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A67922 Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.; Actes and monuments Foxe, John, 1516-1587. 1583 (1583) STC 11225; ESTC S122167 3,006,471 816

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the nūber of xl But by the waye howe it happened I cannot saye As Austen with his company were passing in theyr iourney such a sodaine feare entred in their harts that as Antonius saith they returned all Other write that Austen was sent backe to Gregory againe to release them of that viage so daungerous and vncertaine amongst such a barberous people whose language neither they knewe nor whose rudenes they were able to resist Thē Gregory with pithy perswasions confirming and comforting him sent him againe with letters both to the Bishop of Arelalensis willing him to helpe and aide the said Austen and his company in all whatsoeuer his neede required Also other letters he directed by the foresaid Austine vnto his fellowes exhorting them to go foreward boldly in the Lords work as by the tenour of the said Epistle here followyng maye appeare Gregorius seruus seruorum Dei seruis Domini nostri Quia melius fuerat bona non incipere quam ab ijs quae coepta sunt cogitatione retrorsum redire c. In Englishe Gregory the seruaunt of Gods seruaunts to the seruaunts of the Lord. Forasmuch as it is better not to take good things in hande then after they be begon to thinke to reuolt backe from the same againe therefore now you may not nor cannot deare children but with all feruent study and labor must needes go forward in that good busines which through the helpe of God you haue wel begunne Neither let the labor of your iourney nor the slanderous tounges of men appalle you but that with all instaunce and feruency yee proceede and accomplish the thing which the Lorde hath ordeyned you to take in hande knowing that your great trauell shal be recompensed with rewarde of greater glorye hereafter to come Therefore as we sende here Austen to you againe whom also we haue ordeined to be your gouernour so doe you humblye obey him in all thinges knowing that it shall be profitable so for your soules whatsoeuer at his admonition yee shall doe Almighty God with his grace defend you and graunt me to see in the eternall country the fruite of your labour that although I can not labour as I woulde wyth you yet I may be found pertaker of your retribution for that my will is good to labour in the same felowship with you together The Lord God keepe you safe most deare and welbeloued children Dated the x before the Calendes of August in the raigne of our soueraigne Lord Mauritius most vertuous Emperour the .xiiij. of his Empire Thus they emboldened comforted through the good wordes of Gregory sped foorth their iourney till they came at length to the I le of Thene● lying vpon the East side of Kent Neare to the which landing place was then the Manory or palace of the king not farre from Sandwiche Eastward from Caunterbury which the inhabitauntes of the Isle then called Richbourgh whereof some part of the ruinous walles is yet to be sene The king then raigning in Kent was Ethelbert as aboue appeareth the fifte King of that prouince who at that time had Maried to wyfe a French woman beyng Chrystened named Berda whom he had receiued of her parents vpon this conditiō that he shoulde permitte her with her Bishop committed vnto her called Lebardus to enioye the freedome of her fayth and Religion by the meanes whereof he was more flexible and sooner induced to embrace the preachyng and doctrine of Christ. Thus Austen beyng arryued sent foorth certayne messengers and interpreters to the Kyng sygnifying that such a one was come from Rome brynging with hym glad tydinges to him and all his people of lyfe and saluation eternally to reygne in heauen with the onely true and lyuing God for euer if he would so willingly harken to the same as he was gladly come to preache and teach it vnto him The King who had heard of this Religion before by meanes of his wife within a few daies after commeth to the place where Austen was to speake with him but that shoulde be without the house after the maner of his lawe Austen against his cōming as stories affirme erected vp a banner of the crucifixe such was then the grosenes of that tyme and preached to him the word of God The Kyng aunswering againe saith in effect as followeth the words be very faire that you preach and promise Neuerthelesse because it is to me vncoth and new I can not soone starte away from my country law wherwith I haue bene so lōg inured and assent to you Albeit yet notwithstanding for the ye are come as ye saye so farre for my sake ye shall not be molested by me but shall be rightwell intreated hauing al thinges to you ministred necessarye for your supportatiō Besydes this neither doe we debarre you but to haue fre leaue to preach to our people and subiects to conuert whō ye may to the faith of your Religion When they had receaued this comfort of the king they went with procession to the Citie of Dorobernia or Caunterbury singyng Alleluya with the Letanie which then by Gregory had beene vsed at Rome in the time of the great plague reigning thē at Rome mentioned in old histories The wordes of the Letany were these Deprecamur te Domine in omni misericordia tua vt auferatur furor tuus ira tua a ciuitate ista de domo sancta tua quoniam peccauimus Alleluya That is We beseech thee O Lorde in all thy mercyes that thy fury and anger maye cease from this Citie from thy holy house for we haue sinned Alleluya Thus they entryng in the Citie of Dorobernia the head Citie of all that dominion at that time where the king had gyuen them a mansion for there abode there they contynued preaching and baptising such as they had conuerted in the east side of the Citty in the old church of S. Martine where the Queene was woont to resorte vnto the time that the kyng was conuerted himselfe to Christ. At length when the king had wel cōsidered the honest conuersation of their life and moued with the myracles wrought through gods hand by thē he heard them more gladly and lastly by their wholsome exhortations and example of godly life he was by them conuerted and christened in the yeare aboue specified 586. and the 36. yeare of his reigne After the King was thus conuerted innumerable other daily came in were adioyned to the Church of Christ whom the King did specially embrace but cōpelled none for so he had learned that the faith and seruice of Christ ought to be voluntary and not coacted Then he gaue to Austen a place for hys Byshops sea at Christes Church in Dorobernia builded the Abbey of Saint Peter and Paule in the East side of the sayde Citie where after Austen and all the Kinges of Kent were buried and that place is now called S. Austen In this
