breach of his feaultie contrary to his promise made that is if he without his licence would appeale eyther to Urbane or to any other Pope Anselme aunswereth agayne that was to bee referred to some greater councell where it is to be disputed whether this be to breake a mans allegeance to a terrene Prince if he appeale to the vicar of S. Peter And here much arguyng and contending was on both sides The kings reason proceeded thus The custome sayth he from my fathers time hath bene in England that no person should appeale to the Pope without the kings licence He that breaketh the customes of the realme violateth the power and crowne of the kingdom He that violateth and taketh away my crowne is a traitour and enemy against me c. To this Anselme replieth agayne The Lord sayth he easilie discusseth this question briefly teachyng what fidelitic and allegeaunce we ought to geue to the vicar of S. Peter where he sayth thou art Peter and vpon this rocke will I build my church c. And to thee I wyll geue the keyes of the kingdom of heauen and whatsoeuer thou shalt bynde in earth it shall be bound in heauen and whatsoeuer thou loosest in earth shall be loosed in heauen c. Agayne to them all in general he saith he that heareth you heareth me and who despiseth you despiseth me And in an other place he that toucheth you toucheth the apple of myne eie On the other side what duety we owe to the king he sheweth also Geue sayth he to the Emperour what belongeth to the Emperour and to God geue that to God belongeth Wherefore in such things as belong to God I will yeld and must yeld by good right and duetie my obedience to the vicar of S. Peter and in such thinges as belong agayne to terrene dignitie of my prince in those I will not deny to him my faithfull helpe and counsell so far as they can extend Thus haue ye the grounded arguments of this Prelate to stand so stifly agaynst his prince wherunto peraduenture was ioyned also some piece of a stubburne hart But in this conclusion none of his fellow bishops durst take his part but were all against him namely William Bishop of Duresine To whom Anselme thus protesteth saying who so euer he were that would presume to proue it any breach of allegeaunce of feaulty to his soueraigne if he appealed to the vicar of S. Peter he was ready to aunswer at all tymes to the contrary the bishop of Duresine aunswering againe that he which would not be ruled by reason must with force be cōstrained c. The king hauing on his part the agreement of the Bishops thought to depriue the Archb. both of his pastorall sea and to expell him out of the realme But he could not performe his purpose for Anselme as he was ready to depart the realme he sayd whensoeuer he went he would take his office and authoritie with him though he tooke nothing els Whereupon that matter was deferred till a longer tyme. In the meane season the king had sent priuily two messengers to Pope Urbane to intreat him to send his pall to the king for him to geue it where he would which messengers by this time were returned againe bringing with them from Rome Gualter bishop of Albane the popes Legate with the pall to be geuē to Anselme This Legate first landing at Douer from thence came priuily vnknowing to Anselme to the king declaring and promising that if Urbane was receyued pope in England whatsoeuer the king required to be obtayned he by his priuiledge from the Apostolicall sea would ratifie and confirme the same saue onely that when the king required of the Legate that Anselme might be remoued the Legate therunto would not agree saying that was vnpossible to be obtained that such a man as he beyng lawfully called should bee expelled without manifest cause In conclusion so it folowed that although he could not obtain his request of the Legate yet the Legate wroght so with the king that Urbane was proclaymed lawfull Pope through all the realme Then were sent to
more then lx M. florences of mere contributiō besides hys other auayles common reuenues out of benefices prebendaries first fruites tributes Peter Pence collatiōs reseruatiōs relaxations such marchandise c. Mention was made a little before pag. 231. and 239. of Albingenses keeping about the City of Tholouse These Albingauses because they began to smell the pope and to controle the inordinate proceedinges and discipline of the sea of Rome the Pope therefore recounting thē as a people hereticall excited and stirred vp about this presēt time yeare an 1220. Ludouick the yong French king through the instance of Phillip his Father to lay siege agaynst the sayd City of Tholouse to expugne extinguishe these Albingenses hys enemies Wherupon Ludouicke according to his fathers commaundement reared a puissant and a mighty army to compasse about and beset the forenamed city and so did Here were the men of Tholouse in great daunger But see how the mighty protection of God fighteth for hys people agaynst the might of man For after that Ludouicke as Mathew Paris testifieth had long weryed himselfe and hys men in waste and could do no good with all their ingines and artilery agaynst the City there fell moreouer vpon the French hoste by the hand of God such famine and pestilence both of men and horses beside the other dayly slaughter of the souldiours that Ludouick was enforced to retyre and with suche as were left to returne agayne home to Fraunce from whence he came In the slaughters of whiche souldiours besides many other was Erle Simon de monti forte generall of the army to whō the landes of the Erle of Tholouse was geuē by the pope who was slayne before the gate of the Citty with a stone And so was also the brother of the sayd Symon the same time in besieging a castell neare to Tholouse slayne with a stone in like maner And so was the siege of the Frenchmen agaynst Tholouse broke vp Ex Mat. Par. As the siege of these French men could doe no good against the Citty of Tholouse so it happened the same time that the christiās marching toward the holy land had better luck by the way in laying their siege to a certaine tower or castle in Egipt neare to the city Damieta which seemed by nature for the situation and difficultie of the place inexpugnable as which being situate in the middest of the great floud Nilus hard by the citty called Damieta could neither be come to by land nor be vndermined for the water nor by famine subdued for the nearenes of the citty yet notwithstanding through the helpe of God and policy of man in erecting scaffoldes and Castles vppon tops of mastes the Christians at last conquered it and after that the Citty also Damieta albeit not without great losse of Christen people In the expugnation of this City or forte among other that there died was the Lantgraue of Thuring named Ludouicke the husband of Elizabeth whom we vse to call S. Elizabeth This Elizabeth as my story recordeth was the daughter of the kyng of Hungary and maryed in Almayne where she liued with the forenamed Ludouicke Lantgraue of Thuringe Whom she thorough her perswasions prouoked and incēsed to take that vyage to fight for the holy land where he in the same vyage was slayne After whose death Elizabeth remaynyng a widow entred the profefliō of cloysterly religion made her selfe a Nunne So growing and increasing from vertue to vertue that after her death all Almayne did sounde with the fame of her worthy doynges Mat. Paris addeth this more that she was the daughter of that Queene who being accused to be naught with a certayne Archbishop was therfore condemned with this sentence pronounced agaynst her Reginam interficere nolite temere bonum est etsi omnes consenserint non ego contradico That is although it be hard in English to be translated as it standeth in Latine To kill the Queene will ye not to feare that is good And if all men consent thereunto not I my selfe do stand agaynst it c. The which sentence beyng brought to Pope Innocent thus in poynting the sentence which otherwise seemeth to haue a double vnderstanding so saued the Queene thus interpreting and poynting the sentence Reginam interficere nolite timere bonum est si omnes consenserint non ego Contradico That is To kill the Queene will ye not to feare that is good And if all doe consent thereto yet not I I my selfe do stand agaynst it And so escaped she the daunger This Queene was the mother as is said of Elizabeth the Nunne who for her holy Nunny shenes was canonised of the popes church for a Sainct in Almanie about the yeare 1220. Ex Mat Parisiens And this by the way nowe to proceede farther in the yeares and life of this king Henry The next yeare following which was an 1221. the king went to Oxford where he had something to do with William Earle de Albemartia who had taken the Castle of Biham but at last for hys good seruice he had done in the realme before was released of the king with all his men by the intercession of Walter Archbishop of York and of Pandolphe the Legate About which present yeare entred first the Friers Minorites or gray friars into England and had their first house at Cāterbury whos 's first patron was Fraunciscus which dyed an 1127. and hys order was confirmed by the pope Honorius 3. an 1224. About the first comming of these Dominicke and gray Friers Franciscane into the Realme as is in Nic. Triuet testified many Englishmen y◠same time entred into their orders Among whome was Iohannes de sancto Egideo a man famously expert in the science of Phisicke and Astronomy And Alexander de Hales both Englishmen and great diuines This Iohannes making hys Sermon ad clerum in the house of the Dominick Fryers exhorted his auditory with great perswasiōs vnto wilful pouerty And to confirme his words the more by hys owne example in the middest of his sermon he came downe from the pulpite and put on hys Fryers habite and so returning into the pulpite agayne made an end of hys Sermon Likewise Alexander Hales entred the order of the Fraunciscanes of whom remayneth yet the booke intituled De. Summa Theologiae in old Libraries Moreouer not long after by William de longa spata which was the Bastard sonne of K. Henry 2. and Earle of Salisbury was first founded the house of the Carthusian monkes at Heytrope an 1222. After whose death his wife Ela was translated to the house of Hentone in Barkeshyre an 1227. which Ela also founded the house of Nunnes at Lacockes and there continued her self Abbes of the place The Byshop of London named William the same tyme gaue ouer his byshopricke after whom succeeded Eustace in that sea Flor. hist. In the towne of
He departed from thence to Brundusium committing the gouernment of his kingdome to Renaldus the sonne of Duke Spoletus and to Anselmus a Baron of Instigensis and came by sea to Cyprus with his hoste From Cyprus the Emperour with his whole nauy sayled into Ioppa which City he fortified for that the passages by land were stopped and kept of the enemies And by sea might he not passe nor trauaile by meanes of the extreme weather and tempest whereby it came to passe that within short space they lacked vitayles and were sore afflicted with famine TheÌ„ fell they to prayer and made their humble supplicatioÌ„ to God with whose teares his wrath being appealed the great tempest and long coÌ„tinued foule weather ceased whereby the seas now being calme they had both vitaile great pleÌ„ty and all other necessary things for their need brought vnto them wherby immediately it came to passe that both the Emperour his army as also the inhabitauntes of Ioppa were greatly refreshed and animated and on the other side their enemies being disappoynted of theyr purpose were greatly discouraged In so much that the king of Egipt who with great power accoÌ„panied with Scarapho his brother prince of Gaza and the Prince of Damascus their nephew with many other Dukes and nobles hauing incamped themselues within one dayes iourny of Ioppa thinking to haue besieged the same were contented vpon the comming of the Emperors Harolds vnto them to intreat of a peace Whereupon Embassadours were sent vnto them with the Emperours demaunds right profitable to the Christian common weale The Sarasens immediately consulting vpon the same graunted thereunto so that a peace for x. yeares was concluded was confirmed by solempne othe on the behalfe of both Princes according to their seueral vsages and maner the forme and condition of which peace briefly collected are these First that Fridericke the Emperour should be crowned and annoynted king of Ierusalem according to the maner of the kinges of Ierusalem before him Secondly that all the lands possessions which were situate betwixt Ierusalem and Prolomaida the greatest part of Palastina and Cities of Tyrus and Sydon which were in Syria and at other territories which Baldwinus the 4. at any time had and occupyed there shoulde be deliuered vnto him onely certayne castles reserued Thirdly that he might fortifie and builde what fortresses and castles he thought good citties and townes in all Syria and Palestina Fourthly that all the prisoners which were in the Saracens hands should be raunsomed freely and sent home and agayne that the Saracens might haue leaue without armour to come into the Temple where the Lords sepulcher is to pray and that they should holde and keepe still Chratum and the kinges mount Friderick now for that he thought the coÌ„clusion of this peace to be so necessary as also profitable for at Christians and had also gotten as much thereby as if the warres had continued he should he sent his Legates with letters into the west to all Christen kinges princes and potentates as also to the bishop of Rome declaring vnto them the circumstance and successe of his iourny and warres as partly ye haue heard Requiring theÌ„ that they also woulde praise and geue God thankes for his good successe and profitable peace concluded And desireth the Pope that for as much as he had now accoÌ„plished his promise neither that there was any cause now wherefore he should be with hym displeased that he might be reconciled and obtaine his fauor In the meane season the Emperour with all hys army marcheth to Ierusalem where vppon Easter day in the yeare of our Lorde 1229. hee was with great triumphe comfort of al his nobles and also the Magistrates of that kingdome onely the Patriarche of Cyprus the kings Legate and Oliuer the maister or captayne of the Temple with his company excepted solemnly and with great applause crowned king After this he rerdifieth the Citty and Walles thereof which by the Saracens were beaten downe and battered After that he furnisheth it with munition he buildeth vy the Churches and temples that were ruinous he fortifieth Nazarethum and Ioppen with strong garrisons vitaâ—e and all other thinges necessary Now see and behold I pray you whilest that Fredericke was thus occupyed in the kingdome of Ierusalem what practises the Pope had in Italy Not I warrant you any whit at all carefull in the affayres of the Christian commoÌ„wealth but studiyng and labouring what mischiefe and spite he might worke agaynst the Emperoure whom of a set purpose he had so occupied partly for hate and partly to enriche himselfe in Asia and Ierusalem so farre out of Italy ye may be sure First he caused the souldiours whiche the Emperour sent for out of Germany to the mayntenaunce of the holy warres to be stayde as they passed through Italy letting them of their iourney and tooke from them and spoyled them of all such prouision as they had And not onely this but he sent secretly also hys letters into Asia to those that were of his owne facâ—ion that is to the Patriarche of Ierusalem and souldiors that kept the temple and the hospitall intising and inciting theÌ„ to rebell agaynst the Emperour whiche thing Blondus himselfe that Popish Parasite or historiographer dissuâ—uleth or hideth not But that he furthermore disswaded the princes of the Saracens that they should make no league nor take any truce with Fridericke neither deliuer vp vnto hym the Crowne and Kingdome of Ierusalem Whiche letters as they were manifest testimonyes of his trecherie and treason towardes him whom God had instituted and made his liege Lord and soueraigne and mightiest potentate vpon earth so was it hys will that he should come to the knowledge therof and that those letters shoulde fall into his handes And that he kept the same letters for the more credible testimony thereof in the same his last Epistle vnto the Christian Princes he proresteth The copy of which letter amongest his other Epistles you shall haue expressed Neither were the Popes letters written to that leauened secte and factious in vayne For the Patriarche and his Collegioners which tooke their name of the Temple did mightely repugne agaynst Fredericke They raysed a tumult in Ptolomaida agaynst him they accused him and his Legates openly of treason and did malipartly boldly wtstand the right worthy and good order he made amongest them But as God would by the helpe of the inhabitantes of Pisa and the Genowayes and the Dutch souldiours both their false accusations were refelled and also their seditious purpose tumult expressed And thys was the cause that when all other men reioyced and were glad of the Emperours coronation they as wicked confederatours were heauy therefore and obtrectours of hys worthy laud and fame The Pope when he had thus conspired agaynst Fredericke and had betrayed him to the publicke enemy of all Christen men the Turke he coulde
