Divinity as well as undertake the profession of it but afterward persuaded thereto by a Right Reverend and Learned Person Mr. Buckner he seriously applied himself to this Study and holy Profession receiving the Orders of Deacon and Priest but at distinct times in S. Aldates Church in Oxon from the Right Reverend Bishop Howson And when he was Ordained Priest he Preach'd the Ordination Sermon upon these words of our Blessed Saviour to S. Peter Luk. 22.32 And when thou art Converted strengthen thy Brethren What course and method he observed in his Theological Studies he informs us with his own Pen Theol. Vit. praef to the Reader When I began my Studies in Divinity I thought no course so proper and expedient for me as the way commended by King James which was that young Students in Divinity should be excited to study such Books as were most agreeable in Doctrine and Discipline to the Church of England and to bestow their time in the Fathers and Councils School-men Histories and Controversie and not to insist too long upon Compendiums and Abbreviators His Geography was in less than three years Reprinted And in this second Edition was enlarged and again presented by him to the Prince of Wales and by him graciously received with most affectionate commendations of the Author But it met with another kind of entertainment from King James for the Book being put into the hands of that Learned Monarch by Dr. Young then Dean of Winton who design'd nothing but the highest kindness to Mr. Heylyn thereby the King at first exprest his great value he had for the Author but unfortunatly falling on a passage wherein Mr. Heylyn gave Precedency to the French King and called France the more famous Kingdom King James became very much offended and ordered the Lord Keeper to call the Book in The Dean gave notice to Mr. Heylyn of his Majesties displeasure and advised him to repair to Court and make use of the Princes Patronage as the best lenitive to prevent the rankling of this wound But he rather chose to abide in Oxford and acquainting the Lord Danvers with the business afterward sent an Apology and Explanation of his meaning That the burden under which he suffered was rather a mistake than a crime and that mistake not his own but the Printers which was after corrected and amended In the year 1625. he took a Journey with Mr. Levet of Lincolns-Inn into France where he visited more Cities and made more observations in five weeks time for he stayed no longer than many others have done in so many years The particulars of this Journey he reduced into writing and some years after gratifi'd his Countrey with the publication of it together with some other excellent remarks made by him when he went in attendance upon the Earl of Danby to the Isle of Gernsey and Jersey Anno Dom. 1628. Had King James lived to have perused that Book Mr. Heylyn had needed no other Advocate to have restored him to his Princely favour and protection For never was the vanity and levity of the Monsieurs and deformity and sluttishness of their Madams more ingeniously exposed both in Verse and Prose than in the account that he gives of his Voyage into France On April the 18th 1627. he opposed in the Divinity-School and on Tuesday the 24th following he answered pro formâ upon these two Questions viz. An Ecclesia unquam fuerit invisibilis An Ecclesia possit errare Both which he determined in the Negative Upon occasional discourse with him he was pleased once to shew me his Supposition which I read over in his House at Lacies-Court in Abingdon but I had not then either the leisure or good luck to transcribe a Copy of it which would have been worth my pains and more worthy of the Press to the great satisfaction of others For my part I can truly say that I never read any thing with more delight for good Latin Reason and History which that Exercise was full of but since both it and many other choice Papers in his Study through the carelesness of those to whose custody they are committed I suppose are utterly lost and gone ad blattarum tinearum Epulas In stating of the first Question that caused the heats of that day he fell upon a quite different way from that of Dr. Prideaux the Professor in his Lecture De Visibilitate Ecclesiae and contrary to the common opinion of other Divines who generally prove the visibility of the Protestant Church from the poor persecuted Christians dispersed in several places as the Berengarians in Italy the Waldenses in France the Wicklifists in England and the Hussiets in Bohemia which manner of proceeding being disliked by Mr. Heylyn as that which utterly discontinued the Succession of the Hierarchy which the Church of England claims from the very Apostles and their immediate Successors He rather chose to find out a continual visible Church in Asia Ethiopia Greece Italy yea and Rome it self as also in all the Western Provinces then subject to the power of the Roman Bishop when he was the chief Patriarch which Mr. Heylyn from his great knowledge and more than ordinary abilities in History strenuously asserted and proved to which the Professor could make but weak replies as I have heard from knowing persons who were present at that Disputation because he was drawn out of his ordinany byass from Scholastical Disputation to forein Histories in which encounter Mr. Heylyn was the invincible Ajax