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A15403 An harmonie vpon the second booke of Samuel wherein according to the methode and order obserued vpon the first booke, these speciall things are obserued vpon euerie chapter. The diuers readings compared, doubtfull questions explaned, places of Scripture reconciled, controversies briefly touched, and morall collections applyed. VVherein neere fowre hundred theologicall questions are handled, with great breuitie, and much varietie, by the former author of Hexapla on Genesis and Exodus. Willet, Andrew, 1562-1621. 1614 (1614) STC 25680; ESTC S118200 222,462 162

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now entrenched and enuironed with this trench or rampire as the Septuag 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Latine giueth this sense well obsessa est vrbs the Citie beganne thus to be assaulted 13. Quest. v. 18. Of these words They spake in the beginning saying aske of Abel 1. Some thus expound it in this citie of Abel haue beene in times past excellent men for wisedome whom they were wont to resort vnto for counsell wilt thou then destroi● such a famous citi● Osiand But this is not so fit it is better referred to the oblation of peace first to be made when a citie was besieged according to the lawe Deut. 20.10 and therefore the woman saith in the next verse I am one of those that are peaceable that is which will not refuse the offer and order of peace 2. Some read thus they spake in old time saying aske of Abel Genevens It was said in the old Proverb Lat. and the Chalde thus expoundeth Remember what is written in the law that they vsed of old time to aske a citie c. to the same effect Pellic. Borrh. but seeing there is particular mention made of Abel it seemeth that no such proverb is here insinuated though reference be had to the law 3. Therefore they which thus spake in the beginning as the word signifieth and as the Septuag read rather then of old were the Citizens of Abel that thus communed and consulted among themselues that Ioab would first offer vnto the citie peace to see if it would be accepted Iun. 14. Quest. v. 23. Of Ioabs restitution to his office 1. It is neither like that Ioab was absolutely restored vnto his place which Dauid had promised to Amasa because of his valiant exploits Pellican for Dauid did altogether mislike him for those two bloodie murthers of Abner and Amasa 2. Neither yet as Iun. did he improbè recuperare wickedly recouer his place of gouernment against Dauids mind altogether for Dauid could not spare him 3. But Dauid was content hee should retaine his place because his seruice was so necessarie not clearing him of his due deserued punishment but onely deferred it Osiand CHAP. 21. 1. Quest. v. 1. Of the time when this famine was sent vpon the land 1. THe generall opinion is that this famine followed immediately after those ciuill warres ended with Absalom and Sheba bella fame excipiuntur the warres ended with famine Borrh. so also Pellican with others but that this cannot be is euident by that place c. 15.7 where Absaloms rebellion falleth out toward the end of the fortieth yeare which must be vnderstood of the raigne of Dauid as hath been shewed in that place for Dauid raigned but 40. yeares in all but by this account if the three yeares famine followed after Absaloms rebellion Dauid must haue raigned 43. yeares and aboue 2. This is the onely doubt how all these things set downe in this booke from c. 15. to c. 21. could fall out in so short a time in the ende of the fortieth yeare of Dauids raigne But this may easily bee answered for Absaloms rebellion continued not long and immediately vpon that followed the rebellion of Shebah so that all these things might very well fall out in the compasse of not many moneths 3. So then the more probable opinion is that these stories of the three yeares famine c. 21. and of numbring the people c. 24. are transposed as the like is apparant in the 3. last chapters of the booke of the Iudges the order of time then is not obserued in the setting downe of these histories for the Scripture rather respecteth the coherence of the matter and argument then the consequence of time sic fere Iunius 2. Quest. v. 1. How Dauid sought the face of Iehouah 1. The Chalde paraphrast by the face vnderstandeth the mercies of the Lord because mercie and clemencie sheweth it selfe in the face 2. Some doe read that Dauid sought the Lord Vatab. Geneuens but to seeke the face of the Lord is somewhat more then to seeke the Lord. 3. Some he consulted with the oracle of God Latin expressing the sense in part but not wholly for beside that he receiued answer from the oracle of God he went to the place of his presence 4. Iosephus thinketh that Dauid consulted with God by the Prophets and by them receiued an answer 5. But it is rather to be vnderstood not of that extraordinarie reuelation by Prophets but of the ordinarie meanes which was prescribed to aske counsell by which was by the high Priest who gaue iudgement by his Vrim as the Lord himselfe appointeth Numb 27.21 Iun. Osiand 3. Quest. Wherefore this famine was sent and of the causes thereof 1. Although this famine was caused by drought as is euident v. 10. that Rizpah tooke this as a signe that the wrath of God was appeased when the raine fell yet Dauid considereth an other ouerruling cause the prouidence of God and therefore he resorteth vnto him by prayer so faithfull men doe see further into the cause of Gods iudgements then naturall and worldly wise men commonly doe Borrh. 