and determination of the matter was committed to the iudgement of king Edward of England who after sufficient proofe made to the Scottes and firme euidence brought out of all the ancient historyes both of England and Scotland testifying from tyme to tyme that he was chief head and soueraigne of the Realme of Scotland first by necessitie of the law and by al theyr consentes tooke full possession of the same And that bone adiudged the right of the Crown to John Bailol who descended of the daughter of Dauid Earle of Huntington brother to Dauid King of Scotland in the dayes of Kyng Henry the second This Erle Dauid had three daughters Isabell maried to Robert Brusse Margaret to Allen Earle of Galeway had Ellen to Henry Lord Hastinges AlleÌ„ Earle of Galeway had ElleÌ„ maried to Roger Quincy Erle of Winchester Constable of Scotland Doruagile maried to John Bailol father to Edward king of Scots When these thinges were thus finished in Scotlande and Syr Iohn Bailol as most rightfull inheritour had receaued the crowne of Scotland at the handes of kyng Edward thankefully for the same in the presence of the Barony of England and of Scotland did vnto the sayd king Edward his homage and sware to him fealty the Scottes with theyr new king returned into Scotland and Kyng Edward remoued agayne to England But not long after the falsenes of this Scotishe Kyng soone appeared Who repenting him of his homage done vntruely for sook his former othe promise and made war against king Edward through the counsaile of the Abbot of Menros Wherfore the king with a great host sped hym into Scotland in processe laid siege to the towne of Berwicke which the Scots did egerly defend not onely to the discomfiture but also to the decision of the kinges and hys English host But in conclusion the English men preuayled and wan the towne where were slayne of the Scottes the number of 25. thousand And while the king was there busied in winning other holds about the same he sent part of his host to Dunbarre where the EnglishmeÌ„ agayn had the victory and slue of the Scottes xx thousand Gis burne sayth but x. thousand so that very few were lost of the English company The king with a great nuÌ„ber of prisoners returning into his realm shortly after sped him ouer vnto FlauÌ„ders where he sustayned great trouble by the French kyng till truce for certayne space was betweene them concluded But in the meane while that K. Edward was thus occupyed beyond the Seas the French king resorting to his practised maner set the Scottes secretly agaynst the Englishmen to keep the king at home Which Scots makyng themselues a Captaine named WilliaÌ„ Waleis warred vpon the borders of NorthumberlaÌ„d where they dyd much burt At length the king returning from Burdeaux into England shortly vpon the same tooke hys iourny into Scotland Where meeting at Yorke with hys host marched into the Realme of Scotlande winning as he went townes and Castles till at length comming to the towne of Frankyrch on Mary Magdalens day he met with the power of Scotland and had with them a fore sight but through Gods prouidence the victory fel to the right cause of Englishmen so that of the Scottes were slayne in the field as it is of diuers writers affirmed ouer the number of xxxii thousand and of Englishmen but barely xxviii persons Whereupon the king agayn taking possession and feairy of the whole land returned home And yet the false vntroth of the Scots would not thus be ruled but rose vp in a new broyle so that the kyng was enforced to make his power agayn the yeare folowing into Scotland where he to suppressed the rebellion of that Lords and of the commons that they swearing to the kings allegiaunce presented themselues by great companyes put them wholy in the kings grace and mercy so that the king thinking himselfe to be in peaceable possession in a great surety of the land caused to be sworne vnto hym the rulers of the boroughes citties and townes with other officers of the land and so returned vnto Barwicke and so into England and lastly to Westminster These martiall affayres betwene England and Scotland although they appertayne not greatly to the purpose of our story Ecclesiastical yet so much by the way I thought briefly to touch whereby the better it might be vnderstanded by these premisses that whiche followeth in the sequele hereof As the Scottes were thus warring and ragyng agaynst the king and saw they could not make theyr party good they sent priuily to Pope Boniface for hysayde and counsaile who immediatly sendeth downe his precept to the K. to this effect that he should hereafter succease to disquiet or molest the Scottes for that they were a people exempt and properly pertaining to hys Chappell And therfore it could not otherwise be but that the Citty of Ierusalem must needs defend hys own Citizens as the mount Syon mayntayn such as trust in the Lord. c. Whereunto the king briefly maketh aunswere agayne swearing with anothe that he would to his vttermost keepe defend that which was hys right euideÌ„tly known to all the world c. Thus the Scots bearing themselues bold vpon the popes message also confederating themselues with the French meÌ„ passed ouer that yeare The next yeare after that whiche was 29. of the kinges raigne the sayd Pope Boniface directeth hys letters agayn to the kyng wherein he doth veÌ„dicate the kingdome of Scotland to be proper to the Church of Rome not subiect to the king of England And therfore it was agaynst God against iustice and also preindiciall to the Churche of Rome for hym to haue or hold dominion vpon the same which he proued by these reasons First that when king Henry the father of this Kyng receiued ayd of Alexander king of Scots in his warres agaynst Simon Mountfort he recognised acknowledged in his letters patents that he receaued the same of king Alexander not of any duety but of speciall fauour Item when the sayd king Alexander comming to England did homage to the sayd kyng Henry he did it not as king of Scotland but onely for certayne landes of Lyndal and Penreth lying in England Item where the sayd king Alexander left behynd hym Margaret his heyre being â—ece to the king of England and yet vnder age yet the tuition of the sayd Margaret was committed not to the K. of England but to certain Lords of Scotland deputed to the same Moreouer when any legacie was directed down from Rome to the Realme of England for collecting oftenthes or other causes the sayd legacie tooke no place in the realm of Scotland and might well he resisted as it was in kyng Alexander hys dayes except an other speciall commission touching the realme of Scotland were ioined wall Wherby it appeareth these to be two seueral dominions and not
subiect vnder one Adding furthermore that the kingdome of Scotland first was conuerted by the reliques of the blessed Apostle S. Peter through the deuine operation of God to the vnity of the Catholicke fayth Wherefore vpon these causes and reasons Pope Boniface in hys letters to the king required him to geue ouer hys clayme and cease his warres agaynst the Scottish nation And to release all such both of the spiritualtie and laytie as he had of them prisoners Also to call home agayne his officers and deputies whiche he had there placed and ordained to the greauance of that nation to the sclaunder of all faythfull people and no lesse preiudice to the Church of Rome And if he would clayme any right or title to the said Realme or any part therof he should send vp his procuratours specially to the same appoynted with all that he could for himselfe alleadge vnto the sea Apostolicke there to receaue what reason and right would require The king after he had receaued these letters of the Pope assembled a councell or Parliament at Lincolne by the aduise of which counsell Parliament he addressed other letters responsall to the Pope agaynes wherein first in al reuerend maner he desireth him not to geue light care to the sinister suggestions of false reportes and imaginers of mischiefe Then he declareth out of old recordes histories frō the first time of the Brittaynes that the realm of Scotland hath alwayes from time to time bene all one to England beginning first with Brutus in the tyme of Dely and Samuell the Prophet which Brutus comming frō Troy to his I le called then Albion after called by hym Britannia had three sonnes Locrinus to whome he gaue the part of the land called then of hym Loegria now Auglia Albanactus his second sonne to whom he gaue Albania nowe called Scotia and hys thyrd sonne Lamber to whome he gaue Cambria now called Wales c. And thus much concerning the first deuision of this I le as in auncient histories is found recorded In whiche matter passing ouer the death of king Humber the actes of Dunwald king of this Realme the deuision of Belyn and Brene the victories of king Arthur we will resort sayth the king to more nearer tymes testified and witnessed by sufficient authors as Marianus Scotus William Malmesbury Roger Abyndon Henry Huntington Radulph de Bizoto and other All which make special declaration geue manifest euidence of the execution of this our right sayth he title of Superioritie euer continued preseued hetherto And first to begin with Edward the Seniour before the conquest sonne to Alurede kyng of England about the yeare of our Lord. 900. it is playne and manifest that he had vnder hys dominion and obedience the king of Scots And here is to be noted that this matter was so notorious and manifest as Maryan the Scot writing that story in those dayes graunteth confesseth and testifieth the same and this dominion continued in that state 23. yeare At whiche tyme Athelstane succeeded in the crowne of England and hauing by battaile cōquered Scotland he made one Constantine king of that party to rule gouerne the country of Scotland vnder him adding this princely word That it was more honour to him to make a king then to be a king 24. yeares after that whiche was the yeare of our Lord 947. Eldred king our progenitour Athelstanus brother took homage of Irise then king of Scots 30. yeares after that whiche was the yeare of our Lorde 977. kyng Edgar our predecessour tooke homage of Kynalde king of Scots Here was a little trouble in England by the death of S Edward kyng and martyr destroyed by the deceite of hys mother in law but yet within memory 40. yeares after the homage done by Kynald to King Edgar that is to say in the yeare of our Lord. 1017. Malcoline the king of Scots did homage to Knute our predecessour After this homage done The Scots vttered some peece of theyr naturall disposition whereupon by warre made by our progenitour S. Edward the confessour 39. yeare after that homage done that is to saye the yeare of our Lord. 1056 Malcoline king of Scots was vanquished and the realme of Scotland geuen to Malcoline his sonne by our sayd progenitour S. Edward vnto whom the sayd Malcoline made homage and fealty Within 40. yeares after that William Conquerour entred this realme whereof he accompted no perfect conquest vntill he had likewise subdued the Scots and therfore in the sayd yeare which was in the yeare of our Lord. 1068 the sayde Malcoline King of Scots did homage to the sayd William Conquerour as hys superiour by Conquest king of England 25. yeares after that which was the yeare of our Lord. 1093. the sayd Malcoline did homage fealty to William Rufus sonne to the sayd William Conquerour and yet after that was for his offences and demerites deposed and hys sonne substitute in hys place who likewise fayled in his duety and therfore was ordained in that estate by the sayd William Rufus Edgar brother to the last Malcoline and sonne to the first who did hys homage and fealty accordingly 7. yeares after that which was in the yeare of our Lorde 1100. the sayd Edgar king of the Scots did homage to Henry the first our progenitour 37 yeare after that Dauid king of Scots did homage to Matilde the Emperatrice as daughter and heyre to Henry the first Wherefore being after required by Stephen then obtayning possession of the Realme to make his homage he refused so to doe because he had before made it to the sayd Matilde and thereupon forbare After whiche Dauids death whiche ensued shortly after the sonne of the sayde Dauid made homage to the sayde Kyng Stephen 14. yeares after that whiche was in the yeare of our Lorde 1150. William king of Scots and Dauid hys brother with all the nobles of Scotland made homage to Henry the second sonne with a reseruation of their duetye to Henry the second hys Father 25 yeares after that which was in the yeare of our Lorde 1175. William kyng of Scotland after much rebellion and resistaunce according to their naturall inclination King Henry the second then beyng in Normandy knowledged finally his errour and made hys peace and composition confimed with hys great Seale and the Seales of the nobilitie of Scotland making therewith his homage and fealtie Within 15. yeares after that which wat the yeare of our Lorde 1190 the sayd William king of Scots came to our Citty of Caunterbury and there dyd homage to our noble progenitour Kyng Richard the first 1124. yeares after that the said William did Homage to our progenitour king Iohn vpon a hill besides Lincolne making his othe vpon the Crosse of Hubert then Archbishop of Canterbury being there present and a merueilous multitude assembled for that purpose 26. yeare after that whiche was in the yeare of our Lorde 1230. Alexander king of Scots maryed
false crueltie And therefore the foresaide Synode to the glory of almighty God and preseruation of his catholicke faith and augmenting of Christian religion and for the saluation of mens soules hath corporally reiected and cast forth of the houshold of God the foresaid I. Wicklieffe I. Hus and Ierome who amongst other things did beleeue preach teach and maintaine of the Sacrament of the aultar and other sacrameÌ„ts of the church articles of the faith coÌ„trary to that the holy Church of Rome beleueth holdeth preacheth and teacheth haue presumed obstinately to preach teach hold and beleue many other moe to the damnation of themselues and of others and the sayde Synode hath separated the same as obstinate and malipert heretickes from the Communion of the faithfull people and haue declared them to be spiritually throwne forth and many other things both wholesome profitable hath the same Councell as touching the premisses stablished and decreed whereby they which by the meanes of those Arch-heretikes and by their false doctrine haue spiritually departed from the Lords house may by the canonicall rules be reduced to the straight path of truth and veritie And moreouer as we to our great griefe do heare not only in the kingdome of Bohemia and Dukedome of Morauia and other places aboue recited but also in certaine parts and prouinces neere adioining and bordering vpon the same there be many other of the secretaries and followers of the foresayd Archheritickes and hereticall opinions casting behind their backes as well the feare of God as the shame of the world neither receiuing fruit of conuersion repentaunce by the miserable destruction of the foresayde Iohn Hus and Hierome but as men drowned in the dungeon of their sinnes cease not to blaspheme the Lord God taking his name in vayne whose minds the father of lies hath damnably blinded and do read and study the foresaid bookes or workes contayning heresies erroures being lately by the foresayd Synode condeÌ„ned to be burned also to the perill of themselues and many other simple men against the statutes decrees and ordinaunces in the Synode aforesayd and the Canonicall sanctions do presume to preach teach the same to the great perill of soules the derogation of the Catholicke fayth and sclaunder of many other besides We therfore considering that errour when it is not relisted seemeth to be allowed and liked and hauing a desire to resist such euill and pernicious errours and vtterly roote them out from amongst the companie of faythfull christians especially froÌ„ the afore recited places of Bohemia Morauia and other straights and Ilands ioyning and bordering vpon the same least they shold stretch out enlarge their â—â—â—ites we will and commaund your discretions by our letters Apostolicall the holy Councell of CoÌ„stance approuing and allowing the same that you that are Archbishops Bishops and other of the clergy and euery one of you by himself or by an other or others being graue and fit persons to haue spirituall iurisdiction do see that al and singuler persons of what dignitie office preeminence state or conditioÌ„ so euer they be and by what name soeuer they are knowne which shall presume otherwise to teache preach or obserue touching the most high and excelent the most wholesome and superadmirable Sacrament of the bloud of our Lorde Iesus Christe or els of the Sacrament of Baptisme confession of sinnes penaunce for sins and extreme vnction or els of any other Sacramentes of the Church articles of the faith then that which the right holy vniuersall church of Rome doth hold teach preach obserue or els that shall presume obstinately by any wayes or meanes priuily or apertly to hold beleue and teach the Articles bookes or doctrine of the foresayd Archhereticks Iohn Wickleffe Iohn Hus Hieronimus of Prage being by the foresayd Synode of Constaunce with theyr authours as is sayd damned and condemned or dare presume publikly or priuily to allow or commend in any wise the death and end of the said archheretiks or of any other their receiuers ayders and fauourers in the fauour or supportation of the foresayd errors as also their beleuers and adherentes that then as before you see and cause them and euery of them to be most seuerly punished that you iudge and geue sentence vpon them as hereticks and that as arrant hereticks you leaue them to the secular court or power Let the receiuers also and fauourers and defenders of such most pestiferous persons notwtstanding they neyther beleue fauour nor haue deuotion towardes their errors but happely shal receaue or entertain such pestiferous persons because of carnall affection or friendly loue besides the punishmene due vnto theÌ„ by both lawes ouer and aboue the same punishment by competent iudges be so afflicted for so haynous actes of theirs with so seuere payn punishment excruciated that the same may be to other in like case offending an example of terrour that at the least those whome the feare of God by no meanes may reuoke from such euill doing yet the seueritie of this our discipline may force and constrayne As touching the third sort which shal be any maner of wayes infected with this damnable sect and shall after coÌ„petent admonition repeÌ„t and amend themselues of such errours and sectes aforesayd and will returne agayn into the lap and vnitie of our holy mother the Churche fully acknowledge and confesse the Catholike fayth towardes them let the seueritie of iustice as the quallitie of the facte shall require be somewhat tempered with a tast of mercy And furthermore we will and command that by thys our authoritie Apostolicall ye exhort and admonish al the professours of the catholicke fayth as Emperours kings Dukes Princes Marquesses Earles Barons Knights and other Magistrates Rectors Consuls Proconsuls Shires Countries and Uniuersities of the kingdomes Prouinces Cities otwnes Castles villages their lands other places al other executing teÌ„poral iurisdiction according to the form exigence of the law that they expell out of their kingdoms prouincies Cities towns castles villages lands other places al all maner of suche heretickes according to the effect and tenour of the Councell of Laterane beginning Sicut ait ecclesia c. that those whom publikely and manifestly by the euidence of their deedes shall be knowne to be such as like sicke and scabed sheepe infect the Lords flock they expell and banish till such tyme as from vs or you or els other ecclesiasticall iudges or Inquisitours holding the fayth and communion of the holye church of Rome they shall receiue other order and countermaund and that they suffer no such within theyr shyres and circuites to preach or to keepe either house or familye either yet to vse any handicrafte or occupations or other trades of merchaundise or els to solace themselues anye wayes or frequent the company of Christen men And furthermore if suche publike and knowne heretiques shall