Nec quisquam Ajacem superare possit nisi Ajax But chiefly the quarrel did arise for two words in Mr. Heylyns Hypothesis after he had proved the Church of England received no Succession of Doctrine or Government from the Berengarians Wicklifists c. who held many Heterodoxies in Religion as different from the established Doctrine of our Church as any point which was maintained at that time in the Church of Rome that the Writers of that Church Bellarmin himself hath stood up as cordially in maintenance of some fundamental points of the Christian Faith against Anti-Trinitarians Anabaptists and other Heretiques of these last Ages as any our Divines and other Learned men of the Protestant Churches which point Mr. Heylyn closed up with these words Vtinam quod ipse de Calvino sic semper errasset nobilissimus Cardinalis at which words the Reverend Doctor was so impatient in his Chair that he fell upon the Respondent in most vile terms calling him Papicola Bellarminianus Pontificius c. to draw the hatred of the University upon him according to the saying Fortiter calumniare aliquid adhaerebit grievously complaining to the younger sort of his Auditors unto whom he made his chiefest addresses of the unprofitable pains he took among them if Bellarmin whom he had laboured to confute for so many years should be honoured with the Title of Nobilissimus Notwithstanding the Respondent acquitted himself bravely before the Company ascribing no more honour to Bellarmin
Paraeus in Apocal c. 3. v. did afterwards recover and get strength again instanceth in Anatotius and Stephanus both eminent and learned men and both Bishops there whereas indeed they were not Bishops of this Laodicea but of Laodicea in Syria called antiently Seleucia Tetrapolis as he might easily have seen by a more careful looking on those places of Eusebius which himself hath cited Now in the Nicene Council if we like of that we find the Successors of those several Angels subscribing severally to the Acts thereof Act. Conc. Nic. in subser amongst other Prelates of that time as viz. Menophanes of Ephesus Eutychius B. of Smyrna for the province of Asia Artemidorus B. of Sardis Soron or Serras B. of Thyatira Ethymasius B. of Philadelphia for the Province of Lydia and finally Nunechlus B. of this Laodicea Perpet gover cap. 13. p. 269. for the Province of Phrygia for Theodotus who by Bilson is affirmed to have subscribed as Bishop of this Laodicea was Bishop of Laodicea in the Province of Syria amongst the Bishops of which Province his subscription is which I marvel that most learned and industrious Prelate did not see And though we find not him of Pergamus amongst them there yet after in the Council of Chalcedon doth his name occur In fine by the person that speaketh to the Pastors and those seven Churches and the name he gives them it is plain and evident that their vocation was not only confirmed by the Lord himself but their Commission expressed He speaketh that hath best right to appoint what Pastors he would have to guide his Flock till himself come to judgment The name he giveth them sheweth their power and charge to be delivered them from God and consequently each of them in his several charge and City must have Commission to reform the errors and abuses in their several Churches at whose hands it shall be required by him that shall sit judge to take account of their doings And so much for the Angels of the seven Churches in Asia remembred in the book of the Revelation But to go forwards to S. John the Author of it immediately on his return from Patmos he sets himself unto the reformation of these Churches calling together the Bishops of the same as before we shewed and governing both those and the adjoyning Churches of Asia minor by his Apostolical Authority and preheminence Which having done on the intreaty and request of some godly men he went unto the neighbour Nations 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Clemens Alex. ap Euseb hist l. 2. c. 17. in some places instituting or ordaining Bishops in others rectifying and reforming the whole Churches and in a word by the direction of the spirit founding a Clergy in the same It seems the journey was not far the places which he visited being said to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the neighbouring Nations and indeed the Apostle was now grown too old to endure much travel being near an hundred at this time And therefore I conceive that the Episcopal Sees of Traellis and Magnesia were of his foundation Concil Chal. in subscript being Cities not far off and after reckoned as the Suffragans of the Archb. or Metropolitan of Ephesus Certain I am that they were both of them Sees of Bishops as doth appear by the Epistles of Ignatius in which he nameth Polybius Bishop of Trallis Ignat. Epist ad Magnesi and Damas Bishop of Magnesia and those not titular Bishops only but such as were to be obeyed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without gain-saying and without whose allowance there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 layed upon the Presbyters who were not to do any thing in their ministrations but by his authority One other Bishop there is said to be of S. John's ordaining viz. the young man which Clemens speaks of Clem. Alex. ap Euseb hist l. 2. c. 17. whose aspect being liked by the Apostle he left