man reade Liuy lib. 1. Dionysius and Plutarch of his whole life besides diuers others e all to insufficient This is plaine for they fetched lawes frō others f it is not reported Yes he fained that he conferred with Aegeria but she was rather a Nimph then a goddesse besides this is known to be a fable g the most learned Here I cannot choose but ad a very conceited saying out of Plautus his comedy called Persa Sagaristio the seruant askes a Virgin how strong dost thou think this towne is If the townsmen quoth shee againe bee well mannered I thinke it is very strong if treachery couetousnesse and extortion bee chased out and then enuie then ambition then detraction then periury then flattery then iniury then and lastly which is hardest of all to get out villanie if these be not all thrust forth an hundred walls are all too weake to keepe out ruine Of the rape of the Sabine women and diuers other wicked facts done in Romes most ancient and honorable times CHAP. 17. PErhaps the gods would not giue the Romaines any lawes because as Salust a saith Iustice and honestie preuailed as much with them by nature as by lawe very good b out of this iustice and honestie came it I thinke that the c Sabine virgins were rauished What iuster or honester part can be plaide then to force away other mens daughters with all violence possible rather then to receiue them at the hand of their parents But if it were vniustly done of the Sabines to deny the Romaines their daughters was it not farre more vniustly done of them to force them away after that deniall There were more equitie showne in making warres vpon those that would not giue their daughters to beget alliance with their neighbours and countrimen then with those that did but require back their owne which were iniuriously forced from them Therefore Mars should rather haue helped his warlike sonne in reuenging the iniury of this reiected proferre of marriage that so he might haue wonne the Virgin that he desired by force of armes For there might haue beene some pretence of warlike lawe for the conqueror iustly to beare away those whom the conquered had vniustly denied him before But he against all law of peace violently forced them from such as denied him them and then began an vniust warre with their parents to whom hee had giuen so iust a cause of anger d Herein indeed he had good and happy successe And albeit the e Circensian playes were continued to preserue the memory of this fraudulent acte yet neither the Cittie nor the Empire did approoue such a president and the Romaines were more willing to erre in making Romulus a deity after this deed of iniquitie then to allow by any law or practise this fact of his in forcing of women thus to stand as an example for others to follow Out of this iustice and honesty likewise proceeded this that g after Tarquin and his children were expulsed Rome because his sonne Sextus had rauished Lucresse Iunius Brutus being consull compelled h L. Tarquinius Collatine husband to that Lucresse his fellow officer a good man and wholy guiltlesse to giue ouer his place and abandon the Cittie which vile deed of his was done by the approbation or at least omission of the people who made Collatine Consul aswell as Brutus himself Out of this iustice and honesty came this also that h Marcus Camillus that most illustrious worthy of his time that with such ease sudued the warlike Veientes the greatest foes of the Romaines and tooke their cheefe citty from them after that they had held the Romains in ten yeares war and foiled their armies so often that Rome hir selfe began to tremble and suspected hir owne safety that this man by the mallice of his backe-biting enemies and the insupportable pride of the Tribunes being accused of guilt perceiuing the citty which he had preserued so vngrateful that he needs must be condemned was glad to betake him-selfe to willing banishment and yet i in his absence was fined at ten thousand Asses k Being soone after to be called home again to free his thankelesse country the second time from the Gaules It yrkes me to recapitulate the multitude of foule enormities which that citty hath giuen act vnto l The great ones seeking to bring the people vnder their subiection the people againe on the other side scorning to be subiect to them and the ring-leaders on both sides aiming wholy rather at superiority and conquest then euer giuing roome to a thought of iustice or honesty L. VIVES SAlust a saith In his warre of Catiline speaking of the ancient Romaines he saith thus The law is a ciuill equity either established in literall lawes or instilled into the manners by verball instructions Good is the fount moderatour and reformer of all lawe all which is done by the Iudges prudence adapting it selfe to the nature of the cause and laying the lawe to the cause not the cause to the lawe As Aristotle to this purpose speaketh of the Lesbian rule Ethic. 4. This is also termed right reason as Salust againe saith in his Iugurth Bomilchar is guilty rather by right and reason then any nationall lawe Crassus saith Tully in his Brutus spake much at that time against that writing and yet but in right and reason It is also called equitie ' That place saith Cicero for Caecinna you feare and flie and seeke as I may say to draw mee out of this plaine field of equitie into the straite of words and into all the literall corners in this notwithstanding saith Quintilian the iudges nature is to bee obserued whether it be rather opposed to the lawe then vnto equitie or no. Hereof wee haue spoken some-thing in our Temple of the lawes But the most copious and exact reading hereof is in Budaeus his notes vpon the Pandects explaining that place which the Lawyers did not so well vnderstand Ius est ars aequi boni This mans sharpenesse of witte quicknesse of iudgement fulnesse of diligence and greatnesse of learning no Frenchman euer paralleld nor in these times any Italian There is nothing extant in Greeke or Latine but he hath read it and read it ouer and discussed it throughly In both these toungs he is a like and that excellently perfect Hee speakes them both as familiarly as he doth French his naturall tongue nay I make doubt whether hee speake them no better hee will read out a Greeke booke in Latine words extempore and out of a Latine booke in Greeke And yet this which wee see so exactly and excellently written by him is nothing but his extemporall birthe Hee writes with lesse paines both Greeke and Latine then very good schollers in both these tongues can vnderstand them There is no cranke no secret in all these tongues but he hath searcht it out lookt into it and brought it forth like Cerberus from darknesse into
Censorinus The Romaines called an C yeares an age as Valerius Antias Varro Liuie lib. 136. doe report But by the Quindecimvirs commentaries and Augustus his Edict together with Horace his verse it includes a space of ten yeares more and euery C. X. yeare those plaies were kept Though this verse of Horace Certus vndenos deciès per annos which Censorinus and others trust to I cannot see but may be read Certus vt denos decies per annos and so diuers doe reade it But there is another Greeke verse cited by Zosimus cut of the Sybills bookes hee saith wherein is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without point or accent Besides the crier called the people inthese words Come to those plaies that none of you euer saw nor hereafter euer shall see Hence came Vitellius flattery to Claudius presenting those plaies May you doe it often Poplicola as wee said first presented them Ab vrbe cond CCXLIIII yeares they were renewed Ab. vr Con. D. I. Consulls P. CL. Pulcher and L. Iuni. Brutus the XI yeare of the first African warre acted againe the third yeare of the second Punick warre Consulls M. Manlius M. Censorinus Fourthly before their time L. Aem. Lepidus and L. Aurel. Orestes Consulls the fift Augustus and Arippa presented hauing brought them to the iust time Consulls Furnius and Sillanus the sixt C L. Caesar too soone for the time Himselfe and L. Vitellius the third Consulls The seauenth Domitian after a true computation Himselfe and L. Minutius Ruffus being Consulls the eight Septimius Severus at their iust time Conss Chilo and Vibo the ninth Phillip Vostrensis ab vrbe Cond a M. years Aemilianus and Aquilinus being Conss Cassiodore Thus much of the Secular plaies from Varro Valer. Horat. L. Florus Festus Zosimus Herodian Suetonius Censorinus Cassiodorus Porphiry Aeron and Politian now to the rest b Renewed Here seemes a difference betweene the plaies of Dis and Proserpina and the Secular plaies but indeede there is none vnlesse Augustine diuide the infernall Orgies from the sacrifices offered at the same time to other gods and truely the Infernall Orgies and the Secular plaies seeme to differ in their originall for Festus saith thus The Tauri were games made in honour of the infernall gods vpon this occasion In the raigne of Tarquin the proude there falling a great death amongst the child-bearing women arising out of the too great plenty of bulls-flesh that was sold to the people herevpon they ordained games in honour of the Infernalls calling them Tauri Thus farre Festus Besides the Secular plaies were kept vnto Apollo on the day and Diana on the night but the Tauri were kept to the Infernall powres c Surely brasse Some put Aerei ayry for arei brazen and more fitting to Augustines opinion for the Platonists say the diuells are ayrie creatures whose doctrine Augustine doth often approue in some things as wee will shew hereafter In blushing the bloud adornes the face with red-nesse d Ouer-flowing Oros. L. 4. e Fire Ib. Liu. lib. 19. Ouid. Fast. 6. Sencca's declamers dispute whether Metellus should bee depriued of his Priesthood or no beeing blind the law commanding them to haue a perfect man to their Priest f Harbour and temple Because there was the fire worshipped as is immediately declared g Honoured Their honour was vniuersall great their very Magistrates gaue the way vnto Vâ—…stas Priests h Metellus L. Caecilius Metellus was High Priest twice Consull Dictator Maister of the Horse Quindecemvir in the sharing of the landes and hee was the first that led Elephants in Triumph in the first African warre of whom Q. Metellus his sonne left recorded in his funerall oration that he attained the ten things so powrefull and so admirable that the wisest haue spent all their time in their quest That is to bee a singular warriour an excellent orator a dreadlesse commander a fortunate vndertaker a especiall aduancer of honor an absolute man of wisdome a worthy common-wealths man a man of a great estate well gotten a father to a faire progenie and the most illustrious of the whole cittie Plin. lib. 7. cap. 4. i Three citties Ilium Lauinium Alba. k The fire neuer This place is extreamely depraued we haue giuen it the best sense befitting it Of the sad accidents that befell in the second African warre wherein the powers on both sides were wholy consumed CHAP. 19. BVt all too tedious were it to relate the slaughters of both nations in the second African warre they had so many fightes both farre and neere that by a their owne confessions who were rather Romes commenders then true Chroniclers the conquerours were euer more like to the conquered then otherwise For when Hannibal arose out of Spaine and brake ouer the Pirenean hilles all France and the very Alpes gathering huge powres and doing horrible mischieues in all this long tract rushing like an inondation into the face of Italy O what bloudy fields were there pitcht what battailes struck how often did the Romaines abandon the field how mans citties fell to the foe how many were taken how many were razed what victories did that Hanniball winne and what glories did he build himselfe vpon the ruined Romaines In vaine should I speake of b Cannas horrible ouer-throwe where Hanniballs owne excessiue thirst of bloud was so fully glutted vpon his foes that hee c himselfe bad hold a whence hee sent three bushells of rings vnto Carthage to shew how huge a company had fallen at that fight that they were easier to be measured theÌ„ numbred and hence might they coniecture what a massacre there was of the meaner sort that had no rings to weare and that the poorer they were the more of them perished Finally such a defect of souldiars followed this ouer-throw that the Romaines were faine to get e malefactors to goe to warre for quittance of their guilt f to set all their slaues free and out of this gracelesse crue not to supply their defectiue regiments but euen to g make vp a whole army Nay these slaues O h let vs not wrong them they are free men now wanted euen weapons to fight for Rome withall that they were faine to fetch them out of the temples as if they should say to their gods come pray let these weapons goe you haue kept them long inough to no end wee will see whether our bondslaues can doe more good for vs with them then your gods could yet doe And then the treasury fayling the priuate estate of each man became publike so that each one giuing what he was able their rings nay their very Bosses the wretched marks of their dignities being al bestowed the senat themselues much more the other companies i Tribes left not themselues any mony in the world who could haue endured the rages of those men if they had bin driuen to this pouerty in these our times seeing we can very hardly endure them as yâ— world goeth now although they haue store now to
mortallitie what can their Atturneies their Orators say for them in this ruine of the Saguntines more then they said in that of Regulus only he was one man this a whole citty but perseuerance in faith was cause of both calamities For this faith would he returne to his foes and for this would not they turne to their foes Doth loyalty then greeue the goddes Or may vngratefull citties as well as men be destroyed and yet stand in their gods liking still Let them choose whether they like If the goddes bee angry at mens keeping of their faith lette them seeke faithlesse wretches to serue them But if they that serue them and haue their fauours bee neuer-the-lesse afflicted and spoiled then to what end are they adored VVherfore let them hold their tongues that thinke they lost their Citty because they lost their gods for though they had them all they might neuer-the-les not only complaine of misery but feele it at full as Regulus and the Saguntines did L. VIVES THe dissolution a of the Saguntines Liu. lib 21. Saguntum is a citty of that part of Spaine which is called Arragon a mile from our sea built and inhabited by the Zacynthi and the Ardeates saith Silius people that came into Spaine before the destruction of Troy It was made famous by the fall and true faith kept to the Romaines The ruines at this day doe shew the models of diuers ancient and most magnifical houses and diuers inscriptions monuments are to be seene there as yet It is called now in Spanish Moruedre the old wall belonging to the County iurisdiction of Valencia There is a peece of the Towre yet standing vpon the mountaine that diuides almost all Spaine Polib lib. 3. saith that it excelled al the citties in Spaine both for plenty populousnes arts military Hanibal hated it for sticking so to the Romains for it had done much hurt to the Carthaginian consederats in Spain so he made war vppon it both to reuenge the wrongs it had done others and also to turne the whole aime of the war vpon the Romaines which he had desired most feruently euer since he was 9. yeares old b Here now some copies want Dii goddes but they are imperfect Glutton is vsed by Tully in an honest sence calling Cato a Glutton of Bookes De fin lib 3. c If the goddes Liuie lib. 26. Hanniball standing before the walles of Rome being now to throw warres dice at the citty it selfe a great tempest arose and parted the armies who were no sooner retired the one to their tents and the other into the Citie but immediatly it grew admirably faire and cleare And this happened the second day also both armies being in the field and staying but for the signall to ioyne battles Which Hanniball obseruing grew superstitious doubting the gods displeasure with him for staying there and so commanded the campe to remoue from thence Of Romes ingratitude to Scipio that freed it from imminent danger and of the conditions of the Cittizens in those times that Saluste commendeth to haue beene so vertuous CHAP. 21. FVrthermore in the space betweene the first and second Carthaginian warre when as Saluste saith the Romaines liued in all concord and content the remembrance of my theme makes me omitte much In those times of concord and content Scipio a that protector and raiser of his countrie the rare admirable ender of that so extreame so dangerous and so fatall a warre as that of Carthage was the conqueror of Hanniball the tamer of Carthage whose very youth is graced with all praises of b religiousnesse and diuine conuersation this man so great and so gratious was forced to giue place to the e accusations of his enemies to leaue his country which but for him had beene left to destruction and after his high heroicall triumph to bequeath the remainder of his dayes to the poore towne of d Linternum banishing all affect of his countrie so farre from him that it is said that he e gaue expresse charge at his death that his body should not in any case bee buried in that so vngratefull soyle of Rome f Afterwards in the triumph of Cn. Manlius vice-Consull ouer the Gallogrecians the g luxurie of Asia entred the worst foe Rome euer felt Guilded beds and pretious couerings gotte then their first ingresse Then began they to haue wenches to sing at their banquets and many other licentious disorders But I am to speake of the calamities that they suffered so vnwillingly not of the offences that they committed so lauishly And therefore what I spoâ—…e of Scipio that left his country for his enemies hauing first preserued it from vtter ruine and died a willing exile that was to our purpose to shew that the Romaine gods from whose temples he dâ—…aue Hanniball did neuer require him with any the least touch of temporall felicitie for which onely they are adored But because Saluste saith that Rome was so well mannered in those dayes I thought good to touch at this Asian luxurie that you might vnderstand that Saluste spoake in comparison of the after-times wherein discorde was at the highest floud and good manners at their lowest ebbe For then that is betweene the second and last African warre the h Voconian law was promulgate that none should make a woman his heyre no were shee his i onely daughter then which decree I can see nothing more barbarous and vniust But indeed the mischieues that the cittie suffered were not so many nor so violent in the space betwixt the two Punicke warres as they were at other times for though they felt the smarte of warre abroade yet they enioyed the sweet of victorie and at home they agreed better then they did in the times of securitie But in the last African warre by the onely valour of that Scipio that therefore was surnamed African that Cittie that compared and contended with Rome was vtterlye razed to duste and ruined And then brake in such an inundation of depraued conditions drawne into the state by securitie and prosperitie that Carthage might iustly be said to haue beene a more dangerous enemy to Rome in her dissolution then shee was in her opposition And this continued vntill Augustus his time who me thinkes did not abridge the Romaines of their liberty as of a thing which they loued and prised but as though they had vtterly despised it and left it for the taking Then reduced be all things vnto an imperiall command renewing and repairing the common-weale that was become all moth-eaten and rusty with age vice and negligence I omitte the diuerse and diuersly arising contentions and battels of all this whole time that league of k Numance stained with so foule an ignominie where the l chickens flew out of their cages as presaging some great ill luck they say vnto Mancinus then Consull so thaâ—… it seemed m that little cittie that had plagued the Romaine armie that besieged it so many yeares did now begin to be a
n terror to the Romaines whole estate and boded misfortune vnto those her powers that came against it L. VIVES SCipio a that protector P. Cornelius Scipio African who passing ouer into Africke fetched Hanniball out of Italy sixteene yeares after his first entrie ouer-threw him in â—…frick chased him thence and gaue end to this most dangerous warre b Religiousnesse Liu. lib. â—…6 Besides from the time that he tooke on his gowne of man-slate hee would neuer meddle in any matter publike or priuate before he had beene in the temple in the Capitoll and had meditated there awhile alone This he vsed all his life time c Accusations Liu. lib. 38. Plut. in his life d Linternum It is in Campania called now Torre della Patria e Gaue charge Liuie reciteth diuerse opinions of the place of his death For it is vncertaine whether he died at Rome or no. f Afterwards Liu. lib. 39. The Gallo-grecians were a people of the lesser Asia called in Greeke Galatae of the Galles that went thether vnder Brenne and inhabited there g Luxurie of Asâ—… the lesser whereof hereafter h Voconian preferred by Q. Voconius Saxa tribune Approoued by Cato the elder a little before Perseus warre Liu. lib. 41. where Volumnius is read for Uoconius i Onely daughter Though he had no other children but her k League of Numance Hostilius Mancinus Consull with an armie of 30000. was ouer-throwne by the Numantines being but 4000. and forced to make a shamefull peace with them l Chickins flew The Romaines in their warres vsed to carry chickens about with them in Cages and he that kept them was called Pullarius the chickin-keeper If they fead greedily it was a good signe if so greedily that part of their victuales fell to the earth it was the best of all For that was called Tripudium Solistimum and once it was called Terripanium à pauiendo of striking the earth in the fall of it And Solistimum of Solum the ground For thus it was written in the Augurs bookes that if any of the Chickens meate fell from them it was Tripudium But an vnluckly signe it was if they fedde not as happened to P. Claudius Caecus his sonne But a worse if they flew out of their cages The Sooth-sayers as Festus saith obserued the signes of fiue seuerall things the heauens birds these Tripudia beasts and curses m Little citty Without walles or Fortes keeping but an armie of 4000. men The warre began because they receiued the Sedigenses people that the Romaines hated and had ouer-throwne into their cittie and houses n Terror Cicero calles Carthage and Numance the two terrors of the Romaine Empire Pro Muraena Of the Edict of Mithridates commanding euery Romaine that was to be found in Asia to be put to death CHAP. 22. BVt as I said these shall passe marry not that of Mithridates a King of Asia who gaue direct command that what euer Romaine was to bee found traffiquing or trauelling any where in al Asia vpon one certaine day he should be immediately slaine and it was effected How dolorous a sight was this to see men slaine in such numbers wheresoeuer they were taken in field way towne house streete court temple bed or table or wheresoeuer so suddenly and so wickedly what sorrowes would possesse the standers by and perhaps the very doers of the deeds themselues to heare the sad grones of the dying men vnto what extremity were the hosts of lodgings brought now when they must not onely behold those murders committed in their houses but euen helpe to performe them themselues To turne so suddenly from gentle humanity vnto barbarous cruelty to do the act of an enemy in peace and that on his friend enterchanging indeed wounds with the murthered the murthered being striken in the body the murtherer in the mind did al these that were thus slaine neglect Auguries Had they no gods publike nor priuat to aske counsell of ere they betooke them vnto this trauell from whence they were neuer to returne If this bee true then haue they of our times no cause to complaine of vs for the neglect of those things the Romaines of ould contemned them as vanities But if they did not but vsed to aske counsell of them then tell me I pray to what end was it when other mens powers fell so heauy vpon these wretches without all prohibition or meanes to avoyd them L. VIVES MIthridates a King The first Mithridates was of the bloud of the seauen Persians that tooke the kingdome from the Magi. Antigonus King of Syria was his foe and chaced him into Cappadocia where he was afterwards King and so left his crowne to his sonne he to his and so downe to the sixt of his descent the sixt was the Mithridates that warred with the Romaines a man of a strong body and of as stout a spirit he guyded sixe horses in his chariot he spake two and twenty seuerall languages and was surnamed the great First hee was friend to Rome for hee sent Crassus ayde against Aristonicus but by reason of the warre hee had with Nicomedes King of Bythynia he fell from affecting the Romaines inuaded the Romaine Prouinces in Phrigia expelled the legate Aquilius and soone after imprisoned both him and Q. Oppius viceconsuls together and sent his letters forth through out all Asia that vpon one set day what euer Romaine were resident in all his dominions should be forthwith slaine without all respect of dignity age sexe or place that hee should fly into And it was done as he commaunded Of the more priuat and interior mischieues that Rome endured which were presaged by that prodigious madnesse of all the creatures that serued the vse of man CHAP. 23. BVt now let vs do what we can to recite those euills which the more domestique they were to Rome the more miserable they made it I meane the ciuill or rather vnciuill discordes being now no more seditions but plaine warres and those in the very bowells of the Citty wherein so much bloud was spilt where the Senators powers were now no more bent to altercations a and wranglings but directly to armes and weapons O what riuers of Romaines bloud flowed from the Sociall Seruile and Ciuill warres how sore a wast fell vpon the brest of all Italy from hence For before that b Latium being associate and confederate with the rest arose against Rome c all the creatures that were vse-full vnto Man dogges horses asses oxen and all others besides that serued humane occasions growing suddenly starke mad and losing all their meeknesse runne wild out of the townes into the deserts fieldes and forrests flying the company not onely of all others but euen of their owne maisters and endangering any man that offered to come neare them What d a prodigious signe was heare but if this being so great a mischiefe of it selfe were but the presage of another what a mischiefe must that be then that was
vnlesse it be shored vppe by the worship of many gods whom the blinded Pagans haue beene accustomed to worship and adore auerring but their truth is meere false-hood that neglect and contempt of their vnworthy adoration hath beene the fountaine from whence these bitter waters of aduerse occurrences haue streamed abundantly and ouerflowed them But the other fiue following are not meale-mouthed but speake boldly against them which confesse that the spring of worldly euills is not exhausted nor shal euer be dried vp but the current flowing some-time more some-times lesse some-times swiftly some times slowly changing their state according to the circumstance of places times and persons yet fondly are they opinionated for verity hath not made them a warrant that the deuout adoration of many gods in which sacrifices are offered vnto their imaginary Deity is profitable for the life which wee hope for after death Therefore in these ten bookes the absurdity of these two vaine opinions both deadly foes vnto Christian religion is discouered and confuted But least some man may vpbraid mee that I am too forward to disproue the assertions of others and slow enough to proue mine owne the other part of this worke which is confined within the bounds of twelue bookes is directed to that purpose Although in the first ten where it is needfull wee are not behinde hand to confirme the truth of our owne opinions and also to infringe the authority of contrary oppositions in the twelue bookes ensewing Therefore the first foure of the twelue following containe the originall of two Citties of which one belongeth to GOD the other to this World The second foure containe their progresse The third foure which are the last conteine their due bounds Now though all the two and twenty bookes are compiled together of both Citties yet they haue taken their title from the better part and haue the name of the Citty of God printed on their fore-head In the tenth booke it ought not to bee set downe for a miracle that the fire falling from heauen ranne betweene the deuided sacrifices when ABRAHAM sacrificed because this was shewed vnto him in a vision In the seauenteenth booke where it is sayd of SAMVEL He was not of the sonnes of ARON it should rather haue beene sayd He was not the sonne of the Priest For it was a more lawfull custome that the sonnes of the Priests should succeed in the roome of the deceassed Priests For the Father of SAMVEL is found in the sonnes of ARON but hee was not a Priest yet not so in his sonnes as if ARON had begot him but in such sort as all of that people are said to bee the sonnes of ISRAEL This worke beginneth thus That most glorious society and celestiall Cittie of GOD c. THE CONTENTS OF THE first booke of the City of God 1. Of the aduersaries of the name of Christ spared by the Barbarians in the sacking of Rome onely for Christs sake 2. There neuer was warre wherein the Conquerors would spare them whome they conquered for the gods they worshipped 3. Of the Romaines fondnesse in thinking that those gods could helpe them which could not helpe Troy in her distresse 4. Of the Sanctuary of Iuno in Troy which freed not any that fled into it from the Greeks at the Citties sack whereas the Churches of the Apostles saued all commers from the Barbarians at the sack of Rome Caesars opinion touching the enemies custome in the sack of Citties 5. That the Romaines themselues neuer spared the Temples of those Citties which they conquered 6. That the cruell effects following the losses of warre did but follow the custome of war wherein they were moderated it was through the power of the name of Iesus Christ. 7. Of the commodities and discommodities commonly communicated both to good and ill 8. Of the causes of such corrections as fall both vpon the good and bad together 9. That the Saints in their losse of things temporall loose not any thing at all 10. Of the end of this transitory life whether it be long or short 11. Of buriall of the dead that it is not preiudiciall to the state of a Christian soule to be forbidden it 12. The reasons why wee should bury the bodies of the Saints 13. Of the captiuity of the Saints and that 〈◊〉 they neuer wanted spirituall comfort 14. Of Marcus Regulus who was a famous example to animate all men to the enduring of voluntary â—…tiuity for their religion which notwithstanding was vnprofitable vnto him by reason of his Paganisme 15. Whether the taxes that the holy Uirgins suffered against their wills in their captiuities could pollute the vertues of their minde 16. Of such as chose a voluntary death to avoide the feare of paine and dishonor 17. Of the violent lust of the souldiers executed vpon the bodies of the captiues against their consents 18. Of Lucrecia that stab'd her selfe because Tarquins sonne had rauished her 19. That their is no authority which allowes christians to bee their owne deaths in what cause so euer 20. Of some sort of killing men which notwithstanding are no murthers 21. That voluntary death can neuer bee any signe of magnanimity or greatnesse of spirit 22. Of Cato who killed himselfe being not able to endure Caesars victory 23. That the Christians excell Regulus in that vertue wherein he excelled most 24. That sinne is not to bee avoided by sinne 25. Of some vnlawfull acts done by the Saints and by what occasion they were done 26. Whether wee ought to flie sinne with voluntary death 27. How it was a Iudgement of GOD that the enemy was permitted to excercise his lust vpon the Christians bodies 28. What the seruants of Christ may answer the Infidells when they vpbraide them with Christs not deliuering them in their afliction from the fury of the enemies fury 29. That such as complaine of the Christian times desire nothing but to liue in filthy pleasures 30. By what degrees of corruption the Romans ambition grew to such a height 31. Of the first inducing of stage-plaies 32. Of some vices in the Romaines which their Citties ruine did neuer reforme 33. Of the clemency of GOD in moderating this calamity of Rome 34. Of such of GODS elect as liue secretly as yet amongst the Infidells and of such as are false Christians 35. What subiects are to be handled in the following discourse FINIS THE FIRST BOOKE OF SAINT AVGVSTINE Bishop of Hippo his Cittie of God vnto MARCELLINVS Of the aduersaries of the name of Christ spared by the Barbarians in the sacking of Rome onely for Christs sake CHAP. 1. THAT most glorious society and celestiall Citty of Gods faithfull which is partly seated in the course of these declining times wherein he that liueth a by faith is a Pilgrim amongst the wicked and partly in that solid estate of eternitie which as yet the other part doth paciently expect vntill b righteousnesse be turned into iudgment being then by the