we may well argue his proceedings not to be of God and that he shal be brought low c. Luke 18. ¶ The third Question MY third question I take of the 13. chap. of the booke of Reuelation Which booke as it conteineth a Propheticall history of the Church so likewise it requireth by histories to be opened In this chapter mention is made first of a certayne beast comming out of the Sea hauing vij heads x. hornes with x. diademes of blasphemy Unto the which beast the dragon the deuill gaue his strength and great power to fight agaynst the Sayntes to ouercome them to make xlij monethes of the which beast one of his heades was wounded at length to death c. After this immediatly in the same chap. mentioÌ„ foloweth of an other beast rising out of the land hauing 2. hornes like a lambe spake like a dragon did all the power of the former beast before his face and caused all dwellers of the earth to worship the beast whose head was wounded and liued Who also had power to geue spirit life to the sayd former beast to make the Image of the beast to speak to cause al men froÌ„ the highest to the lowest to take the marke of the beast in theyr handes and foreheades whosoeuer worshipped not the Image of the beast should be killed c. Upon this description of these two beastes riseth my question wherin I desire all papistes from the highest to the lowest either to answere or to consider with theÌ„selues what the spirit of the prophesy meaneth by the sayd 2. beastes Neither is the mistery of this prophesy so obscure but being historicall by histories it may be explaned easely expouÌ„ded Writing therfore to the Papistes as men expert in histories my question is this that seing the prophesy of these 2. beastes must needes prefigure some people or dominioÌ„ in the world of some high estate power they will now declare vnto vs what people or domination this should be Which if they will do playnely and truely according to the markes propertyes of the sayd ij beastes here set forth they must needes be driuen of force ineuitable to graunt and confesse the same only to agree to the City Empyre of Rome to no other Which by these reasons folowing of necessity must needes be concluded First the beast wich came out of the sea hauing the strength the seat and power of the great Dragon the Deuill called the Prince of this world committed to him who also had power geueÌ„ ouer all tribes nations languages people and countryes in the earth must needes be an Empyre or Monarchy of great force passing all other Monarchies in the world besides and this must needes argue the Empyre of Rome and none other Secondly in that the best had vij heads x. hornes with x. diademes full of blasphemy vpoÌ„ theÌ„ those vij heades being expounded in the sayd booke cap. 17. for vii hilles notoriously importeth the Citie of Rome wherein were 7. hilles conteyned The like also may be thought of the x. hornes being there expounded for x. kinges signifying belike the x. Prouincies or Kingdomes of the worlde subdued to the Romayne Empyre with x. crownes of blasphemy vppon their heades all which conueniently agree to the Cittie of Rome Thirdly where the sayd beast had power to make 42. monthes and to fight against the Saintes and to ouercome them c. therby most manifestly is declared the Empyre of Rome with the heathen persecuting Emperours whiche had power geueÌ„ the space of so many monthes that is from Tiberius to Licinius 294. yeares to persecute Christs Church as in the Table of the primitiue Church hereafter following is discoursed more at large Fourthly where the prophet speaketh of the one of the heades of the beast to be wounded to the death the wouÌ„d afterward to be cured agayne by that ye haue to vnderstand the decay and subuersion of the Citie of Rome of Italy which being one of the heades of the Romayne Monarchie was subdued by the Gottes Uandals Lombards and the Cittie of Rome thrise sackt and taken betweene the reigne of Honorius Emperour of Rome and the tyme of Iustinian Emperor of Constantinople so remayned this head of Rome wounded a long time vnder the dominion of the Lombards till at length this wound was cured agayne as the sequele of this prophesie declareth For so it followeth in the foresayd chap. of the Reuelation And after this I saw sayth he an other beast rising out of the land hauing two hornes like the lamb and spake like the Dragon Who practiâ—ed all the power of the first beast before his face and caused all the inhabitantes of the earth to worship the first beast whose head was wounded and cured agayne c. And to him it was geuen to geue life to the Image of the beast and to make it speake and also to make all them that will not worship the image of the beast to bee slayne and caused all from the most to the least both rich and poore free men and bondmen to take the marke of the beast in their right hand and in their foreheades so that none should buy and sell vnles he had the beastes marke about him c. The description of this second beast being well viewed it cannot be auoided but needes must be applyed to the byshop of Rome and to none other as by the history and order of times is euident to be proued For who els representeth the hornes of the lambe of God which taketh away the sinnes of the world but only he who speaketh with the voyce of the Dragon so proudly as he The voice of the Dragon spake once to Christ That all the glory of the world was his to geue to whom he would that he would geue it c. And doth not thys falâ—e horned lambe speaking in the same voyce of the Dragon say by the mouth of Pope Gregory 7. that all the kingdomes of the earth were hys and that hee had power in earth to loose and take away Empyres Kingdomes Dukedomes and what els soeuer mortall menne may haue and to geue them where he would c. Ex platina in Vit. Gregorij 7. Furthermore at what time the declining state of Rome began to decay and Italy was brought vnder subiection of the Lombardes then the Pope stirred vp Pipinus and Carolâ—s Magnus to take his part agaynst the Lombardes and to restore agayne the old glory of the Monarchie to hys former state And therfore who cured the wounded head of this beast agayne but onely he who gaue life and speach to the Image of the beast but he who after that by helpe of the French kings had subdued those Lombardes with other aliens and had gotten the possession of Rome into hys own handes he so repared aduaunsed the fame and name of Rome
singular Apostles For he that said to Peter Feede my sheepe said also to all and singular his Apostles Go into all the world preach c. Math. vlt. Moreouer for as much as this man collecteth out of Chrysostome that the whole world was committed to Peter how shall we then ioyne this meaning of Chrysostome with S. Paule which sayth that the Gospel was committed to Peter euer the circumcision as was Paule ouer the vncircumcision And here an answer to this doughtie argument both to the forme to the matter thereof albeit concerning the matter here lacketh much to be said more of Peters successours in the text of Chrysostome By the which successours is not ment the bishop of Rome onely as the Papists would beare vs in hand but all such true and faithfull Pastors whom the Lordes calling sendeth and setteth ouer his flocke where so euer or whatsoeuer they be For as Peter beareth a representation of the church by the testimonie of August in Ioan. tract 124. Praefat. in Psal. 108. so the successours of Peter be all faithfull Pastors and ouerseers of Christes Church to whom Christ our Lord hath committed the charge of his flocke Wherefore they are not a little deceiued which looking vpō the rocke onely of the person and not the rock of confession contrary to the rule of Hilarie De trinit lib. 6. doe tie the Apostleship or rocke of Peter to one onely Bishop and the succession of Peter to one onely sea of Rome where as this being a spiritual office and not carnall hath no such carnall race or discent after any worldly or locall vnderstanding but hath a more mysticall meaning after a spirituall sense of succession such as Hierome speaketh of epist. ad Euagrium Omnes inquit Apostolorum successores sunt c. That is All saith he speaking of Bishops be successours of the Apostles c. Of like force and fashion and out of the same figure the same Author patcheth moreouer another argument proouing that the Bishop of Rome was tituled the head of Christes church in the primitiue time of the old aunciters before the age of Gregory His argument procedeth thus in the third figure S. Peter was called by the auncient fathers head of Christes church S. Peter was bishop of Rome Ergo the bishop of Rome was called head of the Church in the old auncient tyme. This argument expositorie beyng clouted vp in the third figure and concluding singularly hath rather a shew of an argumēt then maketh any necessarie conclusiō standing vpon no moode in the said figure if the Author thereof were put to his triall Albeit to leaue the forme and to come to the matter of the argument First how wel he wil dispatch himselfe of the Maior prooue vs that S. Peter although he were at Rome and taught at Rome and suffred at Rome yet that he was bishop and proper Ordinarie of that citie and speciall sea of Rome As touching the allegation of Abdias Orosius Ado Tertullian Cyprian Hierome Optatius and Augustine brought forth for his most aduantage to prooue his Maior thus I answer cōcerning Orosius Tertullian Cyprian Hierome and Augustine that where they speake of S. Peters chaire or planting the faith at Rome straightway this man argueth there upon that Peter was Bishop of Rome But that doth not clarkely follow For the office of the Apostles was to plant the faith in all places and in euery regiō yet were they not bishops in euery region And as for the chaire as it is no difference essentiall that maketh a bishop for so much as a Doctour may haue a chaire and yet be no bishop so cannot he conclude by the chaire of Peter that S. Peter was Bishop of Rome For all this proueth no farther but that Peter was at Rome and there taught the fayth of Christ as Paul did also and peraduenture in a chayre likewise yet we say not that Paule was therefore Bishop of Rome But that he was there as an Apostle of Christ whether he taught there standing on his feete or sittyng in a chayre In the Scripture commonly the Chaire signifieth doctrine or iudgement as sitting also declareth such as teach or iudge whether they sit in the chaire of Moyses or in the chaire of pestilence Planting likewise is a worde Apostolicall and signifieth not onely the office of a Bishop Wherefore it is no good consequent he sate he taught he planted at Rome his chaire and seate was at Rome Ergo he was Bishop of Rome And thus much touchyng Orosius Tertullian Cyprian Augustine As for Abdias Ado Optatus and such other although we should haue much wrong offered and neuer should make an ende if we should be prest with the authoritie of euery one that could or did mooue pen in all the whole first age of the church to be our iudges in euery ecclesiasticall matter and much more wrong should haue if the authors either corrupted or countersaited should be layd vnto vs speaking not in the same sense or in the same tongue or in the same time wherin they wrote yet to helpe and to faine the authorities of these authors so much as we may I answer to their allegations with this distinction of a bishop which is to be taken either generally or specially After the first a bishop is he to whom so euer the publike cure and charge of soules is committed without any limitation of place And so the name of Bishop is concident with the office of Apostle or any publique Pastour Doctour or Curator of the vniuersall flocke of Christ. And thus may Paule Peter or any other of the Apostles be called Bishops So also is Christ himselfe by expresse worde called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Bishop and Pastor 1. Peter 2. And thus may Peter wel be named a bishop of these foresaid authors after this maner of taking But this publike and generall charge vniuersally ouer the whole without limitation ceased after Christ and the Apostles For then were bishops by places and prouinces appointed to haue speciall ouersight of some perticular flock or prouince and so to be resident and attendant onely vpon the same The other diuersitie of this name bishop is to be taken after a more speciall sort which is when any person orderly called is assigned namely specially to some one certain place citie or prouince wherunto he is only bound to employ his office charge and no where els according to the old Canons of the Apostles and of the Councell of Nice And this Bishop differing from the other is called Episcopus intitulatus hauing his name of his citie or Dioces And thus we deny that Peter the Apostle was euer Bishop elected installed or intituled to the Citie of Rome neyther doth Optatus Abdias Ado or Hierome affirme the same And if Ado say that Peter was bishop of Rome 25. yeares vntill the last
not regarding your priuate businesses nor esteeming that which shoulde haue bene for the speciall commoditie thereof when it perceaued that cursed vanitie to begin againe to creepe and as a fire negligently quenched when the dead brandes thereof began to kindle and make a great flame by and by without delay ye hauing recourse vnto our pietie as vnto the Metropolitan of all diuine worship and Religion craued remedie and helpe which wholesome minde for your pieties sake it is most manifest that the gods haue indued you with Therefore hee euen that most mightie Iupiter I say which preserueth your most famous Citie to that intent he might deliuer and make free your countrey Gods your wiues and children your housholde Gods and houses from all detestable corruption hath inspired you with this wholesome and willing minde shewing declaring howe worthy notable and healthfull a thing it is to worship to sacrifice to the immortall Gods For who is so void of reason vnderstanding that knoweth not that this thing happeneth vnto vs by the carefull studie of the goodnes of our gods that the grounde denieth not to geue her timely increase nor maketh frustrate the husband mans hope nor that wicked warre dare shew her face vpon the earth nor that the corruption of the aire is nowe cause of pestilence neither that the sea swelleth with immoderate windes neither that sodaine stormes are cause of hurtfull tempestes To conclude that the ground which is as the nurce and mother of all things is not swallowed vp of her deepe chappes and gapings by terrible earthquake neither that the hils made leuell with the earth are not with gaping cliftes deuoured all which euils and greater then these before this time to haue happened euery mā knoweth And all these mischiefes came vpō vs for the pernitious errours sake of the extreeme follie of those wicked men the Christanis when filthinesse it selfe as I may call it so occupied their mindes and ouerranne the worlde Let them beholde the fieldes nowe all about full of corne and ouerflowen as it were with eares of corne Let them vewe the pleasant medowes clothed with flowers and moistned with showers from heauen and also the pleasant and temperate weather Therefore let all men reioyce that by your pietie sacrifices worshipping the maiestie of the most stearne God of battell Mars is appeased that therfore we enioy pleasant firme peace And how many so euer haue left that blind errour and straying of the Christians vnfainedly and be of a better minde let them specially reioyce as men deliuered out of a sodaine great tempest and from a greeuous disease and haue afterward obtained a delectable and pleasant life For doubtlesse if they had remained in that execrable vanitie farre of had they bene chased from your Citie suburbs of the same according to your desire that your Citie by that meanes according to your commēdable diligence clensed from all impuritie and impietie may offer sacrifices according to the meaning of the same with due reuerence of the immortall Gods And that you may perceiue in how good part your supplication yea vnasked and desired we are most willing and ready to further your honest endeuours and graunt vnto you for your deuotion whatsoeuer you aske of our magnificence And that thys thing may be accomplished forthwith aske and haue And thys thing with all speede indeuour you to obtaine which shall bee a perpetuall testimony of pietie exhibited of your Citie to the immortall Gods and shal be a president to your children and posteritie and withall you shall obtaine of vs for this your willing desire of reformation condygne and worthy rewardes Eusebius Lib 9. cap. 7. Thus came it to passe that at the length persecutiō was as great as euer it was and the magistrates of euery prouince were very disdainefull against the Christians which cōdemned some to death and some to exile Among whom they condemned three christians at Emisa in Phenicia with whom Siluanus the bishop a very old man being 40. yeres in the ecclesiasticall function was condemned to death At Nicomedia Lucianus the elder of Antioche brought thether after he had exhibited to the emperour his Apologie concerning the doctrin of the Christians was cast in pryson and after put to death In Amasea a City of Capadocia Bringes the lieftenaunt of Maximinus had at that time the executing of that persecution At Alexandria Petrus a most worthy byshop was beheaded with whome manye other Egiptian byshops also died Euseb. Lib. 9. cap. 7. Nicepho Lib. 7. cap. 44. Quirinus the Byshop Scescanius hauing a hanmyll tyed about hys necke was throwne headlong from the bridge into the flood and there a long while fleeted aboue the water and when hee opened his mouth to speake to the lookers on that they shoulde not be dismaied with that his punishmēt was with much a do drowned Chron. Euseb. At Rome dyed Marcellus the bishop as sayeth Platina also Timotheus the elder with many other bishops Priests were martyred To cōclud many in sundry places euery where were martyred whose name the booke intituled Fasciculus temporum declareth as Victorianus Symphorianus Castorius with his wife Castulus Cesarius Mennas Nobilis Dorotheus Gorgonius Petrus and other innumerable martirs Erasmus Bonifacius Iuliana Cosmas Damianus Basilinus with seuen others Dorothea Theophilus Theodosia Vitalis Agricola Acha Philemon Hireneus Ianuarius Festus Desiderius Gregorius Spoletanus Agapes Chionia Hirenea Theodora and 270. other Martyrs Florianus Primus and Felicianus Vitus and Modestus Crescentia Albinus Rogatianus Donatianus Pancratius Catharina Margareta Lucia the virgin and Antheus the king with many thousād martirs mo Simplicius Faustinus Beatrix Panthaleon Georgius Iustus Leocandia Anthonia and other mo to an infinite number suffered martirdome in this persecution whose names God hath written in the booke of life Also Felix Victor with his parents Lucia the widow Gemenianus with 79 others Sabinus Anastasia Chrisogonus Felix and Audactus Adrianus Nathalia Eugenia Agnes also when she was but 13. yeare old was martyred Euseb. in his 8. booke and 15. chap. rehearseth these kinds of torments and punishmēts that is to say Fire wilde beastes the sword crucifyinges the bottome of the sea the cutting and burning of mēbers the thrusting out of eyes dismembring of the whole body hūger imprisonment whatsoeuer other cruelty the Magistrates coulde deuise All which notwithstanding the godly ones rather then that they woulde doe sacrifice as they were bid māfully endured Neither were the womē any thing at al behind thē For they beyng intised to the filthy vse of their bodies rather suffered banishmēt or willingly killed themselues Neither yet could the Christians liue safely in the wildernes but were fetched euē frō thēce to death and tormentes in so much that this was a more greeuous persecution vnder Maximianus the tyraunt then was the former cruell persecution vnder Maximianus the Prince Euseb. Lib. 9.