him to the care and tutorage of an ancient Bishop of those parts And when the Young man afterwards for want of careful looking to became debauched and made himself the Captain of a crew of Out-laws the blessed Saint with much ado reclaimed him from that wretched course and afterwards having new moulded him and prepared him for it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made him a Bishop in the Church But whether that the word will bear that sense as to the making him a Bishop or that it only doth imply that S. John placed him in some function of the holy Ministery Ecclesiae ministeri◠praefecit as Christophorson reads it I will not contend Only I cannot but observe that where the Bishop to whose care he was committed is in the prosecution of the story called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some have collected from the same Unbishopping of Tim. Tit. p. 126. that Bishops in those times were no more than Presbyters But this will prove if better looked on but a plain mistake the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in that place noting the Bishops age and not his office as doth appear by that which followeth in the story where he is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which certainly doth signifie an ancient man but not a Presbyter The Asian Churches being thus setled and confirmed in the faith of Christ partly by the pains and travel of this blessed man but principally by the Gospel and other pieces of Divine holy Scripture by him written and published about this time Beda de sex aetatibus In Annal. Ecc he went unto the Lord his God in a good old age being then 98 years old as Beda reckoneth in the beginning of the second century Anno 101. according to the computation of Baronius The Church at his departure he left firmly grounded in all the points of faith and doctrine taught by Christ our Saviour as well setled in the outward government the polity and administration of the same which had been framed by the Apostles according to the pattern and example of their Lord and Master For being that the Church was born of Seed immortal and they themselves though excellent and divine yet still mortal men it did concern the Church in an high degree to be provided of a perpetuity or if you will an immortality of Overseers both for the sowing of this Seed and for the ordering of the Church or the field it self This since they could not do in person they were to do it by their Successors who by their Office were to be the ordinary Pastors of the Church and the Vicars of Christ Now if you ask the Fathers who they were that were accounted in their times and ages the Successors of the Apostles they will with one accord make answer that the Bishops were To take them as they lived in order it is affirmed expresly by Irenaeus Iren. l. 3. c. 3. one who conversed familiatly with Polycarpus S. John's Disciple He speaking of those Bishops which were ordained by the Apostles
ΚΕΙΜΗΛΙΑ ' ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑΣΤΙΚΑ THE HISTORICAL AND MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS Of the Reverend and Learned Peter Heylyn D. D. Now Collected into one Volume I. Ecclesia Vindicata Or The Church of ENGLAND Justified 1. In the Way and Manner of her Reformation 2. In Officiating by a Publick Liturgy 3. In prescribing a set Form of Prayer to be used by Preachers before their Sermons 4. In her Right and Patrimony of Tythes 5. In retaining the Episcopal Government 6. And the Canonical Ordination of Priests and Deacons II. The History of the SABBATH in two Parts III. Historia Quinquarticularis Or A Historical Declaration of the Judgment of the Western Churches and more particularly of the Church of England in the Five Controverted Points reproach'd in these last times with the Name of Arminianism IV. The Stumbling-Block of Disobedience and Rebellion proving the Kingly Power to be neither Co-ordinate nor Subordinate to any other upon Earth To which are Added V. A Treatise de jure Paritatis Episcoporum Or A Defence of the Right of Peerage of the English Bishops AND An Account of the Life of the AUTHOR Never before Published With an exact Table to the whole LONDON Printed by M. Clark for Charles Harper at the Flower-de-luce over against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleetstreet 1681. THE LIFE OF The most Learned and Reverend Dr. PETER HEYLYN TO Write the Lives of worthy Personages was ever accounted a most laudable custom amongst the Heathens For to perpetuate the memory of the Dead who were eminent in Vertue did manifestly conduce to the publique benefit of the Living much more the Ancient Christians in their time both solemnly retained this practice and adjudged it an act of Piety and Justice to the Deceased If they were Men of Fame for Learning or other Virtues to Celebrate their praises to Posterity and by this means stir up Emulation in others to follow so noble precedents before them For which cause S. Jerom writ his Catalogus illustrium Virorum before whom also Eusebius with others in short recorded to future Ages the holy Lives of those Primitive Fathers who were signally active or passive for the Christian Faith Tacit. lib. 4. Suum cuique decus posteritas rependit saith the Historian Posterity doth render to every man the Commendation he deserves Therefore for the