reckoned vp diuerse praises of other nations wherein they excelled the Romanes at length turning to Rome saith thus Turegere imperio populos Romane memento Haetibi erunt artes pacique imponere morem Parcere subiectis debellare superbos But Romane let thy study be to sway Thy realmes with awe to force them peace obey To spare the lowly and to pull downe pride c. To obey peace is all one as to keepe or obserue it f Lust after soueraigntie It is an old Prouerbe The tyrants subiects are his slaues and himselfe slaue to his lusts and pleasures So said Diogenes the Cynick of the Persian King and Tully in his Paradoxes of Caesar. g Their owne that is Christians h Strangers namely such as did not worship Christs Godhead whom Augustine termeth Pagans i By warre This appeares most plaine in the Romanes who liued more orderly in the times of warre then at any time else though in most secured peace k The paine of eternall damnation Not onely those temporall and momentarie punishments There neuer was warre wherein the conquerors would spare them whom they conquered for the Gods they worshipped CHAP. 2. THere hath beene thus many warres chronicled partly before Rome was builded and partly since her founding let them reade and finde mee any one Citie taken by a stranger foe that would spare any that they found retired into the temples of their gods or any Barbarian Captaine that euer commanded that in the sacke of the towne none should bee touched that were fled into such or such temples d Did not Aeneas see Priamus slaine before the Altar and with his bloud Sanguine faedantem quos ipse sacrauerat ignes Sprinkling the flames himselfe had hallowed Did not d Diomede Vlisses hauing slaughtred all the keepers of the high tower caesis summae custodibus arcis Corripuêre sacram effigiem manibusque cruentis Virgineas ausi diuae contingere vittas Snatch vp the sacred statue and with hands Besmeer'd in bloud durst touch the d Virgins vaile e Yet is not that true which followeth Ex illo fluere ac retrò sublapsa referri Spes Danaûm From thence the Grecians hopes decline and faile For after all this they conquered after this they threw downe Troy with sword and fire after this they smote off Priams head before the Altar that hee fled vnto Neither perished Troy because it lost the Palladium for what had the Palladium lost first that it selfe should perish perhaps the keepers indeed it is true they being slaine it was soone taken away For the Image kept not the men but the men kept the Image f But why then was it adored as the preseruer of the country and Citizens when it could not preserue the owne keepers L. VIVES DId not a Aeneas so saith Uirgill There saw I Priam Hecuba and all their hundred daughters at the altar c. This happened vpon that night when Troy was taken and burned by the Greekes and Neoptolemus Pirrhus Achilles his sonne slue Priam at the altar b Himselfe had hallowed Wherein he showes the greater indignity because those gods did not assist him which he himselfe had made and consecrated in that very place I thinke it is meant of Vesta in whose temple perpetuall fire was kept Uirgils Commentators doe not explaine it let each man take it as he please c Diomedes This also is from Uirgill in the said booke the words are Sinons and meant of the Palladium which in the Troyan warre Diomedes and Ulisses stole out of the Temple of Pallas Nor feared they sacriledge as to the which they added murther and yet was their party the Grecians conquerours ouer Troy The Palladium was an Image of Pallas whereof there are so many relations extant that I should thinke it idle to proceed in recounting all mens opinions thereof Yet will I extract what seemes most likely out of Varro Dionysius Halicarnasseus Ouid Plutarch and Seruius Chrysas the Daughter of Pallas being married vnto Dardanus brought with her for hir dowry this Palladium and the Images of the Great gods for which Dardanus built a Temple in Samothracia all which Images afterward in his Grand-childs time were transported from thence into Ilium an Oracle forewarning them that as long as the Palladium was there kept so long the City should continue vnruined Wherefore it was placed in the most secret part of all the temple and another Palladium made like that was set in open sight and carelesly respected Now when Pirrhus had heard of Helenus a Prophet one of Priams sonnes that Troy was inexpugnable as long as the Palladium was safe and that hee had told this vnto the Greeke Princes Ulisses and Diomedes entred the towne in disguise and getting to the Tower set vpon the keepers slew them and tooke away that false Palladium But the other after the sack of Troy together with the other great gods called the Troiâ—…ns Penates Sycas deliuered vnto Aeneas who carried them all into Italy with him And so from Alba Louga or as Uarro thinkes from Lauinium the Palladium was remooued vnto Rome and set vp in the house of Uesta which being by chance set on fire Lucius Metellus then chiefe Priest with the losse of his eyes fetcht it forth of the midst of the flames The Palladium was openly seene at the burning of the Temple of Vâ—…sta in the time of Heliogabalus saith Herodian There was another Palladium which Nicias did dedicate in the Tower of Athens d Uirgins vayle For Pallas euer was a Virgin e Yet is not that true For it was spoken by the lyer Sinon though it may bee held for true that then the Grecians hope was ouer-throwne Neuerthelesse they gotte the Cittie f But why then an argument which the Logicians call à minore how can that preserue the Citty and the countrie that cannot preserue the owne keepers and garde which is a worke of lesse moment and yet in nature nearer concerning it Of the Romanes fondnesse in thinking that those Gods could helpe them which could not helpe Troy in her distresse CHAP. 3. BEhold vnto what Patrones the Romanes reioyced to committe the protection of their Cittie O too too pitteous error Nay they are angry at vs when wee speake thus of their Gods but neuer with their teachers and inuentors but pay them money for learning them such fooleries yea and moreouer haue vouchsafed their Authors both stipends from the common treasury and ample honours besides and namely in Virgill who was therfore taught vnto their children because that they thinke this great and most renowned Poet being fastned in their mindes whilst they are young will neuer easily be forgotten according to that of Horace a Quo semel est imbuta recens seruabit odorem Testa diu The liquors that new vessels first containes Behinde them leaue a tast that long remaines Euen in the fore-named Poet Virgill is Iuno presented as the Troians foe inciting Aeolus the King of windes against
brothers The bastard twins of Laeda and the Swan Night-riders as the Patron gods do watch The wals of stately Rome c. But these were not the Patron Gods of Troy for euen in the beginning of the Troyan warre presently vpon the rape of Hellen they died And therefore she being ignorant of their death lookes for them amongst the other Greeke Nobles from the walles of Troy Homer Iliad 3. Neither were these two the Dij magni the great Gods for Heauen and earth as Varro saith in his 3. booke de lingua Latina are as the Samothracians principles doe teach the Dii magni the great Gods and those whom I haue named by so many names For neither were the two mens shapes which Aeneas set vp before the gates at Samothracia these great Gods nor as the vulgar opinion holdeth were the Samothracians Gods Castor and Pollux Thus farre Varro The Troyan Penates were those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 those great gods which sate as protectors of the Citty and Latium Amongst which the Palladium was one and the Sempiternall fire another and herevpon it is that Virgill sings this Vestaque mater Quae Tuscum Tyberim Romana palatia seruas c. And mother Vesta she that lookes To Romes faire buildings and old Tybers brookes c. Though indeed they held it a wicked fact to name the peculiar god Guardian of the Citty nor hold that it is Vesta Valerius Soranus lost his life for being so bold as to name that name But of this too much already d But suppose Iuno spoke For Seruius and Donate say that Iuno called them the fallen gods to make them the more contemptible and free Aeolus from suspecting that he went about to do ought against the gods e Godly Godly in duty vnto his gods his Father and his Sonne all whome he saued from burning For Godlinesse is a dutifull worship vnto God our Country our Parents and our kinsfolkes breefely a thankefulnesse vnto all to whome we are indebted f Panthus This is our of the second of the Aeneads beginning at this verse Ecce autem telis Panthus delapsus Achiuūm Panthus Otriades c. g Sacra suosque These are Hectors words spoken to Aeneas in a dreame h That Rome had not come An Argument from the euent of one thing to the euent of the like the sence is corrupted in the latine it should haue beene non Romam ad istam cladem that it had run thus Vt sapientius multò existimaret si non illud putaret Romam ad hanc cladem non fuisse venturam nisi illi periissent sed illud potius putaret illos olim c. i deuills for the old writers acknowledged some of these Daemones or Genii to be very euill and slothfull For one Genius excelled another in vertue wisdome and power Augustus his Genius was more cheerefull and lofty then was Marke Anthonies as that same Aegiptian magician affirmed in Plutarke in Marke Anthonies life Nor doth our Christian religion deny that there is preheminence of some aboue others aswell amongst the Angells as the Deuills k Gods guardians Iust such guardians as Plato in his Policy saith that drunken and luxurious Magistrates are that need guardians for themselues Of the sanctuary of Iuno in Troy which freed not any that fled into it from the Greekes at the Citties sack where as the Churches of the Apostles saued all commers from the Barbarians at the sacke of Rome Caesars opinion touching the enemies custome in the sacke of Citties CHAP. 4. NOr could Troy it selfe that was as I sayd before a the mother of the Romanes progeny in al her hallowed temples saue any one from the Grecian force and fury though they worshiped the same gods nay did they not in the very sanctuary of Iuno b Ipso Iunonis asylo Custodes lecti c Phaenix dirus Vlisses Praedam asseruabant Huc vndique Troia gaza Incensis erepta adytis mensaeque deorum Craterésque auro solidi captiuaque vestis Congerit c. To Iunos sanctuary Comes all the prey and what they thither carry Is kept by choise men the Phenician And dire Vlisses thether the whole state Of Troies wealth swarmes the gods their temples plate There lies the gold in heapes and robes of worth Snatcht from the flaming coffers c. Behold the place dedicated vnto so great a goddesse was chosen out not to serue for a place whence they might lawfully pull prisoners but for a prison wherein to shut vp all they tooke Now compare this temple not of any vulgar god of the common sort but of Iupiters sister and Queene of all the other gods vnto the Churches built as memorialls of the Apostles To the first all the spoiles that were pluckt from the gods and flaming temples were caried not to be bestowed backe to the vanquished but to bee shared amongst the vanquishers To the second both that which was the places owne and d what euer was found also els-whereto belong to such places with all religious honor and reuerence was restored There was freedome lost here saued there was bondage shut in here it was shut out thether were men brought by their proude foes for to vndergo slauery hither were men brought by their pittifull foes to be secured from slauery Lastly the temple of Iuno was chosen by the e vnconstant Greekes to practise their proud couetousnesse in whereas the Churches of Christ were by f the naturally cruell Barbarians chosen to excercise their pious humility in Perhaps the Greekes in that their victory spared those that fled into the temples of the g Common gods and did not dare to hurt or captiuate such as escaped thither But in that Virgill plaies the Poet indeed and faignes it Indeed there he describes the h generall custome of most enemies in the sacking of cities and conquests which i custome Caesar himselfe as Salust that noble true historian recordeth forgetteth not to auouch in his sentence giuen vpon the conspirators in the Senate-house that in these spoiles the Virgins are rauished the Children torne from their Parents bosomes the Matrons made the obiects of al the victors lust the temples and houses all spoiled all things turned into burning and slaughter and lastly all places stopt full of weapons carcasses bloud and lamentation If Caesar had not named temples wee might haue thought it the custome of a foe to spare such places as are the habitations of their gods but the Senators feared the ruine of their temples not by an vnknowne or stranger enemy but by k Catiline and his followers who were Senators and Citizens of Rome themselues But these were villaines though and their countries parricides L. VIVES MOther a of the Romanes For the Troyans that came with Aeneas into Italy built Lauinium the Lauinians Albalonga the Albans Rome But Saluste sayth that the Troyans themselues that wandred about with Aeneas without dwellings built Rome at the first b Iunonis They are Aeneas his words Aenead 2.
c Phaenix Amintors Son and Achilles his Maister one that taught him to say well and do well Homer Illiad 3. d What euer was There was at this sacke of Rome a huge quantity of gold taken out of the Vaticane but by Alaricus his command it was al restored Oros. Lib. 7 e Vnconstant Greekes It was the Greeks character at Rome therfore they called them Graeculi and some coppies of Augustines bookes haue GraeculoruÌ„ here Cicero in his oration for Flaccus saith these words Wherein we earnestly desire you to remember the rashnesse of the multitude and the truely Greekish lâ—…ity So meaneth Lucian in his Meâ—…ces seruientibus and â—…mblichus calls his Grecians light-witted f euen naturally cruell This is added for more fulnesse to the comparison The Barbarians are apposed to the Greekes not all Barbarians but the naturally sauage and cruell vnto those that would haue al humanity to be deriued from them alone Cicero writeth thus to his brother Quintus ruling then in Asia minor which is Greece Seeing we rule ouer those amongst whom not onely humanity is in it selfe but seemes from thence to be deriued vnto all others verily let vs seeke to ascribe that chiefely vnto them from whom we our selues receiued it g common gods For the Greekes and the Troyans worshipped the sâ—…me gods h generall custome True least his speech otherwise might haue made reprehension seeme rather peculiar vnto the Greekes then vnto other Nations in their conquests of Citties i which custome Caius Caesar being then Praetor afterwards Dictator hauing 〈◊〉 the conspiracy of Catiline being asked by the Consul Cicero what he thought fâ—… should be done vnto the conspirators answered as Saluste setteth downe That these 〈◊〉 which he had rehearsed must needs haue come to effect not only in this war by reason it was domesticall but that it is warres custome to produce such bloudy effects which the vanquished of all sorts are sure to feele Tully against Verres saith thus I omit to speake of the deflowring of free Virgins and the rauishing of the matrons c. which were committed in that sacke of the Citty not through hostile hate nor military loosenesse nor custome of warre nor right of conquest Thus farre Tully k Catiline The history is at large in Saluste and else where I will take occasion to say some-what of it That the Romanes themselues neuer spared the Temples of those Cities which they conquered CHAP. 5. BVt why should we spend time in discoursing of many nations that haue waged warres together and yet neuer spared the conquered habitations of one anothers gods let vs goe to the Romanes themselues yes I say let vs obserue the Romanes themselues whose chiefe glory it was Parcere subiectis debellare superbos To spare the lowly and pull downe the proud And a being offered iniurie rather to pardon then persecute in all their spacious conquests of Townes and Cities in all their progresse and augmentation of their domination shew vs vnto what one Temple they granted this priuiledge that it should secure him that could flie into it from the enemies sword Did they euer do so and yet their Histories not recorde it Is it like that they that hunted thus for monuments of praise would endure the suppression of this so goodly a commendation Indeed that great Romane b Marcus Marcellus that tooke that goodly City of c Syracusa is said to haue wept before the ruine and shed his owne d teares ere he shed their bloud e hauing a care to preserue the chastitie euen of his foes from violation For before hee gaue leaue to the inuasion he made an absolute Edict that no violence should be offered vnto any free person yet was the Citie in hostile manner subuerted vtterly nor finde we any where recorded that this so chaste and gentle a generall euer commanded to spare such as fled for refuge to this Temple or that which had it beene otherwise would not haue beene omitted since neither his compassion nor his command for the captiues chastitie is left vnrecorded So is f Fabius the conqueror of Tarentum commended for abstayning from making bootie of their Images For his g Secretary asking him what they should do with the Images of the gods whereof they had as then taken a great many he seasoned his continencie with a conceit for asking what they were and being answered that there were many of them great ones and some of them armed O said he lâ—…t vs leaue the Tarentines their angrie gods Seeing therefore that the Romane Historiographers neither concealed Marcellus his weeping nor Fabius his iesting neither the chaste pitty of the one nor the merry abstinencie of the other with what reason should they omit that if any of them had giuen such priuiledge to some men in honor of their gods that they might saue their liues by taking sanctuarie in such or such a Temple where neither rape nor slaughter should haue any power or place L. VIVES BEing a offred iniurie Saluste in his conspiracie of Catiline speaking of the ancient manners of the Romanes giues them this commendation That they increased by pardoning b Marcus Marcellus There was two sorts of the Claudii in Rome the one noble arising from that Appius Claudius that vpon the expulsion of the Kings came from Regillum vnto Rome and there was chosen Senatour and his family made a Patriot the other was Plebeyan or vulgar but yet as powerfull as the first and as worthy as Suetonius in the life of Tyberius doth testifie And of this later this man of whom Augustine here writeth was the first that was called Marcellus as Plutarch writeth out of Possidonius Now I wonder at this great error of so great an Historiographer and one that was most exact in the Romane affaires for there were Claudii Marcelli a hundred yeares before But he of whom we speake was 〈◊〉 times Consull for the second time he was created Consull because the election was corrupt hee discharged it not Now if one reckon right hee was fiue times Consull first with Cornelius Scipio in the warre of France wherein hee tooke 〈◊〉 spoiles from Virâ—…domarus the French King and those were the third and last warres which the Romanes had waged with so many nations and vnder so many Generalls After his second Consulship he tooke Sâ—…acusa In his fourth Consulship he and Quintus Crispinus being intrapped by the enemies this great valorous and iudicious Captaine lost his life in the eleuenth yeare of the second Carthaginian warre after he had fought nine and thirty set battailes as Plinie in his seuenth booke witnesseth c Syracusa It is a citie in Sicily now ancient and whilom wealthy three yeares did this Marcellus besiege it and at length tooke it beating as much spoile from that conquest very neare as from the conquest of Carthage which at that time was in the greatest height and stood as Romes parallell in power and authority d Teares So faith
Liâ—… lib. 25. Marcellus entring vpon the walles and looking ouer all the citty standing at that time 〈◊〉 and goodly is said to haue shed teares partly for ioy of this so great a conquest and partly for pitty of the Cities ancient glory The ouer-throwe of the Athenian nauie the wracke of two great armies with their Captaines so many warres and rich Kings and all that before him to be in a moment on fire came all into his minde at once This is also in Ualerius Maximus de humanitate e Nay he had a care Liuie as before Marcellus by a generall consent of the Captaines forbad the soldiers to violate any free body leauing them all the 〈◊〉 â—…or spoile which edict contained the assurance of the sayd free women from death and all other violence as well aâ—… that of their chastities f Fabius the conqueror of Tarentum In the second Carthaginian warre Tarentum a famous citie in Calabria fell from the Romanes vnto Hanâ—…bal but 〈◊〉 Salinator the Captaine of the Romane garrison retired into the tower This Citie Fabâ—… Maximus recouered and gaue his soldiors the spoile of it This is that Fabius that in the said second Punicke warre by his sole wisdome put life into all the Romanes dying hopes and by his cunning protraction blunted the furie of Hannibal And of him Enius said truly Vnus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem One mans wise set delay restor'd vs all I neither can nor list now to stand vpon all the errors of the first Commentator of this booke it were too tedious and too troublesome But because in this place he goeth astray with many others who indeed in other mens iudgements are learned in such matters but in their owne iudgements most learned nor to say trueth are they vnlearned I could not choose but giue the reader this admonition that this Fabius is not hee that was called Maximus but his Grandfather was called so because hee being Censor with P. Decius diuided the whole commonty of Rome into foure Tribes which he named Vrbanae though I deny not that this Fabius of whom Augustine speaketh deserued this name but the world as then did not giue it him g Secretary Hereof read Liuie in his 27. Booke That the cruell effects following the losses of warre did but follow the custome of warre and wherein they were moderated it was through the power of the name of Iesus Christ. CHAP. 6. THerefore all the spoile murther burning violence and affliction that in this fresh call amitie fell vpon Rome were nothing but the ordinary effects following the a custome of warre But that which was so vnaccustomed that the sauage nature of the Barbarians should put on a new shape and appeare so mercifull that it would make choise of great and spacious Churches to fill with such as it meant to shew pitty on from which none should bee haled to slaughter or slauerie in which none should bee hurt to which many by their courteous foes should be conducted and out of which none should bee lead into bondage This is due to the name of Christ this is due to the Christian profession he that seeth not this is blinde hee that seeth it and praiseth it not is thanklesse hee that hinders him that praiseth it is madde God forbid that any man of sence should attribute this vnto the Barbarians brutishnesse It was God that struck a terror into their truculent and bloudy spirits it was he that bridled them it was he that so wonderously restrained them that had so long before fore-told this by his Prophet b I will visit their offences with the rod and their sinne with scourges yet will I not vtterly take my mercy from them L. VIVES CVstome a of warre Quintilian recordes the accidents that follow the sacking of Cities in his eight booke thus The flames were spread through the temples a terrible cracking of falling houses was heard and one confused sound of a thousand seuerall clamours Some fled they knew not whether some stuck fast in their last embraces of their friends the children and the women howled and the old men vnluckily spared vntill that fatall day then followed the tearing away of all the goods out of house and temple and the talke of those that had carried away one burden and ranne for another and the poore prisoners were driuen in chaines before their takers and the mother endeuouring to carry her silly infant with her and where the most gaine was there went the victors together by th' eares Now these things came thus to passe because the soldiers as they are a most proud and insolent kinde of men without all meane and modestie haue no power to temper their auarice lust or furie in their victory and againe because taking the towne by force if they should not do thus for terror to the enemie they might iustly feare to suffer the like of the enemy b I will visit It is spoken of the sonnes of Dauid Psal. 89. If they be not good c. Of the commodities and discomodities commonly communicated both to good and ill CHAP. 7. YEa but will a some say Why doth God suffer his mercy to be extended vnto the gracelesse and thankelesse Oh! why should we iudge but because it is his worke that maketh the sunne to shine daily both on good and bad the raine to fal both on the iust and vniust For what though some by meditating vpon this take occasion to reforme their enormities with repentance other some as the Apostle saith despising the ritches of Gods goodnes and long suffering in their hardnesse of heart and impenitency b do lay vp vnto them-selues wrath against the day of wrath and the reuelation of Gods iust iudgement who will c reward each man according to his workes Neuerthelesse Gods patience still inuiteth the wicked vnto repentance as this scourge doth instruct the good vnto patience The mercy of God imbraceth the good with loue as his seuerity doth correct the bad with paines For it seemed good to the almighty prouidence to prepare such goods in the world to come as the iust onely should inioy and not the vniust and such euils as the wicked only should feele and not the godly But as for these temporall goods of this world hee hath left them to the common vse both of good and badde that the goods of this world should not be too much desired because euen the wicked doe also partake them and that the euils of this world should not bee too cowardly auoyded where-with the good are sometimes affected But there is great difference in the d vse both of that estate in this world which is called prosperous and that which is e called aduerse For neither do these temporall goodes extoll a good man nor doe the euill deiect him But the euill man must needs bee subiect to the punishment of this earthly vnhappinâ—…sse because hee is first corrupted by this earthly happinesse
owne shame he shamed at the filthinesse that was committed vppon hir though it were l without her consent and m being a Romain and coueteous of glory she feared that n if she liued stil that which shee had indured by violence should be thought to haue been suffered with willingnesse And therfore she thought good to shew this punishment to the eies of men as a testimony of hir mind vnto whome shee could not shew her minde indeed Blushing to be held a partaker in the fact which beeing by another committed so filthyly she had indured so vnwillingly Now this course the Christian women did not take they liue still howsoeuer violated neither for all this reuenge they the ruines of others vppon them-selues least they should make an addition of their owne guilt vnto the others if they should go and murder them-selues barbarously because their enemies had forst them so beastially For howsoeuer they haue the glory of their chastity stil within them o being the restimony of their conscience this they haue before the eies of their God and this is all they care for hauing no more to looke to but to do wel that they decline not from the authority of the law diuine in any finister indeauour to auoid the offence of mortall mans suspition L. VIVES a LVcretia This history of Lucretia is common though Dionisius relate it some-what differing from Liuie they agree in the summe of the matter b Reuenge so sayth Liuie in his person But giue me your right hands and faiths to inflict iust reuenge vppon the adulterer and they all in order gaue her their faiths c One declaming Who this was I haue not yet read One Glosse saith it was Virgil as hee found recorded by a great scholler and one that had read much But Uirgil neuer was declamer nor euer pleaded in cause but one and that but once perhaps that great reader imagined that one to bee this which indeed was neuer extant Which he might the better doe becasue he had read such store of histories and better yet if he were Licentiat or Doctor d He was chased Tarquin the King and all his ofspring were chased out of the Cittie of this in the third book e The offender Cicero saith that touching a Romains life there was a decree that no Iudgement should passe vpon it without the assent of the whole people in the great Comitia or Parliaments called Centuriata The forme and manner of which iudgement he sets down in his oration for his house and so doth Plutarch in the Gracchi f Lucretia her selfe which aggrauats the fact done by Lucretia a noble and worthy matron of the Citty g Placed amongst these Uirgil in the 6. of his Aeneads diuides Hell into nine circles and of the third hee speaketh thus Proxima deinde tenent maesti loca qui sibi lethum Insontes peperere manu lucemque perosi Proiecere animas quam vellent athere in alto Nunc pauperiem durâ—…s perferre labores Fata obstant tristique palus innabilis vnda Alligat nouies Styx interfusa coercet In english thus In the succeeding round of woe they dwell That guiltlesse spoild them-selues through blacke despight And cast their soules away through hate of light O now they wish they might returne t' abide Extremest need and sharpest toile beside But fate and deepes forbid their passage thence And Styx that nine times cuttes those groundlesse fennes h Which none could know For who can tell whether shee gaue consent by the touch of some incited pleasure i Hir learned defenders * It is better to read her learned defenders or her not vnlearned defenders then her vnlearned defenders as some copies haue it k Is there any way It is a Dilemma If shee were an adulteresse why is she commended if chaste why murdered The old Rethoricians vsed to dissolue this kinde of Argument either by ouerthrowing one of the parts or by retorting it called in greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a conuersion or retortion Examples there are diuers in Cicero de Rethorica Now Augustine saith that this conclusion is inextricable vnavoidable by either way l Without her consent For shee abhorred to consent vnto this act of lust m A Romaine The Romaine Nation were alwaies most greedy of glory of whom it is said Vincet amor patriae laudumque immensa cupido Their countries loue boundles this of glory And Ouid saith of Lucrece in his Fasti Succubuit famae victa puella metu Conquer'd with feare to loose her fame she fell n If she liued after this vncleanesse committed vpon hir o Being the testimony for our glory is this saith Saint Paul 2. Cor. I. 12. the testimony of our consciences And this the Stoikes and all the heathenish wise men haue euer taught That there is no authority which allowes Christians to be their owne deaths in what cause soeuer CHAP. 19. FOr it is not for nothing that wee neuer finde it commended in the holy canonicall Scriptures or but allowed that either for attaining of immortalitie or auoyding of calamitie wee should bee our owne destructions we are forbidden it in the law Thou shalt not kill especially because it addes not Thy neighbour as it doth in the pohibition of false witnesse Thou shalt not beare false witnesse against thy neighbour Yet let no man thinke that he is free of this later crime if he beare false witnesse against him-selfe because hee that loues his neighbour begins his loue from him-selfe Seeing it is written Thou shalt loue thy neighbour as thy selfe Now if hee bee no lesse guiltlesse of false witnesse that testifieth falsely against him-selfe then hee that doth so against his neighbour since that in that commandement wherein false witnesse is forbidden it is forbidden to be practised against ones neighbor whence misvnderstanding conceits may suppose that it is not forbiddeÌ„ to beare false witnesse against ones selfe how much plainer is it to bee vnderstood that a man may not kill him-selfe seeing that vnto the commandement Thou shalt not kil nothing being added excludes al exception both of others of him to whom the command is giuen And therefore some would extend the intent of this precept euen vnto beasts and cattell and would haue it vnlawfull to kill any of them But why not vnto hearbes also and all things that grow and are nourished by the earth for though these kindes cannot bee said to haue a sence or feeling yet they are said to be liuing and therfore they may die and consequently by violent vsage be killed VVherfore the Apostle speaking of these kinde of seedes saith thus Foole that which thou sowest is not quickened except first it die And the Psalmist saith He destrored their vines with baile but what Shall wee therefore thinke it sinne to cutte vp a twigge because the commandement sayes thou shalt not kill and so involue our selues in the foule error of the