had not chauÌ„sed vnles the wicked deuinatioÌ„s of Apollos oracles had deceiued bewitched theÌ„ To thee therfore now I pray oh most mightie God that thou wilt vouchsafe to be mercifull and pardon all the east parts and inhabitaunts of the same being oppressed with present calamitie and that by mee thy seruaunt thou wilt of thy goodnes helpe and relieue the same And these things rashly craue I not at thy hands oh Lord most mighty and holiest God of all For I being perswaded by the onely oracles haue both begone and also finished wholesome and profitable things and further by the bearing and shewing of thine ensigne haue ouercome a mighty and strong host and when any necessitie of the common weale to my charge committed requireth thereunto following those signes tokens of thy vertues I bouldly go forth and fight against mine enimies and for this cause haue I sacrificed my soule vnto thee purified and clensed both with thy loue and feare Yea truely thy name doe I sincerely loue and thy power doe I reuerence which by many tokens and wonders hast shewed and confirmed thereby my beleefe faith Therefore will I doe my endeuour and bende my selfe thereunto that I may redifie thy most holy house which those wicked vngodly Emperours haue with so great ruine laid wast thy people do I desire to bring stablish in firme peace traÌ„quilitie that for the publike vtilitie of all the inhabitants of the earth Those which yet erre are out of the way enioy the benefite of peace and quietnes with and amongst the number of the faithful sort for I trust the restitution of the like societie and participation may be a meanes to bring them also that erre into the perfecte way of verity Let no man therfore be greeuous one vnto another but what euery man thinketh best that let him doe For such as are wiâ—e ought throughly to be perswaded that the onely meane to liue holily and as they should doe whome the spirite of God moueth to take their delight and recreation in reading his holye will And if others wilfully will go out of the way cleauing to the Synagogues of false doctrine they maye at their owne perill as for vs we haue the most worthy house or congregation of Gods veritie which he according to his owne goodnes nature hath giuen vs. And this also we wish vnto the that with like participation common consente they may fele wyth vs the same delectation of mind For this our religioÌ„ is neither new nor newly inuented but is as old as wee beleeue the creation of the worlde to be and which God hath commaunded to be celebrated with such worship as both seemed and pleased him But all liuing men are lyeâ—s and are deceiued with diuers and sundrye illusions Thou O God for Christ thy sonnes sake suffer not this wickednes againe to take roote thou hast set vp a cleare burning light that thereby as manye as thou hast chosen maye come vnto thee These thy myracles approoue the same It is thy power that kepeth vs in innocencye and fydelitye The Sunne and the Moone runne their appointed course neyther yet in ranging wiâ—e wander the starres to what place of the worlde they list themselues The dayes yeares monethes and times keepe their appoynted turnes The earth abideth firme and vnremoueable at thy worde and the winde at the time by thee directed stormeth bloweth The streaming waterie floudes ebbe in time according as they flow The raging sea abideth within her bounded limites And for that the Ocean Sea stretchech out her selfe in equall length and breadth with the whole earth this must needes be wrought with some marueilous workmanship of thine owne hand which thing vnlesse it were at thy will made and disposed without all doubt so great difference and partition betweene woulde or this time haue brought vtter ruine destructioÌ„ both to the life of man as to all that beloÌ„geth to man beside Which for that they haue such great and huge conflictes amongest themselues as also the inuisible spirites haue we geue thee thankes O Lorde most mighty God of all Gods that al mankinde hath not bene destroyed thereby Surely euen as greatly as thy benignitie and gentlenes is manifested by diuers sundry benefites bestowed vpon vs so much also is the same set foorth and declared in the discipline of thy eternall word to those that be heauenly wise apply themselues to the attainement of sincere true vertue But if any such there be that litle regard or haue but small respect vnto the consideration thereof let them not blame or lay a fault in others that do the same For that Phisicke whereby health is obtained is manifestly offered vnto all men now therefore let no man go about to subuert that which experience it selfe doth shew of necessitie to be pure and good Let vs therefore altogether vse the participation of this benefite bestowed vpon vs that is to say the benefite of peace and tranquillitie setting a part all controuersie And let no man hurt or be preiudiciall to his fellowe for that thing wherein he thinketh him selfe to haue done wel If by that which any man knoweth and hath experience of hee thinketh he may profite hys neighbour let him doe the same if not let him geue ouer and remit it til on other time For there is a great diuersitie betwixt the willing and voluntary embracing of religion and that wheÌ„ a man is thereunto inforced and coacted Of these things haue I made a more larger discourse then in deede the scope of mediocritie requireth especially because I woulde not haue my faith touching the veritie to be hid For that I heare there be some which complaine the olde accustomed haunting of their temples that the power of such darkenesse is cut of and taken away which thing surely I would take in better part were it not that the violent rebellion of flagitious errour were so fixed in many mens heartes whereby they thirst after the vtter subuersion of the common weale and Empire Such was the goodnesse of this Emperour Constantinus or rather such was the prouideÌ„ce of almighty God toward his Church in stirring him vp that all his care and study of minde was set vpon nothing els but onely howe to benefit enlarge the commodities of the same Neither was it to him inough to deliuer the Church and people of God from outward vexation of foraine tyrants and persecutors No les beneficial was his godly care also in quieting the inward dissentions and disturbaunce within the Church among the Christian bishops themselues according as we read of Moses the deliuerer of the Israelits in agreing the brethren together when he saw them at variance Exod. 2. No lesse also did his vigilant study extend in erecting restoring enriching the Churches of God in al Cities and in prouiding for the ministers
Oxforde aboue mentioned where the king kept his Courte Symon Langton Archbishop of Canterbury held a Councell where was condemned and burned a certayne Deacon as Nic. Triuet sayth for apostasie Also an other rude country man who had crucified him selfe superstitiously bare about the woundes in his feete handes was condemned to be closed vp perpetually wtin walles Ex Nic. Triuet About which yeare also AlexaÌ„der kyng of the Scots maryed Iohanne sister to king Henry Not long after began the new building of the minster of Salisbury Whereat Pandulphus the Popes Legate layd the fiue first stones One for the Pope suche was the fortune of that Churche to haue the Popes stone in hys foundation the second for the yong king Henry the third for the good Earle of Salisbury The fourth for the Counties The fift for the Byshop of Salisbury c. Which was about the same yeare aboue mentioned an 1221. Ex Chron. Do. Sal. In the same yeare about S. Iames tyde fell a dissention betwene the Citizens of London men of Westminster the occasioÌ„ wherof was this A certein game betwene these two parties was appoynted to try whether parte in wrastling could ouercome the other Thus in striuing for maistry ech part contending agaynst the other as the maner is in such pastime it happened the LoÌ„diners to get the uictory and the other side was put to foyle but especially the stuard of the Abbot of Westminster Who beyng not a litle confounded therwith begaÌ„ to forethinke in his minde how to be reuenged agayne of the Londiners WherupoÌ„ an other day was set which was at LaÌ„mas that the LoÌ„diners should come agayn to wrastle and who so had the victory should haue the belweather which was the price of the game appointed As the parties were thus occupied in their play the stuard sodenly bringeth vpon the Londiners vnwares a company of haruest meÌ„ prepared for the same before letteth driue at the Londiners Who at length beyng wounded and greeuously hurt after much bloudshed were driuen backe agayne into the Citie This contumely thus beyng receaued the Citizens egerly stroken with ire and impacience ran to the common vell and by that ringing therof assembled their commons together to consult with themselues what was to be done in the case so contumelious wherin when diuers sentences were giuen diuersly Serle the same tyme Maior of London a wise discrete man gaue this counsaile that the Abbot of Westminster should be talked withal who if he would rectifie the iniurie done and satisfie for the harme receiued it should be to them sufficient But contrary onâ— Constantine a great maÌ„ then in the Little of London in much heat exciting that people gaue this sentence that all the houses of the Abbot of Westminster but especially the house of the steward shold be cast downe to the ground In fine that which he so vnaduisedly counsailed was as madly performed for the furious people according to his couÌ„saile so did This tumultuous outrage as it coulde not be priuye comming to the knowledge of Hubert de Burgo Lord chief iustice of england aboue mentioned he comming with a sufficient streÌ„gth of armed souldiours to the City of London seÌ„t to the Maior Aldermen of the city to will them to come vnto him Who so obeying his commaundement required of theÌ„ the principall beginners of the ryot To whome Constantine there being present answered that he woulde a warrant that which was done sorrowing moreouer that they had not done more then they did in that matter The iustice vpon the same his confession commaunded him with 2. other wtout any further tumult to be taken And so with the same two was haÌ„ged offering for his life xv thousand markes c. The sayd Hubert Erle of Kent Lord chiefe iustice although he was a faythfull trusty officer to hys prince had the whole guiding of the realme in his own hands the king as yet beyng in hys minoritie yet afterwarde what indignation he sustained for this his seueritâ—e and other thinges both of the nobles of the commons how sharpely he was tossed and trounsed of hys prince woÌ„der it is to see as in his due place time by the Lords leaue hereafter shall appeare Haec'ex Mat. Parisiens And for somuch as meÌ„tion hath bene made of the wraÌ„gling betwene the coÌ„moners of LondoÌ„ of Westminster both time occasion bringeth me in remembraunce somthing to speake likewise of the Ecclesiasticall conflictes among churchmeÌ„ nothing inferiour in my minde nor lesse worthy to be noted then the other For so I read in Mat. Parisiens and in Flor histor that at what time this wrasfling was among the Citizens for the sheep the like conteÌ„tion kindled flamed betweene Eustace Byshop of London the chapter of Paules on the one side the Abbot of Westminster with his Couent on the other side about spirituall iurisdiction subiectioÌ„ to wit whether the monastery of Westminster were exempted from the subiection iurisdiction of the B. of LondoÌ„ or not Which controuersie at last coÌ„ming into comprimis was coÌ„mitted to the arbitrement of Stephen Archb. of Canterbury Phillip Bishop of Wintchester Thomas of Merton Richard prior of Dunstable And at length was thus agreed that the monastery of Westminster should be vtterly exempted froÌ„ the iurisdiction of the bishop of London And that Stanes with the appurtenaunce therto belonging should appertayn to the Monastery of Westminster Also that the Manure of Sunnebury should be due proper to the Church of S. Paule and also the Church of S. Margarite with all the landes belonging to the same to be exempted from all other iurisdiction but onely to the Bishop of Rome And so was this matter decided an 1222. Ibidem Floro histor The same yeare as writeth Mat Parisiens horrible tempestes with such thrundring lightning whirlewindes went through all the land that muche harme was done Churches steeples towers houses diuers trees with the violeÌ„ce of winds were blown vp by the rootes In Warwickeshyre a certeine wife with eight other in her house were slayne In Grantham the Church was set on fire by lightning most terrible with suche a stincke left there behinde that no man could after a long tyme abide it The author addeth that manifest markes of the tempest did remayne long after in that Monastery to be seene Some also write that firie Dracons and spirites were seene then flying in the ayre An. 1223. Phillip the French king dyed after whoÌ„ hys sonne Ludouicke succeeded in the crown To whom kyng Henry seÌ„ding his message and desiring him to remember his promise and couenaunt made in rendring agayne the landes lost in Normandy coulde obtayne nothing at hys hands WhereupoÌ„ Richard Earle of Cornewale also William the kinges vncle Earl of Salisbury with diuers other nobles made ouer into Fraunce where they
recourred Poytiers kept Gascoine vnder the kinges obedieÌ„ce Ex Mat. Parisiens Triuet Flor hist. In the same yeare or as Fabian geueth the next following which was 1224. by the vertue of a certayn Parliament was graunted of the Lordes and Baronie of the laÌ„d the king and his heyres to haue the ward and maryage of theyr heyres which theÌ„ was called after so proued to be Initium malorum the beginning of harmes In the same yeare by the count of Gisburne and other writers the said king hoâ—ding an other ParliameÌ„t at Oxford by the aduise of his counsaile of his clergy did grauÌ„t and confirme vnder his great seale two chartes of the old liberties and customes of this realme for euer to be kept obserued the one called Magna Charta the other Charta de foresta The contentes whereof fully in the forenamed author be expressed For the which cause was grauÌ„ted agayn by the whole Parliament a Quindecim or a fifteene of all his subiectes as well of lay men as also of the Clergy ¶ Where is to be noted that these liberties were afterwarde broken and confirmed agayne by the sayd king an 1236. An. 1226. dyed pope Honorius a great aduersary against Fredericke the Emperor after whom succeeded Gregory the ix more greeuous then hys predecessor In the whiche yeare also dyed Ludouick the periured French king at the siege of Auinion Whom the pope now the second or thyrd tyme had set vp to fight agaynst Reimund the good Erle of Tholouse and the heretickes Albingensis of that country For so the pope calleth all them which hâ—ld not in all pointes with his glorious pride vsurped power vngodly proceedings The origine whereof was this as in Mat. Parisiens appeareth In the daes of Phillip the FreÌ„ch king this Reimundus Earle of Tholouse was disdayned of the Pope for holding with the Albingenses therefore by the instigation of the pope the landes of the Earle were taken from him geuen to Simon Montfort and instrumentes made vpoÌ„ the same But when the sayd Erle Reimundus would not be remoued froÌ„ the right of his possessions by vnrighteous dealing then the pope setteth Phillip the FreÌ„ch king to make open war against him WherupoÌ„ Lewes the FreÌ„ch kings sonne was sent with a great power as is aboue declared to besiege the City of Tholouse But beyng repulsed from thence by the merueilous band of God fighting for hys people could not preuayle so returned home after he had lost the most part of hys army by pestilence and other calamitie as hath bene before described And thus continued the good Earle still in quyet possession till this present time an 1226. In the whiche yeare the pope not forgetting his olde malice agaynst the Earle and no lesse enflamed with insatiable auarice directeth downe his Legate master Romanus to the partes of Fraunce for 2. seueral purposes One to extirye the Erle the other to enlarge his reuenewes Thus the Legate being entred into Fraunce beginneth to summone a Councell willing the French king with the Archbishops Byshops Clergy of Fraunce to appeare before him at Bitures To whom estsoones repayred vi Arcbishops with the bishops Suffragans of ix prouinces to the nuÌ„ber of 100. besides the Abbates Priours Proctors of al the couentes of Fraunce to heare the popes wil commaundement but because there was a discorde feared to ryse sayth Mathaeus about preheminence of sitting for that the Archbishop of Lyons challenged the superiour place aboue the Archbishop of Sene. Also the archbishop of Roane aboue the archbishop of Britures and aboue the Archbishop of Harbone c. Therfore the session was holdeÌ„ there not in maner and forme of a Councell but of a certayne parlie or consultation Thus the meke and holy Councel being set the popes maiesties letters read declared appeareth before them Reimund Earle of Tholouse of the one part And Simon Mountfort on the other part Which Symon required to be restored vnto him the lands and possessions of the sayd Reimund which the pope Phillip the French king had geuen to him to hys father before hauing good euidences to shew for the same confirmed by the donation of the pope and of the kyng Adding moreouer that the Earle Reimund was depriued and disherited in the generall Councel at Rome for heresie which is called the heresie of Albingenses At least if he might not haue the whole yelded vnto him yet the most part of hys Lordships he required to be graunted him To this the Earle Reimund aunswered agayne offering himselfe ready to all duetyes office both toward the French king and to the church of Rome whatsoeuer duely to him did appertein And moreouer touching the heresie wherwith he was there charged he did not onely there offer himselfe in that Councell before the Legate but most humbly did craue of him that he would take the paynes to come into euery Citty within hys precinct to enquire of euery person there the articles of his beliefe and if he fouÌ„d any person or persoÌ„s holding that which was not Catholike he would see the same to be corrected and ameÌ„ded according to the censure of holy Church to that vttermost Or if he should finde any citty rebelling agaynst hym he to the vttermost of his might with the inhabitance therof would compell them to doe satisfaction therfore And as touching himselfe if he had committed or erred in any thing which he remembreth not to haue done he offered their full satisfaction to God Church as becommed any faithfull christen man to doe requiring moreouer therefore the Legate to be examined of his fayth c. But all this sayth Mathaeus the legate despised neither could the catholike Erle saith he there find any grace vnlesse he would depart from hys heritage both from himselfe and from his heires for euer In fine when it was required by the coÌ„trary part that he should stand to the arbitrement of xii peeres of France to that Reimundus answered that if the French king would receaue his homage which he was redy at al times to exhibite he was coÌ„tented therewith For els they would not sayd he take him as one of their society fellowe subiect After much altercatioÌ„ on both sides about the matter the Legate willeth euery archbishop to call aside his Suffraganes to deliberate with them vpon the cause and to geue vp in writing what was concluded Whiche being done accordingly the Legate denounceth excommunication to all such as did reueale any peece of that whiche was there concluded before the pope and the king had intelligence there of These things thus in hudder mutter among theÌ„selues concluded the Legate gaue leaue to al proctors of couents and chapters to returne home onely reteining with him that Archbishops bishops and Abbots certayne simple prelates such as he might be more hold withall to opeÌ„