Reverend Authors sake and in due Veneration of his Name which I doubt not is honoured by all true Sons of the Church of England both for his Learned Writings and constant Sufferings in defence of her Doctrine and Discipline established by Law here is faithfully presented to them a true and compleat Narrative of his Life before his Elaborate Works Reprinted to answer the common expectation of men in this case who would read his Person together with the ordinary and extraordinary occurrences of Providence that befel him as well as his Books that were long before published to the World To give satisfaction in the former here is nothing inserted but the Relations of truth which hath been often heard from his own mouth spoken to his dearest Friends or written by his Pen in some loose fragments of Paper that were found left in his Study after his death upon which as on a sure foundation the whole Series and Structure of the following Discourse is laid together but would have been more happily done if he had left larger Memoirs for it Nothing was more usual in ancient times than for good men saith Tacitus to describe their own Lives Suam ipsi vitam narrare In vita Jul. Agric. fiduciam potius morum quam arrogantiam arbitrati sunt Upon a confidence of their right behaviour rather than to be supposed any arrogancy or presumption in them First of all I shall begin with his Birth In that Country above all other enobled with the famous seat of the Muses to which he was a constant Votary Cambd. Britt by Cambden Oxford is called the Sun Eye and Soul of Great Britain by Matthew Paris the second School of the Church the present Author saith co-eval to Paris if not before it the glory of this Island and of the Western parts near which place or noble Athens Peter Heylyn was Born at Burford an ancient Town of good Note in the County of Oxford upon the 29th day of Novemb. An. Dom. 1600. in the same year with the Celebrated Historian Quensted Dialog de pat illust vir Jacobus Aug. Thuanus on both whom the Stars poured forth the like benign influences But the former viz. Peter Heylyn had not only the faculty of an Historian but the gift of a general Scholar in other Learning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as will appear to any one that reads his laborious Writings He was second Son of Henry Heylyn Gentleman Descended from the Ancient Family of the Heylyns of Pentre-Heylyn in Moungomery-Shire then part of Powis-Land from the Princes whereof they were derived and unto whom they were Hereditary Cup-Bearers for so the word Heylyn doth signifie in the Welsh or Brittish Language An Honourable Office in most Nations which we find in Divine as well as Profane History Neh. 1.11 Magni honoris erat Pincernae munus apud Persás saith Alex. ab Alex. And if Cambden Clarencieux be of good Authority the Reverend Doctor deriveth his Pedegree from Greno ap Heylyn who descended from Brockwell Skythrac one of the Princes of Powis-Land a man of so great Authority with the Princes of North-Wales that Llewellyn the last Prince of that Country made choice of the said Grono-ap-Heylyn to treat with the Commissioners of Edward I. King of England for the concluding a final Peace between them which afterwards being broken by L'lewellyn in him ended all the Princes of North-Wales after they had Reigned for the space of 405. years a goodly time that scarcely the greatest Monarchies in the World have withstood their fatal period and dissolution Yet the Family of Pentre Heylyn from whom the said Grono-ap-Heylyn descended in a direct Line continued their Seat until the year Anno Dom 1637. at which time Rowland Heylyn Alderman and Sheriff of London and Cousin-german to Dr. Heylyn's Father dying without Issue-Male the Seat was transferred into another Family into which the Heiresses Married but if the Doctor had lived a little longer he intended to have repurchased that Seat and bring it back again into the Name and Family His Cousin Mr. Rowland Heylyn before his death caused the Welch and Brittish Bible to be Printed at his own Charges in a portable Volume for the benefit of his Country-men which was before in a large Church Folio also the Practice of Piety in Welch a Book though common not to be despised besides a Welch Dictionary for the better understanding of that Language One thing of chief remark is a Tradition among the Heylyns deriving their Pedigree from Brockwell Skythrac in whose Family was ever observed that one of them had a gag Tooth and the same a notable Omen of good
whether the Arch-Bishop had moved him to draw up those exceptions against Pryns Book which he denied or at least was not bound to confess that as he was faithful to his Sovereign so he would never prove himself unfaithful to his chief Minister both in Church and State But now John Lord Bishop of Lincoln at this Session of Parliament returned from the Tower to the Church after so long a time of his Suspension and Indevotion to say his Prayers and hear his Brother Peter Heylyn Preach in his course at the Abby in Westminster where notwithstanding the Holiness of that place to which his Lordship had no regard or reverence but only to the Name and Thing of it he was resolved publickly to revenge himself for old-done deeds that ought to have been forgotten by disturbing the Doctor in his Sermon before all the Congregation