the founders of the citty did decree the same doe the destroyers of it And what if the one did it to increase the multitude of their cittizens when the other did it to preserue the multitude of their foes Let this then and what soeuer besides fitly may bee so vsed be vsed as an answer of our Lord Iesus Christ his flock and that pilgrim-citty of God vnto all their wicked enemies L. VIVES A a Sanctuarie It is a sacred place from whence it is not lawfull to draw any man for thence is the name deriued comming of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rapio to draw or pull and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the primiâ—… letter And so by a figure called Lambdacismus is made asylum for asyrum Seruiâ—… 〈◊〉 8. Aenead Though indeed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is tollere to take away as Homer vseth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. He tooke away the goodly armes After that Hercules was dead his nephews and postâ—…itie fearing the oppression of such as their grand-father had iniured built the first sanctuary at Athens naming it the temple of Mercy out of which no man could bee taken And this Statius testifieth also Now Romulus and Remus built one betweene the tower and the Capitoll calling the place where it stood Inter-montium intending hereby that the multitude of offendors flocking hether for hope of pardon would bee a meane to â—…ent the number of inhabitants in this new Citie To what God or Goddesse it was 〈◊〉 it is vnknowne Dionisius saith hee cannot tell Some say vnto Veiouis But the grâ—…e of the Saâ—…tie is honoured vpon the fourth of the Nones of February as Ouid writâ—… Pastorum 2. In Greece and Asia haue beene many sanctuaries Tiberius Caesar being out of liking with their too much licence tooke from them almost all their liberties and priuiledges as Tacitus and Suetonius do report Of such of Gods elest as liue secretly as yet amongst the Infidels and of such as are false Christians CHAP. 34. AND let this Cittie of Gods remember that euen amongst her enemies there are some concealed that shall one day be her Citizens nor let her thinke it a fruitlesse labour to beare their hate a vntill shee heare their confession as she hath also as long as shee is in this pilgrimage of this world some that are pertaker of the same sacraments with her b that shall not bee pertakers of the Saints glories with her who are partly knowne and partly vnknowne Yea such there are that spare not amongst Gods enemies to murmure against his glory whose character they beare vpon them going now vnto Playes with them and by and by vnto the Church with vs. But let vs not despaire of the reformation of some of these we haue little reason seeing 〈◊〉 we haue many secret and predestinated friends euen amongst our most 〈◊〉 aduersaries and such as yet know not themselues to be ordained for 〈◊〉 â—…dship For the two citties of the predestinate and the reprobate are in this world confused together and commixt vntill the generall iudgement make a separation of the originall progresse and due limits of both which cities what I thinke fitte to speake by Gods helpe and furtherance I will now beâ—… to the glory of the Cittie of God which being d compared with her 〈◊〉 will spread her glories to a more full aspect L. VIVES VNtill a shee heare their confession At the last discouery where euery man shall confesse himselfe which shall bee then when the bookes of mens consciences are opened that is in the world to come b That shall not be partakers According to the words of Christ Many are called but few are chosen c Untill the generall iudgement So it is in the Gospell The Angels shall seperate the euill from the middest of the iust in the end of the world d Compared with her contrary So Aristotle saith Contraries placed together shew both the fuller What subiects are to be handled in the following discourse CHAP. 35. BVt we haue a little more to say vnto those that lay the afflictions of the Romaine estate vpon the profession of Christianitie which forbiddeth men to sacrifice vnto those Idols For we must cast vp a summe of all the miseries or of as many as shal suffice which that Citie or the prouinces vnder her subiection endured before those sacrifices were forbidden All which they would haue imputed vnto our religion had it beene then preached and taught against these sacrifices when these miseries befell Secondly wee must shew what customes and conditions the true God vouchsafed to teach them for the increasing of their Empire a that God in whose hand are al the kingdomes of the earth and how their false Gods neuer helped them a iotte but rather did them infinite hurt by deceit and inducement And lastly we will disprooue those who though they be confuted with most manifest proofes yet will needs affirme still that their gods are to be worshipped and that not for the benefites of this life but for those which are belonging to the life to come Which question vnlesse I be deceiued will be b farre more laborious and worthier of deeper consideration in the which we must dispute against the Philosophers c not against each one but euen the most excellent and glorious of them all and such as in many points hold as we hold and namely of the immortality of the soule and of the worlds creation by the true God and of his prouidence whereby he swayeth the whole creation But because euen these also are to be confuted in what they hold opposite vnto vs wee thought it our dutie not to bee slacke in this worke but conuincing all the contradictions of the wicked as God shall giue vs power and strength to aduance the veritie of the Cittie of God the true zeale and worship of God which is the onely way to attaine true and eternall felicitie This therefore shall bee the method of our worke and now from this second exordium we will take each thing in due order L. VIVES THat God a in whose hand for Christ saith Math. 28. 18. All power is giuen vnto me in heauen and earth b More laborious Operosior harder of more toyle c Not against each one not against euery common Philosopher or smatterer for so is quilibet taken sometimes as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is often in the Greeke In this Chapter Augustine shewes briefly both what he hath done already and how he meanes to proceede Finis Libri primi THE CONTENTS OF THE SECND BOOKE OF THE Citie of God 1. Of the method that must of necessity be vsed in this disputation 2. A repitition of the contents of the first booke 3. Of the choise of an history that will shew the miseries that the Romaines endured when they worshipped their Idols before the increase of Christian religion 4. That the worshippers of Pagan gods neuer receiued honest instruction from them but vsâ—…d all filthinesse in their
sacriâ—…es 5. Of the obscaenaties vsed in the sacrifices offred vnto the mother of the gods 6. That the Pagan gods did neuer establish the doctrine of liuing well 7. That the Philosophers instructions are weake and bootlesse in that they beare no diuine authoritie because that the examples of the Gods are greater confirmation of vices in men then the wise mens disputations are on the contrary 8. Of the Romaine Stage-playes wherin the publishing of their foulest impurities did not any way offend but rather delight them 9. What the Romaines opinion was touching the restraint of the liberty of Poefie which the Greekes by the councell of their Gods would not haue restrained at all 10. That the Deuils through their settled desire to doe men mischiefe were willing to haue any villanie reported of them whether true or false 11. That the Greeks admitted the Plaiers to beare office in their commonweales least they should seeme vniust in despising such men as were the pacifiers of their 〈◊〉 12. That the Romaines in abridging thâ—…r liberty which their Poets would haue vpon men and allowing them to vse it vpon their Gods did herein shew that they prised themselues aboue the Gods 13. That the Romaines might haue â—…serued their Gods vnworthinesse by the 〈◊〉 of such obscane solemnitiâ—… 14. That Plato who would not allow Poets to dwell in a well gouerned Citie shewed herein that his sole worth was better then all the Gods who desire to bee honored with Stage-playes 15. That flattery and not Reason created some of the Romaine Gods 16. That if the Romaine Gods had had any care of iustice the Citty should haue had her forme of gouernment from them rather then to borrow it of other nations 17. Of the rape of the Sabine women and diuerse other wicked facts done in Romes most ancient honorable times 18. What the history of Salust reports of the Romains conditions both in their times of danger and those of securitie 19. Of the corruptions ruling in the Romaine state before that Christ abolished the worship of their Idols 20. Of what kind of happinesse and of what conditions the accusers of Christianitie desire to pertake 21. Tullies opinion of the Romaine common-weale 22. That the Romaine Gods neuer respected whether the Citty were corrupted and so brought to destruction or no. 23. That the variety of temporall estates dependeth not vpon the pleasure or displeasure of those Deuils but vpon the iudgments of God Almighty 24. Of the acts of Sylla wherein the Deuils shewed themselues his maine helpers and furtherers 25. How powerfully the Deuils incite men to villanies by laying before them examples of diuine authority as it were for them to follow in their villanous acts 26. Of certaine obscure instructions concerning good manners which the Deuils are said to haue giuen in secret whereas all wickednesse was taught in their publique solemnities 27. What a great meanes of the subuersion of the Romaine estate the induction of those Playes was which they surmized to be propitiatory vnto the Gods 28. Of the saluation attained by the Christian religion 29. An exhortation to the Romaines to renounce their Paganisme THE SECOND BOOKE OF THE CITTY OF GOD Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus Of the method which must of necessity be vsed in this disputation CHAP. 1. IF the weake custome of humaine sence durst not bee so bold as to oppose it selfe against the reasons of apparant truth but would yeeld this languid infirmitie vnto wholesome instruction as vnto a medicine which were fittest to apply vntill by Gods good assistance and faiths operation it were throughly cured then those that can both iudge well and instruct sufficiently should not need many words to confute any erronious opinion or to make it fully apparant vnto such as their desires would truly informe But now because there is so great and inueterate a dâ—…sease rooted in the mindes of the ignorant that they will out of their extreame blindnesse whereby they see not what is most plaine or out of their obstinate peruersnesse whereby they will not brooke what they see defend their irrationall and brutish opinions after that the truth hath beenetaught them as plaine as one man can teach another hence it is that a there ariseth a necessitie that bindeth vs to dilate more fully of what is already most plaine and to giue the truth not vnto their eyes to see but euen into their heads as it were to touch and feele Yet notwithstanding this by the way What end shall wee make of alteration if we hold that the answerers are continually to be answered For as for those that either cannot comprehend what is said vnto them or else are so obstinate in their vaine opinions that though they do vnderstand the truth yet will not giue it place in their minds but reply against it as it is written of them like spectators of iniquitie those are eternally friuolous And if wee should binde our selues to giue an answer to euery contradiction that their impudencie will thrust forth how falsly they care not so they do but make a shew of opposition vnto our assertions you see what a trouble it would be how endlesse and how fruitlesse And therefore sonne Marcelline I would neither haue you nor any other to whom this our worke may yeeld any benefit in Iesus Christ to read this volume with any surmise that I am bound to answer whatsoeuer you or they shall heare obiected against it least you become like vnto the women of whom the Apostle saith that they were alwayes learning and neuer able to come vnto the knowledge of the truth L. VIVES Hâ—… 〈◊〉 iâ—… that a there ariseth a necessity The latine text is fit necessitus spoken by a Gâ—…e figure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Demosthenes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 necessitas for necesse and it is an ordinary phrase with them though the Latynes say est necessitas as Quintilian hath it Arepetition of the Contentes of the first booke CHAP. 2. THerefore in the former booke wherein I began to speake of the City of God to which purpose all the whole worke by Gods assistance shall haue reserence I did first of all take in hand to giue them their answere that are so shamelesse as to impute the calamities inflicted vpon the world and in particular vpon Rome in her last desolation wrought-by the Vandales vnto the religion of Christ which forbids men to offerre seruice or sacrifice vnto deuills whereas they are rather bound to ascribe this as a glory to Christ that for his names sake alone the barbarous nations beyond all practise and custome of warres allowed many and spacious places of religion for those ingratefull men to escape into and gaue such honor vnto the seruants of Christ not only to the true ones but euen to the counterfeit that what the law of armes made lawfull to doe vnto all men they held it vtterly vnlawfull to offer vnto them
the celebration of the gods honors The Romaine d valour flourished a long time vnacquainted with these theater-tricks suppose then that mens vaine affections gaue them their first induction and that they crept in by the errours of mans decayed members doth it hence follow that the gods must take delight in them or desire them if so why then is the Player debased by whom the god is pleased and with what face can you scandalize the actors and instruments of such stage-guilt and yet adore the exacters and commanders of these actions This now is the controuersie betweene the Greekes and the Romaines The Greekes thinke that they haue good reason to honor these Players seeing that they must honour them that require these playes the Romaines on the other side are so farre from gracing them that they will not allow them place in a e Plebeyan tribe much lesse in the court or Senate but holds them disgracefull to all callings Now in this disputation this onely argument giues the vp-shot of all the controuersie f The Greekes propound If such gods be to be worshipped then such actors are also to be held as honorable The Romaines assume But such actors are no way to bee held as honorable The Christians conclude Therefore such gods are no way to be worshipped L. VIVES SEing that a they held the arte It must of force be granted that the Players were the most pernicious men of conditions that could be and the vilest in their villanies because they could not be allowed for Cittizens of that Cittie which harboured so many thousands of wicked and vngratious fellowes all as Cittizens That Players were excluded from being of any tribe and exempt from paying any taxe Liuie and Ualerius doe both testifie vnlesse authoritie made them such for that seemes as a constraint as befell to Decimus Laberius whom Nero requested to acte a Mimike of his vpon the stage and yet hee neuerthelesse was after that a gentleman of Rome For hee that is forced to offend the law is held not to offend it But from this decree of plaiers exclusion the Actors of the Comedies called Attelanae were exempted for their comedies were more graue and their iests came nearer to the old Italian forme of discipline Liu and Valer. And therefore they vsed no Visars on the stage as the rest did Festus b The Censors in their view Which went ouer the estate and conditions of euery man euery fifth yeare c truely Romane The text is Germané Romanum The Latines vse Germané for truely natiuely expressly and naturally So doth Cicero to shut vp all examples in one in his fifth oration against Verres As then quoth he I said much and this amongst the rest to shew plainely the great difference betweene him and that same Numidicum Verum Germanum that true and expressly Numidian Metellus So say we Germanè Romanum truely Romane Romane is here vsed by Augustine for Generous and honestly bent d the Romane valor florished a long time Very neere foure hundred years e Plebeyan There were three orders of Roman Citizens the Senatorians the Patricians and the Plebeyans which were the lowest of these hereafter He doth not say a Plebeyan tribe as though there were any such distinct one but because there were Plebeyans men of the base and common sort in euery tribe f the Greekes propound thus The Logicians and the Rhetoricians following them diuide a perfect argument called by the Greekes Syllogismus by the Latines Ratiocinatio into three parts the first that includes and declares the summe of the argument this is called the proposition or exposition the second which assuming from the proposition selects an especiall thing which wee are to know more fully and this is called the Assumption The third shuts vp the argument and is called the Conclusion How these are placed in discourse it maketh no matter the conclusion is sometimes before and the assumption often-times the second or the last And here our false Logicians spoile all out of their ignorance of all good artes and thinke that change of place doth alter the nature of things lying as fast as they can inuent and seeming in the schooles more then men in ciuill conuersation abroade are lesse then children That Plato who would not allow Poets to dwell in a well gouerned City shewed that his sole worth was better then those gods that desire to be honoured with stage-plaies CHAP. 14. AGaine we aske another question why the Poets that make those Comedies and being prohibited by a law of the twelue tables to defame the Citizens yet doe dishonor the gods with such foule imputations are not reputed as dishonest and disgracefull as the plaiers what reason can bee produced why the a actors of such poeticall figments being so ignominious to the gods should be deputed infamous and yet the authors be voutchsafed honours Is not b Plato more praise-worthy then you all who disputing of the true perfection of a citty would haue Poets banished from that society as enemies to the cities full perfection hee had both a greefe to see his gods so iniured and a care to keepe out these fictions whereby the cittizens mindes might bee abused Now make but a comparison of his c humanity in expelling of Poets from his city least they should delude it with the gods diuinity that desired such Plaies and Reuells in their honours by which the city might be deluded He though he did not d induce or perswade them to it yet aduised and counselled the light and luxurious Greekes in his disputation to restraine the writing of such things But these gods by command and constraint euen forced the modest and staied Romanes to present them with such things nay not only to present them but euen to dedicate and consecrate them in all sollemnity vnto their honors Now to which of these may the citty with most honesty ascribe diuine worship whether to Plato that would forbid these filthy obscaenities or to these diuils that exult in deluding of those men whom Plato could not perswade to truth This man did e Labeo think meet to be reckned amongst the Demi-gods as he did Hercules also Romulus he prefers the Demi-gods before the Heroës but notwithstanding f makes deities of them both But howsoeuer I hold this man whom he calls a Demi-god worthy to be preferred not only before the Heroës but euen before all their other gods themselues And in this the Romaine lawes doe come some-what nere his disputations for where as he condemnes all allowance of Poets they depriue them of their liberty to raile at any man He g excludeth Poets from dwelling in his citie they depriue the actors of poeticall fables from the priuiledges of citizens and it may be if they durst do ought against gods that require such stage-games they would thrust them forth for altogither Wherefore the Romanes can neither receiue nor expect any morall instructions either
besides those which flattery consecrated to the dead Caesars as one to C. Caesar by Antonyes law which Cicero reproueth Phillippic 2. one to Augustus and so to diuers others But those that Numa made were the principall alwaies and the principall of them was Ioues Flamin the Diall he onely of all the rest went in a white Hat and was held the most reuerend His ceremonies and lawes are recounted both by Plutarch in his Problemes and also by Gellius lib. 10. out of Fabius Pictor Massurius Sabinus Varro and others The lowst in degree of all the Flamines was the Pomonall Flamine because Pomona the goddesse of Apples was of the least esteeme Others there were of meane dignity as Vulcanes Furidà s Father Falacers The Goddesses that pretected mount Palatine and mother Florà s d which kind of Priesthood Though the Flamines were of great authority yet were all obedient vnto the chiefe Priest for so the people commanded it should be when in the second warre of Affrike L. Mettellus being chiefe Priest with-held the consul Posthumus being Mars his Flamine and would not let him leaue his order nor his sacrifices and likewise in the first warre of Asia P. Licinius high Priest staid Q. Fabius Pictor then Praetor and Quirinall Flamine from going into Sardinia e as their crests they wore Apèx is any thing that is added to the toppe or highest part of a thing here it is that which the Flamine bore vpon his head his cap or his tufte of woll Lucane Et tollens opicem generoso vertice Flamen The Flamine with his cap and lofty crest Sulpitius lost his Priesthood because his crest fell of whilst he was a sacrificing saith Valerius lib. 1. The Romaines gaue not this crest but vnto their greatest men in religion as now we giue Miters they called it Apex saith Seruius vpon the eight Aenead ab apendo which is to ouercome and hence comes Aptus Apiculum filum that was the small tufted thred which the Flamines folded their Crests in Fabius speaketh of these Crests and Virgill Hinâ—… exultantes Salâ—…os nudosque Laper cos lanigerosque apices Here Salii danc'd naked Lupeâ—…ci there and there the tufted crownes Aenead 8. f Onely three of those their chiefe and true Flamines inheritours of the auncient Flaminshippe g the loue of his cittizens Romulus being dead the people began to suspect that the Senate had butchered him secretly amongst them-selues So Iulius Proculus appeased the rage of the multitude by affirming that hee saw Romulus ascending vp into heauen Liuye in his first booke Ennius brings in the people of Rome lamenting for Romulus in these words O Romule Romule dic qualem te patriae custodem Dij genuerunt Tu proauxisti nos intra lvmiâ—…s oras O Pater O genitor patriae O sanguine disoâ—…iunde O Romulus O Romulus shevv vs hovv they thy countries gard the gods begat Thou brought vs first to light O thou our father thy countries father borne of heauenly seed h called Quirinus many of such mens names haue beene chaunged after their deyfying to make them more venerable hauing cast of their stiles of mortality for so was Laeda so called when she was aliue after her death and deification stiled Nemesis and Circe Marica and Ino Matuta And Aeneas Iupiter Indiges Romulus was called Quirinus to gratifie the Sabines In which respect also the Romaines were called Quirites of Cures a towne of the Sabines or else as Ouid saith Siue quòd Hasta Quiris priscis est dicta Sabinis Bellicus a 〈◊〉 veâ—…t in Astra deus Siue suâ—… Reginomenposuâ—…re Quirites Seu qâ—…a Romanis iunxerat ille Cures Or for the Sabines speares Quirites call His weapons name made him celestiall Or els they so enstilâ—… him herevpon because he made them and the Cures one That if the Romaine gods had had any care of Iustice the Citie should haue had their formes of good gouernment from them rather then to goe and borrow it of other nations CHAP. 16. IF the Romaines could haue receiued any good instructions of morality from their gods they would neuer haue beene a beholding to the Athenians for Solons lawes as they were some yeares after Rome was built which lawes notwithstanding they did not obserue as they receiued them but endeauoured to better them and make them more exact and though b Licurgus fained that hee gaue the Lacedemonians their lawes by the authorization of Apollo yet the Romanes very wisely would not giue credence to him c therfore gaue no admission to these lawes Indeed d Numa Pompilius Romulus his sucessor is said to haue giuen them some lawes but e al too insufficient for the gouernment of a Cittie He taught them many points of their religion f but it is not reported that hee had these institutions from the gods Those corruptions therefore of minde conuersation and conditions which were so great that the g most learned men durst affirme that these were the cankers by which all Common-weales perished though their walls stood neuer so firme those did these gods neuer endeauor to with-hold from them that worshipped them but as wee haue proued before did rather striue to enlarge and augment them with all their care and fullest diligence L. VIVES BEholding a to the Athenians In the 300. yeare after Romes building when there had beene many contentions betweene the Patricians the Plebeyans they sent three Ambassadours to Athens to coppy out Solons lawes and to learne the policy and ciuility of the rest of the Greekes that the Romane estate might bee conformed and settled after the manner of the Grecians Chaerephanes was then gouernor of Athens it beeing the 82. Olympiade The Ambassadors dispatched their affaires with all diligence and returned the next yeare after and then were the Decemuiri elected to decree lawes and those wrote the first ten tables of the Romanes ciuill lawe and afterwards they added two more all which were approoued in the great Parliament called Comitia Centuriata And these were their noblest lawes which were written in the twelue Tables Liuy lib. 3. Dionys. lib. 10 others also b Lycurgus The lawes which Lycurgus gaue as â—…e faigned by Apollo's oracle to the Lacedemonians are very famous The Greeke and Latine authors are full of this mans honours and of the hard lawes which he gaue the Spartans There is a worke of Xenophons extant onely of these lawes and many of them are recorded in Plutarche I neede not trouble the Reader in so plaine a matter c therefore gaue no admission And also because Solons lawes were more accomodate and appliable to 〈◊〉 education and mansuetude then the rough seuere ones of Lycurgus as Plato and Aristotle doe very well obserue For his lawes aimed at no other end but to make the Spartanis warriers d Numa Pompilius He was borne at Cures in the country of the Sabines and was the bestman of his time in the world Of this
light Infinite are the significations of words and the proprieties of phrase which onely Budaeus hath fetched out of deepest obliuion and exposed them to mens vnderstandings And yet all these singular and admirable guifts hath hee attained to by his owne industry alone without helpe of any maister O happy fertile witte that in it selfe alone found both maister and scholler and method of instruction That whose tenth part others can hardly leâ—…of great and cunning maisters he alone without helpe of others drew wholy from himselfe I haue not yet sayd any thing of his knowledge in the lawe which he alone hath begun to restore from ruine nor of his Philosophie whereof in his bookes De Asse he hath giuen such proofe as no man possibly could but such an one as had dayly conuersation with such reading of all the Philosophers and deepe instruction in those studies To all this may bee added that which indeed excells all things else an honestie congruent to all this learning so rare and so admirable that being but considered without the other graces of witte and learning it might seeme the worlds miracle his honesty no more then his learning acknowledgeth none his superior A man that in all the diuerse actions of his life giues his religion alwayes the first place A man that hauing wife and many children was neuer drawne from his true square with any profit or study to augment his estate but euer-more swaid both himselfe and his fortunes and directed both Fortune could neuer lead him away though she promised neuer so faire he had her alwayes in his power A man continually in court in Embassages yet neuer followed Princes fauours nor nousled them with flatteries Hee neuer augmented his patrimony because he would neuer depart an haires-breadth from honesty he was alwayes a seuerer censor of his owne conditions then of any others and hauing vndergone offices which were obiects of the greatest enuie he neuer found callumnie from any tongue nor incurd suspition of any error though he had to doe with a free nation and a people as ready to accuse as froward to suspect I see I haue forgot breuities bounds being whirled beyond them with the loue I haue to relate the vertues of mine honored friend now to our purpose Salusts meaning therefore is that as well this ciuill equitie which they call lawe as that naturall equitie which nature produceth in the mindes of the iudicious and then which nothing is better it being therefore called good were no more powerfull with the Romaines in their decretall lawes then in the naturall discretions of vnderstanding men b Out of this Iustice A most bitter Ironie a 〈◊〉 quippe c That the Sabine Virgins When as Romulus could not obtaine women of 〈◊〉 neighbouring nations for his cittizens to marry with by the aduise of his grand-father Numitor and the Senate hee gaue it out that hee would celebrate some games in honour of Neptune the horse-rider or Hippoposeidon so the women their neighbours comming to see the sports the Romanes tooke them all away by force especially the Sabines out of the middest of the exercises For so had Romulus and his companions resolued the fourth month after the building of Rome as Dionysius relateth out of Fabius Pictor Plutarch saith it was the 14. of the Calends of September and both agreed for the city was begun to be built the 12. of the Calends of May on the feast day called Palilia Though Gellius not Aulus with the Attican nights but another ancient writer affirmes it was in the 4. yeare that this was done which is the likelier to be true They tooke away as Dionysius saith six hundred and eighty which I do hold for the more likely then that which other talke of three hundred from whence the names of the Curiae or the wards Iuba addeth three more to the number before Antias Valerius names but fiue hundred twenty and seauen Some say that Thalassus was not a man but onely the signe giuen to shew them when to begin their rape Festus out of Varro saith it was so taken about spinning of woll as a man would say a panier or a basket d herein indeed Both those nations of whence the women were whom they forced away as also others whom the rest by their lamentable intreaties and the feare of their owne dangers moued tooke vp armes against the Romanes the Sabines the Ceninenses the Crustumerians and the Atennates all combined against them Romulus seeing so dangerous a warre likely to ensue vpon him confederateth with the Hetrurians whose powre at that time was very great Caelius Vibennus prince of Hetruria gaue Romulus aide of whom this Mount Caelius in Rome tooke the name His grand-father also sent him succors So that with small adoe he ouerthrew the forces of the Ceninenses the Crustumerians and the Attenuates and contending with the Sabines in a doubtfull and dangerous war vpon a sudden by the entreaty of the women themselues the war ceased and both the parties ioyned in league and amity together e the Circensian plaies Euery yeare was there plaies or games celebrated vnto Neptune Equéster and they were diuersly called the Circensian plaies the Great plaies the Romane plaies and amongst the ancients Consualia of Consus a God to whom they offered sacrifice and beleeued him to gouerne al Counsells and of him Romulus asked instruction in all his perills in the doubts of those marriages His alter was hidden in the earth because as Plato saith counsell ought not only to bee held â—…oly but secret also f after Tarquin Another Ironicall taunte g L. Tarquin Collatine The Kings being casheered out of Rome by the great Centuriall Parliament which Seruius Tullus had before instituted L Iunius Brutus and L. Tarquin Collatine Lucraetias husband were elected Consulls the later of which was son to Egerius Tarquinius Priscus his brother as Liuy saith But Nephew to him saith Dionysius Brutus being desirous not onely to expell the King himselfe but all his name with him disanulled the magistracy of his fellow because his name was Tarquin and so he willingly tooke his goods and departed the citie going to Collatium to dwell Now Tully Offic. lib. 3. confesseth that this was no very honest part of Brutus but because it was most profitable to the assurance of the coÌ„mon-wealth therfore it past for an act of honesty It hath bin obserued saith Iulius Obsequens that no man that euer abrogated his fellowes magistracy liued his yeare to an end the first that did so was this Brutus the next Tiberius Gracchus the third P. Tarquinius h Marcus Camillus This was he that tooke the City Veii after ten yeares continuall siege At that time began the Romanes first to lodge in tents vnder beast skins in winter because they hated this people so deadly that they would not depart thence vntill the warres were ended for euer since the raigne of Romulus for three hundred years