and landes were seised to the King as is afore premised or whether for feare and hatred of the Spensers as is likely or els for loue and familiaritie of Syr Roger Mortimer For here is to be noted that the sayd Syr Roger Mortimer with diuers other of the BaroÌ„s part which had broken prison in England were fled before into Fraunce and now resorted vnto the Queene The king seeing this geueth forth in proclamation and limitteth a certayne day to yâ— Queene and his sonne to return or els to be proclaymed traytours to the King and to the Realme Notwithstanding the Queene persisting in her purpose denyeth to returne vnlesse the other Nobles which were fled might be permitted safely also to returne with her Whereupon the king immediately caused them both to be proclaimed traytours and all them that tooke their partes Here then began great hatred betwene king king betweene the king the Queene much preparation of warre great spoyling on the sea much sending betweene the pope theÌ„ but that would not serue Then the K. by the counsayle of the Spensers sendeth priuily to procure the death of the Queene and of his sonne which should be wrought by the execution of the Earle of Richmond the Queenes familiar But as the Lord would that imaginatioÌ„ was preuented and vtterly frustrate Albeit the Queene yet notwithstanding whether misdoubting and fearing what corruptioÌ„ of â—ony might do in the court of Fraunce or whether the French king being threatned by the king of England and by the Pope durst not deteine her she remoued from thence was receaued with Edward her sonne ioyously and honourably in the Court or country of the Erle of Denawde Where by meanes of such as were about her a mariage was concluded betweene the sayd Edward her sonne being of the age of 14. yeare and Phillip the foresayd Earles daughter When this was noysed in Eng. diuers men of honor name came ouer to the Queene And soone after the Erle of Daynawde prepared a crew of 5. hundred men of armes to set ouer the young Prince in his mother into England Of this the same sprang shortly through the realm Wherfore the K. in all defensable wayes made proiusioÌ„ to haue the hauens and portes of his land surely kept for to resiste the landing of his enemies On the contrary side the Queene with no lesse preparation prouideth all things to her expedition necessary Who when she saw her tyme speeding herselfe to the Sea coast with Prince Edward her sonne Lord Edmund Earle of Kent the Kings brother Syr Roger Mortimer the Lord Hygmore and other exiles of EnglaÌ„d accompanied also with the foresaid Hainawders of whoÌ„ Syr Iohn Henawd the Earles brother was Captayne of Englishmen straungers hauing with her the nuuÌ„ber of 2757. souldiours she took shipping in those partes had the winde so fauorable that they landed in England at a porte called Orwel beside Harwich in Suffolke in the Dominion of the Earle Marshal the moneth of September To whom after her landing resorted Earle Marshall the Earle of Leicester with other BaroÌ„s Knightes and Byshops also namely of Lincolne Hereforde Duresine and Ely The Archbishop of Caunterbury though he came not himselfe yet sent his ayde and money Thus the Queene well furnished with plenty both of men and vitaile setteth forward towarde London so that the further she came the more her number dayly encreased and the kinges power contrary decreased insomuch that as mine author affirmeth not one almost in all the Realme could be hyzed with any wages to fight on the kinges behalfe agaynst the Queene Neither did the Queenes army hurt any man or childe eyther in goodes or any other thing by the way At the arriuing of the Queene the King was then in London whiche first would not beleue it to be true Afterward seeing and perceauing how it was he asketh helpe of the Londiners Who after mature abuisement rendred this aunswere to the king agayne that as touching the King the Queene and their sonne the lawfull heyre of the kingdome they were ready withall duety and seruice to honour and obey As for straungers and traitors to the realm they would receaue none such within theyr Citie gates Furthermore to goe out of the City to fight that they sayd they would not vnles it were so that according to yâ— liberties of their city they might returne home againe before sonne set The king hearing this aunswere whiche liked him not well fortifieth the Tower of London wyth men vitaile commieting the custody thereof to Iohn Ealtham his yonger sonne and to the wife of Hugh Spenser his niece And leauing Walter Stapleton Bysh. of Excter behinde him to haue the rule of the citty of London he himselfe hearing dayly the great recourse of the people that drew to the Queene For more safegard to himselfe fled with a small coÌ„pany Westward toward Wales But before his departing froÌ„ London he caused a proclamation to be made wherin all singuler persons were charged vpon forteite of life goods euery man with all his power to rile muade the rebelles destroy them all onely the life of the Queene his sonne and his brother reserned Also that no man vpoÌ„ payne pretaxate should helpe rescue or relieue the sayd rebels with goodes vitailes or any otherwise Item it was also proclaymed that whosoeuer would bring to the King the head and body either dead or aliue of Sir Roger Mortimer should haue out of the kinges cofers W. pound In contrariwise the Queene setteth forth an other proclamation wherein it was forbidden to take spoyle violently the value of any mans goodes agaynst the wil of the owner vnder payne of loosing his finger if it were 3. d. Of his hand if it were 6. d. Of his head if it were 12. d. Moreouer who soeuer woulde bring to the Queene the head of Hugh Spencer the yonger chopt off from his body should receaue for so doing of the Queene 2. thounsand poundes This done the Queene sendeth her letters to the Citty of London for ayde and succont to subdue the oppressor of the Realme to the which letters first no answere was made Agayn she wrote the second letter which was then tacked vpon the crosse in Cheape which was then called the new crosse The copy and tenour of which letter was this The copie of a letter that the Queene sent vnto the Mayor and Citizens of London ISabell by the grace of God Queene of England Lady of Ireland and Countesse of Pountif And we Edward the first sonne of the King of England Duke of Guyan Earle of Chester of Pontif and of Mounstrell to the Mayor and all the comminaltie of London sendeth greeting For asmuch as we haue before this time sent to you by our letters and howe we come into this lande in good aray and good maner for the profite of holy Church and
and consent as wel of them as of vs and so declared that some of those conclusions were heretical and some of them erroneous repugnant to the determination of the Church as here vnder are described Wee will and commaund your brotherhoode and by vertue of holy obedience straightly enioyne all and singular our brethren and Suffraganes of our body and Church of Canterbury that with all speedye diligence you possible can you likewise enioyne them as we haue enioyned you and euery of them And that euery one of them in their Churches other places of their Citie and Dioces doe admonish and warne and that you in your Church and other Churches of your Citie and Dioces do admonish and warne as we by the tenor of these presents do admonish and warne the first time the second time and the third time and yet more straightly doe warne assigning for the first admonition one day for the second admonition an other day for the third admonition canonicall and peremptorie an other day That no man from hence forth of what estate or cōdition soeuer do hold preach or defend the foresayd heresies and errors or any of them nor that hee admitte to preach any one that is prohibited or not sent to preach nor that he heare or hearken to the heresies or errours of him or any of them or that he fauour or leane vnto hym either publiquely or priuely But that immediatly he shonne hym as he would auoide a Serpent putting forth most pestiferous poison vnder paine of the greater curse the which we commaund to be thundered against all and euery one which shal be disobedient in this behalfe and not regarding these our monitions after that those 3. dayes be past which are assigned for the canonical monition and that their delay fault or offence committed require the same That then according to the tenour of these wrytings wee commaund both by euery one of our felowe brethren our Suffraganes in their Cities and Dioces and by you in your City and Dioces so much as belongeth both to you and them that to the vttermost both ye and they cause the same excommunications to be pronounced And furthermore wee will and commaunde our foresayd felowe brethren and all singular of you a part by your selues to be admonished and by the aspersion of the bloud of Iesus Christ we likewise admonish you that according to the institution of the sacred Canons euery one of them in their Cities Dioces bee a diligent inquisitour of this hereticall prauitie and that euery one of you also in your Cities and Dioces be the like inquisitor of the foresayd heretical prauitie And that of such like presumptions they and you carefully and diligently inquire and that both they and you according to your dueties and office in this behalfe wyth effect do procede against the same to the honor and praise of his name that was crucified and for the preseruation of the Christian faith and Religion Here is not to be passed ouer the great miracle of gods diuine admonition or warning for when as the Archbyshop and suffraganes with the other Doctours of diuinitie and lawyers with a great company of babling Friers religious persons were gathered together to consult as touching Iohn Wickleffes bookes and that whole secte When as they were gathered together at the Gray fryers in Lōdon to begin their busines vpon S. Dunstons day after dinner about 2. of the clocke the very houre instant that they should go forward with their businesse a wonderfull and terrible earthquake fell through out al England wherupon diuers of the suffraganes being feared by the strange and wonderfull demonstration doubting what it shuld meane thought it good to leaue of from their determinate purpose But the Archbyshop as chiefe captaine of that army more rash and bold then wise interpreating the chaunce which had happened cleane contrary to an other meaning or purpose did confirme strengthen their harts and minds which were almost daunted with feare stoutly to proceede and go forward in theyr attempted enterprise Who then discoursing Wickliffes articles not according vnto the sacred Canons of the holy Scripture but vnto theyr owne priuate affections and traditions pronounced and gaue sentence that some of them were simply and plainely hereticall other some halfe erroneous other irreligious some seditious and not consonant to the Church of Rome Item the 12. day of Iune in the yeare aforesaid in the chamber of the Friers preachers the foresayd M. Robert Rigges Chauncelor of the vniuersitie of Oxford Thomas Brightwell professors of diuinitie beyng appoynted the same day and place by the foresayde reuerend father in God Archbyshop of Canterbury appeared before hym in the presence of the reuerend father in God Lord William by the grace of God Byshop of Winchester and diuers others doctours and bachelers of Diuinitie and of the Canon and ciuill lawe whose names are before recited And first the sayd Chauncelor by the said Lord Archb. of Cant. being examined what his opinion was touching the foresayd articles Publiquely affirmed and declared that certaine of those conclusions were hereticall and certaine erronious as the other doctors and clerks afore mentioned had declared And then immediately next after hym the foresaid Thomas Brightwel was examined which vpon some of the conclusions at first somewhat staggered but in the end being by the sayd Archbishop diligently examined vpon the same did affirme and repute the same to be hereticall and erroneous as the foresayd Chancelor had done An other Bacheler of Diuinitie also there was named N. stammering also at some of those conclusions but in the end affirmed that hys opinion therein was as was the iudgement of the foresayd Chauncelour and Thomas as is aboue declared Whereuppon the sayde Lord Archb. of Cant. willing to let and hinder the perill of such heresies errours Deliuered vnto the foresayd Chauncelour there being publiquely read his letters patents to be executed the tenour whereof in these wordes doth folow WIlliam by the grace of God Archb. of Cant. primate of all England and Legate of the Apostolicall see To our welbeloued sonne in Christ the Chancelor of the vniuersitie of Oxford within the diocesse of Lincolne greeting grace and benediction The prelates of the Church about the Lordes flocke committed to their charge ought so much to be more vigilāt as that they see the wolfe clothed in sheepes attire fraudulētly go about to worow and scatter the sheepe Doubtles the common fame brute is come vnto our eares c. Vtin mandato praecedenti We will therefore and commaunde straightly enioyning you that in the Church of our blessed Lady in Oxforde vpon those dayes the which accustomably the Sermone is made as also in the schooles of the sayde Vniuersitie vppon those dayes the Lectures be read ye publish and cause by others to be published to the clergie and people as well in their
hys booke De sacerdotum Monachorum abhominatione desolationis pag. 84. c. I beseech the reader to note Nam ista scribens fateor ê™ nihil aliud me in illis perurget nisi dilectio Dom. Nostri Iesu crusifixi c. That is For in writing these things I confesse nothinge els to haue moued me hereunto but onely the loue of our Lorde Iesus crucified whose printes and stripes according to the measure of my weakenes and vilenes I couet to beare in my selfe beseeching hym so to geue me grace that I neuer seek to glory in my selfe or in any thing els but onely in his crosse and in the inestimable ignominy of his passion which he suffered for me And therefore I write and speake these thinges which I do not doubt will like all such as vnsaynedly do loue the Lord Christ crucified and contrary will mislike not a little all suche as be of Antichrist Also agayne I confesse before the most merciful Lord Iesus Christ crucified that these thinges which I do now write and those that I haue written before neither I could haue writteÌ„ nor knew how nor durst so haue written vnlesse he by hys inward vnction had so commaunded me Neither yet do I write these thinges as of authority to get me fame and name For as S. Augustine Hierome do say that is onely to be geuen to the scriptures and writinges of the Apostles Euangelistes and Prophetes and to the Canonicall Scriptures which doe abounde in the fulnes of the spirite of Iesus And whatsoeuer is there sayd is full of veritie and wholesome vtilitie c. And here place also would require something to say to Aeneas Siluius to Antoninus and to Laziardus which falsly impute articles to him whiche he neuer mayntayned But because tyme suffereth not I wil proceed to the story of maister Hierom of Prage The Tragicall and lamentable history of the famous learned man and godly Martyr of Christ maister Hierome of Prage burned at Constance for like cause and quarrell as Maister Iohn Hus was 1416. THese thinges hetherto being discoursed touching the lyfe Actes and Constant martyrdom of M. Iohn Hus with part also of his letters adioyned to the same whose death was on the 6. of Iuly an 1416. now remayneth coÌ„sequently to describe the like Tragedy and cruell handeling of his Christian companion and fellow in bandes M. Hierome of Prage Who grieuously sorrowing the slaunderous reproch and diffamation of his couÌ„try of Boheme and also hearing tell of the manifest iniuries done vnto that man of worthy memory M. Iohn Hus freely and of hys own accord came vnto Constance the 4. day of Iprill an 1415. Who there perceiuing that Iohn Hus was denyed to be heard and that watche and wayte was layd for hym on euery side he departed to Iberling a Citty of the Empire vntill the next day the which Citty was a myle of froÌ„ Constance and from thence he wrote hys letters by me vnto Sigismund kyng of Hungry and hys Barons and also vnto the Councell most earnestly requiring that the kyng and the Councell would geue him a safe conduct frely to come and go and that he woulde then come in open audience to aunswere vnto euery man if there were any of the Councell that would lay any cryme vnto hym as by the tenour of his intimation shall more at large appeare When as the sayd king of Hungary was required therunto as is aforesayd being in the house of the Lord Cardinall of Cambray he denyed to geue M. Hierome anye safe conducte excusing himselfe for the euil speede he had with the safe conduct of Iohn Hus before and alleadging also certayne other causes The deputies also of the foure nations of the Councell being moued thereunto by the Lords of the kingdome of Boheme aunswered wee say they will geue hym a safeconduct to come but not to depart Whose aunsweres when they were reported vnto maister Hierome he the next day after wrote certaine intimations according to the tenour here vnder written which he sent vnto Constance to be set vpon the gates of the Citty and vpon the gates of the Churches and Monasteries and of the houses of the Cardinals and other nobles and prelates The tenour wherof here followeth word for word in thys maner Unto the most noble Prince and Lord the Lord Sigismund by the grace of God king of the Romanes alwaies Augustus and of Hungary c. I Hierome of Prage maister of Arte of the generall vniuersities of Paris Colleyn Heldeberg Prage by these my present letters do notifie vnto the king together with the whole reuerend Councell and as much as in me lyeth do all men to vnderstand and know that because of the crafty slaunderers backbiters accusers I am ready freely of myne owne will to come vnto CoÌ„stance there to declare openly before the Councell the puritie and sinceritie of my true fayth and myne innocencie and not secretly in corners before any priuate or particulate person Wherfore if there be any of my slauÌ„derers of what natioÌ„ or estate soeuer they be which will obiect agaynst me anye crime of errour or heresie let them come forth openly before me in the presence of the whole Councell and in theyr owne names obiect agaynst me and I will be ready as I haue written to aunswere openly and publikely before the whole Councell of myne innocencie and to declare the puretie and sinceritie of my true fayth And if so be that I shal be fouÌ„d culpable in errour or heresie then I will not refuse openly to suffer such punishment as shall be meete and worthy for an erroneous person or an hereticke Wherefore I most humbly beseech my Lord the King and the whole sacred CouÌ„cell that I may haue to this end and purpose aforesayd safe and sure accesse And if it happeÌ„ that I offering suche equitie and right as I do before any fault be proued agaynst me be arested imprisoned or haue any violence done vnto me that theÌ„ it may be manifest vnto the whole worlde that this generall Councell doth not proceede according to equitie and iustice if they woulde by any meanes put me backe from this profouÌ„d and straight iustice being come hether freely and of myne owne minde and accorde The whiche thing I suppose to be farre from so sacred and holy Councell of wise men WHen as yet he through such intimations copied out in the Bohemian Latine and Germayne tongue being set vp as is aforesayd could not get any safeconduct theÌ„ the Nobles Lords and Knightes specially of the Bohemian nation present in Constance gaue vnto maister Hiâ—rome their letters patentes coÌ„firmed with their seales for a testimony and witnesse of the premisses With the which letters the sayd M. Hierome returned agayne vnto Boheme but by the treason and conspiracy of his enemies was taken in Hirsaw by the officers of Duke Iohn and in Zultzbach was brought backe agayne to