contrary to the Laws of this Realm and with Reverence to his Lordship against all good manners and the common rules of civility Mala mens furorque vecors In tantam impulerit culpam Catull. Strange That a Bishop could not rule his passions for one hour when no provocation was given by the Doctor whose Sermon from the beginning to the end of it throughout the whole discourse was pacificatory exhorting Christians to Moderation Love and Charity among themselves for the preservation of the publique peace although they differed in some opinions For satisfaction of the Reader I will set down the Doctors own words viz. Is it not that we are so affected with our own Opinions that we condemn whosoever shall opine the contrary and so far wedded to our own wills that when we have espoused a quarrel neither the Love of God not the God of Love shall divorce us from it Instead of hearkning to the voice of the Church every man hearkens to himself and cares not if the whole miscarry so that himself may bravely carry out his own devices Vpon which stubborn height of Pride what quarrels have been rais'd what Schisms in every corner of this our Church to enquire no further some rather putting all into open tumult than that they would conform to a Lawful Government derived from Christ and his Apostles to these very Times At the speaking of which words the Bishop of Lincoln sitting in the great Pew which was before the Seat of Contention knocked aloud with his Staff upon the Pulpit saying No more of that point No more of that point Peter To whom the Doctor readily answered without haesitation or the least sign of being dashed out of countenance I have a little more to say my Lord and then I have done which was as followeth viz. Others combining into close and dangerous Factions because some points of speculative Divinity are otherwise maintained by some than they would have them Also regardless of the common peace that rather than be quiet we will quarrel with our blessed Peace-maker for seeking to compose the differences though to the prejudice of neither party Thus do we foolishly divide our Saviour and rent his Sacred Body on the least occasion vainly conceiving that a difference in point of Judgment must needs draw after it a dis-joyning of the affections also and that conclude at last in an open Schism Whereas diversity of opinions if wisely managed would rather tend to the discovery of the Truth than the disturbance of the Church and rather whet-our Industry than excite our passions It was St. Cyprians resolution Neminem licet aliter senserit à Communione amovere not to suspend any man from the Communion of the Church although the matter then debated was as I take it of more weight than any of the points now controverted which moderation if the present Age had attained unto we had not then so often torn the Church in pieces nor by our frequent broils offered that injury and inhumanity to our Saviours Body which which was not offered to his Garments At this and all the other part of his Sermon the Auditory was highly pleased but the Bishop in so great wrath that his voice and the noise of his Pastoral Staff if I may so call it had like to have frighted the whole Flock or Congregation out of the Fold Considering the ill posture of affairs in which the Nation then stood overflowing with Seditions and Schisms I think a more seasonable Sermon could not have been Preached than to move men of different persuasions unto Peace and Unity one with another which is a most Christian Doctrine After the Sermon was ended he took Sir Robert Filmore his Learned Friend with some Gentlemen of Quality that were his Auditors out of the Church along with him to his House where he immediately Sealed up the Book that contained this Sermon and other Notes to which they also set their Seals that so there might not be the least alteration made in the Sermon nor any ground to suspect it which was presently after sent to the Bishop who kept it in his hands for some days in which time his passions allayed being more calm at home than in Church he sent the Book untouched back again to Dr. Heylyn in whose Study it had lain dormant for the space of fifteen years when the danger of an old Sermon of being called in question must needs be over by my persuasion and his consent he was pleased to give me leave to open that Apocalyptical Book that I might read and see the mystery that lay hid under the Seals for so many years which indeed proved only a pious and practical Sermon for Edification to moderate the heats of those fiery spirits that were like to make a Combustion in the whole Kingdom The Bishop deserved a sharper rebuke for his own Sermon which about that time he Preached before the King when he made a strange Apostrophe from his Text to the Sabbath falling down upon his knees in the Pulpit at the middle of his Sermon beseeching his Majesty in most humble manner that greater care might be taken for the better observation of the Sabbath day which was looked upon by many as a piece of most grand Hypocrisie who knew his opinion well by his practice for he did ordinarily play at Bowls on Sundays after Evening Service shoot with Bow and Arrows and used other exercises and recreations according to his Lordships pleasure The Bishop restored to his Dignities by means of that unhappy Parhament with whom he was in high favour expected that the Doctor should have submitted himself to his Lordship and particularly acknowledge his error in putting out the Antidotum Lincolniense which he commanded him to call in to which Dr. Heylyn replied that he received his Majesties Royal Command for the Writing and Printing of that Book in which he had asserted nothing but what he was still ready to justifie and defend against the opposers of it No sooner was the Doctor out of the Pulpit but he must come again before the Chair of the old Committee to