the kingdome which also bound the aunciēt citie of the Prutenitants vnto order by pledges and put the Marques of Brandenburge from the Bohemian crowne and had not onely suffered Iohn Hus Hierome of Prage to be burned at the Councel of Constance but also procured the same with all his endeuour did impugne the doctrine faith which they taught and folowed Whilest these things wee thus done Zisca hauing giuen ouer Pelzina by cōpositiō was twise assaulted by his enemies but through policy he was alwaies victor The places where they sought were rough and vnknowne his enimies were on horsebacke and all his souldiours on foote neither could there be any battaile fought but on foote Whereupon when his enemies were alighted from their horses Zisca commaunded the women which customably followed the host to cast their kerchieffes vpon the ground wherein the horsemen being entangled by their spurres were slaine before they could vnlose their feete After this he went vnto Ausca a towne situate vpon the Riuer Lusinitius out of which towne Procopius and Ulricius two brethren Papists had castout many Protestants This Towne Zisca tooke by force of armes the first night of Lent rased it and set it on fire He also tooke the Castle of Litius which was a mile off whether as Ulricius was fled and put Ulricius and all his familie to the sword sauing one only Then forsomuch as he had no walled or fensed towne to inhabite he chose out a certaine place vpon the same riuer which was fensed by nature about eight miles from the Citie of Ausca This place he cōpassed in with walles and commaunded euery man to build them houses where they had pitched their tents and named this City Thabor and the inhabitants his companions Thaborites bicause their Citie by all like was builded vpon the top of some hill or mount This Citie albeit that it was sensed with high rockes and cleaues yet was it compassed with a wall and vainnure and the riuer Lusinitius fenseth a great part of the towne the rest is compassed in wyth a great brooke the which running straight into the riuer Lusinitius is stopped by a great rocke and driuen backe towards the right hand all the length of the Citie and at the further end it ioineth with the great riuer The way vnto it by land is scarse thirtie foote broade for it is almost an Iland In this place there was a deepe ditch cast and a triple wall made of such thicknes that it could not be broken with any engine The wall was full of towers sorts set in their cōuenient meete places Zisca was the firste that builded the Castle and those that came after him fortified it euery man according to his owne deuise At that time the Thaborites had no horsemen amongst them vntill such time as Nicholas maister of the mint whom the Emperour had sent into Bohemia with a M. horsemen to set things in order to withstand the Thaborites lodging all night in a village named Uogize was surprised by Zisca comming vpon him sodenly in the night taking away all his horse and armour setting fire vpon the village Then Zisca taught his souldiours to mount on horseback to leape to runne to turne to cast in a ring so that after this heuener led army without his wings of horsemen In this meane time Sigismundus the Emperour gathering together the nobles of Slesia entred into Boheme and went vnto Grecium and frō thence with a great army vnto Cuthna alluring Cencho with many great and large promises to render vp the Castle of Prage vnto him and there placed himselfe to annoy the towne Thus Cencho infamed with double treason returned home The Citizens of Prage sent for Zisca who speding himselfe thether with the Thaborites receiued the citie vnder his gouernance In the Bohemiās host there was but only two Barons Hilco Crussina of Liturburge and Hilco of Waldestene with a few other nobles All the residue were of the common people They went about first to subdue the Castell which was by nature very strongly fensed and could not be won by no other meanes then with famine wherupon all the passages were stopped that no vittailes should be carried in But the Emperour opened the passages by dint of sword when he had geuen vnto them which were besieged all things necessary hauing sente for ayde out of the Empire he determined shortly after to besiege the Citie There was in the Emperours campe the Dukes of Saxon the Marqueses of Brandenburge and hys sonne in law Albert of Austrich The Citie was assaulted by the space of vi weekes The Emperor Sigismūd was crowned in the Metropolitane house in the Castle Conradus the Archbishop solemnising the ceremonies of the coronation The city was straightly besieged In the meane time the Captaines Rosenses Chragery which had takē the tentes of the Thaborites being ouercome in battaile by Nicholas Husse whome Zisca had sent with parte of hys power for that purpose were driuen out of their tentes and Gretium the Queenes Citie was also taken There is also aboue the Towne of Prage a high hill which is called Uidechon On this hill had Zisca strongly planted a garrison that his enemies should not possesse it with whome the Marques of Misnia skirmishing lost a great part of his souldiours For when as the Misnians had gotten the top of the hill being driuen back into a corner which was broken steepe and fiersly set vpon whē as they could no longer withstād the violent force of their enimies some of them were slaine and some falling headlong from the hill were destroied Whereupon the Emperour Sigismund raising his seege departed vnto Cuthua and Zisca with his company departed vnto Thabor and subdued many places amōgst which he subuerted a town pertaining to the captaine of Uisgrade During this tyme the Castell of Uisgrade was strongly besieged whereas when other vittailes wāted they were compelled to eate horse flesh Last of all except the Emperour did aide them by a certaine daye they promised to yeld it vp but vnder this condition that if the Emperour did come they within the Castle should be no more molested The Emperour was present before the day but beeyng ignorant of the truce taken entring into a straight vnderneath the Castle was sodenly set vpon by the souldiours of Prage where he had a great ouerthrow and so leauing his purpose vnperformed returned backe againe There were slaine in that conflict xiiij noble men of the Morauians and of the Hungarians other a great number The Castle was deliuered vp vnto them Whilest these things were in doing Zisca toke Boslaus a captaine which was surnamed Cigneus by force in a very strōg towne of his and brought him vnto his religion Who a few yeares after leading the protestants host in Austria was wounded before Rhetium and died Ther were in the territorie of Pelsina many