togither held they almost continuall warre with the Veientes Liuius lib. 5. Plutarche in Camillus his life This Camillus being said to haue dealt vniustly in sharing the Veientane spoils amongst the people L. Apuleius cited him to a day of hearing But hee to auoide their enuie though innocent of that he was charged with got him away to liue at Ardea in exile This fell out two years before the Galles tooke Rome i ten thousand Liuy saith he was fined in his absence at 15000. Assis grauis Plutarch at 15000. Assium Aes And Assis graue was al one as my Budeus proues k being soone after The Galles hauing taken Rome Camillus hauing gathered an army together of the remainder of the Allian ouerthrow was released of his exile in a counsell Curiaté made Dictator by them that were besieged in the Capitoll At first hee expelled the Galles out of the Cittie and afterwards in the roade way to Gabii eight miles from the Citty hee gaue them a sore ouer-throw Liu. lib. 5 Thus this worthy man choose rather to remember his countries affliction then his owne priuate wronge beeing therefore stiled another Romulus l the great ones These mischieues were still on foote for very neere fiue hundred yeares after the expelling of their kings the Patritians and the Plebeyans were in continuall seditions and hatreds one against another and both contending for soueraignty which ambition was kindeled in the people by a few turbulent Tribunes and in the nobles by a sort of ambitious Senatours and hereof doth Lucan sing that which followeth Et 〈◊〉 consulibuâ—… turbantes iura Tribuni Tribunes and Consulls troubling right at once What the history of Saluste reports of the Romains conditions both in their times of daunger and those of security CHAP. 18. THerefore I will keepe a meane and stand rather vnto the testimony of Salust himselfe who spoke this in the Romaines Praise whereof we but now discoursed that iustice and honesty preuailed as much with them by nature as by lawe extolling those times wherein the citty after the casting out of her kings grew vp to such a height in so small a space Notwithstanding al this this same author confesseth in a the very beginning of the first booke of his history that when the sway of the state was taken from the Kings and giuen to the Consuls b within a very little while after the citty grew to be greatly troubled with the oppressing power of the great ones and c the deuision of the people from the fathers vpon that cause and diuers other daungerous dissentions for hauing recorded how honestly and in what good concord the Romaines liued together d betwixt the second warre of Africa and the last and hauing showed that it was not the loue of goodnesse but the feare and distrust of the Carthaginians might and perâ—…ideousnesse that was cause of this good order and therfore that vpon this Nasica would haue Carthage stand stil vndemolished as a fit meane to debarre the entrance of iniquity into Rome and to keepe in integrity by feare he addeth presently vpon this these words e But discord auarice ambition and all such mischiefes as prosperity is midwife vnto grew vnto their full light after the destruction of Charthage intimating herein that they were sowne continued amongst the Romains before which he proues in his following reason For as for the violent offensiuenesse of the greater persons saith he and the diuision betwixt the Patricians and the Plebeians thence arising those were mischiefes amongst vs from the beginning nor was there any longer respect of equity or moderation amongst vs then whilest the kings were in expelling and the citty and state quit of Tarquin and the f great war of Hetruria Thus you see how that euen in that little space wherein after the expulsion of their Kings they embraced integrity it was onely feare that forced them to do so because they stood in dread of the warres which Tarquin vpon his expulsion being combined with the Hetrurians waged against them Now obserue what Salust addeth for after that quoth he the Senators bgan to make slaues of the people to iudge of heades g shoulders as bloudily imperiously h as the â—…ings did to chase men from their possessions only they of the whole crue of factions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…rial sway of al With which outrages chiefely with their extreame taxes and â—…tions the people being sore oppressed maintaining both soldiours in continuall armes and paying tribute also besides at length they stept out tooke vp armes and drew to 〈◊〉 head vpon Mount Auentine and Mount Sacer. And then they elected them 〈◊〉 and set downe other lawes but the second warre of Africa gaue end to these 〈◊〉 on both sides Thus you see in how little a while so soone after the expelling of their Kings the Romaines were become such as hee hath described them of whom notwithstanding he had affirmed that Iustice and honestie preuailed as much with them by nature as by lawe Now if those times were found to haue beene so depraued wherein the Romaine estate is reported to haue beene most vncorrupt and absolute what shall wee imagine may then bee spoken or thought of the succeeding ages which by a graduall alteration to vse the authors owne words of an honest and honorable citie became most dishonest and dishonorable namely after the dissolution of Carthage as hee himselfe relateth How he discourseth and describeth these times you may at full behold in his historie and what progresse this corruption of manners made through the midst of the Cities prosperitie euen k vntill the time of the ciuill warres But from that time forward as hee reporteth the manners of the better sort did no more fall to decay by little and little but ranne head-long to ruine like a swift torrent such excesse of luxurie and auarice entring vpon the manners of the youth that it was fitly said of Rome that she brought forth such l as would neither keepe goods them-selues nor suffer others to keepe theirs Then Salust proceeds in a discourse of Sylla's villanies and of other barbarous blemishes in the common-wealth and to his relation in this do all other writers agree in substance though m they bee all farre behinde him in phrase But here you see and so I hope doe all men that whosoeuer will obserue but this shall easilie discouer the large gulfe of damnable viciousnesse into which this Citty was fallen long before the comming of our heauenly King For these things came to passe not onely before that euer Christ our Sauiour taught in the flesh but euen before he was borne of the Virgin or tooke flesh at all Seeing therefore that they dare not impute vnto their owne gods those so many and so great mischiefes eyther the tolerable ones which they suffered before or the fouler ones which they incurred after the destruction of Carthage howsoeuer their gods are the engraffers of such maligne opinions in
mens mindes n as must needs bud forth such vices why then do they blame Christ for the euills present who forbids them to adore such false and deuillish gods by his sweete and sauing doctrine which doe condemne all these harmefull and vngodly affections of man by his diuine authoritie and from all those miseries with-drawes his flock and familie by little and little out of all places of the declining world to make of their companie an eternall and celestiall cittie not by the applause of vanitie but by the election of veritie L. VIVES THis same author a confesseth This historie of Saluste concerning the ciuill warres of Rome wee haue lost Onely some few Orations there are remaining b Within a verie little while But fifteene yeares Liu. lib. 2. Appius Claudius and P. Seruilius were made Consuls for that yeare And this yeare was made famous by the death of Tarquin the proud Hee died at Cumae whether after his wrackt estate hee retired vnto Aristodemus the Tyran The newes of his death sturred both Patricians and Populars to ioy and mirth but the Patricians reuells were too saucie for then they began to offer iniury to the people whome till that day they had obeyed c The diuision the people diuided themselues from the Patricians because of the sesse laide vpon them the seuenteenth yeare after the obtaining of their liberty and againe because of the tyrannie of the Decemuiri in making cruell lawes Anno. 303. after the building of Rome Thirdly by reason of their debts and the long dissentions betweene the tribunes and the Senators some few yeares before Pirrhus his warre d Betwixt the second There were three seuerall warres begun and ended betweene the Romaines and the Carthagenians The first in Sicilie 22. yeares together and afterwards in Affricke it began the 390. yeare after the building of Rome Appius Clandius Caudax and Qu. Fuluius Flaccus being Consuls So many are the yeares in Plinies 33. booke wherein I thinke for 585. must bee read 485. Liuy and Eutropius count not so much by thirteene yeares The second of these warres began some 23. yeares after P. Scipio and T. Sempronius being Consuls it went through Spaine Sicily Italy and Affricke and there it was ended by Scipio African the elder seuenteene yeeres after the first beginning of it The third arose 49. yeares after that Manlius and Martius Censorinus being Consuls it was finished three yeares after in Affrick where it wholy continued by Scipio African the yonger and the end of this was the subuersion of Carthage Of these warres more at large else-where e But discorde Saluste in his Bellum Iugurthinum f The great warre of Hetruria With Porsenna the mighty King of Hetruria who would haue Tarquin restored to his kingdome and begirt the Cittie of Rome with a hard and dangerous siege and had taken it but that the valour of Scaeuola terrified him from persisting Liu. lib. 1. g Of the heads and shoulders Of death and other punishments Those that the Romaines adiudged to death they first scourged with roddes and then killed them Sometimes if the fact were not very wicked they did but onely scourge them with rodds Besides those that were sued by their creditors and brought before the Iudge were most villanously and miserably abused their creditours being allowed to chaine them and beate them like their slaues against which foule enormitie the Portian and the Sempronian laws were promulgated which forbid that the body of any free Romaine should bee beaten either with roddes or any scourges h To chase men from their possessions For such fields as were wonne by the valour of the people of Rome the ritch men would first vndertake by the appointment of the Senate to till and make fruitfull as if they were hired by the Senate marry afterwards their fellows winking at it they would thrust the people from their right and make themselues absolute lords of all And herevpon were the Agrarian lawes so often put to be past concerning the diuiding of the lands amongst the people but were neuer mentioned without great anger in the Patriots and huge hurly-burlies in all the Citie i Mount Sacer The people first encamped on Mount Sacer or the Holy Hill a little beyond the riuer Anien now called Teuerone or as Piso saith on Auentine a part of the Citie There were the Tribunes Plebeian first elected as Tutors of the Populars who should stand as watches ouer the peoples good and step between all iniuries that the Patriots should offer them and be accompted as sacred men whom if any man wronged his head should be giuen to Iupiter for sacrifice and his goods solde all at the temple of Ceres The second encamping was vpon Auentine and from thence to fill the Cittie with grearer desolation they departed vnto Mount Sacer. And then hauing agreed with the Senate they returned to Auentine againe and there recouered their Tribunes and from Auentine they went vp to the capitoll where in a great Parliament held by the chiefe Priest the tribunes election was assigned and confirmed Cic. pro Cornel. de Maiestate k Vnto the ciuill warres First betwixt the Senators and the Gracchi Tiberius first and then Caius and so vnto the ciuill warres betwixt Sylla and Marius l As would neither keepe goods themselues For such excessiue prodigalls and spending whatsoeuer they could seaze on they must needs force meanes from other mens estates to maintaine this their luxurious riotte and so they laboured to fill a barrell full of holes m They are all farre behinde him The pithy and succinct stile of Saluste was delightsome to all ages our Critikes haue paralelld him with the Greeke Thucydides as Quintilian doth lib. 10. n Must needs bud as branches and woods vse to do it is a word much vsed in the writers of husbandry Cato and Columella The Grecians call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Syâ—…scere to grow into woods and bushes which in herbes is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Luxuriare to growe ranke Of the corruptions ruling in the Romaine state before that Christ abolished the worship of their Idols CHAP. 19. BEhold now this commonwealth of Rome which I am not the first that affirme but their owne writers out of whom I speake doe auerre to haue declined from good by degrees and of an honest and honorable state to haue fallen into the greatest dishonesty and dishonour possible Behold before euer Christ was come how that Carthage beeing once out of the waie then the Patricians manners decaied no more by degrees but ranne head-long into corruption like a swift torrent the youth of the cittie was still so defiled with luxurie and auarice Now let them reade vs the good counsell that their gods gaue them against this luxury and auarice I wish they had onelie beene silent in the instructions of modesty and chastity and had not exacted such abhominations of their worshippers vnto which by their
expresse it in a pithy and succinct definition Thus far Agricola whom ' Erasmus in his Prouerbes doth iustly praise and hee it is alone that may be an example to vs that fortune ruleth in all things as Salust saith and lighteneth or obscureth all rather according to her pleasure then the merit and worth of the men themselues I know not two authors in all our time nor our fathers worthier of reading obseruing thē Rodolphus Agricola the Phrysian There is such abundance of wit art grauity iudgment sweetnes eloquence learning in al his works and yet so few there are y◠do know him He is as worthy of publike note as either Politian or Hermolaus Barbarus both which truly in my conceit hee doth not onely equallize but exceedeth in Maiesty and elegance of stile g Whether it be by a King Hee touches at the formes of Rule For a Common-wealth is eyther swayed by the people alone and that the Greekes call a Democraticall rule or by a certaine few and that they cal Oligarchical vnder with is also contained the rule of the choycest of the common-wealth which is called Aristocracy or the rule of the best They call the Nobility the best but indeed such as were most powerfull in the State in countenance or wealth such were the right Ooptimates And therefore there is not much difference betwixt Oligarchy and Aristocracy as Tully shewed when he said the second part of the few Nobles now the third kind of Rule is that of one called Monarchy h A Tyran In ancient times they called all Kings Tyrans as well the best as the worst as Uirgill and Horace do in their Poemes for the name in Greeke signifieth onely Dominion Plato who was the onely man that laid downe the right forme of gouernement for a Citty is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A Tyran and a King Festus thinketh Lib. 15. That the word was deriued from the notorious cruelty of the Tyrrhenes But I think rather that when the Athenians had brought in the Democratical gouernment and other Citties through emulation followed their example that was the cause that first brought the word Tyrannus into hatred and contempt and so they called their Kings Tyrans because they gouerned their owne wealth but not the Common-wealth besides that the Romains vsed it in that manner also because they hated the name of a King deadly and in Greece also whosoeuer bore rule in a Citty that had before bin free was called a Tyran but not a King i Faction Memmius in Salust speaking of the Seniors saith They haue transferred the feare that their owne guilt surprized them with vnto your slothfulnes it is that which hath combined them in one hate one affect and one feare this in good men were friendship but in euillmen it is rightly termed faction k Before so many great Princes For it is imagined that at that discourse there were present Scipio Affrican Caius Laelius surnamed the wise Lucius Furius three who at that time as Porcius saith led the Nobility as they would and of the yonger sort C. Fanius Q. Scaeuola the Soothsaier Laelius his son in law Quintus Tubero al of worthy families Ennius There is nothing of this mans extant but a few fragments which I intend to gather out of the Writers through which they are dispersed and set them forth together in one volume Hee was borne at Rudiae as Mela and Silius affirme a Cittie of the Salentines and liued first at Tarentum and afterwards at Rome being very familiar with Cato Galba Flaminius and other great men and was made free Dennizen of the Citty by Flaminius m Gaue out Effatus the proper word of the religion n And Lineaments A simily taken from painters who first doe onely delineate and line forth the figure they will draw which is called a Monogramme and then with their coullors they do as it were giue spirit and life vnto the dead picture o Want of men So Salust saith in Cataline that the times are now barren and bring not forth a good man p Long after About seauenty yeares q Before the comming of Christ Threescore yeares For it is iust so long from Tullies Consulship at which time he wrote his bookes De repub vnto the 24. yeare of Augustus his Empire at which time Christ was borne r diuulged So Diffamata is heere reported abroad or diuulged and so likewise other authors vse it And warning the Citty to looke to their safety Diffamauit he reported or cryed out saith Apuleius Asini lib. 4. That his house was a fire vpon a sodain But it is pretty truly that Remigius an interpreter of Saint Pauls Epistles saith vpon that place with the translatour had turned A vobis 〈◊〉 diffamatus est sermo domini Thess. 1. 1. 8. For from you sounded out the Word of the Lord This Commentator saith that saint Paul being not curious in choosing of his words put Diffamatus for Divulgatus or Manifestus What shall we doe with these School-doctors that as yet cannot tell whether Paul wrote in Greeke or in Latine Nay to marke but the arrogant foolery of these simple fellowes in such manner as this they will talke and prate so often about the signification of wordes as continually they do in their Logike and Philosophy lectures and yet they would not be held for profest Gramarians but are very easily put out of patience if any man begin but to discusse their wordes of art a little more learnedly s But if this name It may bee hee speaketh this because a Common-wealth is a popular gouernment but Christes Kingdome is but his alone That the Romaine Gods neuer respected whether the Citie were corrupted and so brought to destruction or no. CHAP. 22. BVt to our present purpose this common-wealth which they say was so good and so lawdable before euer that Christ came was by the iudgment of their owne most learned writers acknowledged to bee changed into a most dishonest and dishonorable one nay it was become no common-wealth at all but was fallen into absolute destruction by their owne polluted conditions Wherefore to haue preuented this ruine the gods that were the patrons thereof should mee thinkes haue taken the paines to haue giuen the people that honored them some precepts for reformatiō of life maners seeing that they had bestowed so many temples so many priests such varitie of ceremonious sacrifices so many festiuall solemnities so many so great celebrations of plaies enterludes vpō them But these deuils minded nothing but their own affaires they respected not how their worshippers liued nay their care was to see them liue like diuels only they bound them through feare to affoord them these honors If they did giue them any good counsell why then let it be produced to light and read what lawes of what gods giuing were they that the a Gracchi condemned to follow their turmoiles and seditions in the
and are reported to haue giuen certaine secret instructions against euill manners in their most priuate habitacles and vnto some of their most selected seruants If it be so take here then an excellent obseruation of the crafte and maliciousnesse of these vncleane spirits The force of honesty and chastitie is so great and powerfull vpon mans nature that all men or almost all men are mooued with the excellencie of it nor is there any man so wholy abandoned to turpitude but he hath some feeling of honesty left him Now for the deuills depraued nature we must note that vnlesse hee sometime change him-selfe into an angell of light as we read in our scriptures that hee will do hee cannot fully effect his intention of deceit Wherefore he spreads the blasting breath of all impuritie abroad and in the meane time whispers a little ayre of dissembled chastitie within He giues light vnto the vilest things and keepes the best in the darke honestie lyeth hid and shame flies about the streetes Filthinesse must not bee acted but before a great multitude of spectators but when goodnesse is to bee taught the auditorie is little or none at all as though puritie were to be blushed at and vncleannesse to be boasted of But where are these rules giuen but in the deuills temples where but in the very Innes or exchanges of deceit And the reason is because that such as are honest being but few should hereby bee enueighled and such as are dishonest which are multitudes remaine vnreformed But as for vs we cannot yet tell when these good precepts of celestiall chastitie were giuen but this we are sure of that before b the very temple gates where the Idoll stood we beheld an innumerable multitude of people drawne together and there saw a large traine of Strumpets on one side and a c virgin goddesse on the other here humble adorations vnto her and there foule and immodest things acted before her We could not see one modest mimike not one shamefast actor amongst them all but all was full of actions of abhominable obscaenitie They knew well what that virgin deity liked and pronounced it for the nations to learne by looking on and to carry home in their mindes Some there were of the chaster sort that turned away their eies from beholding the filthy gestures of the players and yet though they blushed to looke vpon this artificiall beastlinesse they gaue scope vnto their affections to learne it For they durst not behold the impudent gestures of the actors boldly for being shamed by the men and lesse durst they condemne the ceremonies of that deity whom they so zealously adored But this was that presented in the temples and in publike which none will commit in their owne priuate houses but in secret It were too great a wonder if there were any shame left in those men of power to restraine them from acting that which their very gods doe teach them euen in their principles of religion and tell them that they shall incurre their displeasures if they do not present them such shewes What spirit can that be which doth enflame bad minds with a worse instinct which doth vrge on the committing of adulterie and fattes it selfe vpon the sinne committed but such an one as is delighted with such representations filling the temples with diabolicall Images exacting the presenting of loathsome iniquity in Plaies muttering in secret I know not what good Consels to deceiue and delude the poore remainders of honesty and professing in publike all incitements to perdition to gather vp whole haruests of men giuen ouer vnto ruine L. VIVES TO what end is it a that A diuersity of reading We follow the best copy b before the temple Hee speaketh of the sollemnities of the Goddesse Flora which were kept by all the strumpets and ribalds in the Citty as Plutarch Ouid and others doe report For Flora her self was an whore Lactantius lib. 1. The playes of Flora are celebrated with all lasciuiousnesse befitting well the memory of such a whore For besides the bawdery of speeches which they stuck not to spew forth in all vncleanesse the whores at the peoples earnest intreaty put off all their apparell those I meane that were the actors did this and there they acted their immodest gestures before the people vntill their lustfull eyes were fully satisfied with gazing on them c The virgin goddesse That was Vesta Vpon the day before the Calends of May they kept the feasts of Flora Vesta Apollo and Augustus vpon Mount Palatine Ouid. Fastorum 4. Exit in Maias festum Florale Calendas Tune repetam nunc me grandius vrget opus Aufert Vesta diem cògnati Vesta recepta est Limine sic iusti constituere Patres Phaebus habet partem Vestae pars altera cessit Quod superest illis tertius ipse tenet State Palatinae Laurus pretextaque quercus Stet domus aeternos tres habet vna deos Let Flora's feasts that in Mayes Calendes are Rest till they come now to a greater faire This day is Vesta's she is entertained In her sonnes house our fathers so ordained Phaebus hath part Vesta hath part assign'd The third's Augustus share that 's left behind Liue greene thou noble oke and Palatine Keepe greene thy daies three gods possesse one shrine What a great meanes of the subuersion of the Romaine estate the induction of those scurrilous plaies was which the surmized to be propitiatory vnto their gods CHAP. 27. TErtullius a a graue man and a good Philosopher being to be made Edile cried out in the eares of the whole City that amongst the other duties of his magistracy he must needes goe pacifie mother Flora with the celebration of some sollemne plaies b which plaies the more fowly they were presented the more deuotion was held to be shewen And c in another place being then Consul he saith that when the City was in great extremity of ruine they were faine to present plaies continually for ten daies togither and nothing was omitted which might helpe to pacifie the gods as though it were not fitter to anger them with temperance then to please them with luxurie and to procure their hate by honesty rather then to flatter them with such deformity For the barbarous inhumanity of those d men for whose villanous acts the gods were to bee appeased were it neuer so great could not possibly doe more hurt then that filthinesse which was acted as tending to their appeasing because that in this the gods will not bee reconciled vnto them but by such meanes as must needes produce a destruction of the goodnesse of mens mindes in lieu of their preuenting the daungers imminent onely ouer their bodies nor will these Deities defend the citties walls vntill they haue first destroied all goodnesse within the walles This pacification of the gods so obscaene so impure so wicked so impudent so vncleane whose actors the Romaines diss-enabled from all magistracie e and freedome of City
vncleane plaies as members of the heauenly society when thou holdest the men that onely acted them as vnworthy to bee counted in the worst ranke of the members of thy Cittie The heauenly Cittie is farre aboue thine where truth is the victory holinesse the dignity happinesse the peace and eternity the continuance Farre is it from giuing place to such gods if thy cittie doe cast out such men Wherefore if thou wilt come to this cittie shunne all fellowshippe with the deuill Vnworthy are they of honest mens seruice that must bee pleased with dishonesty Let christian reformation seuer thee from hauing any commerce with those gods euen as the Censors view seperated such men from pertaking of thy dignities But as concerning temporal felicity which is all that the wicked desire to enioye and temporall affliction which is all they seeke to auoide hereafter wee meane to shew that the deuills neither haue nor can haue any such power of either as they are held to haue though if they had wee are bound rather to contemne them all then to worshippe them for these benefites which seeing that thereby we should vtterly debarre our selues of that which they repine that wee should euer attaine hereafter I say shall it bee prooued that they haue no such powre of those things as these thinke they haue that affirme that they are to bee worshipped for such endes And here shall this booke end L. VIVES ANd a Fabricii Fabricius was Consull in Pyrrhus his warre at which time the Romaines vertue was at the height he was valourous poore continent and a stranger to all pleasure and ambition b If nature haue giuen thee The Stoikes held that nature gaue euery man some guifts some greater some lesser and that they were graced increased and perfitted by discipline education and excercise c it is now day Alluding vnto Paul Rom. 13. 12. The night is past and the day is at hand The day is the cleere vnderstanding of goodnesse in whose powre the Sunne is as the Psalmist faith The night is darke and obscure d in some of thy Children Meaning that some of the Romaines were already conuerted vnto Christ. e no stone of the Capitol Ioues Idoll vpon the capitoll was of stone and the Romaines vsed to sweare by Ioue that most holy stone which oth became afterwards a prouerbe f who will neither limmit They are the words of Ioue in Virgil Aeneid 1. promising the raysing vp of the Romaine Empire But with farre more wisdome did Saluste orat ad Caium Caesarem senen affirme that the Romaine estate should haue a fal And African the yonger seeing Carthage burne with the teares in his eyes recited a certaine verse out of Homer which intimated that Rome one day should come to the like ruine g Iuno did not Aeneides the first Finis Lib. 2. THE CONTENTS OF THE third booke of the City of God 1. Of the aduerse casualties which onely the wicked doe feare and which the world hath alwaies beene subiect vnto whilest it remained in Paganisme chapter 1. 2. Whether the Gods to whom the Romaines and the Greekes exhibited like worship had sufficient cause giuen them to let Troy be destroied chap. 2. 3. That the gods could not iustly be offended at the adultery of Paris vsing it so freely and frequently themselues chap. 3. 4. Of Varro's opinion that it is meete in pollicy that some men should faigne themselues to be begotten of the gods chap. 4. 5. That it is alltogither vnlikely that the gods reuenged Paris his fornication since they permitted Rhea's to passe vnpunished chap. 5. 6. Of Romulus his murthering of his brother which the gods neuer reuenged chap. 6. 7. Of the subuersion of Illium by Fimbria a captaine of Marius his faction chap. 7. 8. Whether it was conuenient to commit Rome to the custody of the Troian gods chap. 8. 9. Whether it bee credible that the gods procured the peace that lasted all Numa's raigne chap. 9. 10. Whether the Romaines might desire iustly that their citties estate should arise to preheminence by such furious warres when it might haue rested firme and quiet in such a peace as Numa procured chap. 10. 11. Of the statue of Apollo at Cumae that shed teares as men thought for the Grecians miseries though he could not help them cap. 11. 12. How fruitlesse their multitude of gods was vnto the Romaines who induced thē beyond the institution of Numa chap. 12 13. By what right the Romaines attained their first wiues chap. 13 14. How impious that warre was which the Romaines began with the Albanes and of the nature of those victories which ambition seekes to obtaine chap. 14 15. Of the liues and deaths of the Romaine Kings chap. 15 16. Of the first Romaine Consulls how the one expelled the other out of his country and he himselfe after many bloudy murthers fell by a wound giuen him by his wounded foe chap. 16 17. Of the vexations of the Romaine estate after the first beginning of the consulls rule And of the little good that their gods all this while did them chap. 17 18. The miseries of the Romaines in the African wars and the small stead their gods stood them there in chap. 18 19. Of the sad accidents that befell in the second African warre wherein the powres on both sides were wholy consumed chap. 19 20. Of the ruine of the Saguntines who perished for their confederacy with Rome the Romainē gods neuer helping them chap. 20 21. Of Romes ingratitude to Scipio that freed it from imminent danger and of the conditions of the cittizens in those times that Saluste commendeth to haue beene so vertuous chap. 21 22. Of the edict of Mythridates commanding euery Romaine that was to be found in Asia to be put to death chap. 22 23. Of the more priuate and interior mischieues that Rome indured which were presaged by that prodigious madnesse of all the creatures that serued the vse of man chap. 23 24. Of the ciuill discord that arose from the seditions of the Gracchi chap. 24 25. Of the temple of Concord built by the Senate in the place where these seditions and slaughters were effected chap 25 26. Of the diuers warres that followed afther the building of Concords temple chap. 26 27. Of Silla and Marius chap. 27 28. How Silla reuenged Marius his murders chap. 28 29. A comparison of the Gothes irrupsions with the calamities that the Romaines indured by the Gaules or by the authors of their ciuill warres chap. 29 30. Of the great and pernitious multitude of the Romaines warres a little before the comming of Christ. chap. 30 31. That those men that are not suffered as now to worship Idolls shew themselues fooles in imputing their present miseries vnto Christ seeing that they endured the like when they did worship the diuills chap. 31. FINIS THE THIRD BOOKE OF THE CITTY OF GOD Written by Saint Augustine Bishop of Hippo vnto Marcellinus Of the aduerse