the Doctor like the Palm-Tree Crescit sub pondere virtus the more he was press'd with those heavy loads did flourish and grow up in his Estate that through the blessing of God being neither the subject of any mans envy nor the object of their pitty he lived in good Credit and kept a noble House for I my self being often there can say I have seldom seen him sit down at his Table without Company for being nigh the University some out of a desire to be acquainted with him and others to visit their old Friend whom they knew rarely could be seen but at Meals made choice of that time to converse with him And likewise his good Neighbours at Abingdon whom he always made welcome and was ready to assist them in their Parish-business or upon any other occasion particularly in upholding upholding the Church of S. Nicholas which otherwise would have been pulled down on pretence of uniting it to S. Ellens but in truth to disable the sober Party of the Town who were Loyal People from enjoying their wonted Service and Worship of God in their own Parish Church of which they had a Reverend and Orthodox Man one Mr. Huish their Minister and in his absence the Doctor took care to get them supplied with able men from Oxford Great endeavors were on both sides the one Party to preserve the Church and the other to pull it down because it was thronged with Malignants who seduced others from their godly way as Religion always hath been the pretence of factious minds to draw on others to their Party Ubbr Emm. Hist Fris as one saith well Sua quisque arma sancta praedicat suam causam religiosam Deus pietas cultus divinus praetexuntur Every one proclaimeth their own quarrels to be be a Holy War the Cause Religion God Godliness and Divine worship must be pretended Several Journeys the Doctor took to London sparing neither his pains nor purse in so pious a Cause for the managing of which he employed divers Solicitors somtimes before Committees at other times before Olivers Council where it was carried dubiously and rather inclining to the other side at which the Presbyterian-Party made the Bells to be rung and Bonfires in the Town to express their joy triumphing in the ruin of a poor Church but the day was not so clearly their own as they imagined for the Church yet stood against all its Enemies God protecting his own House and his Servants that were zealous for it in a time when they could look for little favor from the Powers that then ruled who had not so much respect for Gods House as the Heathens had for their Idol Temples and for those that Vindicated them Justin lib. 8. as Justin saith on this occasion Diis proximus habetur per quem deorum majestas vindicata sit for which he praiseth Philip of Macedon calling him Vindicem Sacrilegii ultorem religionum c. During those troubles Mr. Huish Minister of the Church durst not go on in his Ministerial duties which the Doctor no sooner heard of but to animate and encourage him he writ a pious Letter a Copy of which I then transcribed which is as followeth and worth the inserting here SIR WE are much beholden to you for your chearful condescending unto our desires so far as to the Lords-days Service which though it be opus diei in die suo yet we cannot think our selves to be fully Masters of our Requests till you have yielded to bestow your pains on the other days also We hope in reasonable time to alter the condition of Mr. Blackwels pious gift that without hazarding the loss of his Donation which would be an irrecoverable blow to this poor Parish you may sue out your quietus est from that daily attendance unless you find some further motives and inducements to persuade you to it yet so to alter it that there shall be no greater wrong done to his intentions than to most part of the Founders in each Vniversity by changing Prayers for the souls first by them intended into a Commemoration of their bounties as was practised All dispositions of this kind must vary with those changes which befal the Church or else be alienated and estranged to other purposes I know it must needs be some discouagement to you to read to Walls or to pray in publick with so thin a Company as hardly will amount to a Congregation But withal I desire you to consider that magis minus all Logicians say do not change the species of things that quantities of themselves are of little efficacy if at all of any and that he who promised to be in the midst of two or three when they meet together in his Name hath clearly shewed that even the smallest Congregations shall not want his presence and why then should we think much to bestow our pains where he vouchsafeth his presence or think our labour ill bestowed if some few only do partake of the present benefit And yet no doubt the benefit extends to more than the parties present for you know well that the