vsurpe them so falsely and obtrud them vpon vs so straitly Moreouer if the sayd our aduersaries being conuicted by plaine euidence of hystorye and example of time will yeld vnto vs as they must needes in part and not in the whole let vs come then to the particulars and see what part of this regalitie they wil defend and deriue from the auncient custome of the Primitiue Church that is from the first fyue hundred yeares I meane after Christ. First in the Coōcell of Nyce which was the yeare of our Lord. 340. and in the .vj. Canon of the sayd Councell we finde it so decreed that in euery prouince or precinct of some one Church and Byshop of the same was appointed and set vp to haue the inspection and regiment of other churches about him Secundum morem antiquum that is after the ancient custome as the wordes of the Councell do purport so that the Byshop of Alexandria shoulde haue power of Lybia Pentapolis in Egypt for as much as the Byshop of the Cytie of Rome hath the like or same maner And in like sort also in Antioch in other countreyes let euery Church haue his due honor consequently that the Bishop of Ierusalem haue also his due honor to him reserued so that such order be kept that the Metropolitane Cities be not defrauded of their dignitie which to them is due and proper c. In this Councell and in the same Canon vj. and vij where the Byshops of Alexandria of Rome and of Antioch are ioyned together in on like maner of dignity fyrst there appeareth no difference of honor to be ment therin Secondlye for somuch as in the sayde two Canons after mention made of them immediately followeth that no Byshops should be made without consent of their Metropolitanes yea and that the City also of Hierusalem should be vnder hys Metropolitane and that the Metropolitane should haue the ful power to confirme euery Byshop made in his prouince Therfore it may be well suspected that the third Epistle decretall of Pope Anacletus and of Pope Stephanus with other mo are forged wherin these Byshops and especially the Byshop of Rome is exempted and desceuered from the name of a Metropolitane or an Archbyshop to the name of a Patriarch or Primate as appeareth in the decrees dist 22. cap. Sacro sancta wherefore as wee must needes graunt the Byshop of Rome to be called a Metropolitane or an Archbyshop by the Councell of Nice so we will not greatly sticke in this also to haue him numbred with Patriarches or primates which title seemeth in the old tyme to be common to mo Cities then to Rome both by the Epistle of Anacletus of Pope Stephanus of Pope Iulius and Leo c. After this followed a generall Councell in Aphricke called the vj. Councell of Carthage an 420. where were congregated 217. Byshops among whom was also Augustinus Prosper Orosius with diuers other famous persons This Councell continued the space of v. yeares wherein was great contention about the supremacie and iurisdiction of Rome The Byshop wherof then was Zosimus This Zosimus the Romane Bishop had receaued the same time into the communion of the church without any examination one that came to complaine to him out of Aprike named Apiarius a Priest whom Aurelius the Metropolitane with the Councell of Aphrike had worthelye excommunicated for his detestable conditions before Uppon this Zosimus after that hee hadde receaued and shewed such fauor to Apiarius for that he did appele to him sendeth to the Councell his messengers to wit Fastinus Byshop of Potentine and two Priestes of the Churche of Rome named Philippus and Asellus with these foure requestes first that Apiarius whom he had absolued might be receaued of them againe and that it might be lawful for Byshops or Priestes to appeale from the sentence of their Metropolites also of the Counsell to the sea of Rome Secondly that Byshops should not saile ouer importunely ad comitatum Thirdly that if any Priest or Deacon were wrongfully excommunicate by the Byshops of their owne prouince it should be lawfull for thē to remooue the hearing and iudgeing of their cause to their neighbour bishops Forthly that Vrbanus there Byshop either should be excommunicated or els sent vp to Rome vnlesse he would correct those things that were to be corrected c. For the approbation whereof the sayde Zosimus alledged for him the words as he pretended taken out of Nicene Councell The Councell of Carthage hearyng this and remembring no such thing in the Councell of Nice to bee decred yet not suspecting the Byshop of Rome to dare wrongfully to falsefie the wordes of that Councell writeth againe to Zosimus declaring that they neuer reade to their remembraunce in their common Latine exemplare of Nicene Councell any such Canon yet notwithstanding for quietnes sake they woulde obserue the same tyll time they might procure the originall copies of that councell to be sent to them from Constantinople Alexandria and from Antioch In like effect afterward they wrote to Pope Boniface which then succeded Zosimus And thirdly also to Celestinus which shortly after succeeded Boniface In the meane time this foresayd Councell sent their Legates Marcellus and Innocentius to Atticus Patriarche of Constantinople and to Cyrillus Patriarch of Alexandria for the autentique copies in Greeke of Nicene Councell which being sent vnto them they finding in the true originals no such Canon as the Bishoppe of Rome had falsely forged they wrote a sharpe an handsome letter to Celestinus Byshop of Rome calling him in the said letter by the way Domine frater declaring to him how they had perused all the copies of the Councell of Nice coulde finde no such Canon as he and his predecessours had falsely alledged and therewithall reciting the vj. Canon afore mentioned declared how the decrees of Nicene Councell had committed all and singular persons Ecclesiasticall as well Byshops as other vnto the charge of their Metropolitanes Moreouer expounding the same decree they shewed the reasons thereof 1. For that sayd they the fathers of that councell did well foresee to be most iust and conuenient that all controuersies there be ended in ijsdem locis where they begin 2. For that it is not to be supposed contrary but that the grace of God wil be as prest and ready in one prouince as in other to instruct his ministers both prudētly to vnderstand iudgement and constantly to mayntayne the same 3. For that there is no need to seeke further to any outlandish helpe because especially that the party whosoeuer is not contented with the determination of his iudges or commissioners may lawfully appeale either to the prouincial or to any generall counsell 4. That way to be better then to runne to any forranine Iudge it must needes be graunted because it is not like that our God will inspire his iustice and truth of