2. The cause which procured this punishment was for the great iniustice and crueltie shewed vpon the Gibeonites whom Saul oppressed contrarie to the oath made vnto them by Ioshua Iosh. 9. 3. Beside herein God punished the people also for their sinne they for their thrice rebelling against Dauid their lawfull gouernour once vnder Ishbosheth againe vnder Absalom thirdly in conspiring with Shebah suffer three years famine Pellic. and by this meanes also the Lord taketh occasion to cut off the posteritie of Saul least they might still haue practised against Dauids house and kingdome which the Lord had promised should continue Borrh. 5. So then by this example we see that famine is sent as a iust punishment of sinne as in Germanie for gluttonie and drunkennesse in Italie for filthie and vncleane lust as also that sometime for the sinne of one wicked man many temporally are punished Osiand 4. Quest. v. 1. Why and at what time Saul slew the Gibeonites 1. Some thinke that he slewe them of malice against the Priests when they were put to the sword in Nob because the Gibeonites were seruants to the Tabarnacle for the cleauing of wood and drawing of water but he is said to doe it of zeale vers 5. therefore not of malice and consequently not then nor at that time Iun. 2. Some thinke that he did it of zeale to the Israelites to conuay vnto them the inheritance lands and possessions of the Gibeonites that they might haue more commodious dwelling Vatab. Osiand but this had beene rather of a couetous minde then of zeale 3. Some thinke that his zeale was herein because they had in Ioshuahs time consened and deceiued the Elders of Israel therefore he would be reuenged of them now Borr. But it is not like that after so long a time he would punish them for that error which Ioshuah and the Elders of Israel then
sheath 1. Iosephus thinketh that Ioabs sword beeing loose in the scabberd fell to the ground and hee tooke it vp as thinking nothing and so smote Amasa but if it had beene so Amasa seeing him take vp his sword might haue doubted somewhat whereas now he tooke no heed to the sword v. 10. 2. Some read that this was the vse at other times that as Ioab went his sword fell out Genevens but that is not like for then it would haue beene a great let vnto Ioab in his marching 3. Therefore it seemeth by the text that Ioab at this time onely did so hang his sword that when hee would it might of it selfe fall out that he might draw it forth readily and with ease and without noise Iun. Vatab. Osiand 7. Quest. v. 10. Of the murther of Amasa 1. Though this iudgement of God was iust vpon Amasa because hee had ioyned with Absh●lom rebelliously against his father yet Ioab therein committed a most hainous sinne Pellican 2. These three circumstances exaggerate Ioabs sinne first the time considered now they were in pursuite of the common enemie but between them there was freindship and peace secondly in regard of their persons Amasa and Ioab were sisters sonnes and Amasa had beene sent forth about the kings affaires Borr. thirdly in respect of Ioabs affection it was his ambition that mooued him before to kill Abner and now Amasa after the same treacherous manner who he feared were like to thrust him out of office Osiand 8. Quest. v. 11. Of the meaning of these words Whosoeuer is well affected toward Ioab c. let him goe after Ioab 1. Some vnderstand these words of Amasa and make this to be the sense behold him that would be vnto Dauid for Ioab Lat. that is which sought to displace Ioab and to be preferred before him Pellican But the words will not beare this sence for the text is hee which is well affected or well pleased in Ioab chaphetz which could not be said of Amasa that hated Ioab againe the other word is after not for Ioab acharee 2. Some make this young man that stood by Amasa to insult ouer him and to wish that whosoeuer sought to vndermine Ioab and put him beside his office should be serued as Amasa was Osiand neither can this sense be admitted for the former reasons 3. Therefore the true meaning is that this young man beeing appointed by Ioab as it is like to stand by Amasa Genevens by this reason perswaded the people to goe after Ioab as they fauoured him and wished well to Dauid and not to stand gazing there Vatab. Iun. And therefore when he saw the people to stand still for all this he remooued Amasa out of the way as it followeth in the next verse 9. Quest. v. 14. Of the Citie Abel and Bethmaacah 1. Some take these to be two cities but yet neere together Borrh. Genevens 2. Some take Bethmaacah to be the name of the countrie or region where Abel was situate Osiand 3. But they seeme rather both to be names of one citie as may appeare by these reasons 1. In the next verse it is called Abel Bethmaacah without any thing comming betweene 2. It is named Abelmaim 1. Chron. ●6 4 which somewhat resembleth this name Abelmaacah 3. This was a towne of Manasseh and Maacah was the wife of Machir of Manasseh 1. Chron. 