22. Item whether he beleueth that an euill Priest with due maner and forme and with the intentiō of doing doth verily consecrate doth verily absolue doth verily baptise and doth verily dispose all other sacramentes euen as the Church doth 23. Item whether he beleeue that Saint Peter was the Uicar of Christ hauing power to bynde and to lose vppon the earth 24. Item whether he beleue that the Pope being canonically elect whiche for the tyme shall be by that name expresly be the successor of Peter or not hauing supreme authoritie in the Church of God 25. Item whether he beleue that the authoritie of iurisdiction of the Pope an archbishop or a Bishop in binding loosing be more then the authorititie of a simple priest or not although he haue charge of soules 26. Item whether he beleue that the pope may vpon a iust and good cause geue indulgēces and remission of sins to all Christian men being verily contrite and confessed especially to those that go on pilgrimage to holy places and good deedes 27 Item whether he beleue that by such graunt the pilgrimes that visite those Churches and geue thē any thing may obtayne remission of sinnes or not 28. Item whether he beleue that all Bishops may graūt vnto their subiectes according as the holy Canons doe limit such indulgences or not 29. Item whether he beleue and affirme that it is lawfull for faythfull Christians to worship Images and the reliques of sayntes or not 30. Item whether he beleue that those religions whiche the Churche hath allowed were lawfully and reasonably brought in of the holy fathers or not 31. Item whether he beleueth that the pope or any other Prelate for the time being or their vicars may excommunicate their subiect Ecclesiasticall or secular for disobediēce or contumacie so that such a one is to be holden and taken for excommunicate or not 32. Item whether ye beleue that for the disobediēce and contumacie of persons excommunicate increasing the prelates or their vicares in spirituall thinges haue power to agrauate and to reagrauate to put vpon men the interdict and to call for the secular arme and that the same secular arme or power ought to be obedient to the censures by their inferiors called for 33. Item whether he beleue that the pope and other prelates or els their vicares haue power in spirituall things to excommunicate priestes and lay men that are stubberne and disobedient from theyr office benefice or entrance into the church and from the administration of the sacraments of the Church also to suspend them 34. Item whether he beleue that it is lawfull for ecclesiasticall persons without committing sinne to haue anye possessions temporall goodes and whether he beleeue that it is not lawfull for lay men to take away the same from thē by their authoritie but rather that such takers away incrochers vpō ecclesiasticall goods are to be punished as committers of sacriledge yea although such Ecclesiasticall persons liue naughtely that haue such goodes 35. Item whether any such taking away or incrochyng vpō any priest rashly or violently made although the priest be an euill liuer be sacriledge or not 36. Item whether he beleue that it is lawfull for lay mē of whether sexe soeuer that is men and women to preache the word of God or not 37. Item whether he beleue that it is lawfull to al priestes freely to preach the word of God whersoeuer whensoeuer and to whom soeuer it shal please them althogh they be not sent at all 38. Item whether he beleue that all mortall sinnes and especiall such as be manifest and publike are to be corrected and to be extirpate or not Furthermore wee will commaunde and decree that if any by secrete information by you or any other to be receiued shall be founde either enfamed or suspected of anye kind of the pestiferous sect heresie doctrine of the most pestilence men I. Wickleffe I. Hus and Hierome of Prage the archheretickes aforesaid or of fauoring receiuing or defending the foresayd damned men whilest they liued on the earth their false followers and disciples or any that beleeueth their errours or any that after their death pray for thē or any of them or that nominateth them to be amongst the number of catholick men or that defendeth them to be placed amongst the number of y◠saintes either by their preaching worshipping or otherwaies wherin they deserue to be suspected y◠then they by you or some of you may be cited personally to appeare before you or some of you wtout either Proctor or Doctor to answere for them an oth being opēly taken by them as is aforesayd to speak the plain mere veritie of the articles aboue written and euery of them or other oportune as case and circumstance shall require according to your discretion as you or anye of you shall see expediēt to proceed against them or any of them according to these presentes or otherwise canonically as you shall thinke good Also that you do publish solemnly cause to be published these present letters omitting the articles interrogatories herein contayned in the citties other places of your dioces where conueniently you may vnder our authoritie there to denounce and cause to be denounced all singular such hereticks with their abbetters fauorers of their heresies erroures of what sexe or kinde soeuer that do hold defend the sayd erroures or doe participate any maner of way with heretickes priuely or apertly of what state dignitie or condition soeuer he or they be Patriarche Archbishop king Queene Duke or of what other dignitie either Ecclesiasticall or seculare he be also with their aduocates and procurators whosoeuer whiche are beleuers followers fauourers defenders or receiuers of such heretickes or suspected to be beleuers followers fautors defenders or receiuers of them to be excommunicate euery sonday and festiuall day in the presence of the people Furthermore that you dilligently do to be inquired by the sayd our authoritie vpon all and singular such persons both men and women that mayntayne approue defend teach such erroures or that be fauourers receauers and defenders of them whether exempt or not exempt of what dignitie state preeminence degree order or condition soeuer And such as you shal finde in the sayd your inquisition either by their own confession or by any other meane to be diffamed or otherwise infected with the spot of suche heresie or errour you through the sentence of excommunication suspension interdict and priuation of their dignities personages offices or other benefices of the Church and fees which they hold of any church monastery and other Ecclesiastical places also of honours and secular dignities and degrees of sciences or other faculties as also by other paynes and censures of the Church or by wayes and meanes whatsoeuer els shall seeme to you expedient by taking and imprisoning of their bodies and other corporall punishmentes
to do but especially that side of the City which lyeth to the riuer of Danubius they fortified after the best wise for that way only now remained for vitail to be transported from the Bohemians vnto them Wherefore 8. enâ—ignes were assigned to the keping of the bridge and in the plaine which was lyke an Iland inclosed wythin the riuer a sufficient garrison of horsmen were placed lying within the gunshot of the city to the entent that if any graine or vitail were sent from the Bohemians they myght prouide the same safely to be brought into the Citie These things thus being disposed and set in order L. William Rogendorffe to assay the strength of the Turks made diuers rodes out wyth his horsemen albeit much against the mindes of the Austrians who knowing the maner of the Turkes thought it better to suffer them while either wyth time they myght be ouerweried or for lacke of victuals consumed Among many and sondry skirmishes which the Christians had with the Turkes one especially was to our men vnprosperous in whych certaine of the horsemen espying a small troupe of the Turkes scattering abroad from theyr company made out after them who sodenly guilefully were inclosed and circumuented by the Turks before they could recouer the gates of the citie and so were all taken aliue Of whome 3. were sent from the Turkes into the Citye to declare to the Uiennians what strength they had seene in the campe of their aduersaries and to sollicite them to yelde their city for feare of punishment which would followe The residue they reserued to torments and punishment whom in the sight of the whole army and of the Christians whych should tell the same to the Citizens they caused euery man to be drawne with 4. horses a piece and so to be dismeÌ„bred and pluckt a sonder After thys done the barbarous Turk immediatly sent his Herold to talke wyth the Captaines of the City whether they would yelde the City vpon honest conditions or els would abide the arbitrement of warre If they would gently submit them selues they should haue all gentlenes to them shewed If they would be stubburne and stand to their defence he wold also stand to hys siege begon so that he neither woulde spare man woman nor childe To thys the captaines aunswered againe that they were contented Solyman to stand to his siege begon and to do his vttermost what he would or what he coulde As for them they were at a poynte to defende them selues and their Citie so long as they might the euent fall of victory to be doubtfull and many times so to happen that they whych begin the warre are wearied sooner then they which be prouoked neither againe that they were so vnmindfull eyther of themselues or of their country but that they did remember well what they are and what they be called named to be Germaines who vse alwayes first to assay the aduersary what he is able to doe and not rashly to committe themselues into their enemies handes Solymannus not a little disdaining at thys aunswer first burning and consuming all the villages houses and places round about the city infecting also the springs and fountaines whych gaue water into the Citye and so stopping al passages that no reliefe should haue way vnto theÌ„ began with angry moode to approche more neare to the Citie with 3. great campes sending them worde in skorne and contumely by one of his captiues that if they stood in nede of helpe of soldiors he would send vnto them the 300. Bohemians mentioned a little before to aid them in theyr defence To whom the Palatine directed answer again that they had moe soldiours in the City then they neded As for the Bohemians which had yelded themselues he might do wyth them what he would for Uienna stoode in no great neede of them In the meane time a messenger comming from Ferdinandus was priuily let in by night into the Citie which brought word that they should play the men in keping out the enemy a while for it would not be long but both Ferdinandus and Carolus his brother with the streÌ„gth of all Germanie would be ready to rescue them At whych message the hearts of the soldiours began somwhat to be cheared and to contemne the huge multitude of the aduersaries being so great as they neuer did beholde nor did euer almoste heare of before The largenesse of whose army extended to no lesse in compasse as is aboue sayde then of 7. miles round about the Citie walles Long it were to recite the whole order of thys terrible siege with all the partes and circumstances therof Briefly to touch so much as shal suffice for this history with fewer words then were stripes geuen at the siege thereof thys is to be iudged and confessed whosoeuer beholdeth the noÌ„ber and fiercenesse of the Turkes the absence of the king Ferdinandus the lacke of prouision and vitaile within the city the noise of the gunnes the violence of the shot the terror of the sight and yet no succour sent vnto them that the custody of that city was no mans doing but the arme only of the Lord God of hostes according to the true saying of the Psalme Unlesse the Lorde doe keepe the Citie the watchmen watch in vaine which watch to saue it Unles the Lord doe build the house the builder striueth in vayne whych taketh vpon hym to builde it Experience whereof in keping thys citie may well appeare First Solymannus bending hys shotte and ordinance against the City beate downe to the ground the vaÌ„mures with all the vttermost suburbs of the city and that in suche a short moment of time that the hearts of the Uiennians a little before refreshed were now as much appaled agayne with feare misdoubting wyth themselues least the Turke with the same celerity and violence woulde haue preuailed against the inwarde walles as he did in beating down the outward vamures And no doubt the same time the Turk had put the city in great hazard had not night commynge on broken of the siege for that day In the meane time the Citizens laboured all night in repairing and refreshing the wals to make all things sure against the next assault The next day early in yâ— morning the Turks approching the city againe with a new assault thinking to scale the walles were so repulsed manfully resisted by the Germaines that vnneth any ditches aboute the walles could be sene for the bodies of the dead Turkes wherwith they were replenished so that the Turks were faine to fight standing vpon the bodies of them which wer slaine By the which calamitie the force of the enemye was not a little abated It happened the same time that a companye of the Turkes being spied oute of the Citie wandering oute of order the Captaine Rogendorffius wyth two legions of horsemenne issuing out of the Citie gate called Salmaria and so passing closely