examining vnto one Byshop and denie it to a multitude congregated in a whole Councell 5. Neither can it be that any such outlandish iudgement in hearing and determining causes can stand perfect and vpright for that the necessary persons of witnesses either for infirmitie of sexe of age of sickenes or some other impeachment are not able to be present by whom the truth of the sentence should be directed Wherefore as by these other reasons they thought it not conuenient from them to bryng their matters ouer vnto Rome so neither was it to be found sayd they by any councell of the old fathers decred that any Legates should be sent frō Rome to thē for deciding of their matters And therefore exhorted they the sayd bishop of Rome that he would not induce fumosum typū or rather as I may call it typhos seculi in Ecclesiam Christi quae lucem simplicitatis humilitatis prefaert ijs qui Deum Diligunt that is that he would not induce the swelling pride of the worlde into the Church of Christ which church sheweth and giueth the light of simplicitie of humilitie to such as loue to see God c. In these foresaid letters moreouer is signified how the forenamed malefactor Apiarius whom the bishop of Rome before had absolued receiued to the communion of the church was afterward found culpable and therfore the councell proceded against him brought him to open confession of his faults so enioined him due penance for his demerites notwithstanding the absolution and inconsiderate clearing of the Bishop of Rome before proceeding In summe out of this Councell of Carthage these are to be noted First how glad the Bishops of Rome were to receiue such as came to them for succour 2. What pride they tooke by the occasion therof thinking and seeking thereby to haue all vnder their subiection 3. To the intent to allure other to seeke to them how redie they were to release and quit this Apiarius as guiltles which after was tried culpable by his owne confession 4. How contrary to the actes and doings of the Romish bishop this Councell condemned him whom the said bishop of Rome before had absolued litle respecting the proceedings of the Romish church 5. How the bishops of old time haue bene falsifiers of ancient Councels and writings wherby it may be suspected that they which shamed not to falsifie corrupt the Councell of Nice much lesse would they sticke to abuse and falsifie the decretall Epistles and writings of perticular Bishops Doctors for their owne aduantage as no doubt they haue done many one 6. In this foresaid Councell whereat Augustine himselfe was present where Aurelius President of the same was called Papa the bishop of Rome was called expresly in their letters but bishop of the citie of Rome and Dominus frater that is brother Bishop 7. Seuenthly the dominion of this Romain Patriarch in the said Councel of Carthage was cut so short that neither it was permitted to thē of Affrike to appeale ouer the sea to him nor for him to send ouer his Legates to them for ending their controuersies Wherby it may sufficiently appeare that the Bishop of Rome in those dayes was not fully admitted to be the chiefe of all other Bishops nor the head of the vniuersall church of Christ in earth c. 8. We heare in this Councell fiue causes or reasons giuē why it is not necessary nor yet conuenient for all forraine causes to be brought to one vniuersall head or iudge as is before recited 9. Lastly by the said Councell of Carthage we heare a vertuous exhortation to be giuen to the bishop of Rome that he would not induce into the meeke humble church of Christ the fuming and swelling pride of the world as is before declared c. In this or in some other Councell of Carthage it was moreouer prouided by expresse law and also specified in the Popes decrees that no Bishop of the first sea should be called the Prince of Priests or the chiefe priest or any such like thing but onely the bishop of the first seat as followeth more in the said decree Vniuersalis autem nec etiam Rom. pontifex appelletur that is Be it enacted that no bishop no not the Bishop of Rome be called vniuersall bishop c. And thus much cōcerning this foresaid Councell of Carthage Not long before this Councel was celebrate in Affrike an other Councel called Synodus Mileuitana about the yere of our Lord 442. at the which Councell also S. Augustine was present where it was decreed vnder payne of excommunication that no minister or bishop should appeale ouer the sea to the bishop of Rome whereby it may appeare that the bishop of Rome all this space was not vniuersally called by the terme of Oecumenical or vniuersal bishop but Bishop of the first sea so that if there were any preferment therein it was in the reuerence of the place and not in the authoritie of the person And yet it was not so in the place that the place importeth the Cittie of Rome onely but the first seate then was called Metropolitane Church as by the woordes of Nicene Councell and other constitutions moe is to be seene where the foure Patriarches were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as namely by the wordes of the Councell of Carthage may appeare which be these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is except he haue some special licēce or exception by the consent of the first seat of the proper bishop in euery country that is of him that is the Primate in the said countrey c. Also the wordes of the can 39. of the Councell of Carthage before touched be these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is that the bishop of the first sea be not called Prince of Priestes or head Priest or els any such like Againe Anicetus the x. bishop of Rome and Pope Stephen Pope Felix making a difference betwene Primate Metropolitane writeth thus Let no Archbishops bee called Primates but onely such as haue the first seat c. Thus it is made plaine how the bishop of the first seate or first bishop or Primate is none other but he which was called Patriarch and belonged not only to the church of Rome but to all such cities places where as before among the Gentiles were primi flamines c. dist 80. cap. vrbes loca in illis Where by the way is to be noted the repugnance or contrarietie of such as crastily but falsly haue counterfaited the Popes decretall epistles which besides other great and many coniectures also hereby may be gathered For where Clement Anacletus epist. 12. Anicetus and other ioyning together the office of Patriarchs Primates do deuide the same from the order of Metropolitanes or Archbishops alledging therin the constitution of the Apostles