kinsfolkes bewailing her the Priests and other religious following the hearse with a sadde silence Neere to the gate was a caue to which they went downe by a ladder there they let downe the guilty person alone tooke away the ladder and shutte the caue close vp and least she should starue to death they set by her bread milke and oyle of each a quantitie together with a lighted lampe all this finished the Priests departed and on that day was no cause heard in law but it was as a vacation mixt with great sorrow and feare all men thinking that some great mischiefe was presaged to befall the weale publick by this punishment of the Vestall The vowes and duties of those Vestals Gellius amongst others relateth at large Noct. Atticarum lib. 1. b Neuer censuring others Before Augustus there was no law made against adulterers nor was euer cause heard that I know of concerning this offence Clodius indeed was accused for polluting the sacrifices of Bona Dea but not for adulterie which his foes would not haue omitted had it laine within the compasse of lawe Augustus first of all instituted the law Iulian against men adulterers it conteined some-what against vnchaste women also but with no capitall punishment though afterwards they were censured more sharpely as we read in the Caesars answers in Iustintans Code and the 47. of the Pandects Dionysius writeth that at Romes first originall Romulus made a lawe against adultery but I thinke hee speakes it Graecanicè as hee doth prettily well in many others matters Of Romulus his murther of his brother which the gods neuer reuenged CHAP. 6. NOw I will say more If those Deities tooke such grieuous and heinous displeasure at the enormities of men that for Paris his misdemeanour they would needes vtterly subuert the citty of Troy by fire and sword much more then ought the murder of Romulus his brother to incense their furies against the Romaines then the rape of Menelaus his wife against the Troians Parricide a in the first originall of a Citty is far more odious then adultery in the wealth and height of it Nor is it at all pertinent vnto our purpose b whether this murder were commanded or committed by Romulus which many impudently deny many doe doubt and many do dissemble Wee will not intangle our selues in the Laborinth of History vpon so laborious a quest Once sure it is Romulus his brother was murdered and that neither by open enemies nor by strangers If Romulus either willed it or wrought it so it is Romulus was rather the cheefe of Rome then Paris of Troy VVhy should the one then set all his goddes against his countrey for but rauishing another mans wife and the other obtaine the protection of c the same goddes for murdering of his owne brother If Romulus bee cleare of this imputation then is the whole citty guilty of the same crime howsoeuer in giuing so totall an assent vnto such a supposition and in steed of killing a brother hath done worse in killing a father For both the bretheren were fathers and founders to it alike though villany bard the one from dominion There is small reason to be showne in mine opinion why the Troians deserued so ill that their gods should leaue them to destruction and the Romaines so well that they would stay with them to their augmentation vnlesse it bee this that being so ouerthrowne and ruined in one place they were glad to flie away to practise their illusions in another nay they were cunninger then so they both stayed still at Troy to deceiue after their old custome such as afterwards were to inhabit there and likewise departed vnto Rome that hauing a greater scope to vse their impostures there they might haue more glorious honours assigned them to feede their vaine-glorious desires L. VIVES PArricide a in Parricide is not onely the murther of the parent but of any other equall some say ' Parricidium quasi patratio caedis committing of slaughter It is an old law of Num's He that willingly doth to death a free-man shall be counted a Parricide b Whether this murther There be that affirme that Remus being in contention for the Kingdome when both the factions had saluted the leaders with the name of King was slaine in the byâ—…kerng between them but whether by Romulus or some other none can certainely affirme Others and more in number saie that he was slaine by Fabius Tribune of the light horsemen of Romulus because he leaped in scorne ouer the newly founded walles of Rome and that Fabius did this by Romulus his charge Which fact Cicero tearmes wicked and inhumaine For thus in his fourth booke of Offices he discourseth of it But in that King that built the citty it was not so The glosse of commodity dazeled his spirits and since it seemed fitter for his profit to rule without a partner then with one he murdered his owne brother Here did he leape ouer piety nay and humanity also to reach the end hee aimed at profit though his pretence and coullour about the wall was neither probale nor sufficient wherfore be it spoken with reuerence to Quirinus or to Romulus Romulus in this did well c The same godds Which were first brought to Aeneas to I auiniun from thence to Alba by Ascanius and from Alba the Romaines had them by Romulus with the Assent of Numâ—…tor and so lastly were by Tullus transported all vnto Rome Of the subuersion of Ilium by Fimbria a Captaine of Marius his faction CHAP. 7. IN the first a heate of the b ciuill wars what hadde poore Ilium done that c Fimbria they veriest villaine of all d Marius his sette should raize it downe with more fury and e cruelty then euer the Grecians had shewed vpon it before For in their conquest many escaped captiuity by flight and many avoided death by captiuity But Fimbria charged in an expresse edicte that not a life should bee spared and made one fire of the Citty and all the creatures within it Thus was Ilium requited not by the Greekes whom her wronges had prouoked but by the Romaines whom her ruines had propagated their gods in this case a like adored of both sides doing iust nothing or rather beeing able to do iust nothing what were the gods gone from their shrines that protected this towne since the repayring of it after the Grecian victory If they were shew me why but still the better citizens I finde the worse gods They shut out Fimbria to keepe all for Sylla hee set the towne and them on fire and burned them both into dust and ashes And yet in meane-time f Sylla's side was stronger and euen now was hee working out his powre by force of armes his good beginnings as yet felt no crosses How then could the Ilians haue dealt more honestly or iustly or more worthy of the protection of Rome then to saue a citty of Romes for better endes and to keepe out a
Osyris Horus and diuers others of the gods raigned before him Our scriptures say that Nembroth was the first King and raigned at Babilon b Vntill peruerse Hesiod in his Opera Dies saigneth fiue ages of mortality which place he beginneth thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. The gods did first of all Make men in golden moldes celestiall Their habitations were In Saturnes raigne The vvorld afforded such This Uirgil Ouid and others did immitate The first age the Golden one they say was vnder Saturne without warres or will to warres humanity was lockt in vnity neither were men contentious nor clamorous These were called Saturnian daies The next age Siluer vnder Ioue then warre began to buffle so did her daughter care hate and deceit The third Brazen warre hurles all vpon heapes and quasseth liues and bloud The fourth of the Halfe-Gods Heroes who thought they loued iustice yet their bosomes harboured an eager thirst of warres The first Iron wherein mischiefe goeth beyond bound and limit and all miseries breaking their prisons assault mans fortunes open deceit open hate open warres slaughters vastations burnings rapes and rapines all open violent and common e vnlesse vnlesse the gods be so impudent that they will sell that vnto men as a benefit from them which hath the original from another mans wil and so require thankes of them as though it were there guift when it is rather the gift of another One interpreter vnderstanding not the figure rappeth out what came first on his tongues end and vpon that as vpon a marble foundation Lord what a goodly building he raiseth concerning selling and the powers of deuills mans affects and many good morrowes euen such like as this in foundation is much of our Philosophers and Schoole-diuines trattle for all the world what wounderfull maters do they wring out of such or such places of Aristotle or the scriptures as indeed they neuer could truly vnderstand O happy builders that vpon no foundation but onely a meere smoke can rayse such goodly buildings as are held absolutely sky-towring so elegant and so durable Of the statue of Apollo at Cumae that shed teares as men thought for the Grecians miseries though he could not helpe them CHAP. 11. NOtwithstanding that there are many of these warres and conquests that fall out quite against those gods likings the Romaine history it selfe to omit those fables that do not tel one truth for a thousand lies shall giue cleare profe for therein we read that the statue of Apollo a Cumane in the time of the Romans warres againe the Achaians and b King Aristonicus did persist foure daies together in contiunall weeping which prodigy amazing the South-sayers they held it fit to cast the statue into the sea but the auncients of Cumae disswaded it and shewed them that it had done so likewise in the warres both against c Antiochus and d Persâ—…us testifying also that both these wars succeeding fortunarly vnto Rome the senat sent ther guifts and oblations vnto the statue of Apollo And then the South-sayers hauing learned wit answered that the weeping of Apollo was lucky to the Romaines because that e Cuma was a Greeke collony and that the statues teares did but portend mishap vnto the country from whence it came namely vnto Greece And soone after they heard how Aristonicus was taken prisoner and this was the cause of Apollos woes shewen in his teares And as touching this point not vnfitly though fabulously are the diuells trickes plainely discouered in the fictions of the Poets Diana was sory for Camilla in Virgill And Hercules wept for the death of Pallas And it may be that vpon this ground Numa in his great peace giuen him hee neither knew nor sought to know by whome bethinking him-selfe in his idlenesse vnto what gods he should commit the preseruation of the Romaines fortunes neuer dreaming that it is onely the great and almighty God that hath regard of these inferior things and remembring himselfe that the gods that Aeneas brought from Troy could neither preserue the estate of the Troians nor that of the Lauinians erected by Aeneas into any good continuance he thought fit to seeke out some others to ioyne with the former were gone with Romulus to Rome and that were afterwards to go at the distruction of Alba either to keepe them from running away or to helpe them when they saw them too weake L. VIVES APollo a Cumane King Attalus at his death made the people of Rome heyres to his Kingdome of which Aristonicus his brothers bastard sonne got possession before them hence grew there warres in which Licinius Consull and Priest was sent as Generall whom Aristonicus ouer-came M. Perpenna the next yeares Consull hearing of Crassus his fortune came with speed into Asia and hauing ouer-throwne Aristonicus and forced him into Stratonica through famine he forced him to yeeld and so sent him to Rome In this warre Nicomedes Mithridates Ariarathes and Pylemanes Kings of Bythinia Pontus Cappadocia and Paphlagonia fauoured the Romaines Achaia onely assisted Aristonicus b King Aristonicus This weeping of Apollo happened in the Consulshippe of Appius Claudius and M. Perpenna as Iulius Obsequens Fragm lib. de prodigiis in these wordes affirmeth App. Claudius and M. Perpenna being Consulls P. Crassus was slaine in battaile against Aristonicus Apollo's statue wept foure daies The prophets presaged the destruction of Greece from whence it came The Romaines offered it sacrifice and brought giftes vnto the temple Thus farre Obsequens The weeping of a statue portended mis-fortune to those that it fauoured as vpon the weeping of Iuno Sospita at Lauinium Consulls L. Aemilius Paulus Cn. Bebius Pamphilus followed a great pestilence So saith Lucane of the prodigies in the ciuill warres Indigâ—…tes flâ—…uisse dâ—…os vâ—…bisque laborem Testatos sudore Lares The Patron gods did weepe the cities paines The sweaâ—…ng Lars recorded c Antiochus King of Syria conquered by L. Cornelius Scipio brother to Africanus Liuie at large Decad. 4. d Perseus Some write Xerxes but it is better Perseus sonne to Philip King of Macedon whom L Aemilius Paulus conquered in a few houres in the second Macedonian warre Plutarch in Aemilius his life and others e Cumae The Chalcidians and the Cumaeans Strabo lib. 5 being people of Greece sailed into Italy with a great nauy and landing in Campania there built a citty The Cumaeans captaine was Hippocles the Chalcidians Megasthenes these agreed amongst themselues that the one people should inhabite the towne and the others should name it and so they did It was called Cumae and the inhabitants were Chalcidians Of this Cumae Virgil hath this verse Aenead 6. Chalcidicaque leuis tandem superastitit arâ—… And light at last on the Chalcidian towre This City saith Strabo is the most ancient Citty both of all Italy and Sicily How fruitlesse their multitude of gods was vnto the Romaines who induced them beyond the institution of Numa CHAP. 12. NOr could Rome
Iuno for all that shee was now as her husband was good friends with the Romaines nor Venus could helpe her sonnes progenie to honest and honorable mariages but suffered this want to growe so hurtfull vnto them that they were driuen to get them wiues by force and soone after were compelled to go into the field against their wiues owne fathers and the wretched women beeing yet scarcely reconciled to their husbands for this wrong offered them were now endowed with their fathers murthers and kindreds bloud but in this conflict the Romaines had the lucke to be conquerors But O what worlds of wounds what numbers of funerals what Oceans of bloudshed did those victories cost for one onely father a in lawe Caesar and for one onely sonne in law Pompey the wife of Pompey and daughter to Caesar being dead with what true feeling and iust cause of sorrow doth Lucane crie out Bella per Emathios plus quam ciuilia campos â—…usque datum sceleri canimus Warres worse then ciuill in th' b Emathian plaines And right left spoile to rage we sing Thus then the Romaines conquered that they might now returne and embrace the daughters with armes embrued in the bloud of the fathers nor duâ—…st the poore creatures weepe for their slaughtered parents for feare to offend their conquering husbands but all the time of the battle stood with their vowes in their mouthes c and knew not for which side to offer them Such mariages Bellona and not Venus bestowed vpon the Romaines or perhaps d Alecto that filthy hellish furie now that Iuno was agreed with them had more power vpon their bosomes now then shee had then when Iuno entreated her helpe against Aeneas Truly e Andromacha's captiuitie was farre more tollerable then these Romaine mariages for though she liued seruile yet Pyrrhus after hee had once embraced her would neuer kill Troian more But the Romaines slaughtered their owne step fathers in the field whose daughters they had already enioyed in their beds Andromacha's estate secured her from further feares though it freed her not from precedent sorrowes But these poore soules being matched to these sterne warriours could not but feare at their husbands going to battell and wept at their returne hauing no way to freedome either by their feares or teares For they must either in piety bewaile the death of their friendes and kinsfolkes or in cruelty reioice at the victories of their husbands Besides as warres chance is variable some lost their husbands by their fathers swords and some lost both by the hand of each other For it was no small war that Rome at that time waged It came to the besieging of the citty it selfe and the Romaines were forced to rely vppon the strength of their walls and gates which f being gotten open by a wile and the foe being entred within the wals g euen in the very market-place was there a most wofull and wicked battell struck betwixt the fathers in law and the sons And here were the rauishers coÌ„quered maugre their beards and driuen to flye into their owne houses to the great staine of all their precedent though badly and bloudily gotten h conquests for here Romulus him-selfe dispairing of his soldiors valors i praid vnto Iupiter to make them stand and k here-vpon got Iupiter his sur-name of Stator l Nor would these butcheries haue euer beene brought vnto any end but that the silly rauished women came running forth with torne and disheueled haire and falling at their parents feete with passionate intreaties insteed of hostile armes appeased their iustly inraged valors And then was Romulus that could not indure to share with his brother compelled to diuide his Kingdom with Tatius the King of the Sabines but m how long would he away with him that misliked the fellowship of his owne twin-borne brother So Tatius being slaine he to become the greater Deity tooke possession of the whole kingdome O what rights of mariage were these what firebrands of war what leagues of brother-hood affinity vnion or Deity And ah what n liues the cittizens lastly led vnder so huge a bed-roll of gods Guardians You see what copious matter this place affordeth but that our intention bids vs remember what is to follow and falles on discourse to other particulars L. VIVES FAther in law a Caesar Iulia the only daughter of C. Caesar was married vnto Cn. Pompeius the great Shee died in child-bed whilst her father warred in France And after that he and his sonne in law waged ciuils wars one against another b Emathian That which is called Macedonia now was called once Emathia Plin. lib. 4. There did Pompey and Caesar fight a set field c And knew not Ouid Fastor 3. hath these wordes of the Sabine women when the Romaines battell and theirs were to ioine Mars speaketh Conueniunt nuptae dictam Iunonis in aedem Quas inter mea sic est nurus ausa loqui O pariter raptae quoniam hoc commune tenemus Non vltra lentae possumus essepiae Stant acies sed vtradij sunt pro parte rogandi Eligite hinc coniunx hinc pater arma tenet Querendum est viduae fieri malitis an orbae c. The wiues in Iunoes church a meeting make Where met my daughter thus them all be spake Poore rauisht soules since all our plights are one Our zeale ha's now no meane to thinke vpon The batails ioine whom shall we pray for rather Choose here a husband fights and there a father Would you be spouselesse wiues or fatherlesse c. e Or perhaps Alecto The 3. furies Alecto Magera Tisiphone are called the daughters of night Acheron Alecto affects yâ— hart with ire hate tumult sedition clamors war slaughters Tâ—… pâ—…es unaâ—…s arâ—…re in prâ—…lia â—…ratres 〈◊〉 â—…is verâ—…re dâ—…s T is thou can make sworne bretheren mortall foes Confounding hate with hate Saith Iuno to Alecto stirring her vp against the Troians Aeneid 7. e Andromache Hectors wife daughter to Tetion King of Thebes in Cilicia Pyrrhus married her after the destruction of Troye f Beeing gotte open Sp. Tarpeius was Lieutenant of the Tower whose daughter Tarpeia Tatius the Sabine King with great promises allured to let in his souldiors when shee went out to fetch water Shee assented vpon condition that shee might haue that which each of his souldiors wore vpon his left arme Tatius agreed and being let in the Soldiours smothered the maide to death with their bucklers for them they wore on their left armes also whereas shee dreamed onely of their golden bracelets which they bore on that arme Plutarch out of Aristides Milesius saith that this happened to the Albanes not to the Sabines In Parallelis But I do rather agree with Liuie Fabius Piso and Cincius of the Latine writers and Dionysius of the Greekes g In the very market place Betweene the Capitoll and Mount Palatine h Conquests Not of the Sabines but of the Ceninensians the Crustumerians and the Attennates i Praid
vnto Iupiter In these words But O thou father of Gods and men keepe but the foes from hence take away the Romanes terror and stay their flight Vnto thee O Iupiter Stator doe I vowe to build a temple in this place as a monument vnto all posteritie that by thine onely helpe the citty was saued Liuius lib. 1. k Herevpon stato â sistendo of staying or à stando of stablishing that is erecting the Romaine spirits that were deiected Cicero calleth this Iupiter the preseruer of the Empire in many places I thinke it is because his house was neere this temple Saint Hierome saith that this Iupiter was formed standing not that he thinketh he was called Stator because he standeth so vpright but because Iupiter Tonans as Hermolaus Barbarus hath noted was alwayes stamped and engrauen vpon ancient coynes sitting and Stator standing as being in readinesse to helpe and assist men Seneca giues a deeper reason of his name Hee is not called stator saith he because as history reporteth hee stayed the Romaine armie after the vowe of Romulus but because by his benefits all things consist and are established De benefic lib. 4. And Tully likewise When we call Iupiter Almighty Salutaris Hospitalis Stator wee meane that all mens health and stabilitie is consisting of him and from him being vnder his protection But both these authors doe here speake Stoically For Tully maketh Cato the Stoike speake these fore-alledged words De finib lib. 3. For all these assertions of the gods the Stoikes reduced to a more Metaphysicall or Theologicall sence l Nor would these Butcheries In the middest of the fight the women gaue in betwixt the battels all bare-headed and loose haired and calling on their parents on this side and their husbands on that with teares besought them both to fall to agreement So the battell ceased a league was made the Sabines became citizens and Tatius was ioyned King with Romulus m But how long The Laurentians of Lauinium slew Tatius the fift yeare of his raigne with Romulus because his friends had iniured their Embassadors Hereof was Romulus very glad n Liues some read Iura lawes But in the old manuscripts some haue vita and some vitae liues both better then Iura How impious that warre was which the Romaines began with the Albans and of the nature of those victories which ambition seekes to obtaine CHAP. 14. BVT when Numa was gone what did the succeeding Kings O how tragicall as well on the Romaines side as on the Albanes was that warre betweene Rome and Alba Because forsooth the peace of Numa was growne loathsome therefore must the Romaines and the Albanes begin alternate massacres to so great an endamaging of both their estates And Alba a the daughter of Ascanius Aeneas his sonne a more appropiate mother vnto Rome then Troye must by Tullus Hostilius his prouocation bee compelled to fight with Rome it selfe her owne daughter And fighting with her was afflicted and did afflict vntill the continuall conflicts had vtterly tyred both the parties And then they were faine to put the finall ending of the whole warre b to sixe bretheren three Horatij on Romes sides and three Curiatij on Albas So two of the Horatij fell by the three other and the three other fell by the third onely of the Horatij Thus gotte Rome the vpper hand yet so hardly as of sixe combattants onely one suruiued Now who were they that lost on both sides who were they that lamented but Aeneas his progenie Ascanius his posteritie Venus of spring and Iupiters children for this warre was worse then ciuill where the daughter citty bore armes against the mother c Besides this brethrens fight was closed with an horrid and an abhominable mischiefe For in the time of the league betweene both citties a sister of the Horatij was espoused to one of the Curiatij who seeing her brother returne with the spoiles of her dead spouse and bursting into teares at this heauy sight was runne thorow the body by hir owne brother in his heate and furie There was more true affection in this one poore woman in my iudgement then in all the whole Romaine nation besides Shee did not deserue to be blamed for bewailing that hee was slaine to whom shee ought her faith or that her brother had slaine him to whom he him-selfe perhaps had promised her his sister For Pious Aeneas is commended in Virgill for bewailing d him whom hee had slaine as an enemie And Marcellus viewing the faire cittie Syracusa being then to bee made a prey to ruine by the armes of his conduct reuoluing the inconstancie of mortall affaires pittied it and bewailed it I pray you then giue thus much leaue to a poore woman in tender affection faultlesly to bewaile her spouse slaine by her brother since that warlike men haue beene praised for deploring their enemies estate in their owne conquests But when this one wretched soule lamented thus that her loue had lost his life by her brothers hand contrarywise did all Rome reioyce that shee had giuen their mother so mighty a foyle and exulted in the plenty of the allyed bloud that she had drawne What face then haue you to talke of your victories and your glories hereby gotten Cast but aside the maske of mad opinion and all these villanies will appeare naked to view peruse and censure weigh but Alba's cause and Troyes together and you shall finde a full difference Tullus began these warres onely to renew the discontinued valours and triumphs of his country-men From this ground arose these horrid warres betweene kindred kindred which not-withstanding Saluste doth but ouer-run sicco pede for hauing briefly recollected the precedent times when men liued without aspiring or other affects each man contenting himselfe with his owne But after that e Cyrus quoth he in Asia and the Lacedemonians and Athenians in Greece began to subdue the countries cities within their reaches thâ—…n desire of soueraignty grew a common cause of warre and opinion placed the greatest glory in the largest Empire c. Thus farre he This desire of soueraigntie is a deadly corrasiue to humaine spirits This made the Romaines triumph ouer Alba and gaue the happy successe of their mischiefes the stile of glories Because as out Scripture saith The wicked maketh boast of his hearts desire and the vniust dealer blesseth himselfe Take off then these deluding vayles from things and let them appeare as they are indeed Let none tell me Hee or Hee is great because he hath coped with and conquered such and such an one Fencers can fight conquer those bloudy acts of theirs in their combate f doe neuer passe vngraced But I hold it rather fit to expose a mans name to all taint of idlenesse then to purchase renowne from such bad emploiment But if two Fencers or sword-plaiers should come vpon the stage one being the father another the sonne who could endure such a spectacle how then
his Inuectiues hee saith plainly It is our good-will and fame that hath made Romulus this Citties founder a God To shew that it was not so indeed but onely spred into a reporte by their good-will to him for his worthe and vertues But in his Dialogue called k Hortensius disputing of regular Eclipses hee saith more plainely To produce such a darkenesse as was made by the Eclipse of the Sunne at Romulus his death Here he feared not to say directly his death by reason hee susâ—…ained the person of a disputant rather then a Panegyricke But now for the other Kings of Rome excepting Numa and Ancus Martius that dyed of infirmities what horrible ends did they all come to Hostilius the subuerter of Alba as I sayd was consumed together with his whole house by lightning l Tarquinius Priscus was murthered by his predecessors sonnes And Seruius Tullius by the villanie of his sonne in lawe Tarquin the proude who succeeded him in his kingdome Nor yet were any of the gods gone from their shrines for all this so haynous a parricide committed vpon this so good a King though it bee affirmed that they serued wretched Troye in worse manner in leauing it to the licentious furie of the Greekes onely for Paris his adulterie Nay Tarquin hauing shedde his father in lawes bloud seazed on his estate himselfe This parricide gotte his crowne by his step fathers murder and after-wards glorying in monstrous warres and massacres and euen building the Capitoll vp with hence-got spoiles This wicked man the gods were so far from â—…or saking that they sat and looked on him nay and would haue Iupiter their principall to sit and sway all things in that stately temple namely in that blacke monument of parricide for Tarquin was not innocent when he built m the Capitoll and for his after-guilt incurred expulsion No foule and inhumaine murder was his very ladder to that state whereby he had his meanes to build the Capitol And n whereas the Romains expelled him the state and Citty afterwards the cause of that namely Lucresses rape grew from his sonne and not from him who was both ignorant and absent when that was done for then was he at the siege of Ardea and a fighting for the Romaines good nor know we what he woold haue done had he knowne of this fact of his sonne yet without all triall or iudgement the people expelled him from his Empire and hauing charged his army to abandon him tooke them in at the gates shut him out But he himselfe after he had plagued the Romaines by their borderers meanes with eztreame warres and yet at length being not able to recouer his estate by reason his friends fayled him retired himselfe as it is reported vnto o Tusculum a towne fourteene miles from Rome and there enioying a quiet and priuat estate liued peaceably with his wife and died farre more happily then his Father in law did who fell so bloudily by his meanes and p his owne daughters consent as it is credibly affirmed and yet this Taquin was neuer surnamed cruell nor wicked by the Romaines but the Proud it may be q because their owne pride would not let them beare with his As for the crime of killing that good King his Step-father they shewed how light they made of that in making him murder the King wherein I make a question whether the gods were not guilty in a deeper manner then he by rewarding so highly a guilt so horrid and not leauing their shrines all at that instant when it was done vnlesse some will say for them that they staid still at Rome to take a deeper reuenge vpon the Romaines rather then to assist them seducing them with vaine victories and tossing them in vnceasing turmoiles Thus liued the Romaines in those so happy times vnder their Kings euen vntil the expelling of Tarquine the proud which was about two hundred forty and three yeares together paying so much bloud and so many liues for euery victory they got and yet hardly enlarging their Empire the distance of r twenty miles compasse without the walles How farre then haue they to conquer and what store of stroks to share vntill they come to conquer a City of the s Getulians L. VIVES THeir owne a writers Dionisius lib. 2 saith that the senators tore him in peeces and euery one bore away a peece wrapped in his gowne keping it by this meanes from the notice of the vulgar b I know not whome this hee addeth either because the author is obscure or because the lye that Proculus told was vile periured c Ignorance Before that their Philosopers shewed men the causes of eclipses men when they saw them feared indeed either some great mischiefe or the death of the planets themselues nor was this feare only vulgar euen the learned shared in it as Stefichorus and Pindarus two lyrick Poets d They should not rather not is put into the reformed copies otherwise the sence is inuerted e that that eclipse the partly meeting of the Sun and Moone depriues vs of the Suns light and this is the Eclypse of the Sun but the shade of the earth falling from the suns place lineally vpon the moone makes the moones eclipse So that neither can the Sunne bee Eclipsed but in the Moones change and partile coniunction with him neither can the Moone be eclipsed but at her ful and in her farthest posture from the sunne then is she prostitute to obnubilation f The regular Regular and Canonicall is all one of Canon the Greeke word well was this waighed of the Augustine Monkes who holding the one insufficient would be called by them both g Adde vnto this Liuie A tempest suddainely arose with great thunder and lightning h Of Hostilius Some write that he and his whole house was burnt with lightning Some that it was fired by Martius Ancus his successor i Embase Vilefacere saith Saint Augustine but this is not well nor learnedly no if any of our fine Ciceronians correct it it must be Uilificare for this is their vsuall phrase Hominificare animalificare accidentificare asinificare k Hortensius Wee haue lost it that which some take to bee it is the fourth of the Tusculanes Marcellus l Tarquinius Priscus The fift Romaine King Demaratus his sonne of Corinth hee was slaine by shephards suborned by the sonnes of Martius Ancus After him came Seruius Tullus his step-sonne powrefull in peace and warre who adorned his Citty with many good institutions Hee was slaine by the meanes of Tarquin the proude This Tarquin was brutish and cruell to his people but exceeding valourous in warre and peace m The Capitol On the hill Saturnius afterwardes called Tarpeius did hee dedicate the Capitol to almighty Ioue n And whereas The seauenth and last King of the Romaines hee was expelled by Brutus Collatinus Lucretius Valerius Horatius c. Partly because of many old iniuries but chiefely for his sonne Sextus his Rape of Lucresse Hee was