Priest or Minister is not only to pray with but for the people that he is not only to offer up the peoples Prayers to Almighty God but to offer up his own Prayers for them the benefit whereof may charitably be presumed to extend to as well as it was intended for the absent also And if a whole Nation may be represented in a Parliament of four hundred persons and they derive the blessings of Peace and Comfort upon all the Land why may we not conceive that God will look on three or four of this little Parish as the Representative of the whole and for their sakes extend his Grace and Blessings unto all the rest that he who would have saved that sinful City of Sodom had he found but ten righteous persons in it may not vouchsafe to bless a less sinful people upon the prayers of a like or less number of pious and religious persons When the High-Priest went into the Sanctum Sanctorum to make atonement for the sins of the people went he not thither by himself none of the people being suffered to enter into that place Do not we read that when Zacharias offered up Incense which figured the Prayers of the Saints within the Temple the people waited all that while in the outward Courts or find we any where that the Priest who offered up the daily sacrifice and this comes nearest to our case did ever intermit that Office by reason of the slackness and indevotion of the people in repairing to it But you will say there is a Lion in the way there is danger in it Assuredly I hope none at all or if any none that you would care for The Sword of the Committee had as sharp an edge and was managed with as strong a malice as any ordinance of later Date can empower men with Having so fortunately escaped the danger of
themselves from the Jewish Synagogue exposed to all the disadvantages of scorn and danger both by Jews and Gentiles For as concerning this Sect we know that every where it is spoken against so said the Jews to Paul at his coming to Rome Acts 28. â—2 Tacitus in Annal lib. XV. Homines per flagitia invisi as much about the same time the same Tacitus calls them and therefore odio humani generis convicti obnoxious to the common hatred of all men as it after followeth Persecuted upon this account by the Roman Emperors reviled by the malicious Pens of Celsus Prophyry Lucian Julian and the rest of that Rabble Thus also hath it happened to the Church of England No sooner had King Harry freed her from the Bondage of Rome but the proud Pharaohs of that City pursued him presently with their fulminations endeavouring to raise up all the Princes of the Earth against him nor had she sooner purged her self of those superstitions and corruptions which had been put upon her in the time of that Bondage but many hundreds of her children were forcibly driven through the Red Sea a Sea of their own blood to the Heavenly Canaan Persecuted after this in forein parts by the Inquisition at home by the malitious pens and practices of that dangerous Enemy And as if this had not been enough for her affliction her Bowels must be torn out by those very children which she had nourished in the faith though afterwards they scorned to own her for their Mother The first thing quarrelled on both sides is the Way and manner of her Reformation which is affirmed by those of Rome to have too little of the Pope and too much of the Parliament by those of the Genevian party to have too little of the People and too much of the Prince The Genevians or Presbyterians find themselves agrieved that in the agitating of this great Business there was no such consideration had of the common People as in other places their Lay-Elders being allowed no Vote either in the Consistory or the Convocation and consequently no care taken of the Peoples Interess which in a matter which so nearly concerned their souls was as great as any applauding for this cause the riotous proceedings in some other Countreys where the People threw down Altars defaced Images and in a pious zeal no doubt demolisht Churches laying thereby the ground-work of a more thorow Reformation than was made with us The Romanists do complain as loudly that this great Work was wholly carried on by the power of Parliaments And hereupon it is affirmed by D. Harding the first that took up Arms against this Church in Queen Elizabeths time that we had a Parliament-Religion a Parliament-Faith and a Parliament-Gospel as by Scultingius and some others that we had none but Parliament-Bishops and a Parliament-Clergy Two Clamors so repugnant unto one another that if the one of them be true the other cannot chuse but be very false And thus again the Papists generally object that in that great work of the Reformation there was no care taken of the Pope neither consulted with as the Patriarch of the Western Churches or as the Apostle at the least of the English Nation the Pope thereby unworthily deprived of that Supremacy which of antient Right belong'd unto him to the subverting of the Fundamentals of the Christian Faith Primo praecipuo Romanensium fidei articulo de Pontificis primatu immutato Hist Concil Trident. lib. 1. as my Author hath it Calvin and his Disciples on the other side are as much offended with setling the Supremacy upon the King the Master grievously complaining of it in his Comment on the 7th of Amos Calvin in Amos cap. 7. his Scholars doing the like in their