not that be graunted vnto all woemen infirmed by the fault of nature which is commended in one person done in her infirmitie Therefore to receaue the misterie of the holy communion it is not forbidden them Albeit if she dare not so farre presume in her great infirmitie she is to be praysed but if she do receaue she is not to be iudged For it is a point of a good minde in some maner to knowledge hys sinnes there where is no sinne because manye times that is done without fault which commeth of fault As when we be hungry we care without fault notwithstanding it commeth by the fault of our first father to vs that wee are hungrye c. Where ye aske if a man after the company with hys wyfe may resort to the Church or to the holy Communion before he be purged with water The law giuen to the old people commaunded that a man after the companye wyth his wife both shoulde be purified with water and also should tary the Sunnes set before he came to the congregation Which seemeth to be vnderstand spiritually for then most true it is that the man companieth with the woman when his minde through delectation is ioyned to vnlawfull concupiscence in his hart and cogitation At what time before the said fire of concupiscence shall be remooued let the person thinke himselfe vnworthye the entraunce to the congregation through the viciousnes of his filthy will But of this matter sondry nations haue euery one their sondry customes some on way some an other The auncient maner of the Romanes frō our forefathers hath beene that in such case first they purged themselues with water then for a little they abstaine reuerently and so resort to the Church c. After many other words debated of this matter thus he inferreth but if any person not for voluptuousnes of the flesh but for procreation of children do company with his wife that man concerning either the comming to the Church or the receauing the misteries of the Lords body bloud is to be left to his owne iudgement for he ought not to be forbid of vs to come which when he lieth in the fire will not burne c. There is an other question also to these adioyned with his aunswere likewise to the same concerning pollutions in the night but I thought these at this present to our english eares sufficient To returne now to the story againe Gregory after he had sent these resolutions to the questions of Austen sendeth moreouer to the Church of Englande moe coadiutors and helpers as Mellitus Iustus Paulinus and Ruffianus with bookes and such other implemēts as he thought necessary for the English Church He sendeth moreouer to the foresaide Austen a palle with letters wherein he setteth an order betweene the twoo Metropolitane seates the one to be at London the other to be at Yorke Notwithstanding he graunteth to the sayde Austen during his lyfe to be the onely chyefe Archbyshop of al the lande and after hys tyme then to returne to the two foresaide seats of London and Yorke as is in the same letter conteined the tenour whereof here followeth in hys owne wordes as ensueth The copie of the Epistle of Gregory sent to Augustinus into Englande REuerendissimo sanctis fratri Augustino coepiscopo Gregorius seruus seruorum Dei. Cum certum sit pro omnipotente Deo laborātibus ineffabilia aeterni Regis praemia reseruari nobis tamen eis necesse est bonorum beneficia tribuere vt in spiritualis operis studio ex remuneratione valeant multiplicius insudare and so forth as followeth here in English TO the reuerende and vertuous brother Augustine his felow Byshop Gregorius the seruaunt of the seruaunts of God Although it be most certaine that vnspeakeable rewardes of the heauenly king be laide vp for all such as labour in the wordes of almighty God yet it shall be requisite for vs to reward the same also with our benefites to the ende they may be more encouraged to go forward in the study of their spirituall worke And for asmuch now as the new church of Englishmen is brought to the grace of almightie God through his mightie helpe and your trauayle therefore we haue graunted to you the vse of the palle only to be vsed at the solemnitie of your Masse so that it shall bee lawfull for you to ordaine twelue Bishops such as shal be subiect to your prouince or dition So that hereafter alwaies the Byshop of the Citie of London shall be ordeyned and consecrate by his owne proper Synode and so to receaue the palle of honour frō the holy and Apostolike seate wherein I here by the permission of God doe serue And as touching the Citie of Yorke we wyll sende also a Bysh. thether whō you may thinke meet to ordayne So that if that Citie with other places bordering thereby shall receiue the word of God he shall haue power likewise to ordayne twelue byshops and haue the honour of a Metropolitane to whō also if God spare me life I entend by the fauour of God to sende a palle this prouided that notwithstanding he shal be subiect to your brotherly appointment But after your decease the same Metropolitane so to be ouer the Byshops whom he ordereth that he be in no wise subiect to the Metropolitane of Londō after you And here after betwixt these two Metropolitanes of London Yorke let there be had such distinction of honour that hee shall haue the prioritie which shall in time first bee ordeyned Wyth common counsell and affection of hart let them go both together disposing with one accord such things as be to be done for the zeale of Christ. Let them forethinke and deliberate together prudently and what they deliberate wisely let them accomplish concordly not gerryng nor swaruing one from the other But as for your part you shall be indued with authoritie not onelye ouer those Byshops that you constitute and ouer the other constituted by the byshop of Yorke But also you to haue all other Priestes of whole Brytaine subiect to our Lord Iesus Christ to the ende that through your preaching and holines of life they may learne both to beleeue rightly and to liue purely and so in directing their life both by the rule of true faith and vertuous maners they may attaine when God shall call them the fruition and kingdome of heauen God preserue you in health reuerend brother the x before the Kalend. of Iuly in the raygne of our soueraigne Lord Mauritius most vertuous Emperour Besides this the said Gregory sendeth also an other letter to Mellitus concerning his iudgement what is to bee done with the idolatrous temples and Phanes of the Englishmen newly cōuerted which Phanes he thinketh not best to plucke downe but to conuert the vse thereof and so let them stand And likewise of their sacrifices and killyng of Oxen how the same ought to be ordered and howe to bee altered disputing