declareth to vs the affliction of Christes Church for sinne and yet that God will not vtterly reiect his people for his sonnes sake as by manifold examples of y◠Church hetherto may well appeare Againe the continuance of the law first geuen by Moses vnto the destruction of the sayde people by Titus amounteth to 1564. yeares So we counting the age of the new Testament and reckening from the day of our redemption vnto this present be come now to the yeare 1534. lacking but only 33. yeares of the full number Likewise in counting the yeares from their deliuerāce out of captiuitie to the ende of their dissolution we finde 564. yeares during which yeares as the Churche of the Iewes was not gouerned vnder the authoritie of kings but the high Priests tooke all the power and authoritie to themselues so we Christians for the space especially of these later 564. yeares what haue we seene and felt but only the iurisdiction and domination of the Pope and his high Priests plaieng the Rex in all countreys and ruling the whole whereby by the count of these yeares it is to be thought the daye of the Lordes comming not to bee farre off Furthermore in those latter yeares of the Iewes kingdome what troubles and afflictions that people susteined three hundreth yeares together but chiefly the last 166. yeares before the comming of Christ by Antiochus and his felowes the history of the Machabees cā report Wherin we haue also notoriously to vnderstād the miserable vexations and persecutions of Christian Churches in these latter ends of the world by Antichrist For by Antiochus Antichrist no doubt is figured and represented Thys Antiochus surnamed Magnus and Antiochus Epiphanes his sonne came of the stocke of Seleucus Nicanor much like as the Mahumetes the Turke and Solymannus came of the stocke of Ottomannus Wherein this is to be noted and pondered that like as of the sayd Seleucus issued xij Syrian Kings one after another of that generation which reigned ouer the Israelites with much seueritie and tiranny so of this diuelish generatiō of Ottomannus haue come xij Turkish tyraunts whereof thys Solyman is now the twelfe God grant he may be the last And as the ij last Antiochi being sonnes of the ij brethrē did fight together for the kingdome and in fighting were both slaine and shortly after the kingdome fell to the Romaines so the Lorde graunt for Christes sake that the bloudy broode of this old Solyman which had reigned now 46. yeares may so fight together and perish in their owne bloud that the bloudy tyranny of theirs may come to a finall end for euer Amen And that the truth heereof may the better appeare to such as be disposed to meditate more vpon the matter I thought good and profitable for the reader to set before his eies in tablewise the catalogue of both these Antichristian families with the names and succession of the persons first of the twelue Syrian Kings then of the twelue Ottomans in like number and order A comparison betweene the Syrians and the Turkes ¶ The Syrians 1 Seleucus 32 2 Antiochus Soter 19 3 Antiochus Theos who killed Bernice his mother in law and his yong brother 15 4 Seleucus Callinicus with Antiochus Hierax his brother which two breethren warred one against the other 20 5 Antiochus Magnus 36 6 Seleuchus Philopator 12 7 Antiochus Epiphanes or rather Epimanes 8 Antiochus Eupator 2 9 Demetrius brother of Epiphanes who killed Eupator his cosin 10 Demetrius Nicanor whome Antiochus Sedetes his brother repulsed from his kingdome 11 Antiochus sedetes These two last being brethren had two sonnes 12 Antiochus Grypus Antiochus Cyriconus These two striuing together for the kingdome were both slaine and so not lōg after the kingdome of Syria came to the hands of Cigranes King of Armenia and so being taken from him came to the Romaines in the time of Pompeius ¶ The Turkes 1 Ottomannus 28 2 Orchanes He slue his two brethren 22 3 Amurathes He put out the eyes of Sauces his owne sonne 23 4 Baiazetes He slew Solymannus his brother 5 Calepinus The Greeke stories make no mention of this Calepinus the Latin stories say that Calepinus and Orchanes were both one and that hee was slayne by Mahumetes hys brother 6 6 Orchanes whome Moses his vncle did slay 7 Mahumetes 1. He slue Mustaphas his brother 14 8 Amurathes 2. Hee siue Mustaphas his brother 34 9 Mahumetes 2. He slue his two brethren Turcinus an infant and Calepinus 73 10 Baiazetes 2. He warred against his brother Demes which Demes was afterward poisoned by Pope Alexander 6. 33 11 Zelymus He poisoned Baiazetes his father his two brethren Acomates and Corcutus wyth all their children his owne cosines 7 12 Solymannus He slue Mustaphas his owne sonne and was the death or Gianger his seconde sonne 46 These two pestilent families and generations rising out doubtles from the bottomles pit to plague the people of God as in number of succession they do not much differ so in maner of their doings and wicked abhominations they be as neere agreeing being both enemies alyke to the people and Church of Christ both murtherers and paricides of their owne breethren and kindred both blasphemers of God and troublers of the whole worlde Wherein we haue all to learne and note by the way the terrible anger of almighty God against sinne and wickednes of men Furthermore who so is desposed to consider and cast the course of times and to marke how things be disposed by the maruelous operation of Gods prouidēce shal finde the times also of these two aduersaries in much like sorte to concurre and agree For in considering with our selues both the Testaments and Churches of God the first of the Iewes the second of the Christians looke what time had the Syrian Kings to rage then in Hierusalem the same proportion of time hath now the tiranny of the Turks to murther the Christians so that the one Antichrist may well represent and prefigure the other For as by the booke of Machabees may appeare Antiochus Epiphanes was about the 191. yeares before the passion of our Sauiour and day of our redemption so now casting the same number from this present yeare backward we shall finde it to be about the same yeare and time when Baiazetes the fourth Turke after Ottoman began to remoue his Imperiall seate from Bursa in Bithynia to Adrianople in Europe which is a City of Thracia In which yeare time began all the mischiefe in Europe as is to be seene before pag. 738. and this was the yeare of our Lord 1375. Unto the which yeare if we adde 691. it maketh 1566. according to the prophesie of the Apocal. chap. 20. where it is prophesied of Gog and Magog that they shall compasse about the tents of the Saincts and the well beloued Citie by the which welbeloued Citie is meant no doubt Europa and this was in
riches and shall treade downe pride with his owne death In the night he shall rise vp and be changed he shall liue and raigne and all these things shall be consummated and regeneration or newe things be made at last hee shall iudge both good and euill c. And thus much briefly collected out of Sybilia Erythrea concerning Christ our Lord. Furthermore touching the state and course of the Church and of Antichrist it foloweth in the sayde Sybille saying Then shall 4 Winged beastes rise vp in testimonie they shal soūd out with trumpets the name of the lambe sowing righteousnes the law irreprehensible Against which law the beast shal gainstand the abhomination froth of the dragon But a maruelous star shal rise hauing the image of the 4. beasts shal be in a maruelous multitude he shal bring light to the Greekes and shal illustrate the world The lake of the fisher shall bring the name of the lambe with power into the Citie of Eneas vnto the end of the worlde or time Then in the city of Eneas the starre ioyned shall loose such as were bound of the deuill and thereof hee shall reioyce and glory and glorious shal be his end c. After this Sybilia wryting as it semeth of Antichrist importeth these words And it shall come to passe that an horrible beast shal come out of the East whose roaring shall be heard to Aphrike to the people of Carthage Which hath 7. heades and scepters innumerable feete 663. He shall gainstande the lambe to blaspheme his Testamēt encreasing the waters of the dragon The kings princes of the world he shall burne in intolerable sweat they shal not diminish his feete And then two starres like to the first starre shall rise against the beast and shal not preuaile till the abhomination shall be come and the wil of the Lord shall be consummate And again speaking of the same matter he inferreth these words of the foresaid 2. starres aboue mētioned And toward the latter dayes two bright starres shall arise raising vp men lying dead in their sinnes being like to the first starre hauing the face of the 4. beasts which shall resist the beast the waters of the dragon testifying or preaching the name and lawe of the lambe the destruction of abhomination and iudgement and shal diminish his waters but they shal be weakened in the bread of affliction and they shall rise againe in stronger force c. And it foloweth moreouer After the abhomination then shal truth be reuealed the lambe shal be known to whom regions and countreis shal submit their necks all earthly men shal agree together in one to come into one fold and to be ruled vnder one discipline and after this shal be but a small time c. And shortly after the saide Sybilia speaking of the latter iudgement to come declareth how all the abhominations of sinnes shall come before the lambe and that terrible fire shall fall frō heauen which shall consume al carthly things created vnto the top of heauen c. And thus muche out of Sybilla touching her prophesies of Christ Antichrist according a◠I founde them alleaged of a certaine catholike Romish wryter in his booke entituled Onus ecclesiae excerped as he sayeth out of the library of S. George in the citie of Uenice Philip Melancthon in his preface vpon Bartholomaeus Georgienitz Peregrinus wryting of the Origene and manners of the Turks alledgeth a certaine prophesy of Hikenus mentioned hereafter which foresaid that the Turkes should beare rule in Italy and in Germany An. 1600. Now it remaineth in conclusion of these prophesies of the Turks something to say of the Turks owne prophesies concerning the enduring ending of their own kingdom whose propheticall prognostication being taken out of their owne language and their own bookes I thought here to insert as I finde it alleaged in the booke of the forsayd Bartholomaeus Georgienitz as followeth A Turkish prophecie in the Persian toung of the raigne and ruine of the Turkes PAtissahomoz ghelu Ciaferum memleketi alur keuzul almai alur Kapzeiler iedi y ladegh Gyaur keleci csikmasse on ikiyladegh onlaron beghlig eder eusi iapar baghi diker bahesai baghlar oglikezi olur onichi yldensora Hristianon Keleci csichar ol Turchi gerestine tus chure The Latine of the same IMperator noster veniet ethnici Principis regnum capiet rubrū quoque pomum capiet in suam potestatem rediget quod si septimum vsque annum Christianorum gladius non insurrexit vsque ad duodecimum annum els dominabitur Domos ae dificabit vineas plantabit hortos sepibus muniet liberos procreabit post duodecimum annum apparebit Christianorum gladius qui Turcam quaqua versum in fugam aget The same in English OUr Emperour shal come he shal get the kingdome of the Gentiles prince also he shal take the red apple and shall bring it vnder his subiection and if the sworde of the Christians shall not rise vnto the vij yeare hee shall haue dominion ouer them vnto the xii yere He shal build houses plant vineyardes shal hedge about his orchards shall procreate children and after the xij yeare shal appeare the sworde of the Christians whych shall putte the Turke to flight euery where They whych make declaration of thys Turkishe prophesie do expound this xij yeare to signify the xij yeare after the winning of Constantinople which Constantinople they say is ment by the redde apple And after that xij yeare say they shall rise the sworde of the Christians c. and this prophesie being wrytten and translated out of the Persian tounge with this exposition vpon the same is to be found in the boke of Bartholomeus Georgienitz Albeit concerning the exposition therof it semeth not to be true which is there spoken of the xij yeare after the wynning of Constantinople being nowe 100. yeares since the wynning thereof Wherefore it may rather seme probable that by the vij yeare and xii yeare of the Turkes this to be the meaning that if the vij of the Ottaman Turks do scape the sworde of the Christians they shall continue builde and plant c. vntill the xij Turke which is thys Solymannus then after that shall rise the Christians sworde whych shall put them to flight and vanquish them in al quarters And this exposition may seeme to accord with the place of Genesis wherin is wrytten of Ismael that he had xij sonnes no mo So that this Solymannus being the xij Turke after Ottomannus may by the grace of Christ be the last whō we heard credibly to be reported at the printing heereof to be dead But howsoeuer this prophecy is to be takē it appeareth by their owne Oracles that at length they shal be ouercome by the Christians A Table describing the times and yeares of the Saracens Turkes and Tartarlans for the better explaining
what thinges soeuer he had need of and doth it not in begging or crauing but by good authority It is manifest that it cannot in any place of the holy scripture be fouÌ„d that the preacher ought to begge But begging is forbidden of all the Apostles of Christ and is abhorted of Salomon and S. Augustine reproued by diuers other holy men Therfore it is manifest that the true Apostles do not desire the teÌ„porall goods of them to whom they preach neither do they beg or craue the same They therefore that require any thing of them to whom they preach or els that any other man asketh for them or in theyr names do not seeme to be true Apostles but false preachers The 19. signe is that true Apostles are patient in tribulation neither do they reÌ„der euill for good Mathew 10. Beholde I send you as sheepe among wolues Glose They that occupy the place of preaching ought not to procure any euill toward their Brethren as the example of Christ teacheth 1. Peter 2. saying who when he was reuiled reuiled not agayne but did submit himselfe to him that iudged him vniustlye They therefore that suffer not iniury but rather do wrong themselues are not true Apostles but false Apostles The 20. signe is that true Apostles at their first comming are euill intertayned as the Lord sayth in the xxiii chap. of Math. Ye shall be hated of all men for my names sake but yet at the length such get the victory According to that saying of the first of Saint Iohn the v. Chapter Euery thing that is of God ouercoÌ„meth the world They therfore that in the beginning reioyce and are well intertayned but in the end are reiected seeme not to be true Apostles but false The 21. signe is that true preachers goe not to preach vnto those which haue preachers appoynted vnto theÌ„ because they haue not to reioyce of a company belonging to an other mans charge as to the Romaines the 15. capter I haue preached the Gospell where Christ was not before preached least I should build vpon an other mans fouÌ„dation And in the second Epistle of S. Paule to the Corinthians the x. chapter he sayth we are no boasters nor busy in other mens mattets Glose where an other man had layd the foundation Likewise in the same chapt Not hauing pleasure to boast of other mens labors that is to say of those which be committed to the gouernement of an other man Likewise Augustinus sayth Honour ought to seeke thee and not thou honour Also Chrisostome Authority is in loue with such a man as refuseth her and yet abhorreth her not They therfore that procure and haue desire to preach vnto the people committed to an other maÌ„s charge which is an office of honor especially in counsels Synods and great assemblies also in kinges and princes courtes and Prelates palaces are not true Apostles but false teachers The 22. signe is that true Apostles when they know themselues to do much good in the church congregation of God yet notwithstaÌ„ding are not puffed vp with pride Ezech. 3. O sonne of man I haue made thy face as an Adamants stone The Adamant stone when it draweth iroÌ„ vnto it is not therby either lifted vpor altered Likewise a true preacher when he draweth sinners vnto him by hys preaching whose hartes were as hard as iron is neuer the more lifted vp or higher minded therefore But as in Luke the 18. chapiter when ye haue done all that ye can and as well as ye can yet say that you are vnprofitable seruauntes Psalme Not vnto vs Lord not vnto vs but to thy name be geuen the glory They therefore that do arrogantly boast themselues of the fruite and benefit that they haue done in the church of God saying we haue geueÌ„ light to the vniuersal church which was blind before our time we haue put out the flame of sinne in the church of God when perhaps they haue more furthered hypocrisy then either truth or verity they are not true prophets but false of whom it is spoken in the psalmes The mouth of them that speake proud things c. The 23. signe is that true Apostles do not seek the fauor of the world nor yet how to please men As to the â—a 1. If I should please men that is to say if I had a desire to please men I should not be the seruant of God wherupoÌ„ to tim the 1. epistle 2. chap. Not as men pleasers Glose Seeking to please because we haue not the pleasing spirit Therfore those preachers that seek the fauor of the world do labor to this intent that they might please men are not true Apostles but false The 24. signe is that true Apostles when they haue meat and drinke they are contented neither doe they desire ouer dayntye fare according the saying of Math. 10. chap. Eating and drinking those things that are set before them Glose The gospell condemneth not altogether costly and delicate fare yet so alloweth the same that if we haue meat and drinke we ought not to grutch but to be therewith conteÌ„ted Therfore those preachers which although that neither they be sent nor haue authority to preach and yet are offended when they haue not fine and delicate fare are not true Apostles but false preachers The 25. signe is that true Apostles doe loue more the law of God theÌ„ their own estimatioÌ„ amongst their neighbors According to that in the 7. chapt of the Prouerbes Keep my law as the apple of thine cie bind the same vp on thy fingers and write the same in the table of thy hart wherupon in the 119. psalme The law of thy mouth is derer vnto me theÌ„ thousands of gold and siluer Glose Charite doth more loue the law of God theÌ„ the desire of gold siluer a thousand fold He therefore that seeth the gospell of Christ troden vnder the foot which is the eternall glad tidings to be taken away by that cursed one and doth neglect and contemne the same or els peradueÌ„ture consenteth vnto the same to the outward apperance of the world And yet because he will keep his temporall dignity and estimation refuseth not to stirre vp strife and contention about the same and so to be euill spokeÌ„ of seemeth not to be an Apostle of Christ but rather a false prophet if he be a preacher The 26. signe is that true Apostles seeke not after such fine lodgings and wealthy habitations where they may haue all thinges at theyr commaundementes but rather such honest resting places where they may haue necessary things for themselues with theyr good wils of whom they haue it And they take nothing of suche whome they see to be so ready and liberall in geuing as that thinke the one doth him more pleasure in receiuing the gift theÌ„ the other doth in geuing him the same According to that in the 10. chapter of Mathew saying