befieging Ardea when the people beganne this depriuation and when he came to the Citty Brutus that came into the campe another waie with-drew all his army from him o Tusculum It is more commonly beleeued that hee died at Cumae with King Aristodemus liuing neere at the age of 90. yeares I doe not denie his stay some yeares at Tusculum with Octauius Mamilius his sonne in law vntill at that memorable filed at Lake Regillus now called Lago di S. Prassede Mamilius was slaine by T. Herminius Legate of Rome Which perhaps is cause of Saint Augustines forgetfulnesse in a matter of so small a moment caring not whether it bee reported thus or thus p His owne daughters consent Nay furtherance it is sayd and continuall vrging her husband to the fact q There owne pride A pithy and elegant saying r twenty miles Eighteene saith Ruffus won by Ancus from Rome to Ostia by the sea Eutropius hath but sixteene s Getulians Getulia is a part of Affrike neere the inhabitable Zone as Mela saith Salust writeth thus of them The rude and barbarous Getulians dwelt at first in Africa the flesh of wild beastes grasse was their meate as beasts haue also their apparell Law had they none nor gouernment nor place of aboade This and more hath Salust of the Getulians Mela saith they are a great and populous country Of the first Romaine Consulls how the one expelled the other out of his country and hee himselfe after many bloudy murders fell by a wound giuen him by his wounded foe CHAP. 16. VNto these times adde the other wherein as Salust saith things were modestly and iustly caried vntill the feare of Tarquin and the Hetrurian warre were both ended For whilest the Hetrurians assisted Tarquins endeauours of re-instalment Rome quaked vnder so burthenous a warre And therefore saith Salust were things caried modestly and iustly feare beeing the cause here of by restraint not iustice by perswasion In which short space O how cruell a course had the yeare of the two first Consulls The time beeing yet vnexpired Brutus debased Collatine and banished him the Citty And soone after perished he himselfe hauing a enterchanged a many wounds with his foe b hauing first slaine his owne sonnes and his wiues brothers because he found them actors in a plot to recall Tarquin Which deed Virgill hauing laudably recited presently doth in gentle manner deplore it for hauing sayd Natosque Pater mala bella mouentes Ad panam pulcra pro libertate vocabit His sonnes conuict of turbulent transgression He kills to quit his country from oppression Presently in lamenting manner he addeth Infaelix vtcunque ferent ea fact a minores Haplesse how ere succeeding times shall ringe Howsoeuer his posterity shall ring of the praise of such an act yet haplesse is he that giues deathes summons to his owne sonnes But to giue some solace to his sorrowes he addeth after all Viâ—…t amor patriae laudumque immensa cupido Conquer'd by countries loue and lawds high thirst Now in Brutus his killing of his owne sonnes and c in beeing killed by Tarquins sonne whome hee had hurt and Tarquin himselfe suruiuing him is not d Collatines wrong well reuenged who beeing so good a cittizen was banished onely because his name was but Tarqâ—…n as well as Tarquin the tyrant e It was the name you say that was the cause of this well hee should haue beene made to change his name then and not to abandon his country Againe f this word would haue beene but little missed in his name if hee had beene called L. Collatine onely This therefore was no sufficient cause why hee beeing one of the first Consulls should bee forced to abiure both his honours and his Citie But is this vniustice being so detestable and so vse-lesse to the state fit to bee the foundation of Brutus his glory Did he these things being Conquâ—…r'a by our countries loues and laudes high thirst Tarquin beeing expelled Lucraetia's-husband was ioyned Consull with Iunius Brutus how iustly did the people respect the conditions of the man aâ—…d not the name But how vniustly did Brutus hauing powre to depriue him onely of the cause of the offence his name in depriuing him both of his country and place of honour Thus these euills thus these thwart effects fell out euen then when things were said to be carried so modestly and so iustly And g Lucraetius that had Brâ—…tus his place died ere this yeare ended So that P. Valerius that succeeded Collatine and M. Horatius that had Lucraetius his place ended that Hellish and murderous yeare which saw it selfe passe by fiue Consulls This was the yeare wherein Rome deuised her platforme of new gouernment their feares now beginning to surcease not because they had no warres but because those they had were but light ones But the time beeing expired wherein things were modestly and iustly carried then followed those which Salust doth thus breeflie deliniate Then bâ—…ganne the Patriots to oppresse the pâ—…ople with seruile conditions to iudge of life and death as Imperiously as the Kings had done before to thrust men from their possessions to put by all others and to sâ—…are all themselues with which outrages and chiefly with their extorted taxes the people beeing to much vexed beeing bound both to maintaine an armie and also to par contributions besidâ—…s they rusht vppe to armes and entrenched themselues vpon Mount Sacer and Auentine and there they made them Tribunes and diuers lawes but these discords and tumultuous contentions ended not till the second African warre L. VIVES HAuing a entâ—…rchanged With Arnus King Tarquinius sonneâ—… beeing slaine the matrons mourned a whole yeare for him and his Collâ—…ague Valerius made an oration in his praise the first of that kinde in Rome b Hauing first slaine The Viteâ—… Brutus his wiues brethren conspired with certaine secret messengers of Tarquin to bring him secretly in againe and made Titus and Tiberius Brutus the Consull sons priuy and pertakers in this affaire Brutus discouering the plot put them all to death c In beeing killed The manuscripts haue this diuersly wee haue it the best d Collatines wrong I noted before That those that depriued their fellowes in Consull-ship liued not a yeare after e For it is sayd Hee was sonne to M. Iunius and Tarquins sister f This name would Some hereof transpose the word if but erroneously g Lucraetius This first yeare had fiue Consulls first Brutus and Collatine then P. Valerius Poplicola in Collatines place Then Sp Lucraetius after the death of Brutus in warre had Brutus his place and hee dying ere the end of the yeare M. Horatius Puluillu succeeded him Of the Vexations of the Romaine estate after the first beginning of the the Consulls rule And of the little good that their gods all this while did them CHAP. 17. BVt why should I spend so much time in writing of these things or make others spend it in reading them How miserable the state
physicke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iatros is a Physitian Obstetrix a mid-wife and Archiatri were also the Princes Physitians Iustin Codic Of the Comites and Archiatri which the Spaniards call Protomedici c. o Great pestilence Oros. lib. 4. In the entrance of the first Affrican warre p In which Cice. de diuini lib. 2 at large of the Sybils and their books q Many of the temples The Sooth saiers answer in Tullies time concerning the prodigies was yâ— very same Cic. Orat. de Aruspic respons The miseries of the Romaines in the Affrican warres and the small stead their gods stood them therein CHAP. 18. BVt now in the wars of Affrica victory still houering doubtfully betwixt both sides and two mighty and powerful nations vsing all their might power to reciprocrall ruine how many petty Kingdomes perished herein How many faire citties were demolished or afflicted or vtterly lost How sar did this disastrous contention spread to the ruine of so many Realmes and great Estates How often were the conquerors on either side conquered What store of men armed and naked was there that perished How many ships were sunke at â—…eas by fight and tempest Should we particularize wee should become a direct Historiographer Then Rome beeing in these deep plunges ran head-long vnder those vaine and rediculous remedies for then a were the Secular plaies renued by the admonition of the Sibils books which institution had bin ordained an hundred yeares before but was now worn out of al memory in those so happy times The high priests also b renued the sacred plaies to the hel-gods with the better times had in like manner abolished before nor was it any wonder to see theÌ„ now reuenged for the hel-gods desired now to becom reuellers being inriched by this continual vncesing world of men who like wretches in following those blody vnrelenting wars did nothing but act the diuels reuels and prepare banquets for the infernal spirits Nor was there a more laudable accident in al this whole war then that Regulus should be taken prisoner a worthy man and before that mishap a scourge to the Carthaginians who had ended the Affrican war long before but that he would haue bouÌ„d the Carthaginians to stricter conditions then they could beare The most sodaine captiuity the most faithful oth of this man and his most cruel death if the gods do not blush at c surely they are brazen-fac'd and haue no blood in them Nay for all this Romes wals stood not safe but tasted of some mischiefe and all those within them for the riuer Tiber d ouer-flowing drown'd almost al the leuel parts of the citty turning some places as it were into torrents and other some into fens or lakes this plague vshered in a worse of fire e which beginning in the market-place burned al the higher buildings therabouts sparing not the owne f harbor and temple of Vesta where it was so duly kept in by those g not so honorable as damnable Votaresses Now it did not only continue here burning but raging with the fury wherof the virgins being amazed h Metcllus the high Priest ran into the fire and was half burned in fetching out of those fatal reliques which had bin the ruin of i three citties where they had bin resident k The fire neuer spared him for all he was the Priest Or else the true Deity was not there but was fled before though the fire were there still but here you see how a mortal man could do Vests more good then she could do him for if these gods could not guard them-selues from the fire how could they guard their citty which they were thought to guard froÌ„ burnings and inundations Truly not a whit as the thing shewed it selfe Herein we would not obiect these calamities against the Romains if they would affirme that al these their sacred obseruations only aime at eternity and not at the goods of this transitory world and that therefore when those corporall things perished there was yet no losse by that vnto the endes for which they were ordained because that they might soone be made fit for the same vses againe But now such is their miserable blindnesse that they think yâ— those idols that might haue perished in this fiery extremity had power to preserue the temporall happines of the citty but now seeing that they remained vnconsumed and yet were able to shew how such ruins of their safeties and such great mischiefs hath befalne the citty this makes them ashamed to change that opinion which they see they cannot possibly defend L. VIVES THen were a the secular plaies I think it will not be amisse if I say somwhat of those plaies from their first originall Ualesius Sabinus a rustick as the best were then praying for his three sick children heard a voice yâ— said they should recouer if he would carry them ouer Tiber to Terentum there recreate them with the warm water of Dis and Proserpina Valesius dreaming of the citty Terentum though it were far off and no such riuer as Tiber neer it yet hiring a ship sailed with his sons to Ostia setting them on shore to refresh them-selues in Mars his field he asked yâ— ship-master where he might haue som fire he replied at the adioining TerentuÌ„ for ther he saw som that the sheapheards had made it was called Terentum of Tero to weare because the riuer ware away the shore or because Dis his alter was there inhumed Ualesius hearing the name commanded the shippe to put ouer thether thinking this was the place meanâ—… by the Oracle and departing to the citty to buy an altar hee bad his seruants meane while to digge a place for it They digged 20. foot deep and there they found an old altar inscrib'd To Dis and Proserpina This the Romaines had inhumed after their infernall sacrifices beeing to fight with the Albasnes for so the deuil bad them doe ere they ioyned battaile Ualesius returnes and finding the altar offers blacke offrings to Dis and Proserp and spreading beddes for the gods staied there three nights for so long after were they sicke with reuells and dances that these children had escaped this sicknesse This custome P. V. Poplicola one of Valesius his progeny brought into the Citty in the first yeare of the freedome Three daies and nights the people watched at the altars of Ioue and Apollo offring a white bull and certaine children whose parents were liuing sung a song to Apollo Then watched they at Iuno's offring a white Heifer this was in the day time on the night at Dianas Proserpina's Terra's and the Destenies offring black creatures and burning of tapers and then were Stage-plaies presented to Apollo and Diana and the Circian Games and those stately and famous spectacles were called the Secular plaies because they were acted once euery age taking an age here for the longest space of mans life Some giue it more yeares some lesse as it is in
bestow vpon stage-plaiers which as then they were ful faine of for their vttermost means of safety to spend vpon the soldiars L. VIVES BY a their owne Liu. Proaem 3. Decad. The victors were the nearer vnto ruine continually Sil. Ital. 1. This Poet and Liuy the first in verse and later in prose haue recorded these warres at large Besides others reade them b Cannas There Haniball gaue the Romaines aâ—…ore ouer-throw in the third yeare of the warre L. Aem. Paulus and L. Terent. Varro Consulls Liu. lib. 12. Cannas is not the towne Canusium but a towne in Apulia nere the riuer Aufidus now Cannella Sabbellic Annot. c Himselfe badde hold Perhappes Augustine meaneth of the wordes that Hanniball said to Maharball that willed him to march straight vnto Rome no saith hee Let our foes leade the waie all is well wee will follow them at leasure For I reade not that Hanniball euer spared the Romaines either in the fight or after it Vnlesse it bee their that Liuie saith that after the fight at Cannas Hannibal called the Romaines to him which hee neuer did before and gently told them that it was not for bloud but for Empire and dignity that he warred with them allowing them leaue to redeeme the prisoners rating an horse-mans ransome at fiue hundred peeces a footmans at three hundred a seruants at a hundred d Three bushels some adde halfe a bushell some diminish two bushels which Liuie saith is most likely The Ring was the Gentlemans marke or cognisance distinguishing them from the common sort the Senate also and the Nobility wore them But they were generally vsed about this time Plin. lib. 33. Else saith he they could not haue sent three bushels of them to Carthage A bushell what it is Budaeus declares in his booke De Asse amongst other measures the discourse is long look it there e Malefactors Iunius Bubulcus his deuice in imitation of Romulus that made his citty populus by allowing sanctuary to male factors Oros. lib. 4. Iunius saith Liuie allighted from his horse and proclaimed that all such as were capitall offenders or desperate oebters should go with him to warre vpon condition to bee freed of all their affâ—…ctions f To set all the slaues eight thousand of slaues were freed imbanded and called Volones because beeing asked if tâ—…ey would fight each one said Volo I will Liuie g Make a whole For there were eight thousand of these and six thousand of them Malefactors whom they armed with French spoiles of C Flaminius his triumph h Nay let vs not Though they were not free vntill they had ouerthrown Hanno at Beneuentum and were therefore freed by the Generall Gracchus vnder whome they fought most stoutly i And tribes Whether this word bee added by some other or no I know not Truly the Senate them-selues were of the tribes which were three in the whole as Romulus appointed them at first but in time increased to thirty fiue The Senators Gentlemen and Plebeyans were parts of each of these nor was there any Romaine cittizen but he was of some tribe Is there any of you saith Cicero Antonian 6. ad Pop. Rom. that hath no tribe none They haue made him Patron of thirty fiue tribes Wherefore what should this meane The Senate was as well diuided from the tribes as it was from the Gentlemen and Plebeyans or it may be spoken as this is The Senate and people of Rome or the Senate People and commonty of Rome both or all three being all included one in another This hold 〈◊〉 the most likely Of the ruine of the Saguntines who perished for their confederacy with Rome the Romaine gods neuer helping them CHAP. 20. But in all the disasters of the second Affrican warre there was none more lamentable then the dissolution of the a Saguntines these inhabiting in a citty in Spaine being sworne friendes to the Romaines were destroied for keeping their faith to them For Haniball breaking the league with Rome gaue here the first occasion of warre inguirting the citty of Saguntum with a cruell and straight siege Whereof the Romaines hauing intelligence sent an Ambassage to wish Haniball to raize his siege but the Legats being dispised by him went to Carthage whence hauing done nothing they returned without any redresse for the breach of the league and in the meane time this citty whilom so stately was now brought to that misery that about eight or nine months after the beginning of the siege the Affricans tooke it and raized it to the very ground To reade how it perished were a horror much more to write it yet I wil run ouer it briefely seeing it is very pertinent to the argument we prosecute first it was eaten downe with famine for some say it was driuen to feed vppon the carkasses which it harboured And then being in this laborinth of languors yet rather then it would take in Haniball as a conqueror the cittizens made a huge fire in the Market-place and therein intombed all their parents wiues children and friends after they had slaine them first and lastly them-selues b Here now these gluttenous trecherous wastefull cousening dauncing gods should haue done somew-hat heere they should haue done some-what to helpe these distressed faithfull friendes of the Romaines and to saue them from perishing for their loyalties sake They were called as witnesses betweene both when the league was made betweene Rome and these poore men who keeping that faith which they hadde willingly passed sollemnely sworne and sacredly obserued vnder their protections were besieged afflicted and subuerted by one that had broken all faith all religion c If the goddes with thunder and lightning could fright Hanniball from Romes walles and make him keepe aloofe from them they should first haue practised this here For I dare auerre that with farre more honesty might they haue helped the Romaines friends beeing in extreames for keeping their faith to them and hauing then no meanes nor power then they did the Romaines them-selues that fought for them-selues and had very good forces and purses able to repell Hannibals powers If they hadde beene carefull guardians of Romes glory they would neuer haue left it stained with the sufferance of this sadde calamity of the Saguntines But now how sottish is their beleefe that thinke these goddes kept Rome from perishing by the hand of victorious Hanniball and the Carthaginians that could not saue Saguntum from perishing for keeping hir faith sworne so sollemnly to the Romaines If Saguntum hadde beene Christian and had suffered such an extremity for the Gospell though it ought not as then to haue wrackt it selfe by fire nor sword yet had it indured such for the Gospell it would haue borne it stoutly by reason of that hope which it would haue held in Christ to haue beene after all crowned by him with an eternall guerdon But as for these false goddes that desire to bee and are worshipped onely for the assurance of this transitory tearme of our
toarches at weddâ—…gs neither more nor lesse Leporius not an Epithite of Venus as Acron thought it was of Sâ—…le but a goddesse by her selfe called Peitho the goddesse of perswasion Quintil. Hymeâ—… â—…so was a chiefe god inuoked at marriages as in Catullus is plaine Seruius in 1. 〈◊〉 saith hee was an Athenian that deliuered the Virgins in a most extreame warre and therefore was invoked at marriages as the discharger of Virginity Martian calles him the 〈◊〉 of Bacchus and Calliopeia i Fructesia Not Fruges k Pecunia Iuuenall Sat. 〈◊〉 â—…esta pecunia templo 〈◊〉 nullas nummoru ereximus aras Though fatall money doth not â—…it Ador'd in shrine nor hath an Altar yet Seeing to say shee had neither Temple nor Altar It may bee hee knew not that shee was a goddâ—…â—…or Varro saith that many pointes of the Romaines religion was vnknowne euen vnto the learned l Father This is diuersly read but all to one sence m Brasse money Plin. lib. 33. The first stampe was set vpon siluer in the yeare after Rome was built D. LXXXV Q. Fabius beeing Consull fiue yeares before the first African warre where for D. You must 〈◊〉 but CCCC For that warre beganne in the Consulshippes of Ap. Claudius brother to 〈◊〉 and Q. Fuluius CCCCXC yeares after Rome was founded Eutropius saith it was â—…ed 〈◊〉 that war but he mistaketh the time herein as he doth in many things besides But 〈◊〉 â—…ee haue spoken sufficiently already The stampe was two horses in a yoake and foure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and thereafter were they named For the stampe of Victory came not vp vntill a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Confederates warre beeing set vpon siluer mixt with Copper The golden peeces were coined in the second African warre LXII yeares after the siluer came vp n Rubigo Rubigo is the putrified dewe eating and cankring the young plants in the morning saith Pliny and in quiet weather doth this fall vpon corne and on cleare nights in va lies and places where the aire is not mooued nor is it perceiued vntill it be done High hilles and windy places are neuer troubled with this inconuenience This feast Numa ordained to bee kept on the seauenth of Maies Calends for then doth this canker the most mischiefe This time Varro doth appoint to be when the sunne is in the tenth degree of Taurus as the course went then but indeed the true cause is that 29. daies after the aequinoctiall of the spring for the space of foure daies on the 4. of Maies Callends the vehement starre called the dog-starre setteth to which it is necessary to offer a dogge This from Varro A dog indeed was sacrificed vnto this Rubigo Ouid. Fast. 4. Varro talketh of a god called Robigus also that is ioyned with Flora. Rer. rustic lib. 1. making them one of the sixe paire of gods that hee calles vpon Robigus quasi Rodigus of Rodo to gnaw or eate away Rubigo is properly a sore or vlcer gotten by filthy lust Rust vpon Iron also is called rubigo growing vpon it as vpon corne for want of motion Of the knowledge of these Pagan gods which Varro boasteth hee taught the Romaines CHAP. 22. VVHat great good turne then doth Varro boast that hee hath done vnto his Cittizens in the particularizing of the gods and their worshippes that the Romaines must obserue For what booteth it saith hee to know a Phisitian by name and by face and yet to bee ignorant what a Phisitian is so likewise it booteth not saith hee to know Aesculapius vnlesse you know that he cures diseases otherwise you know not what to pray to him for And this hee confirmes in another simyly saying A man cannot liue well nay hee cannot liue at all if hee know not the Smith the Painter the Carpenter c. distinctly where to haue this necessary where that where to bee taught this or that So it is plaine that to know what powre euery god hath and vpon what obiect is wonderfull vse-full For thence may wee gather whome to sue vnto for euery neede wee haue and not follow the a Mimickes in begging water of Bacchus and wine of the b Nymphes Who would not giue this man thankes now if his doctrine were true and did shew the worshippe of the true GOD of whom alone we are to aske all things L. VIVES THe a Mimikes To make sport b The Nymphes Or Lymphes Lympha is all moisture and ouer all moysture doe the Nymphes rule The Nereides in the sea The Nayades in fountaines the Napeae in the moisture of flowres and herbes The Druides and Hamadryades ouer the sappe of trees The Oreades ouer the humid hilles The Nymphes are in number 3000. all daughters of Oceanus and Tethis Hesiod Theog Of the absolute sufficiency of Felicity alone whome the Romaines who worshipped so many gods did for a great while neglect and gaue no diuine honours vnto CHAP. 23. BVt if their bookes bee true and that Felicity bee a goddesse how comes it to passe that shee hath not all the worshippe vnto her selfe beeing of her selfe sufficient for all needes Who wisheth any thing buâ—… happinesse And why was it so a late before b Lucullus the first of all the Romaines thought it fitte to erect her a Temple Why did not Romulus that wished the citty so well prouide a place for her seeing that her presence might haue saued him all his labour in praying to the other gods hee had neuer beene King nor euer come to haue beene a god had not shee stucke to him Why then did hee clogge the Romaines with such a noyse of gods Ianus Ioue Mars c Picus d Faunus e Tiberinus Hercules and all the rest And what did Tatius bringing in Saturne Ops Sol Luna Vulcan f Lux and to close vppe all sweete Cloacina leauing Felicity in the duste And what was Numa's minde to gather such an hoste of hee gods and shee gods and leaue her out Could hee not finde her for the multitude Verily g Hostilius would neuer haue brought Feare and Pallor to bee templified if hee had had any knowledge of this Felicity For had shee come there Feare and Pallor must needes haue beene a packing Againe in all the increase of the Empire shee was not thought of no man serued her what was the reason of this Was the Empire more great then happie Perhappes so For how can true Felicity bee their where true Piety is not And h Piety is the true worshippe of the true GOD not the adoration of those multitude of false godes or deuills whether you will But afterwardes when Felicity was entertained and had gotte a place with the rest the great infelicitie of the ciuill warres followed presentlie vpon it Was not Felicity angrie thinke you that shee was letten passe so long and then taken in at last not to her honour but to her disgrace beeing ranked with Priapus and Cloacina and Feare and Pallor and Feuer and a sorte that were no godes to bee
durst nâ—… speake his mind freely of those gods because of the inueterat custome of his country k heauen and whome Tully with the Stoicks maketh the chiefe of the gods Of Varros reiecting the popular opinion and of his beleefe of one God though he knew not the true God CHAP. 31. ANd what say you to Varro whom we are sory should make plaies as an honor to true gods in religion though not in iudgment seeing he exhorteth men to the adoration of the gods so religiously doth not he confesse that he is not of the opinion of those that left the Romaines their religion and that if he were to leaue the citty any institutions hee would rather giue them their gods after the prescript of nature But seeing that the former hath beene of so long a continuance hee saith that it was but his duty to prosecute his discourse hereof from the eldest antiquities to the end that the people should â—…t be induced rather to honor then to contemne them wherein this iuditious writer sheweth that the things whereof he writeth would be contemptible to the people as well as to him-selfe if they were not kept in silence I should haue thought one might but haue coniectured this but that himselfe saith in many places that there is much truth which the people ought not to know nay and if it were all falsehood yet it were fit the people should neuer-the-lesse thinke that it were truth and therefore the Grecians shut vp their a Teletae and their b most secret mysteries in walles Here hee hath made a discouerie of all the politique gouernment of the world But the Deuills take great delight in this playing double making them-selues the maisters both ouer the deceiuers and the deceiued from whose dominion nothing freeth vs but the grace of God through Iesus Christ our Lord. This acute and learned man saith further that hee thinketh onely those to discerne God who teach that hee is a soule moouing and swaying the whole world and here-by though hee yet haue no firme holde of the truth for God is no soule but the soules maker yet if the Citties custome had permitted him assuredly hee would haue taught them the worship of one onely God and the gouernor of the world so that wee should but haue this onely controuersie wâ—…th him whether God were a soule or the soules maker He saith also that the old Romaines were a hundred three-score and ten yeares with-out Idols and had they beene so still quoth hee religion had beene kept the purer to prooue which hee produceth amongst others the Iewes and concludeth that who-so-euer they were that first inuented Images they freed the citty from all awe and added vnto errour beeing well aduised that the sencelesnesse of the Idols would make the gods them-selues seeme contemptible But whereas hee â—…aith they added vnto errour that prooues that there was some errour there before that Images came in And therefore his saying that these onely discerned God which called him a soule gouerning the world and his opinion that the gods honours would haue beene purer with-out Images these positions declare how neare the truth hee drawes For could hee haue done any good against such an ouer-growne error hee would haue shewed them how that one onely God should haue beene adored euen hee that gouerneth the world and thâ—… hee is not to bee pictured and the youth of the Cittie beeing set in so neâ—…e a path to the truth might easily haue beene perswaded afterwards that God was an vnchangeable nature creating the soule also These things being thus what euer fooleries those men haue discouered of their gods in their Bookes they haue beene laide open by the immediate hand of God compelling them to confesse them rather then by their owne desire to disswade them Wherefore that wee alledge from them is to controule those that will not see from what a damned slauery to the Deuill that same singular sacrifice of so holy bloud and the voutchsafing of the spirit hath deliuered vs. L. VIVES THE a Teletae A sacrifice most secret and most sumptuous so called because it consumed so much of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to end or to consume that some thinke they had their name from theâ—… perfection They belonged to the Sunne and Moone as Porphyry writeth and were besides expiations to Bacchus recorded in Orpheus and Musâ—…us Plat. de Rep. lib. 2. that tâ—…ght how to purge the sinnes of the Citties the liuing the dead and euery priuate man by sacrifices playes and all delights and the whole forme of it all was called â—…eletae Though Plaâ—… saith the Teletae belonged onely to the dead and freed men from all the euills in hell b Sâ—…cret Of Ceres and others c The old Numa forbad the Romaines to thinke that God had 〈◊〉 shape of man or woman Plut. in vit Num. Nor had they any picture at all oâ—… any God for the first hundred three score and teâ—…e yeares they built onely temples and little Oratories but neuer an Image in them for they held it a sinne to liken the better to the worse or to conceiue GOD in any forme but their intelligence Euseb Dyonys also saith that Numa built the gods temples but no Images came in them because hee beleeued that God had no shape Tarquinius Priscus following the Greekes foolery and the Tuscans first taught the erection of statues which Tertullian intimateth saying Goe to now religion hath profited For though Numa inuented a great deale of curious superstition yet neither was there temples nor statues as yet entred into the Romaines religion but a few poore thrifty ceremonies no skie-towring Capitols but a sort of little altars made of Soddes earthen dishes the perfumes out of them and the God in no place For the Greeke and Tuscane artes in Sculpture were not yet entred the Cittie What reason the Kings of the world had for the permitting of those false religions in such places as they conquered CHAP. 32. HEE faith also that in the gods genealogies the people followed the Poets more then the Philosophers and thence the olde Romaines their ancestors had their beliefe of so many sexes mariages and linages of the gods The reason of this I suppose was because the politique and wise men did especially endeuour to nousle their people in this illusiue maner and to make them not onely worshippers but euen immitators of the deuills that delighted to delude them For euen as the Deuills cannot possesse any but such as they haue deceiued so vniust and Deuil-like Princes perswaded their people to their owne vaine inuentions vnder the name of religion thereby to binde their affections the firmer to their seruice and so to keepe them vnder their soueraignties And what ignorant and weake man can auoide both the charmes of Princes and Deuils That God hath appointed a time for the continuance of euery state on earth CHAP. 33. WHerefore GOD that onely and true author of felicitie hee giueth