prospered with me but all hath gone against me In the next yeare after 1216. was Symon Langton chosen Archbishop of Yorke but that election anon arter was dissolued for informatiō was geuen to the pope that the said Simon was brother to Steuē Langton the archbishop of Cant. which had bene the occasion of all the tumults which were that time in England And the Pope had the more hate vnto him for that he had brought hym vp of nought and did finde him at that time so stuvburne wherefore he placed in hys brothers place Walter Graie the bishop of Winchester In the same yere Gualo the popes legate renued hys great curse vppon Lewes the French kings sonne for vsurping vpon king Iohn Likewise vpon Simon Langton and Gernais Hobruge for prouoking him to y● same and that wyth a wonderfull solemnitie for in that doing hee made all the belles to be rong the candles to be lyght the doores to be opened and the boke of excommunicatiōs and interdictions publikely to be read committing them wholy to the deuil for their contumacie and contempt He also commanded the Bishops and Curates to publishe it abroad ouer at the whole realm to the terror of ad his subiects The said Simon Geruais laughed hym to scorne and derided much his doings in that behalfe saying that for the iust title of Ludowick they had appealed to the generall councell at Rome The magistrates of London and citizens of the same did likewise vilipende and disdainously mocke all that the Pope had there commanded and done And in spight both of him and hys legate they kept company with them that were excommunicated both at table and at church shewing themselues thereby as open contemners both of him and his lawes Ludowicke at London taking himselfe for king constituted Simon Langton for hys high Chancellor Geruais Hobruge for his chiefe preacher By whose daily preachings as well the Barons and the Citizens themselues being both excommunicated caused all the church dores to be opened and the seruice to be song the said Ludowicke was in all poynts fit for their handes About this time was Pandulphus then Cardinal collecting the Peter pence an olde pillage of the Pope taking great paines therin And for his great labours in those affaires of holy Church for other great myracles besides he was then made bishop of Norwich to the augmenting of his dignitie and expenses It chaunced about this time that the Uicount of Melun a very noble mā of the realme of France which came thether wyth the Prince Ludowicke to fall deadly sicke at London and also moued of conscience to cal certaine of the English Barons vnto hym such as were there appoynted to the custodie of that citie sayd vnto them I lament your sorrowful case and pitie with my heart the destruction that is comming towards you and your countrey The daungerous snares which are prepared for your vtter cōfusion are hidden from you ye do not behold them but take ye hede of them in time Prince Ludowicke hath sworne a great oth 16. of his Earles and noble men are of counsel with him that if he obtaine the crowne of England he will banish all them from seruice depriue them of lands and goods as many as he findeth nowe to goe against their liege king and are traitours to his noble person And because yee shall not take thys tale for a fable I assure you on my faith lying nowe at the mercy of God that I was one of them which was sworn to the same I haue great conscience therof and therfore I geue you this warning I pittie poore England which hath bene so noble a region that now it is come to so extreme misery And when he with teares had lamented it a space hee returned againe vnto them and said my frends I counsel you earnestly to looke to your selues and to prouide the remeady in time least it come vpon you vnwares Your king for a season hath kept you vnder but if Ludowicke preuaile he will put you from all Of two extreeme euilles chose the more easy and keepe that secret which I haue tolde you of good will with that he gaue ouer and departed this life When this was once noysed among the Barons they were in great heauinesse for they saw themselues betrapped euery way and to be in exceeding great daunger And this daily augmented that feare which then came vpō the Barons They were extremely hated of the Pope and his Legates and euery weeke came vpon them newe excommunications Daily detriments they had besides in theyr possessions and goodes in their lands houses corne and cattell wines and children so that some of them were driuen to such neede that they were enforced to seeke prayes and booties for sustaining theyr miserable liues For looke whatsouer prince Ludowick obtained by his warres either territories or castels he gaue them all to his French men in spight of their heads and said that they were but traitours like as they had warning afore whych greeued them worst of all At the last they perceiuing that they in seeking to auoid one mischief were ready to fall into an other much worse they began to lay their heads together consenting to submit themselues wholy with al humility to the mercy of their late soueraigne natural liege Lord king Iohn And for that they were somewhat in doubt of their liues for the treason afore committed many of the friendes of them which were of most credite with him made sute for them So were a great number of them pardoned after instant great suit made for them I heere omit his recouery of Rochester castle and citie with many other dangerous aduentures against the foresayd Ludowicke both at London Yorke Lincolne Winchester Norwiche other places els as things not perta●ning to my purpose And now I returne to my matter againe Into Suffolke and Norffolke hee consequently iourneyed with a very strong armie of men and there wyth great mischiefe hee afflicted them because they had geuen place were sworne to his enemies After that he destroied the Abbeis of Peterborough Crowland for the great treasons which they also had wrought against him and so he departed from thence into Lincolneshire In this yeare about the 17. day of Iuly died Pope Innocent the 3. and was buried in a citie called Perusium in Italie where as hee had trauailed to make a peace betweene the Genouaies and the Pyses for his owne commoditie and aduauntage After hym anone succeeded one Ciatius otherwise called Honorius Tertius a man of very great age yet liued he in the papacy 10. yeres and an halfe more When this was once known in England greatly reioyced all they which were king Iohns enemies specially the priests yet had they small cause as will appeare hereafter They noised it al the realme ouer that this new Pope would set a new order and