Into what city or town so euer ye shall enter enquire out those that be of good report in the same abide you with them so long as you tary in the same City or Towne Glose Your host with whom ye lodge ought to be chosen by the good report of neighbors least your preaching be euill spokē of by reason of his infamy Neither ought such men to runne frō house to house But whome shall we call worthy or of good report Glose Him who knoweth better to do other men good thē to receiue a good turne of an other and this is he which geueth willingly for Christes cause and not in respect of any commodity Also true Apostles receiue nothing of such mē as lie waltering in their sins but rather of those that are washed and clensed from their sinnes wherupon the 2. to the Cor. the 7. chap. They haue geuen themselues first to the Lord. Glose Because they now amēding their olde errors and vicious maners haue vowed themselues vnto the lord afterward gaue of that which they had to their brethren For otherwise they ought not to haue taken any thing of them because gifts do blinde the eies But those that geue where there is no cause of reproofe in their doing haue no iust cause to geue Therfore those preachers that seek how to come by dainty fare doe receiue bribes rewardes of naughty men that haue this world at will to the entent that those preachers may couer and hide their faultes and get of others what they can by subtlety which geue indeed rather to remoue the shamelesse importunity of the crauer or els for auoyding of present shame thē for any loue they haue to God are not true Apostles but false Prophets according to that in the 2◠to the Cor. the 9. chap. The Lord doth loue a willing geuer Glose He that geueth for presēt shame or els for that he may be free from the importunacy of him that asketh doth loose both his substaunce and merite wherefore he that hath respect to these thinges doth not seek the fruit and profit of the geuer but the gift it selfe as the Apostle to the Philip. the 4. chap. sayth Seeke not the gift but the fruit or benefit of the geuer The 27. signe is that true Apostles do not endeuoure themselues to seeke enioy the fruit of other mens labors that they may be fed thereby because that the belly is such mens God according to that in the 2. to the Thessa. the 3. cap. we haue heard of some amongst you which walk vnordinately not laboring at al but liuing delicately or idlely Glose of other mens labors and deserue they to be fed The discipline of the Lord cannot away with that doing for the belly is their God which prouide to haue more thē necessary dishes of meat Therefore those preachers which so do are no true Apostles but false The 28. signe is that true Apostles do not reioyce only of the miracles or other excellēt works which the Lord doth by them but they reioyce rather of the saluatiō which they looke for from the Lord then that by doing those miracles they desire any honor According to that which is written in Luke x. saying Reioyce ye not for that the spirits be subiect vnto you but because your names are registred in heauen They therfore that boast of their own miracles or of any that belong vnto them for this cause that they are saued by the doing of them as many do say seme not to be true Apostles but false The 29. signe is that the true Apostles do neuer seeke their owne glory in this life but the glory of Christ as in Iohn 7. He that speaketh of himself doth seek his own glory But he that seeketh the glory of him which sēt him that is of whom he is sent is a true Apostle Therefore those which seeke the thinges that pertayne to the glory of thys world of the which one is To be assistent to those that beare rule and authority according to that saying of Boetius De consolatione Those that do desire to be extolled either they raigne beare rule themselues or els do desire to be nere about thē that haue such dominiō Another is they desire to haue the fame and victory of that which they haue nothing at all deserued before God Whereupon is written that saying of the Apostle in the Gal. 5. Let not vs become desirous of vaine glory Glose To be desirous of vaynglory is to haue victory without any merite or desert those I say that doe such thinges seeme not to be true Apostles but false The 30. signe is That true Apostles care not for the solemnities of men neither their salutatiōs nor feastings nor any other benefite of theirs They therfore which loue seek the company and fellowship of men their feastings and other their commodities do not seeme to be true Apostles but false The 31. signe is that true Apostles do not commonly resort to other mens tables least that they should for a meals meat become flatterers as in the 2 Thessalon 3. That we should geue you an example to follow vs. Glose He that cōmeth oftētunes to an other mans table being geuē to idlenes cannot chuse but flatter him which fedeth him but Christes religion calleth men to liberty and to no such bōdage They therfore that resort oftentimes that of theyr owne mindes to other mens tables liuing idlely are not true Apostles but false The 32. signe is that true Apostles do not hate theyr enemies and such as hate them which doctrine the Lord taught Mathew 5. saying Loue your enemies do well to them which hate you But false Prophets doe both hurt defame their neighbors according as S. Ierome 14. saith The Prophets of Ierusalem haue defiled the whole earth Glossa They are not contented onely to hurt their neighbors but also whōe they before this time haue hated they defame and speak euill of in euery place they come Therfore those preachers which hate them whome they thinke are their enemies and do defame them are not true Apostles but false preachers The 33. signe is that false Prophets when they are examined proued whether they be true Apostles or liers take that very greeuously And persecute all those that can proue thē to be so And also do stirre vp and prouoke other to persecute the same men which also ioyne thēselues together by secular power euen as certain false prophets did in the primitiue Church agaynst the Bishop of Ephesus to whom the Lord sayd in the Apoc. 2. I know that is to say I do alow thy workes and thy labour that is thy tribulation because thou canst not away with those that be euill men Glossa But that thou hast a desire to amend thē or els to expell them and hast examined those which say that they are Apostles and are but lyers and also hast
The like also might happen by other bishoprickes whereof as Aeneas Syluius witnessed there are in Germany to the number of 50. besides Abboes whereof a great number are confirmed at Rome And admitt that in Germany there were greater profite and reuenewes rising of the ground mines and toles notwithstanding the Emperour and the other Princes should lacke treasure and munition of warre agaynst their enemies and specially the infidels and to preserue Germany in peace and quietnesse to minister iustice vnto euery man for which purpose the Councell of the chamber being most holyly instructed and furnished with great cost charges doth chiefly serue Besides that the Emperour hath need of treasure to suppresse the rebelles in the Empyre to banish and driue away theeues and murtherers whe rofa great nuÌ„ber are not ashamed to spoyle churches onely and to robbe them of theyr goods but also to assaile the Clergy themselues Finally our nation and country of Germany hath need of great riches and treasure not only for the repayring of Churches monasteries but also for hospitals for children thar are layd out in the streetes for widowes for women with childe for Orphanes for the mariage of the daughters of poore men that they be not destoured for such as haue neede and necessity for the olde and weake for the sicke and the sore whereof the more is the sorrow Germany is fully replenished and filled ¶ Aduertisementes vnto the Emperours Maiesty LEt the Emperors maiesty foresee and prouide that the begging friers do not preach against his maiesty which are wont to complayn gladly vnto the Apostolick sea fearing to lose their priuiledges which I would to god were aswel grounded vpon Christ as they are vpon profite Let the Emperours maiesty also beware that the Pope do not geue coÌ„maundement vnto the Electours to proceed to the electioÌ„ of a new king of Romaines as he did agaynst Frederick the second when as the Lantgraue of Churm and William Earle of Holland were elect by the commaundement of the Pope Let the Emperours maiesty also feare and take heed of all the Prelates of the Churches and especially of the Presedentes which by theyr oth are bounde to aduertise the Pope Let the Emperours Maiesty also feare and beware that the Pope do not take away from his subiectes their obedience prouoke the people bordering vpon him to make inuasioÌ„ into the Emperours dominioÌ„s and Archduchy of Austrich which those men vnder colour of shewing obedience vnto the Popes commaundemeÌ„t be ready to do Let the Emperours Maiesty also take heede of the Apostolicke censures froÌ„ which the pope will in no case refraine Finally let the Emperours maiesty diligently foresee take heede that the pope do not perswade the people with most subtile argumeÌ„tes contrary to the pragmaticall sanction excusing himselfe and getting the good will of the simple alledging that w e great costes charges he will repayre the Church of S. Peter in Rome build in certaine places against the Turkes and recouer againe the landes patrimony pertaining vnto the Church of S. Peter as he is bouÌ„d by his office Therfore let your maiesty diligeÌ„tly forsee and deliberate how through your most wise discrete counsaile if neede shall require you will answere to those subtilties of the Pope ¶ A certaine godly exhortation vnto the Emperours Maiestie YOur maiesty caÌ„ do nothing better nothing more acceptable or more worthy eternall remembraÌ„ce theÌ„ to moderate the great exactions and oppressions of the Germaines to take away all occasion froÌ„ the laitie to persecute the Clergy also to take away the benefices out of the handes of courtisans which can neither preach comfort nor counsaile any man of which benefises as Aeneas Syluius writeth some are equall to the Byshoprickes of Italye to encrease Gods honour and worship and so to bridle the auarice vngodlines of those courtisans wherby your maiesty may the better prouide for the children of many noble famous men and Cityzens in Germanie which being brought vp from their youth in the vniuersities learning both the Scriptures and other humaine letters may without vnquiet vexations and most sumptuous charges contentions aspire to the Ecclesiasticall promotions who by their couÌ„saile prayers may be helpes vnto the whole Church For there is no small occasion why the realme of Fraunce should so florish hauing so many notable learned meÌ„ in it If the Emperour would abolish this unâ—iety and restore Germany vnto their auncient liberty which is now oppressed with greuous tributes and would make way for learned honest meÌ„ vnto Ecclesiasticall promotions then might he truely perpetually be called of all men in all places the restorer of Germany to his auÌ„cieÌ„t libertie the father of his countrey should obtayne no lesse glory thereby vnto himselfe and profite vnto Germany then if he had by force of armes subdued any prouince vnto th eÌ„ And so shall Germany render no lesse thankes vnto the saide Maximilian then vnto all the rest which hauing translated the Empire from the Grecians vnto Germany haue raigued many yeares before Hereafter ensueth the copy of a certaine letter of the Emperour MaximiliaÌ„ geuen out in maner of a decree or coÌ„maundemeÌ„t against certaine abuses of the Clergy Wherunto we haue also annexed the aunswere of Iacobus Selestadiensis vnto the Emperours letters wherein he seemeth also to haue sought aduise for the remedy of the like abuses which we thought good here not to be omitted An Edict of Maximilian Emperour WE according to the example of our dearely beloued father Fredericke Emperour of Rome reuerensing the chiefe Pastour of the Church and all the Clergy haue suffered no small reuenewes of the Ecclesiasticall dignityes to be caryed out of our dominion by the Prelats and Clergy that are absent whose faultes committed by humayne frailty with Constantine our predecessor we haue not disdeyned to hide and couer But for so much as thorugh our liberality the decay of Gods honour is risen it is our part to foresee which are elect vnto the Empyre without any desert that amongest all other affayres of peace and warre the Churches do not decay Religion quayle not or Gods true worship be not diminished which we haue manifestly experimented and dayly doe perceiue by the insatiable couetousnesse of some which are neuer satisfied in getting of benefices through whose absence being but resident onely vpon one Gods honour and worship is diminished houses decay Churches decrease the Ecclesiasticall liberty is hurt learning and monuments are lost and destroyed hospitality and almes diminished and by their vnsatiable greedinesse such of the Clergy as for theyr learning and vertue were worthy of Benefices and theyr wisedome profitable in common wealthes are hindered and put backe Wherefore according to the office and duety of our estate for the loue of the encrease of Gods honour we exhort and require that no man from henceforth hauing any Canonship or
Vicarage in one City of our Empyre shall occupy or possesse a prebend in an other Church of the same City except he geue ouer the first within a yeares space vnto some person fitte and profitable for the Church neither that he doe by vniust quarelles vexe or trouble any man in getting of benefices neither that any man doe falsely fayne himselfe to haue bene of the Emperors houshold which hath not ben comprehended within the league and agreement made by the Princes neither that any man attempt to take away the patronages from any lay man or aggrauate the small prebendes of Curates of Churches with pensions neyther that they doe vse in getting of benefices and Bulles any fraude deceite false instrumentes corrupte witnesses and cloaked Simonye neyther that any man presume to obteyne any regresfe or other thing contrarye to the sacred Canons right honesty equity and reason vpon payne of the most greeuous offence of treason the whiche we will that not onelye they going so contrary to God and all honesty but also all theyr fauourers which doe helpe counsell harbour or geue them any thing all theyr messengers and writers proctours suretyes and other theyr friendes shall incurre and receiue condigne punyshment for so great offence and contempt of our commaundemēt From Oenopont c. ¶ Here ensueth the copye of a letter written vnto the Emperour Maximilian ¶ To our most victorious Lord Maximilian the Emperour Iacobus Selestadiensis most humble commendations MOst victorious Emperour when I had read your maiestyes Epistle and receiued instructions of your Secretary I prepared my selfe with all my whole endeuour to satisfye your maiestyes desire For euen from my youth hitherto I haue applyed all my care and study fyrst for the honour of your maiesty and consequently for the amplifying of the Germayne nation and sacred Romayne Empire Albeit I knowe my selfe farre vnable to satisfye your desire and purpose and there are many which can fulfill thys matter much better which haue greater learning and experience of these common matters There be also with other Princes and in the Senates of common wealthes many excellent learned men which can exonerate and beautify Germany and perswade to reduce all the Clergy vnto a Christian discipline and to an vnity peace of the vniuersall Church Wherein not onely your Maiesty but also your predecessours as Charles the great and his sonne Ludouicus Pius the Othoes Conrades Frederickes and Henrikes and last of all Sigismundus haue with all labour and diligence trauelled being stirred thereunto vndoubtedly throughe the zeale charity which they bare vnto almighty God thakfulnes vnto Christ for his benefites which he hath bestowed vpon mankinde and specially for the benefite of his most bitter passion For Christ became not poore for vs that we should liue in all riote and wantonnes vpon his patrimony and shew sorth our ambition and couetousnesse neither did he suffer hunger that wee should glut vp our selues or suffered labors chastity and greuous torments that we shuld liue in idlenesse wantōnes and al kind of voluptuousnesse Neither they which were contributers and benefactours to Churches induing the ministers thereof with theyr temporall riches had any suche respecte herein that the Clergye shoulde liue onely in idlenesse hauing all thinges at theyr wyll without labour Surely there was another cause why that they in times past did empouerish themselues and theirs to endow the Church veryly that they might the better attend vnto diuine seruice without care of want of liuing which they might easily get and gather out of the fieldes woodes medowes and waters and to the intent that they should liberally geue almes vnto the poore Christians Widdowes Orphanes aged and sicke persons For in the institutions of the canonicall profession whiche we suppose waa written by the commaundement of Ludouicus Pius the emperour and allowed by the counsell of the Byshoppes thus it is read The goodes of the Churche as it is alledged by the fathers and conteyned in the chapters before are the vowes of the faythfull and patrimony of the poore For the faythfull thorow the seruentnes of theyr fayth and loue of Christ being inflamed hauing an earnest desire of that heauenly kingdome haue enriched the holy Church with theyr owne goodes that thereby the souldiors of Christ might be nourished the Church adourned the poore refreshed and captiues according to the oportunitye of time redemed Wherfore such as haue the administration of those goods ought diligently to bee looked vpon that they doe not conuert them vnto theyr owne proper vse but rather according to theyr substaunce and possibility they doe not neglecte them in whome Christ is fed and clothed Prosper is also of the same minde affirmyng that holy men did not chalenge the Church goods to their owne vse as their owne proper goodes but as thinges commended vnto the poore to be deuided amongest them For that is to contemne that which a man possesseth not to possesse a thing for himselfe but for others neyther to couet the Church goods with couetousnesse to haue them himselfe but to take them with a godly zeale to helpe other That which the church hath is commō to all them which haue nothing neyther ought they to geue any thing of that vnto them sayth he which haue of theyr owne for to geue vnto them whiche haue enough is but to cast thinges away Ex Illyrico To returne nowe to the order of Popes where we left before speaking of Innocentius the eight after the sayde Innocentius next succeeded Pope Alexander the 6. In which Alexander among other horrible thinges this is one to be noted that when Gemes Peucerus named him Demes brother to Balazetes the great Turke was committed by the Rhodians to the sate custodye first of Pope Innocent then of Alexander the 6. for whose keeping the Pope receiued euery yeare 40000. crownes yet notwithstanding whē pope Alexander afterward was cōpelied to send the sayd Gemes to Charles the eight the French king for a pledge because the Frēch king should not procure the great Turkes fauour by sending his brother Gemes to him to be slayne he being hyred by the Turke caused the sayde Gemes to be poysoned who in his iourney goinge toward the French king dyed at Terracina Ex Hieronymo Mario Moreouer in the sayd Dicronymus Marius it appeareth that this Alexander taking displeasure with the foresayd Charles the French king about the winning of Naples sent to Baiazetes the Turke to fight against the foresayd Clarles Ex eodem Munsterus lib. 4. Cosmog Declaring the foresayd hystorye of Gemes something otherwise first calleth him Zizymus and sayth that he was first committed by the Rhodians to the french king And when as Ioannes Huniades afore mentioned did labor to the French king to haue him thinking by that meanes to obtain a noble victory against the Turke as it was not vnlike this Alexander the pope thorow his fraudulent flatterye gotte him of the Frenche King