such ridiculous manner had no such power thus fâ—…r haue we proceeded in this book to take away the questioÌ„ of destiny fate least some man being perswaded that it was not the deed of the gods should rather ascribe it vnto fate then to gods wil so mighty so omnipotent The ancient Romains therfore as their histories report though like to all other nations exceping the Hebrewes they worshipped Idols and false goddes offering their sacrifices to the diuels not to the true Deity yet their desire of praise made them bountifull of their purses they loued glory wealth honestly gotten honor they dearly affected honestly offering willingly both their liues and their states for them The zealous desire of this one thing suppressed al other inordinate affects and hence they desired to keep their country in freedom and then in soueraingty because the saw how basenesse went with seruitude and glory with dominion Where-vpon they reiected the imperiousnesse of their Kings and set downe a yearely gouernment betweene two heads called Consuls à Consulendo of prouiding not Kings nor Lords of reigâ—… and rule though Rex do seeme rather to come à Regendo of gouerning regnum the Kingdome of Rex then otherwise but they held the state of a King to consist more in this imperious domination then either in his discipline of gouernance or his beneuolent prouidence so hauing expelled Tarquin and instituted Consuls then as a Salust saith wel in their praise the citty getting their freedom thus memorably grew vp in glorie as much as it did in power the desire of with glo ry wrought al these world-admired acts which they performed Salust praiseth also M. Cato and C. Caesar both worthy men of his time saying the CoÌ„mon-wealth had not had a famous man of a long time before but that theÌ„ it had a couple of illustrious vertue though of diuers conditions he praiseth Caesar for his desire of Empire armes and war wherby to exemplifie his valour trusting so in the fortune of a great spirit that he rouled vp the poore Barbarians to war tossing Bellona's bloudy enâ—…igne about that the Romaines might thereby giue proofe of their vigors This wrought he for desire of praise and glory Euen so in the precedent ages their loue first of liberty and afterward of soueraignty and glory whetted them to all hard attemâ—… Their famous Poet giues testimony for both saying Nec non Tarquinium eiâ—…ctum Porsenna iâ—…bebat Accipere ingeâ—…tique vrbem obsidiore premebaâ—… Aenead 〈◊〉 in serrum pro libertatâ—… râ—…bant c. Porsennâ—… guiâ—…ts them with a world of men Commands that Tâ—…rquin be restor'd But then To armes the Romaines for their freedome runne For then was it honour to die brauely or to liue freely but hauing got their freedome then succeeded such a greedynesse of glory in them that freedome alone seemed nothing without domination hammering vpon that which the same Poet maketh Ioue to speake in prophetique-wise Quin aspera Tuno Qua â—…re nunc terrasque metu câ—…lumque satigat 〈◊〉 in melius reseret mecumque fouebit 〈◊〉 rerum dominos gentemque togatum Sâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lustris labentibus â—…tas Câ—… dâ—… Aâ—…raci Phithiam charasque Mycenas 〈◊〉 prâ—…et ac victis dominabitur argis â—…nd Iuno though shee yet Fill heauen and earth with her disquiet fitte Shall turne her minde at length and ioyne with me To guard the Romaines c goâ—…ned progeny It stands succeeding times shall see the day That old d Assaracus his stocke shal sway e Phithia Micena and all Argos round c. VVhich Virgill maketh Iupiter speake as prophetically beeing falne out true before he wrote these verses But this by the way to shew that the Romaines affection of liberty and domination was a parcell of their most principall glory and lustre Hence it is that the same Poet in distributing the artes amongst the Nations giues the Romains the art of Domination soueraignty ouer others saying Exâ—… 〈◊〉 spâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Crâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…re 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…elius câ—…lique meatus 〈◊〉 râ—…dio surgentia sydera dicent Tâ—…ere imperio populos Romane memento 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…es pacique imponere morem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 debellare superbos Others câ—… better câ—… in brasse perhaps f T is â—…ue or cutte the â—…one to humaine shapes Others can better practise lawes loud iarres Or teach the motions of the fulgid starres But Romanes be your artes to rule in warres To make all knees to sacred peace be bow'd To spare the lowly and pull downe the proud Thâ—…se artes they were the more perfect in through their abstinence from pleasurâ—… 〈◊〉 couetousnesse after ritches the corrupters both of body and minde from 〈◊〉 from the poore cittizen bestowing on beastly plaiers So that in thâ—… dominion of those corruptions which befell afterwards when Virgil and Saâ—… did both write the Romaines vsed not the fore-said arts but deceites and â—…es â—…o raise their glories And therefore Salust saith At first mens hearts gaue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…bition rather then couetousnesse because that was more neere to vertue for 〈◊〉 â—…rious and the sloathful haue both one desire of honor glory and souerainty But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith he goeth the true way to worke the later by craft false means because he hâ—…â—…t the true course The true are these to come to honor by vertue not by ambitiâ—… 〈◊〉 honor Empire and glory good and bad wish both alike But the good goeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is by vertue leading him directly to his possession of honor glory soueâ—… Tâ—…t this was the Romanes course their temples shewed vertues honors being 〈◊〉 close togither though herein they tooke Gods gifts for gods themseluâ—… wherein you might easily see that their end was to shew that their was no accesse to honor but by vertue wherevnto all they that were good referred it fâ—…â—…e euil had it not though they laboured for honor by indirect means namely by â—…ceite and illusion The praise of Cato excelleth of whom he saith that the 〈◊〉 â—…ned glory the more it pursued him For this glory that they seeke is the gooâ—… 〈◊〉 â—…ion of men concerning such or such And therefore that is the best vertue that sâ—…h not vpon others iudgements but vpon ones own conscience as the Apâ—…â—…h Our glory is this the testimony of our conscience and againe Let euery 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his owne worke and so shall hee haue glory in himselfe onely and not in anoâ—… â—…o that glory honor which they desire so aime so after by good means 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 go before vertue but follow it for there is no true vertue but leuelleth 〈◊〉 chiefest good And therefore the honors that Cato required i he should not haue required but the city should haue returned him them as his due desart But whereas there were but two famous Romaines in that time Caesar Cato Catoes vâ—…tue seemes far nerer the truth of vertue then Caesars And let vs take Cato's
company from mens and his light that made the Sunne Moone from the light of the Sunne and Moone then haue the cittizens of this heauenly region done iust nothing in doing any thing for attaining this celestiall dwelling seeing that the other haue taken such paines in that habitation of earth which they had already attained especially the remission of sinnes calling vs as cittizens to that eternall dwelling and hauing a kinde of resemblance with Romulus his sanctuary by which hee gathered a multitude of people into his cittie through hope of impunity L. VIVES THis had beene a The olde bookes reade Hoc si fieret sine Marte c. if this could haue beene done without Mars making it runne in one sentence vnto the interogation b Euery man The Latines were made free denizens of olde and from them it spred further into Italie ouer Po ouer the Alpes and the sea Claudius Caesar made many Barbarians free of Rome affirming that it was the ruine of Athens and Lacedaemon that they made not such as they conquered free of their Citties Afterwardes vnder Emperours that were Spaniardes Africans and Thracians whole Pâ—…ouinces at first and afterwardes the whole Empire was made free of Rome And whereas before all were called Barbarians but the Greekes now the Romaines beeing Lords exempted themselues and afterward the Latines and all the Italians from that name but after that all the Prouinces beeing made free of the Cittie onely they were called Barbarians which were not vnder the Empire of Rome And thus doth Herodian Spartianus Eutropius and later Historiographers vse it So the riuer Rhine had two bankes the neither of them was Romaine the further Barbarian Claudianus O 〈◊〉 doluit Rhâ—…nus quá Barbarus ibat Quod â—…e non geminis frueretur iudice ripis O how Rhine wept on the Barbarian shore I haâ—… both his bankes were not within thy powre c And are there not Many nations beeing made free of the Citty many of the chiefe men of those nations were made Senators though they neuer saw Rome no more then a many that were Cittizens How farre the Christians should bee from boasting of their deedes for their eternall country the Romaines hauing done so much for their temporall Citty and for humaine glory CHAP. 18. WHy is it then so much to despise all this worlds vanities for eternitie when as Brutus could kill his sonnes beeing not enforced to it for feare his country should loose the bare liberty Truely it is a more difficult matter to kill ones children then to let goe those things which wee doe but gather for our children or to giue them to the poore when faith or righteousnesse bids vs. Earthly ritches can neither blesse vs nor our children with happinesse we must either loose them in this life or leaâ—…e them to be enioyed after our death by one we cannot tell whom perhaps by those wee would not should haue them No it is GOD the mindes true wealth that makes vs happy The Poet reares Brutus a monument of vnhappinesse for killing his sons though otherwise he praise him Natosque pater fera bella mouentes Ad paenam patriá pro libertate vocabit Infaelix vtcumque ferent ea fata minores His sonnes conuict of turbulent transgression He kills to free his country from oppression Haplesse how ere succeeding times shall ringe But in the next verse hee giues him comfort Vicit amor patriae laudumque immensa cupido Conquer'd by 's countries loue and thirst of prey e The two things that set all the Romaines vpon admirable action So then if the Father could kill his owne sonnes for mortall freedome and thirst of praise both transitory affects what a great matter is it if wee doe not kill our sonnes but count the poore of Christ our sonnes and for that eternall liberty which freeth vs from sinne death and hell not for humaine cupidity but for Christian charity to free men not from Tarquin but from the deuills and their King And if Torquatus another Romaine slew his owne sonne not for fighting against his country but for going onely against his command beeing generall he beeing a valorous youth and prouoked by his enemy yea and yet getting the victory because there was more hurt in his contempt of authority then good in his conquest why should they boast who for the lawes of that neuer-ending country doe forsake onely those things which are neuer so deare as children namely earthly goods and possessions If Furius Camillus after his banishment by his â—…ngratefull country which he had saued from beeing oppressed by the valourous Veians yet would daigne to come to free it the second time because hee had no better place to shew his glory in why is hee extolled as hauing done great matters who hauing perhaps suffered some great disgrace and iniury in the church by his carnall enemies hath not departed to the churches enemies the Hereâ—…es or inuented some heresie against it him selfe but rather hath guarded it 〈◊〉 farre as in him lay from all the pernitious inuasions of heresie because their is no a other place to liue in vnto eternall life though there bee others â—…gh to attaine humaine glory in If Scaeuola when he saw he had failed to kiâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a sore foe to Rome and killed another for him to make a peace with him â—…t his hand into the fire that burned on the Altar saying that Rome had a multitude such as he that had conspired his destruction and by this speech so terrified him that hee made a present peace with them and got him packing why shall any man talke of his merits in respect of the Kingdome of Heauen if he loose not his hand but his whole body in the fire for it not by his owne choise but by the powre of the persecutor If Curtius to satisfie the Oracle that commanded Rome to cast the best Iewell it had into a great gulfe and the Romaines being resolued that valour and men of armes were their best Iewells tooke his horse and armour and willingly leaped into that gaping gulfe why shall a man say hee hath done much for heauen that shall not cast himselfe to death but endure death at the hands of some enemy of his faith seeing that GOD his Lord and the King of his country hath giuen him this rule as a certaine Oracle Feare not them that kill the bodie but are not able to kill the soule If the two Decii consecrated themselues to their countries good sacrificed their bloud as with praiers vnto the angry gods for the deliuerance of the Romaine armie let not the holy Martires bee proude of doing any thing for the pertaking of their eternall possessions where felicity hath neither errour nor ende if they doe contend in charitable faith and faithfull charity euen vnto the shedding of their bloud both for their brethren for whom and also for their enemies by whome
for the thing it selfe and a flaggon a set in Libers 〈◊〉 to signifie wine taking the continent for the contained so by that huâ—… shape the reasonable soule in the like included might bee expressed of 〈◊〉 â—…ure they say that God or the gods are These are the mysticall doctrines 〈◊〉 â—…is sharpe witt went deepe into and so deliuered But tell mee thou accâ—…n hast thou lost that iudgement in these mysteries that made thee say that they that first made Images freed the Cittie from all awe and added error to error and that the old Romaines serued the gods in better order without any statues at all They were thy authors for that thou spokest against their successors For had they had statues also perhaps feare would haue made thee haue suppressed thy opinion of abolishing Images and haue made thee haue sought further for these vaine Mythologies and figments for thy soule so learned and so ingenious which we much bewaile in thee by being so ingratefull to that God by whom not with whom it was made nor was a part of him but a thing made by him who is not the life of all things but all lifes maker could neuer come to his knowledge by these mysteries But of what nature and worth they are let vs see Meane time this learned man affirmeth the worlds soule intirely to bee truly God so that all his Theologie being naturall extendeth it selfe euen to the nature of the reasonable soule Of this naturall kinde hee speaketh briefly in his booke whence we haue this wherein wee must see whether all his mysticall wrestings can bring the naturall to the ciuill of which he discourseth in his last booke of the select Gods if he can all shall be naturall And then what need hee bee so carefull in their distinction But if they be rightly diuided seeing that the naturall that he liketh so of is not true for hee comes but to the soule not to God that made the soule how much more is the ciuill kinde vntrue and subiect that is all corporall and conuersant about the body as his owne interpretations being dilligently called out shall by my rehearsall make most apparent L. VIVES FLaggon a Oenophorum of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wine and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to carry Iuuenall vseth the word Sat. 6. and Apuleius Asin. l. 2. 8. and Martiall Pliny saith it was a worke of the rare painter Praxitales but he meanes a boy bearing wine Beroaldus out of this place gathereth that they vsed to set a flaggon of wine in Bacchus temple It is more then hee can gather hence though it may be there was such an vse Of Varro his opinion that God was the soule of the world and yet had many soules vnder him in his parts all which were of the diuine nature CHAP. 6. THe same Varro speaking further of this Physicall Theology a saith that he holds God to be the soule of the world which the Greekes call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and b that this world is God But as a whole man body and soule is called wise of the soule onely so is the world called God in respect of the soule onely being both soule and body Here seemingly he confesseth one God but it is to bring in more for so he diuides the world into heauen and earth heauen into the ayre and the skie earth into land and water all which foure parts he filles with soules the skye c highest the ayre next then the water and then the earth the soules of the first two hee maketh immortall the latter mortall The space betweene the highest heauen and the Moone hee fills with soules ethereall and starres affirming that they both are and seeme celestiall Gods d Betweene the Moone and the toppes of the windes he bestoweth ayry soules but inuisible saue to the minde calling them Heroes Lares and Genij This he briefly recordeth in his prologue to his naturall Theologie which pleased not him alone but many Philosophers more whereof with Gods helpe we will discourse at full when wee handle the ciuill Theologie as it respecteth the select gods L. VIVES THeology a saith The Platonists Stoiks Pythagorians and the Ionikes before them all held God to bee a soule but diuersly Plato gaue the world a soule and made them conioyned god But his other god his Mens he puts before this later as father to him The Stoikes and hee agree that agree at all Thales and Democritus held the worlds soule the highest god b That this Plato the Stoikes and many Phylosophers held this c Skie the highest Aristotle puts the fire aboue the ayre and the heauen the Platonists held the heauen to be fiery and therefore called Aether And that the ayre next it was a hurtlesse fire kindled by it This many say that Plato heldâ—… following Pythagoras who made the vniuersall globe of 4. bodies But Uarro heere maketh ayre to be next heauen as the Stoikes did especially and others also Though the Platoâ—… and they differ not much nor the Peripatetiques if they speak as they meane and be rightly vnderstood But aether is the aire as well as the skie and fire as caelum is in latine Virgil. Illa leuem fugiens raptim secat aethera pennis With swift-wing'd speede she cuts the yeelding aire a 〈◊〉 the moone The first region of the Ayre Aristotle in his Physicks ending at the toppe of the cloudes the second contayning the cloudes thunder rayne hayle and snowâ—… the 〈◊〉 from thence to the Element of fire Whether it stand with reason that Ianus and Terminus should bee two godees CHAP. 7. I 〈◊〉 therfore whome I begun with what is he The a world Why this is a plaine and brief answer but why hath b he the rule and beginnings then and another one Terminus of the ends For therfore they haue two c months dedicated to them Ianuary to Ianus and February to Terminus And so the d Terminaâ—… then kept when the e purgatory sacrifice called f Februm was also kept 〈◊〉 the moneth hath the name Doth then the beginning of things belong to the â—…ld to Ianus and not the end but vnto another Is not al things beginning 〈◊〉 world to haue their end also therein What fondnesse is this to giue him 〈◊〉 â—…se a power and yet a double face were it not better g to call that double-faced statue both Ianus and Terminus and to giue the beginnings one face and the 〈◊〉 another because he that doth an act must respect both For in all actions 〈◊〉 that regardeth not the beginning fore-seeth not the end So that a respectiue memory and a memoratiue prouidence must of force go together But if they imagine that blessednes of life is but begun and not ended in this world and that therefore the world Ianus is to haue but power of the beginnings why then they should put Terminus amongst the selected gods before him For though they were both imploied about one subiect yet Terminus should haue
the death and rising againe of Christ perfigured of which faith the Citty of God hath originall namely in these men that a hoped to call vpon the Lord God For wee are saued by hope saith the Apostle But hope which is seene is no hope for hopeth he for that he seeth but if we hope for that which we see not then do we with patience abide it who can say that this doth not concerne the depth of this mistery Did not Abel hope to call vpon the name of the Lord God when his sacrifice was so acceptable vnto him And did not Seth so also of whom it is said God hath appointed me another seed for Abell Why then is this peculiarly bound vnto Seths time in which is vnderstood the time of all the Godly but that it behooued that in him who is first recorded to haue beene borne to eleuate his spirit from his father that begot him vnto a better father the King of the celestiall country Man that is that society of man who liue in the hope of blessed eternity not according to man but GOD be prefigured It is not said He hoped in God nor he called vpon God but he hoped to call vpon God Why hoped to call but that it is a prophecy that from him should arise a people who by the election of grace should call vpon the name of the Lord GOD. This is that which the Apostle hath from another prophet sheweth it to pertaine vnto the grace of God saying Whosoeuer shall call vpon the name of the Lord shal be saued This is that which is said He called his name Enos which is man and then is added This 〈◊〉 hoped to call vpon the name of the Lord wherein is plainely shewne that man ought not to put his trust in himselfe For cursed is the man that trusteth in man as wee reade else-where and consequently in himselfe which if hee doe not â—…e may become a cittizen of that Citty which is founded aboue in the eternity of blisse not of that which Caine built and named after his sonne beeing of this â—…orld wauering and transitory L. VIVES THâ—… a hoped Some reade it Then men beganne to call vpon the name of the LORD referring to the time and not to Seths person It is an ordinary phrase in authors The 〈◊〉 approoueth it and so seemes Hierome to do The Hebrewes thinke that then they begâ—… 〈◊〉 set vp Idols in the name of the LORD Hierome But Augustine followeth the seauenty 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this man hoped to call vpon c. What the translation of Enoch signified CHAP. 19. FOr Seths progeny hath that name of dedication also for one of the sonnes the seauenth from Adam who was called a Henoch and was the seauenth of that generation but hee was translated or taken vp because hee pleased God and liued in that famous number of the generation wherevpon the Sabboth was sanctified namely the seauenth from Adam and from the first distinctions of the generations in Caine and Seth the sixth in which number man was made and all Gods workes perfited The translation of this Enoch is the prefiguration of our dedication which is already performed in Christ who rose from death to die no more and was assumed also The other dedication of the whole house remaineth yet whereof Christ is the foundation and this is deferred vntill the end and finall resurrection of all flesh to die no more Wee may call it the house of God the Church of God or the Citty of God the phrase wil be borne Virgill calls Rome b Assaracus his house because the Romanes descended from Troy and the Troyans from Assaracus and he calls it Aeneas his house because hee led the Troians in to Italy and they built Rome Thus the Poet immitated the scriptures that calleth the populous nations of the Hebrewes the house of Iacob L. VIVES CAlled a Henoch There were two Henochs Caine begot one Iared another of the stâ—…k of Seth of this he meaneth here b Assaracus Hee was sonne to Capys and father to Anchises from whom Eneas and the Romanes are deriued c Hee led Salust Coâ—…r Caâ—… Concerning Caines succession being but eight from Adam whereas Noah is the tenth CHAP. 20. I But say some if the scripture meant onely to descend downe from Adam to Noah in the deluge and from him to Abraham where Mathew the Euangelist begunne the generation of the King of the Heauenly Citty Christ what meant it to medle with Caines succession I answere it meant to descend downe to the deluge by Caines progeny and then was the Earthly Citty vtterly consumed though it were afterwards repaired by Noahs sonnes For the society of these worldlings shall neuer bee a wanting vntill the worldes end of whom the scripture saith The children of this world marry and are married But it is râ—…eneration that taketh the Citty of GOD from the pilgrimage of this world and plâ—…ceth it in the other where the sons neither may nor are maried Thus then generation is common to both the Citties here on earth though the Cittie of Gâ—… haue many thousands that abstaine from generation the other hath some câ—…zens that do imitate these yet go astray for vnto this City do the authors oâ—… 〈◊〉 heresies belong as liuers according to the world not after Gods prescription The a Gymnosophists of India liuing naked in the deseâ—…ts are of this society also and yet absteine from generation For this abstinence is not good vnlesse it be in the faith of God that great good Yet wee doe not finde any that professed it before the deluge Enoch himselfe the seauenth from Adam whom GOD tooke vp and suffered not to die had sonnes and daughters of whom Mathusalem was the man through whom the generation passed downe-wards But why then are so few of Cains progeny named if they were to bee counted downe to the floud and their lenght of yeares hindered not their maturity which continued a hundered or more yeares without children for if the author intended not to draw downe this progeny vnto one man as hee doth to Noah in Seths and so to proceed why omitted he the first borne to come vnto Lamech in whâ—…e time there coniunction was made in the eight generation from Adam and the seauenth from Caine as if there were some-what more to be added for the descent downe either vnto the Israelites whose terrestriall Citty Ierusalem was a type of the Citty of God or downe vnto Christes birth in the flesh who is that eternall GOD and blessed founder and ruler when as all Caines posterity were abolished Whereby wee may see that the first borne were reckned in this recitall of the progeny why are they so few then So few there could not bee vnlesse the length of there fathers ages staied them from maturity an hundered yeares at the least For to admit that they begunne all alike to beget children at thirty yeares of age
it is he was King of Thessaly where horses were first backt Plin. lib. 7. Bridle and saddle did Peletronius inuent and the Thessalians that dwelt by mount Pelion were the first that fought on Horse-back Virgil goeth not farre from this saying Georg. 3. Frena Pelethronii Lapithae girosqué dedêre Impositi dorso atque equitem docuerè sub armis Insultare solo gressus glomerare superbos First Pelethronian Lapiths gaue the bit And hotted rings and taught arm'd horsmen sit And bound and proudly coruet as was fit The same hath Lucan in his Pharsalia lib. 6. Primus ab aequorea percussis cuspide saxis Thessalicus sonipes hellis ferallibus omen Exiluit primus Chalybem frenosque momordit Spum auit que nouis Lapithae domitoris habenis Since Neptune with sea trident stroke the rockes First the I hessalian horse with deadly shocks A dismall signe came forth he first bit bruzed And fom'de at Lapith riders reines vnused Seruius explaining this place of Uirgill saith thus The Oxen of a certaine King of Thessaly gadding madly about the fields hee sent his men to fetch them in but they being not swift enough for them got vpon horses and so riding swiftly after the Oxen pricked and whipped them home to their stables Now some seeing them in their swift course or when they let their horses drinke at the riuer Peneus began this fable of the Centaures giuing them that name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of pricking the Oxen. Some say this fable was inuented to shew how swiftly mans life passeth on because of the swiftnesse of an horse Thus farre Seruius Palaephatus hath it thus When the wilde Buls troubled all Larissa and Thessaly Ixion proclaimed a great rewarde to those that could driue them thence So the youths of Nephele got vpon the horses they had broken for they had waggons in vse before and so droue them away very easily and hauing receiued their reward they grew proud iniuring both Ixion him-selfe and the Larissaeans then called Lapithes for being inuited to Pirrhas his marriage they fell to rauishing of the virgins Thus began the fable of the Centaures and their horse-like bodyes and of their birth from a clowd for Nephele their cities name is a cloud These Centaures also were Lapithes for Nephele was in the Lapithes countrie and they are distinct as the Romaines and the Latines were e Cerberus begotten by Typhon he made an hideous noise when he barked hauing fifty necks Hesiod in Theogon Thus Seneca describeth him in his Hercules furens Post haec auari Dit is apparet domus Saeuus hic vmbras territat Stygius canis Qui terna vasto capita concutiens sono Regnum tuetur sordidum tabo caput Lambunt colubri viperis horrent iubae Longusque torta sibilat cauda draco Par ira formae sensit vt motus pedum Attollit hirtas angue vibrato comas Missumque captat aure subiecta sonum Sentire vmbras solitus The haule of greedy hell comes next to sight Here the fierce Stygian Dog doth soules affright Who shaking his three heads with hideous sound Doth guarde the state his mattring head around Snakes lick his mane with vipers horrid is At his wreathd taile a Dragon large doth hisse Furie and forme like when our feete he heard Darting a snake his bristled haires he reard And listned at the noise with lolled eare As he is wont eu'n shady soules to heare Boccace and others compare him to a couetous man and Boccace wrote nothing so vainely as the rest of that age did Porphyry saith that the badge of Serapis and Isis that is Dis and Proserpina was a three-headed dogge viz. that triple kinde of deuill that haunts the ayre the earth and the water De interpr diuin He was called three-headed saith he because the sunne hath three noted postures the point of his rising height and setting This Cerberus Hercules they say did traile from hell vp to earth and that is now a prouerbe in all hard attempts Some say he drew him out vnder mount Taenarus Strab. Senec. this is the common beleefe for there say they lieth the readiest and largest way downe vnto hell It is thought that Hercules killed some venemous serpent there that thence the fable had originall Of those parts we read this in Mela. The Mariandines dwell there in a city that by report was giuen them by the Argiue Hercules it is called Heraclea the proofe of this is because hard by it is the hole called Achereusia whence Hercules is thought to haue haled Cerberus Pliny followeth Mela. l. 27. The Herbe Aconitum grew say they from the froth that fell from Cerberus his lips when he was trailed along by Hercules therfore it groweth about Heraclea whence the hole is at which he came vp Ouid assigneth no set place for the growth but only Pontus at large where Câ—… was first seene to cast his froth vpon the cliffes for it is called Aconitum of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a cragge or flint and he is called Cerberus quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a deuourer of flesh Aâ—…deus the Mollosian King had a dogge of this name for he being called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Orcus named his wife Ceres his daughter Proserpina and his dogge Cerberus Some say he stole his wife and called her Proserpina but on with Plutarchs tale Theseus and Pirithous comming to steale his daughter hee tooke theâ—… and cast Pirithous vnto his dogge Cerberus and kept Theseus in straight prison Here-vpon came the fable of their going into Hell to bring away Proserpina For the countrey of Molossus in Epyrus lying West from Attica and Thessaly was alwayes signified by the name of Hell Homer Palaephatus tells this tale in this manner Hercules hauing conquered Gerion in Tricarenia a city of Pontus and driuing away all his heards there was a very fierce Mastiffe that followed the Oxen they called him Cerberus so when they came into Peloponnesus Molossus a rich Nobleman of Mycene begged the dogge but Euristheus denying him hee agreed with the shepheard to shut him into the caue of mount Taenarus with a sort of bitches that hee had put in there So Euristheus set Hercules to seeke the dogge and hee found him in Taenarus and brought him away and this is the ground of the fable f Phryxus and Helle Brother and sister the children of Athamas sonne to Aeolus a man of Nephele who becomming mad and running into the desers Athamas maried Ino Cadmus his daughter who hating Phryxus and Helle made meanes by the matrons to spoile all the fruites of the citty the cause where of they should go and inquire of the Oracle and returne this false answer that the children of Nephele must be sacrificed But Iuno pittying them sent them a golden fleeced Ram to ride ouer the sea vpon Helle being a young virgin and not able to guide her selfe sell into the sea that runs betweene Asia