7.16 so it seemeth that it was called after her name for distinction sake from other cities hight also Abel Iun. 4. Iosephus is of ●he same opinion who calleth it by one name Abelmachra 10. Quest. v. 14. Of the meaning of these words and all Beerim 1. Some take Beerim to be a region in the vpper or higher Galile where Abel was situate Borrh. 2. Some take it to be the name of certaine places which Shebah went thorough Vatab. Chald. Genevens 3. Some thinke that though it be last named yet Shebah went first thorough these places in Beniamin before he came to Abel 3. But hee meaneth rather the inhabitants of the citie Berath which was in Beniamin Iosh. 18.25 Iun. and this sense is confirmed by the next words following who gathered together and followed him that is the Bercans beeing of his tribe and it may be of the same citie did take part with him 11. Quest. v. 15. Of these words hee cast vp a banke 1. Iunius readeth in the cleane contrarie sense strauit aggerem hee laied flat the banke the word is shaphach which signifieth to poure out or vulad and so when the ground was made plaine they came to batter the wall 2. But I preferre the common reading effuderunt aggerem and of the Chald. acervârunt aggerem they ●ast vp or heaped vp a banke so A.P.V.C. and my reasons are these 1. Because of the words following it 1. the citie stood entrenched or with a trench or rampire which was the rampire or banke which they had raised against it 2. The same phrase which the Septuagint here vse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they cast vp a trench is taken in the same sense Luk. 19.43 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they shall cast vp a trench against thee 3. Because this was the manner of besieging cities to cast vp mounts against them and from their mounts to cast engines with ropes whereof mention is made c. 17.13 to shake the walls which course it is like Ioab tooke here because they beganne to shake and pull downe the wall as the end of the verse sheweth 12. Quest. v. 15. Of the meaning of these words it stood with a rampire 1. Some doe read in the plurall number they stood vpon the rampire and vnderstand it of the people of the citie that they stood vpon the bulwork or rampire to defend it Pag. Geneuens But it seemeth by the treatie of the women that th● citizens did not vse any force against Ioab but expected that conditions of peace should haue bin first propounded them and the rampire or bulworke beeing without the wall for so the word signifieth praemunitionem a premunition or bulwork before how could the people leaue the wall to keepe the bulwork for i● is like and so thinke●h Iosephus that the citie gates were shut against Ioab 2. Some vnderstand it of Ioabs men that they stood in the trench and came neere to assaile the wall Osiand But the word is both in the singular number and of the feminine gender and so can not agree to the men or people 3. Some applie it to the woman that she stood vpon the rampire or wall and from thence spake to Ioab Vatab. but it is not like that the woman stood there before Ioabs men beganne to batter the wall as the next words shew they did 4. Therefore it is most fitly referred to the citie not that it did stand alone with a wall without a rampire as Iun. for the word eheel signifieth not a wall but the rampire or bulworke before the wall as Isai. 26.1 Lament 2.8 But the citie stood
one to be called by diuerse names or he beeing a straunger his name might be somewhat altered in the pronuntiation as names are when they are vsed or taken vp in a straunge language Mart. 2. For his nation and kinred Kimhi thinketh he was not a Iebusite for they were Cananites and commanded to be rooted out he rather taketh it he was of the race of Abimelech But the text saith he was a Iebusite which is of a more credite then any other humane coniecture though he were a Iebusite yet he might be spared beeing conuerted to the faith of Israel 3. Some thinke he had beene the King of the Iebusites Vatab. Osiand and that by his meanes the fort of Sion was deliuered vp but these things are vncertaine he is in deed called a king v. 23. in respect of his princely liberalitie v. 23. Genevens and it is like he was some principall man among his owne nation and of great authoritie Borrh. for it seemeth by this that all the Iebusites were not expelled Ierusalem but there remained some either conuerted to their faith or else they became tributarie and seruants vnto them sure it is that he was one of Dauids chiefe freinds and was spared when the rest of the Iebusites were ouercome at the taking of the fort of Sion Ioseph 4. In that Dauid commeth to build an Altar in the ground of a straunger it was an euident type of the vocation of the Gentiles among whome the Lord would haue his Church Mart. Quest. 