Basset which before was appoynted to worke that feat wyth mattockes and other instruments of yron and men prepared for the nonce neare to the monasterie of S. Andrewe did vndermine the wall of the Citie And by this meanes the wal fel downe lightly and there was made a great plaine so that in one forefront there might haue gone together on a row 40. horsemen And of this subteltie the alian Monkes that were there were thought to be the workers because they made way and entraunce for them that came in But when they that passed by saw this the kings banners were erected ready to enter in There was a great howling made the noise of the people came to the eares of the Barons they made speede to resist them but it was all in vaine because they were already preuēted of a great cōpany of their enemies But Simon Mountfort the yōger after he had valiantly fought a while in the middest of his enemies wyth Peter Mountfort and a fewe that were with him when Edward the kings sonne came was by his commaundement taken and led away prisoner But the clearks of the vniuersitie of Oxforde which vniuersitie by the Barons commandement was trāslated thether did worke against the kings men more hurte then the other Barons wyth their slings long bowes and crossebowes for they had a banner by themselues and that was set vp a hie against the king Where withall the king being greatly moued sware at his entring in that they should al be hanged Which when they hard many of them shaued their crownes they that were able ran away as fast as they coulde And when the king entred the Citie many fled in their armour into the Castell other left their horse and harnesse and ranne into churches and a few were slain and those were of the common people But there was not much bloudshed because all things were done as vppon a sodaine When the Citie was at the length set in a quiet the king commaunded his othe to be executed vpon the Clarkes But his counsellers said vnto him This be farre from thee O king for the sonnes of thy Nobles and of other great men of thy kingdome were there gathered together into the Vniuersitie whome if thou wouldest cause to be hanged or slaine euen they that nowe take thy parte would rise vp against thee not suffering to the vttermost of their powers the bloud of their sonnes and kinsfolkes to be shed And so the king was pacified and his wrath against the Clerks was stayed In the same day after little more then an houre the kings host assaulted the Castell and the new hold keepers were afraide for that they had not victuals other things necessary for their resistance therfore they sent immediatly messengers vnto the King and yeelded themselues to the kings mercy There were taken that day these Knights Barons vnder wrytten Lord William de Ferrers Lorde Peter Mountfort cōpanion of the sayd Simon de Moūtforte the yonger Lord Baldwyn de wake Lorde Adam de Newmarche Lord Roger Bertram Lord Simon the sonne of Simon a valiaunt warriour which first erected hys banner against the king Lorde Berengarius de waterwile Lord Hugo Bubiam Lord Thomas Maunsell Lord Roger Botemlam Nicolas wake Lord Robert de Newton Lord Philip de Driby Brimbald de Pauncefoote All these afore hand did the king take prisonners and many more of whom he committed some to the Lord Nicolas of Hauersam to be kept in the same Castle well defēsed some he led away with him and some he sent to diuers Castels and appointed Simon Mountfort to be cast into windfore Castell And all these things as touching the taking of Northampton were done on the Sabboth day in passion weeke being the thyrd of Aprill in the yeare of our Lord. 1264. And the king went forward euen to Notingham burning and wasting the manners of the Lords and others his enemies and there he gathered together his nobles and greatly increased hys number When this ill lucke was tolde of them that there were run away to the Earle Simon whiche was comming towardes Northampton with a great hoste he was in a great rage yet was not discouraged But immediatly going to London caused a chariot to be made him after the maner of lytters or couches wherein he might ride as though he were sicke for he fayned himselfe to be feeble and weake whereas he was in deede a stout and valiaunt warriour And there gathered to him other noble men that were cōfederate with him Earles and Barōs euery one bringing with them their seuerall armies And preparing their ingynes of woode they went to besiege Rochester for the Earle of Worcester in the kynges behalfe kept both the towne and castell When they had gotten the first gate and the bridge they were partly wounded and compelled to retire and there that valiant knight Roger de la Bourne was wounded and very il handled And whilest they continued siege there a while it was told them that the kyng was comming toward London with a mighty host And they sayd one to an other if the king at hys cōming should take London we shall be shut in as it were in a straight corner Let vs therefore returne to London that we may keep in safety both the place and the people Therefore appointing certaine persons to keepe the siege they returned to London At the length when the king came they went forth with the Citizens to meere him not with floures and palmes in their handes but swordes and speares The K. shunned them and after he had the Castell of Kingston which was the Erle of Glocesters he went from thence to Rochester where after he had killed a few he brake that siege and from thence the king went to Tunbridge And the towne and Castell now being geuen vp to him he tooke there the Countesse of Glocester put her into an Abbey not to be kept in hold but to goe at libertye whether she would And he left for the custody of the Castell and City a great part of his hoast to the number of aboue xx picked out ensignes for that it was commonly said that the Earle of Glocester would come out of hād to assault them Which being done he continued on his iourney to Winchester where he receiued to peace the seamen of the hauē townes And three dayes alter vpon the sonday following he came to the towne of Lewes and was receaued into the Abbey and his sonne Edward into the Castell Then the Barons sent letters to the king the 12. day of May the tenor wherof followeth TO theyr most excellent Lord Henry by the grace of God king of England Lord of Ireland and Duke of Aquitania hys Barons and other his faythfull subiectes being willing to keep their othe and fidelitie to God and him send greeting and due obedidience with honour and reuerence Whereas by many