the seauenty But the putting of it in alters not 〈◊〉 sense e Whos 's goings out This excludeth all mortall men from being meant of in this â—…ecy inculding onely that eternall Sauiour whose essence hath beene from all eternity 〈◊〉 Will he giue them The gentiles shall rule vntill the body of their states do bring forth â—…en vnto the Lord g The remnant The bretheren of the people Israel and the spiriâ—… seede of Abraham c. they shall beleeue on that Christ that was promised to the true 〈◊〉 h He shall stand Here shal be rest and security the Lord looking vnto all his sheepe 〈◊〉 â—…eeding them with his powerfull grace i Ionas Being cast ouer-bord by the saylers â—…orme he was caught vp by a Whale and at the third daies end was cast a shore by him 〈◊〉 was he the Image of Christ him-sefe vnto the tempting Iewes Mat. 12. 39. 40. k By 〈◊〉 Apostles Act. 2. 17. 18. Prophecies of Abdi Naum and Abacuc concerning the worlds saluation in Christ. CHAP. 31. â—…Herefore the small prophets a Abdi b Naum and c Abacuc 〈◊〉 neuer mention the times nor doth Eusebius or Hierome supply that â—…ct They place d Abdi and Michaeas both together but not â—…re where they record the time of Michaeas his prophecying e which the negligence of the transcribers I thinke was the onely cause of The two other we cannot once finde named in our copies yet since they are cannonicall we may not omit them Abdi in his writing is the briefest of them all he speakes against Idumaea the reprobate progeny of Esau the elder sonne of Isaac and grandchild of Abraham Now if we take Idumaea by a Synechdoche partis g for all the nations we may take this prophecy of his to be meant of Christ Vpon Mount Syon shal be saluation and it shal be holy and by and by after They that h shall be saued shall come out of Sion that is the beleeuer in Christ the Apostles shall come out of Iudah to defend mount Esau. How to defend it but by preaching the Gospell to saue the beleeuers and translate them into the kingdome of GOD out of the power of darkenesse as the sequell sheweth And the Kingdome shal be the Lords For Mount Syon signifieth Iuda the store-house of saluation and the holy mother of Christ in the flesh and i Mount Esau is Idumaea prefiguring the church of the Gentiles whom they that were saued came out of Syon to defend that the kingdome might bee the Lords This was vnknowne ere it were done but beeing come to passe who did not discerne it Now the Prophet Naum nay God in him sayth I will abolish the grauen and molten Image and make them thy k graue Behold vpon the feete of him that declareth and publisheth peace O Iudah keepe thy sollemne feasts performe thy vowes for the wicked shall no more passe through thee he is vtterly cut off He that breatheth in thy face and freeth thee from tribulation ascendeth Who is this that doth thus remember the Holy Ghost remember the Gospell For this belongeth to the New Testament whose feasts are renewed neuer more to cease The Gospell we see hath abolished all those grauen and molten Images those false Idols hath layd them in obliuion as in a graue Herein we see this prophecy fulfilled Now for Abacuk of what doth he meane but of the comming of Christ when he saith The Lord answered saying write the vision and make it plaine on tables that he may runne that readeth it For the vision is yet for an appointed time but at the last it shall speake and not lie though it tarry awaite for it shall come surely and shall not stay L. VIVES ABdi a The Hebrewes saith Hierome say this was he that in the persecution vnder Achab and Iezabel fedde one hundered prophets in caues that neuer bowed the knee vnto Baal and those were part of the seauen thousand whom Elias knew not His sepulchrâ—…e is next vnto Heliseus the prophets and Iohn Baptists in Sebasta otherwise called Samaria This man got the spirit of prophecy because he fed those prophets in the wildernesse and of a warriour became a teacher Hier. in Abdi He was in Iosaphats time before any of the other Tiber being king of the Latines b Naum He liued in Ioathans time the king of Iuda Ioseph lib. 9. c Abacuc Of him is mention made in Daniel c. 14. that hee brought Daniel his dinner from Iuda to Babilon But Augustine vseth not this place to proue his times because that history of â—…el and all this fourteenth chapter together with the history of Susanna are Apocryphall neither written in Hebrew nor translated by the seauenty Abacuc prophecied saith Hierome when Nabucodrosar led Iudah and Beniamin into captiuity and his prophecy is all against Babilon d Abdi and Eusebius placeth Addi and Michaeas both vnder Iosaphat It is true that Abdi liued then but for Michaeas his owne words cited before by Augustine doe disprooue it For his visions befell him in the times of Ioathan Achaz and Ezechias long after Iosaphat e Which she negligence I assure you there is errour in Eusebius very dangerous both to the ignorant and the learned f Idumaea It adioyneth to Palestina and is the next countrie beyond Arrabia Pliny Ioseph Hierom. The Greeke and Latine authors call them Nabathei inhabiting the Citty Petra The land hath the name of Esau who was otherwise called Edom for diuers causes g For all the nations Idumaea is no part of israel but yet they descended both from Isaac Yet was it a foe vnto Iuda and the Iewes called the Romanes Idumaeans Iduâ—… signifieth flesh which fighteth against the spirit b Shal be saued The hebrew is shall 〈◊〉 i Mount Esau The Mountaines in Idumaea are called Seir. Ioseph Iosuah chap. 24 because they are rugged and rough as Esau was k Thy graue The hebrew addeth For thou at vile Saint Paul had not his quotation Rom. 10. 15. from hence but from the fifteeneth of Esay The prophecy conteined in the song and praier of Abacuc CHAP. 32. ANd in his praier and song who doth he speake vnto but Christ saying O Lord I heard thy voice and was afraid Lord I considered thy workes and was terrified What is this but an ineffable admiration of that suddaine and vnknowne saluation of man In the midst of two shalt thou bee knowne what are those two the two Testaments the two theeues or the two prophets Moyses and Elias In the approch of yeares shalt thou be knowne this is plaine it needs no exposition But that which followeth My soule being troubled there-with in thy wrath remember mercy is meant of the Iewes of whose nation hee was who being madde in their wrath and crucifying Christ he remembring his mercy said Father forgiue them they 〈◊〉 not what they doe God shall come from Theman and the holy one from the thick and darke mountaine from a Theman say
all this whole time from the vnion vnto him to the end of the time implyed in the thousand yeares The rest saith Saint Iohn shall not liue for now is the houre when the dead shall heare the voyce of the sonne of God and they that he are it shall liue the rest shall not liue but the addition vntill the thousand yeares be finished implieth that they shall want life all the time that they should haue it in attayning it by passing through faith from death to life And therefore on the day of the generall resurrection they shall rise also not vnto life but vnto iudgement that is vnto condemnation which is truly called the second death for hee that liueth not before the thousand yeares be expired that is he that heareth not the Sauiours voyce and passeth not from death to life during the time of the first resurrection assuredly shall be throwne both body and soule into the second death at the day of the second resurrection For Saint Iohn proceedeth plainly This saith hee is the first resurrection Blessed and holy is hee that hath part in the first resurrection and part of it is his who doth not onely arise from death in sinne but continueth firme in his resurrection On such saith he the second death hath no power But it hath power ouer the rest of whome hee sayd before The rest shall not liue vntill the thousand yeares bee finished because that in all that whole time meant by the thousand yeares although that each of them had a bodily life at one time or other yet they spent it and ended it with-out arising out of the death of iniquitie wherein the deuill held them which resurrection should haue beene their onely meane to haue purchased them a part in the first resurrection ouer which the second death hath no power An answer to the obiection of some affirming that resurrection is proper to the body onely and not to the soule CHAP. 10. SOme obiect this that resurrection pertaineth onely to the body and therefore the first resurrection is a bodily one for that which falleth say they that may rise againe but the body falleth by death for so is the word Cadauer a carcasse deriued of Cado to fall Ergo rising againe belongeth soly to the body and not vnto the soule Well but what will you answer the Apostle that in as plaine terms as may be he calleth the soules bettring a resurrection they were not reuiued in the outward man but in the inward vnto whom he said If yee then be risen with Christ seeke the things which are aboue which he explaineth else-where saying Like as Christ was raised vp from the dead by the glory of the father so wee also should walke in newnesse of life Hence also is that place Awake thou that sleepest and stand vp from the dead and Christ shall giue thee light Now whereas they say none can rise but those that fall ergo the body onely can arise why can they not heare that shrill sound of the spirit Depart not from him least you fall and againe Hâ—… standeth or falleth to his owne maister and further Let him that thinketh hee sâ—…eth take heed least hee fall I thinke these places meane not of bodily falls but 〈◊〉 the soules If then resurrection concerne them that fall and that the soule â—…y also fall it must needs follow that the soule may rise againe Now Saint 〈◊〉 hauing said On such the second death shall haue no power proceedeth thus But 〈◊〉 shall bee the Priests of God and of Christ and shall reigne with him a thousand â—…es Now this is not meant onely of those whome the Church peculiarly calleth Bishops and Priests but as wee are all called Christians because of our mysticall Chrisme our vnction so are wee all Priests in being the members of â—…e Priest Where-vpon Saint Peter calleth vs A royall Priest-hood an holy nation And marke how briefly Saint Iohn insinuateth the deity a of Christ in these words of God and of Christ that is of the Father and of the Sonne yet as hee was made the sonne of man because of his seruants shape so in the same respect was he made a Priest for euer according to the order of Melchisedech whereof wee haue spoken diuerse times in this worke L. VIVES DEity a of Christ For it were a damnable and blasphemous iniury to God to suffer any one to haue Priests but him alone the very Gentiles would by no meanes allowe it 〈◊〉 Philippic 2. Of Gog and Magog whom the Deuill at the worlds end shall stirre vp against the Church of God CHAP. 11. ANd when the thousand yeares saith hee are expired Sathan shall be loosed out of his prison and shall goe out to deceiue the people which are in the foure quarters of the earth euen God and Magog to gather them together into Battell whose number is as the sand of the sea So then the ayme of his decept shal be this warre for he vsed diuers waies to seduce before and all tended to euill He shall leaue the dennes of his hate and burst out into open persecution This shal be the last persecution hard before the last iudgement and the Church shall suffer it all the earth ouer the whole citty of the Diuell shall afflict the Citty of God at these times in all places This Gog and this Magog are not to bee taken for a any particular Barbarous nations nor for the Getes and Messagetes because of their litterall affinity nor for any other Countryes beyond the Romaines iurisdiction hee meaneth all the earth when hee saith The people which are in the foure quarters of the Earth and then addeth that they are Gog and Magog b Gog is an house and Magog of an house as if hee had sayd the house and hee that commeth of the house So that they are the nations wherein the Deuill was bound before and now that he is loosed cometh from thence they being as the house and hee as comming out of the house But wee referre both these names vnto the nations and neither vnto him they are both the house because the old enemy is hid and housed in them and they are of the house when out of secret hate they burst into open violence Now where as hee sayth They went vp into the plaine of the Earth and compassed the tents of the Saints about and the beloued City wee must not thinke they came to any one set place as if the Saints tents were in any one certaine nation or the beloued Citty either no this Citty is nothing but Gods Church dispersed throughout the whole earth and being resident in all places and amongst all nations as them words the plaine of the Earth do insinuate there shall the tents of the Saints stand there shall the beloued Ctty stand There shall the fury of the presecuting enemy guirt them in with multitudes of all nations vnited in one rage of
seruant namely that same forme of a seruant wherein the highest was humbled added the name of the man From whose stock hee was to deriue that seruile forme The spirit of God came vpon him in forme of a Doue as the Ghospell testifieth Hee brought forth iudgement to the Gentiles in fore telling them of future things which they neuer knew of before Hee dyd not crie out yet ceased hee not to preach Nor was his voyce heard with out or in the streete for such as are cut off from his fold neuer heare his voyce Hee neither broake downe nor extinguished those Iewes his persecutors whose lost integrity and abandoned light made them like brused Reedes and c smoaking flaxe hee spared them for as yet hee was not come to iudge them but to bee iudged by them Hee brought forth iudgment in truth by shewing them their future plagues if they persisted in their malice His face sâ—…one on the mount his fame in the whole world hee neither failed nor fainted in that both hee and his Church stood firme against all persecutions Therefore his foes neuer had nor euer shall haue cause to thinke that fulfilled which they wished in the Psalme saying When shall hee dye and his name perish vntill hee haue setled iudgement in the earth Loe here is that wee seeke The last iudgement is that which hee shall settle vpon earth comming to effect it out of heauen As for the last wordes the Iles shall hope in his name wee see it fulfilled already Thus then by this which is so vn-deniable is that prooued credible which impudence dares yet deny For who would euer haue hoped for that which the vnbeleeuers them-selues doe now behold as well as wee to their vtter heart-breaking and confusion d Who did euer looke that the Gentiles should embrace Christianity that had seene the Author thereof bound beaten mocked and crucified That which one theefe durst but hope for vpon the crosse in that now doe the nations farre and wide repose their vtmost confidence and least they should incurre eternall death are signed with that figure where-vpon hee suffered his temporall death Let none therefore make any doubt that Christ shall bring forth such a iudgment as the Scriptures doe promise except hee beleeue not the Scriptures and stand in his owne malicious blindnesse against that which hath enlightned all the world And this iudgment shall consist of these circumstances partly precedent and partly adiacent Helias shall come the Iewes shall beleeue Antichrist shall persecute Christ shall iudge the dead shall arise the good and bad shall seuer the world shall burne and bee renewed All this wee must beleeue shall bee but in what order our full experience then shall exceed our imperfect intelligence as yet Yet verily I doe thinke they shall fall out in order as I haue rehearsed them Now remaineth there two bookes more of this theame to the perfect performance of our promise the first of which shall treate of the paines due vnto the wicked and the second of the glories bestowed vpon the righteous wherein if it please GOD wee will subuert the arguments which foolish mortalls and miserable wretches make for them-selues against GODS holy and diuine pre mises and against the sacred nutriment giuen to the soule by an vnspotted faith thinking them-selues the onely wise-men in these their vngratious cauills and deriding all religious instructions as contemptible and ridâ—…culous As for those that are wise in GOD in all that seemeth most incredible vnto man if it bee auouched by the holy Scriptures whose truth wee haue already sufficiently prooued they laye hold vpon the true and omnipotent deity as the strongest argument against all opposition for hee they know cannot possiblye speake false in those Scriptures and with-all can by his diuine power effect that which may seeme more then most impossible to the vn beleeuers L. VIVES GHrist a in person According to this iudgement of Christ did the Poets faigne thâ—… Iudges of hell for holding Ioue to be the King of Heauen they auoutched his sonne to be iudge of hell yet none of his sonnes that were wholy immortall at first as Bacchus Apollo or Mercurie was but a God that had beene also a mortall man and a iust man withall such as Minos Aeacus or Rhadamanthus was This out of Lactantius lib. 7. b No mention Hierom. in 42. Esai c Smoking flaxe It was a custome of old saith Plutarch in Quaestionib neuer to put out the snuffe of the lampe but to let it die of it selfe and that for diuers reasons first because this fire was some-what like in nature to that inextinguible immortall fire of heauen secondly they held this fire to be a liuing creature and therefore not to bee killed but when it did mischiefe That the fire was aliuing creature the want that it hath of nutriment and the proper motion besides the grone it seemeth to giue when it is quenshed induced them to affirme Thirdly because it is vnfit to destroy any thing that belongeth to mans continuall vse as fire or water c. But wee ought to leaue them to others when our owne turnes are serued Thus far Plutarch The first reason tendeth to religion the second to mansuetude the third to humanity d Who did euer looke Christ was not ignoraâ—… of the time to come nor of the eternity of his doctrine as his leauing it to the publishing of onely twelue weake men against the malicious opposition of all Iudea and his commanding them to preach it throughout the whole world doth sufficiently prooue besides his prophecying to the Apostles that they should all abandon him and hee bee led to death that night and yet againe hee promiseth them to be with them to the end of the world Finis lib. 20. THE CONTENTS OF THE ONE and twentith booke of the City of God 1. Why the punishment of the damned is here disputed of before the happinesse of the Saints 2. Whether an earthly body may possibly bee incorruptible by fire 3. Whether a fleshly body may possibly endure eternall paine 4. Natures testimonies that bodies may remaine vndiminished in the fire 5. Of such things as cannot bee assuredlie knowne to be such and yet are not to be doubted of 6. All strange effects are not natures some are mans deuises some the deuills 7. Gods omnipotency the ground of all beliefe in things admired 8. That the alteration of the knowne nature of any creature vnto a nature vnknowne is not opposite vnto the lawes of nature 9. Of Hell and the quality of the eternall paines therein 10. Whether the fire of hell if it be corporall can take effect vpon the incorporeal deuills 11. Whether it be not iustice that the time of the paines should bee proportioned to the time of the sinnes and criâ—…es 12. The greatnesse of Adams sin inflicting eternall damnation vpon all that are out of the state of grace 13. Against such as hold that the torments after the
Solon vvho he was ibidem Septuagints vvho they vvere fol. 732. Sanctum sanctorum fol. 736. Society subiect to crosses fol. 761. Seruant not read in Scripture before Noah cursed his sonne fol. 773. Sinne mother of seruitude ibid. Saints where they shal be at the burning of the world fol. 8â—…3 Sodomites blindnesse of what kind it was fol. 300. T THomas Moore his praises fol. 62. Tarquin Collatine exild from Rome fol. 79. Tarquin the proude his death fol. 83. Tribunes first elected fol. 84. Tiberius Gracchus a law-giuer fol. 90. Tyrannus vvhat and vvhence fol. 91. Tarpeia who she was fol. 122. Tables of proscription fol. 148. Torquatus putting his sonne to death fol. 222. Theodosius who he was fol. 231. Theodosius his humility fol. 234. Thales Miletus vvho he was fol. 299. Trismegistus who hee was fol. 335. Thurimachus vvho he vvas fol. 659. Triton the Lake fol. 668. Triple penalty iâ—…osed on the Athenian vvomen fol. 670. Triptolemus who he vvas fol. 679. Taurus vvho he was fol. 680. Tautanes vvho he vvas fol. 697. Thales vvho he vvas fol. 710. Theman vvhere it is fol. 720. Time of Christs death fol. 749. Tully his sorrow for his daughters death fol. 706. Theeues haue a kinde of peace fol. 767. Temples vvhy erected to Martyrs fol. 898. V VVâ—…an vvho he was fol. 168. â—…tary pouerty fol. 223. Vâ—… vvho he was fol. 234. Valentinian the elder fol. 745. Valens law fol. 746. Viues complaint for decâ—…ed charitie fol. 873. W VVArs of Affrica fol. 84. Wine how found out fol. 675. whores â—…ed shee 〈◊〉 fol. 701. Worme of the vvicked hovv to be vnderstood fol. 822. Will of God how it is changed fol. 887. X XEnocrates who he was fol. 318. Xerxes who he was fol. 659. Xanthus who he vvas fol. 676. Z ZEphanie the Prophet fol. 722. Zeale how to be taken fol. 807. Zoroastres who he was fol. 855. ERRATA Folio 24. l 22. r example for example f 25. l 33. r forgo for forge f 32. l 26. r thirst after glory for this of glory f. 〈◊〉 l 2â—… r seeing for beeing f 40. l 31. r her for his f 43. l 18. r it for if f 53 l 17. r hands for heads f 62. l 25. r. 〈◊〉 â—…or vvorships f 69. l 27. r this for is f 88. line 24. read prouiso for prouision f 108. line I. read per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l 26 r the for their f 109. l 18 r leuing for liuing 118. l 6. fift for first f 128. l 23. r field â—…or filed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be f 230. l 9. cryings for cringes l 15. r call for all f 259. l ult r and Diana for Diana and. f 240. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…ers 〈◊〉 oâ—… f 321. l 41 r forbid for forbad f 334 l 16. r wife for wife f 339 l. 29. r not for not f 〈…〉 l 35. 〈◊〉 then was he also for then we also f 396. l 22. r then for the. f â—…30 l 28. r nulâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 f 〈◊〉 l 〈◊〉 r worlds for words f 464. l 3. r them for then f 503 l 8. r which for with f 558. l 3. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l 1â—… read swim for some f 608. line 34 r desired for edisred f 632. l 32. read euent for euen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reparing for repaying f 760 line 7. r man for many f 767 line 9. r cruelty for cruelly f 798 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 many f 〈◊〉 l 〈◊〉 r dead for death f 810 l 4. r gaue for waue f 811 l 4 r we for were f 815. l 36. 〈…〉 l 34. r of the for the of f 852 l 5 r then for them f 898 l 33. r saying for sauing f 906 l 6â—… 〈◊〉 to for to vs. 〈◊〉 in Brâ—… The Gothes 〈◊〉 driuen out of their country by the Hunns Valens the Emperor burnt aliue The house of the Balthi The death of the traitor Ruffinus The death of Radagaisus The deserued death of traiterous Stilâ—… and his sonne Retract 1. Chap. 8. Retract 2. Chap. 5. Habac. 2. Rom. 8. Psal. 93. Psalm 61. Iames 4. 1. Pet. 5. Aenead 6. Lib. 7. c. 42 The Romans the proudest nation Lib. 7. A Eneid 6. At the last sack of Hierusalem the Romanes themselues filled the Temple with dead bodies A Eneid 2. The Image of the Palladâ—… Epist. 2. Aene. 1. Aene. 2. Aene. 2. What Penu is Who were the Dij magni Piety Phaenix Increase by remission The Claudian family Syracusa Fabius Psal. 89. 32. 33. A description of the sack of a citie Rom. 5. 45. Rom. 2. 5. Thesaurâ—… what it is Humaine goods what they are What Tribula is Ezech. 33. 1. Tim. 6. 6. 7. 8. Iob 1. 21. 1. Tim. 6. 9 16. vers 17 18. 19. Math. 6 19 20. 21. Paulinus bishop of Nola. Mammon The benefit of famine Mat 10. 28. Psal 79. 2. Luc. 16. 22. 1. Cor. 15. 52. Sepulchers Tâ—… 2. Math. 26. Iob. 19. 42 Gen. 47. c. Dan. 1. Ionas 2. Arion A Cittie Attilius Regulus The will sanctifies the body Math. 27. Three sorts of good 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Virgil once pleaded Al this is left out of the Paris edition The manner of iudgement in matter of a Romains life and death Hels nine circles It is a Literatsâ—… in the text of al editions that I find Antistrophe The Romaine greedy of praise Will conquer c. 〈◊〉 Math. 2â—… 1. Cor 12. 36. Psal. 78. 47. That plants are aniâ—…ate or liuing creatures Abraham Gen. 22. Iudge 11. 30. 31. This is lefte out in the edition of Paris Agamemnon The people hovv stiled Reason aboue examples Math. 10. 23. Cap. 19. The Caâ—… The inâ—…grity of the Câ—…es Cato his sonne Maâ—… Torquatâ—… Attilius his pouerty Particular vocation 1. Cor. 2. 11. Pelagia Sempronia Eccl. 3. 27 The old manner of baptizing al this is left out of the Paris edition Rom. 11. 33. Rom. 12. 1â—… Psal. 2. 1â—… Paranomasia Psal. 42. 3. Psal. 96. 4. 5 Scipio Nasica The originall of the Carthaginian wars Labor better vnâ—…o Rome then quiet The 〈◊〉 Wâ—…res 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nasica abolished the sitting at Playes The Romaine I heater when first erected Cauea what it is in the Theater The Priest better then his Gods The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plague of 〈◊〉 folâ—…ing the plague of 〈◊〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 The benefit of affliction Of sanctu aries or Asyla 〈…〉 2. Tim. 3. How hatefull the name of Christians was once at Rome The gods neuer taught their vvorships good manners Bâ—…hia Mother of the Gods The 〈◊〉 offered to the Gods 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aâ—… The Priests called Galli The ablution of the mother of the gods The Megalesian plaies Fercula vvhat they vvere Diâ—… hoâ—…r 〈◊〉 to beâ—…factors Pro. 6. 26 Satyra 3. The Fugalia Fugia a goddesse Vitula * The Fugalia weare feasts in Rome instituted for the expulsing of Taâ—…quin and the Kings a Fugando saith Censorinus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rough Siluer Roughnes defined Philosophies precepts The Philosophers more worthy of diuine honour then the Gods Sir Thomas Moore Danne
The inuention of Plaies Tragedy Comedy Eupolis Alcibiades Three kindes of Comedies Old Meane Nevv 〈◊〉 Satyres The Satyres The first nevv â—…omedy at Rome Palliaâ—… Togata Praetextata Trabcata Tabernaria The Mimikes Floralia Cato Tullyes bookes de republica The Sciâ—… Old comedies Aristophanes â—…is Nebuâ—…ae Cleon. Aristophanâ—…s his â—…quites Cleophon Hiperbolus The Censor Pericles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plautus Scipios the brethren Caecilius Cato the elder The Portian law Capite dimiaui what Occentare what it is Aschines Aristodemus Al vnclean spirits are vvicked diuills The Labâ—…s Sad sacrifices curia vvhat Terence The infamy of Stage players Decimus Laberius The Attellan comedies The Censors vievv of the city The orders of the Romaines The parts of a Syllogisme Paris copy defectiue Plato held a Demigod Actor Author Plaier What Poets Plato expells Humanity 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Suadere Persuadere Medioxumi Heroes Nesciâ—… Towardlynesse Priapus Phallus seu Ihyphallus Cynocephaelus Anubis Febris a goddesse The Flamines The Iouiall Pomona Goddesse The Flamines Apex or crest Romulus is a God Quirinus The Athens law followed by Rome The lawes of the 12. 〈◊〉 Lycurgus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tarquine Collatine depriued of office and put out of Rome Camillus exiled by his countries monstrous ingratitude Seditions betwixt the great men and the people Lawe Good Right and reason aquum bonum Budaeus his praises 〈…〉 Thalassus The confederation against Romulus Mount Caelius Consus a god The first Consulls Camillus Asse Aes graue all one The common corruption before Christs comming Christ the founder of a new citie The death of Tarquin the proud The diuisions of the people froÌ„ the Patriots The 〈◊〉 of Africa Plinius corrected Porsenna his 〈◊〉 Hovv offenders were punished at Rome The Portian Sempronian lavves Act. 22. The Agrarian lavves The first departure of the people The Tribunes The second departure Saluste phrase Syâ—…scere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the City of God his will is all the lavv Exactors or taxe-takers The verses of the leter Y. No word of this in the edition of Paris A description of the publike corruption The salutations at Rome Sardanapalus Sardanapalus his epitaph The harmony of the common wealth A common wealth An estate gouerned without â—…tice is no common weale Psal. 87. 3. Tiberius Gracchus The death of Aâ—…ilian Scipio The three learned Athenian Ambassadors L. Furius Pylus A commoÌ„-wealth not gouerned without iniustice The vse of a definition Rod. Agricola The three formes of Rule Optimates Tyrannus what and whence Friendship faction Ennius Diffamarê how vsed Not a word of this in our Paris print Euill manners chase â—…vay the gods The Gracchi Marius Cinna Carbo The originall of the ciuill warre betweene Sylla and Marius Sylla The calling out of the gods The Galles take Rome The Capitolls Geese Egipts beast gods The gods honors at Rome The happy successe of wicked Marius Marius his cruelty Metellus his felicity Paris copy â—…eanes 〈◊〉 this Cateline Marius his fligt Marica The forme of a crownâ—… of gold in the liuer of a Calfe Sylla his crueltie Pâ—…sthumius Mithridaces The deuils together by the cares amongst themselues The Gods examples furthered the vvarres Prodigious sounds of battles heard Brethren killing one another 2. Cor. 11. The deuils incite men to mischief by wicked instigations The Goddesse Flora. The office of the Aedile * He meaneth they haue bin a great enlargement of the true Church of God vpon earth by suffring so constantly The happines that the deuills can bestow on men Fabucius Vertues seedes Day how vsed Per Ioue unlapidem Apollo and Neptune worke the building of Troy Iliad 2. Aeneid 5. Neptunes Prophecy Apollo fauoreth the Troians The law Sempronian of iudgements The Plautian The Cornelian The Aurelian Romulus his â—…atner Aeneas his mother Caesars family Gen. 6. The benefit of being held diuine Numitor his children The punishment of the offending vestall No lawe against adultery before Augustus The lawe Iuliana Parricide Numa's â—…aw Remus his death Sylla's side stronger then Marius his The deuills carâ—… to deceiue C. Fimbria The Palladium Peace bestovved on the vnvvorthy Numa's peace of 43. or 39. yeares Ianus The first Kings practises The first Kings Fiue ages of men Paris copy leaues out this intirely Aristonicus Craâ—…us death The gods in a sweate Antiochuâ—… Cumae Aesculapius But best of all by Liuie hâ—… leaue to say with the text Pessinus for Pessinus was a towne in in Phrygia where Cybel had a temple before she had any at Rome Metamorph. Sellers of smoake Aemathia Andromache Tarpeia Stator Rome had no iust cause of war against Alba. Psal. 10. 3. As they did in Rome to fight for â—…heir lines Alba. The two Cyri. Magnus Rex The Theater Amphitheater The sunnes naturall Eclipse at Romulus his death Luc. 13. Romulu his deaâ—… Eclipses Tullus Hostilius Tarquinius Priscus The Capitol Getulia For it is said Brutus was â—…arquins kiâ—…man Bed-spreading 〈◊〉 vsed at Rome A Brood-man Capitae censi Pyrrhus Heâ—…aclear victory Archiatri Tibers inundation Fire in the Citty The secular plaies An Age. The Tauâ—…ian games Mettellus The masâ—…cre of Câ—… The Ring The volons Iâ—…s Saguntus Scipio African The Gallogrecians The lawe Uoconian Tripudium Solistimum Diuerse Mithridates Prodigies in the catle The confederats â—…rre Septimuleius Anagninus Discord a goddesse Concords Temple The cause of Troyes destruction The slaues warre The pirate war Nobles slaine by Cynna Marius C. Fimbria Licinius Bebius Catulus Marius his Sonne Scaeuola Tables of proscription The Bebii Marius Graâ—…idianus his death Sulmo Sertorius Cateline Lepidus Catulus Cn. Pompey Iul. Caesar. C. Octauius The Triumviri Christ borne Luc. 2. Ciceroes death Caesars death M. Antony Brutus Locusts in Africa Pestilence Sabaea Prodigies Pâ—…ying serâ—… lbis whv worshiped in Egipt Paris copie doth leaue out this betweene these markes Aetna Catina Christian Religion False gods varro Varro's antiquities Lady Pecunia Ill manners Mat. 5. Apuleius 〈◊〉 Platonist Phaeton Aetnas burning This note is left ouâ—… in Paris copy The comparison of poore quiet and rich trouble 〈◊〉 Pâ—… 2. 19 Stoicisme like to Christianitie Bellum warre of whence A pirates words to Alexander The leaders of the fugitiues Iust forme of kingdom Florus The first Kings Ninus The fâ—…rst warre The Greeke lyâ—…s The Assyrian Monarchie When Augustine wrote this worke Astiages The Persian Monarchy Cloacina Venus Cloacina Volupia Angeronia Libentina Vaticanus Cunina Tutanus Tutilina Proserpina Hostire Flora. Chloris Lacturcia Matuca Runcina Carna Iupiter why so called Iuno and Terra the eaâ—…th al one Vaâ—… de ling laâ—… Saâ—…es Soâ—…ne 〈◊〉 Saturne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Terra Tellus Ceres Vesta Two 〈◊〉 The Ciprian virgines custom Mars Vulcan Iupiter Apollo The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Tripos The Pythia Mercury Ianus Ianiculus Diespiter Lucina Opigena Ilythia Carmentes Port Sceleraâ—…a Rumina Educa and Potina Venilia Cumaena The Muses Consuâ—… Sâ—…a The pretexta Laâ—…s 〈◊〉 â—…hat 〈◊〉 Aeneid 6. Victoria a Goddesse Math. 11. 29. Stimula Hora. â—…urcia Faelicity