18. Of Araunah his liberalitie and why David refused it 1. Araunah in this bountifull offer to the King to giue him both oxen for the sacrifice and other instruments for wood sheweth the liuely fruites of faith in those that are truely conuerted vnto God Mart. and he was a type of the Gentiles who beeing called to the faith of Iesus thought nothing too deare for Gods seruice Pellican 2. Yet Dauid would not accept of this kindnesse both in regard of Araunah whose ground he would not take from him for beeing once consecrated vnto the worship of God it could no more returne to the former owner or be priuately vsed and in respect of himselfe he would not offer vnto God a meane thing not in it selfe but because it cost Dauid nothing and so the seruice should haue beene done rather by Araunah then by Dauid Dauid therefore here according to that saying of Salomon Honour the Lord with thy riches Prov. 3.9 would offer vnto God of his owne and not of an others Mart. Quest. 19. v. 24. Of the price which Dauid bought Araunahs threshing floore at Here it is said that he bought the threshing floore and the oxen for 50. sheckles of siluer but 1. Chron. 21.15 it is thus written that he gaue for the place 600. shekles of gold by weight 1. The Hebrewes say that because this place was to serue for a publike vse to build a Temple in euerie tribe gaue 50. sheckles which counting 12. tribes maketh in all 600. sheckles and that the sheckles were gathered in siluer and by Dauid turned into gold But this purchase was made vpon the present Dauid had no time to make any such collection among the tribes 2. Some thinke that Dauid gaue 50. sheckles at the first vpon the purchase and afterward 600. sheckles of his liberalitie ex Martyr but it is not like that Dauids franke gift should so much exceed the iust price 3. Some thinke that Dauid gaue 50. sheckles for some part and bought as much afterward as came to 550. sheckles more Genevens but these two summes can not be put together for the 50. were of siluer and the 600. of gold 4. Neither was the 50. sheckles for the oxen and the 600. sheckles of gold for the threshing floore Borrh. which amounteth to a 1500. dollors that is so many ownces of siluer or fiue shilling peeces Iun. for it is like that not the bare threshing floore was valued at so much 5. Therefore the best solution is that he gaue 50. sheckles of siluer for the oxen onely which make about 12. dollors and for the whole place and ground with the houses where the Temple was afterward built 600. sheckles of gold Iun. Mart. Mont. de sicli partib lib. de mensur sacris in appar Quest. 20. v. 25. How it was lawfull for Dauid to build an Altar here there neither beeing the Arke nor Tabernacle 1. Dauid did not this of himselfe for Gad was admonished by the Angel to speake vnto Dauid there to build an Altar So it is like when the holy men of God offered in the high places that they did it not without Gods direction though it be not alwaies expressed 2. Now whereas the Tabernacle was at Gibeon at this time where most of the Preists gaue their attendance yet there were also diuerse and the cheefe of them as Zadok and Abiathar which kept with the Arke at Ierusalem c. 15.25 3. Beside an other reason is yeilded why Dauid could not goe to Gibeon because he was afraid of the sword of the Angel and it might be was stricken with some infirmitie at the least he was in great feare because of the present daunger 4. This Altar here built was a type of the true Altar Christ Iesus who was to suffer at Ierusalem So the Apostle calleth Christ the Altar Hebr. 13.10 that place therefore serueth not to prooue that there ought to be still any materiall altars in the Church But Tonstall replieth that of that Altar they haue no authoritie to eate but Christ is to be eaten therfore he is not meant by that altar Contra. The words following must be weighed they haue no authoritie to eate which serue in the Tabernacle but they which are vnder the Gospel doe eate of this Altar Mart. Quest. 21. v. 25. Of the Lords acceptance of Dauids sacrifice 1. God shewed his acceptance in that he answered Dauid in sending fire from heauen 1. Chron. 11.26 as Aarons sacrifice Leuit. 9. was approoued by fire from heau●n so also Gedeons by fire out of the rocke Iudg. 6.21 and Helias sacrifice was set on fire from heauen 1. King 18.38 Mart. for otherwise it was not lawfull to vse any straunge fire not taken from the Altar as appeareth by the punishment of Nadab and Abihu Leuit. 10.1 Genevens 2. This sacrifice wa● not acceptable in it selfe but as it was a type of Christ and offred by faith in him it beeing also ioyned with the praiers of Dauid and of the rest of the people In Christ then both our altar and sacrifice God is well pleased by whom we are deliuered from euerlasting plagues as now Israel was from this temporall To whom be ascribed all praise for euer Amen FINJS A TABLE OF THE PRINCIPALL matters handled in this Treatise The first figure sheweth the Chapter the second the Question c. standeth for Chapter q. for Question Abel OF the citie Abel c. 20. q. 9 Of the rampire cast vp 20. q. 12 Of that