while Austen sailed into Fraunce to the Byshop Arelatensis called Ethereus by him to bee consecrated Archbishop by the commaundement of Gregory so was Also the said Austen sent to Rome Laurentius one of his cōpany to declare to Gregory how they had sped and what they had done in Englande sending with all to haue the counsaile and aduise of Gregory concerning ix or x. questions whereof some are partly touched before The tenour of his questions or interrogations wyth the aunsweres of Gregory to the same here follow in English briefly translated The questions of Austen Archbyshop of Caunterbury sent to Gregory with the aunswere againe of Gregory to the same The first interrogation MY first question reuerende father is concerning Byshops how they ought to behaue themselues towarde their clerks Or of such oblations as the faithfull offer vpon the altar what portions or diuidentes ought to be made thereof The aunswere How a Bishop ought to behaue himselfe in the Congregation the holy scripture testifieth which I doubt not but you know right well especiallye in the Epistles of S Paule to Timothie wherein he laboureth to informe the sayd Timothe how to behaue his conuersation in the house of the Lord. The maner is of the sea Apostolike to warne and charge all such as be ordeined Bishops of all their stipend or that which giuen to make foure pertitiōs One to the Bishop for hospitalitie and receauing commers in An other to the Clergy The third to the pore The fourth to the repairing of Churches But because your brotherhode instructed with rules of Monasticall discipline cānot liue separated from your clerkes about you therfore in the English Church which nowe through the prouidence of God is brought to the faith of Christ you muste obserue this institution concerning your conuersation which was in the first Fathers in the begynning of the prymitiue Church among whom there was not one which counted any thing to be his owne proper of all that he did possesse but all was common among them The seconde interrogation I desire to know and to be instructed whether Clerkes that cannot containe may marry And if they do mary whether then they ought to returne to the secular state againe or no The aunswere If there be any Clerkes out of holy orders which can not conteine let them haue their wiues and take their stipends or wages without For we read it so written of the foresayd fathers that they deuided to euery person according as their worke was Therfore as concerning the stipend of such it must be prouided and thought vpon And they must be also holden vnder Ecclesiasticall discipline to liue a godly cōuersation to employ themselues in singing Psalmes to refraine their tongue hart and body by the grace of God from all things vnseemely and vnlawfull As for the vulgar and common sort which lyue after the common condition of men to describe what partitions to make what hospitalitie to keepe or what works of mercy to exhibite to such I haue nothing to saye but to giue as our maister teacheth in all our deedes of mercy of that which aboundeth Of that saith he whiche aboundeth or is ouerplus gyue almes and beholde all thinges bee cleane vnto you The thyrd interrogation Seing there is but one faith how happeneth it then the ceremonies and customes of Churches to bee so diuers As in the Church of Rome there is one custome and maner of Masse and the French Church hath an other The aunswere The custome of the Church of Rome what it is you know wherin ye remēber that you 〈◊〉 bene brought vp frō your youth but rather it pleaseth me better that whether it be in the church of Rome or in any Frēch Church where ye finde any thing that seemeth better to the seruice and pleasing of God that ye chuse the same and so inferre bring into the English Church which is yet new in the faith the best pikedst thinges chosen out of many Churches for things are not to be beloued for the place sake but the place is to be beloued for the things that be good wherfore such thinges as be good godly and religious th●●● chose out of all Churches and induce to your people that they may take roote in the mindes of Englishmen The fourth interrogation I praye you what punishment iudge you for him that shall steale or pylfer any thing out of the Church The aunswere This your brotherhood may soone discerne by the person of a theefe how it ought to be corrected For some there be which hauing sufficient to liue vpon yet doe steale Other there be which steale of meere necessity Wherfore considering the qualitye difference of the crime necessarye it is that some be corrected by losse of goodes some by stripes some other more sharply and some more easly yea whē sharpee correction is to be executed yet that must be done with charity and with no fury for in punishing offenders this is the cause and ende wherefore they are punished bicause they should be saued not perish in hell fire And so ought discipline to proceede in correcting the faithfull as doe good Fathers in punishing their children whom both they chasten for their euill and yet being chastened they looke to haue them their heires and thinke to leaue them all they haue notwithstanding they correct them sometimes in anger Therefore this charitie must be kepte in mind And in the correction there is a measure to be had so that the mind neuer do any thing without the rule of reason Ye adde moreouer with what recompence of measure those things ought to be required againe which be stollen out of Churches But God forbid that the Church should euer require againe with increase that which is lost in outwarde thinges and to seeke her gaine by endamaging other The fift interrogation Item whether two brethen may mary two sisters beyng far of from any part of kindred The aunswere This in no part of scripture is forbidden but it may well and lawfully be done The sixt interrogation Item to what degree of kyndred may the mat●●mony of the faythfull extende with their kindred or wheth●● 〈◊〉 it lawfull to marry with the stepmother and her kinsfolkes The aunswere A certaine terrene law amongst the old Romaines doth permit that either brother or sister or the sonne daughter of two brethren may marry together But by experyence we learne that the issue of such mariage doth neuer thryue nor come forewarde Also the holye law of God forbiddeth to reueale the turpitude of thy bloude or kindred Wherefore necessary it is that in the third or fourth degree the faithfull may lawfully marry for in the seconde as being vnlawfull they must needes refraine To be copled with the stepmother is vtterly abhominable for it is written in the law Thou shalt not reueale the turpitude