several Pamphlets And though it be affirmed by Bracton one of our ancient Common Lawyers if my memory fail not that Kings are therefore anointed with holy Oyl Eo quod spiritualis jurisdictionis sunt capaces because they are capable of exercising Ecclesiastical or Spiritual Jurisdiction yet Calvin will have none of that condemning those for rash and inconsiderate Persons Qui faciunt eos nimis Spirituales who ascribe to them any such Authority in Spiritual matters His Followers will take after him in this particular none more professedly and at large than Caldwood or Didoclavius as he calls himself and his Associates in the Altare Damascenum To satisfie the Clamors of these opposite parties and to appease some Scruples raised thereby in Mr. G. A. of W a modest and ingenuous Gentleman my especial friend I set my self in the first place to justifie the Church of England as to the Way and Manner of her Reformation so loudly and so falsly clamoured on so little ground And by this Tract it will be proved that nothing was done here in the Reformation but what was acted by the Clergy in their Convocations or grounded on some Act of theirs precedent to it with the Advice Counsel and Consent of the Bishops and other learned men assembled by the Kings appointment and secondly that the Parliaments did nothing in it but that sometimes upon the Post-fact it was thought fit to add some strength to the Decrees and Determinations of the Church especially in inflicting punishments on the Disobedient by the Civil Sanctions And for the proof of this I have used none but Domestick Evidences that is to say the Edicts of the King the Records of Convocation and the Acts of Parliaments themselves the best assurances that can be devised in Law to convey the Truth unto us in all these particulars In the next place I have endeavoured to give satisfaction unto all those Doubts which do relate unto the King the Pope or the Churches Protestant the riotous actings of the Common People being no good ground to build a Right on either too little or too much look'd after as it is pretended in that weighty business Whose pretensions being well examined by the Testimony of the Fathers Councils and other Ecclesiastical Antiquities I hope it will appear as clearly that there was no wrong done either to the Pope or the Forein Churches in being excluded from our Councils in so great a work and that our Kings have exercised no other power in sacred matters than what is warranted unto them by the word of God and precedented with the best examples of the most godly Kings of Judah and the most pious Kings and Emperors in the happiest times Nothing in all the Managery of the Reformation but what is justifiable by the practice of the former Ages and may be drawn into Example for the Instruction and Direction of the present Powers in all occasions of like natue The next thing faulted on both sides is the publick Liturgy condemned by those of Rome first for abolishing the Mass and then for being published and communicated in the vulgar Tongue by those of the Genevian party for having too much in it of the Roman
was only by the King's Authority by vertue of the Headship or Supremacy which by way of recognition was vested in him by the Clergy either co-operating and concurring with them in their Convocations or else directed and assisted by such learned Prelates with whom he did advise in matters which concerned the Church and did relate to Reformation By virtue of which Headship or Supremacy he ordained the first and to that end caused certain Articles or Injunctions to be published by the Lord Cromwel then his Viear General Anno 1536. And by the same did he give order for the second I mean for the saying of the Letany in the English Tongue by his own Royal Proclamation Anno 1545. For which consult the Acts and Monuments fol. 1248 1312. But these were only preparations to a greater work which was reserved unto the times of K. Edw. 6. In the beginning of whose Reign there passed a Statute for the administring the Sacrament in both kinds to any person that should devoutly and humbly desire the same 1 E. 6. c. 1. In which it is to be observed that though the Statute do declare that the ministring of the same in both kinds to the people was more agreeable to the first Institution of the said Sacrament and to the common usage of the primitive Times Yet Mr. Fox assures us and we may take his word that they did build that Declaration and consequently the Act which was raised upon it upon the judgment and opinion of the best learned men whose resolution and advice they followed in it fol. 1489. And for the Form by which the said most blessed Sacrament was to be delivered to the common people it was commended to the care of the most grave and learned Bishops and others assemby the King at His Castle of Windsor who upon long wise learned and deliberate advice did finally agree saith Fox upon one godly and uniform zOrder for receiving of the same according to the right rule of Scriptures and the first use of the primitive Church fol. 1491. Which Order as it was set forth in Print Anno 1548. with a Proclamation in the name of the King to give Authority thereunto amongst the people so was it recommended by special Letters writ unto every Bishop severally from the Lords of the Council to see the same put in execution A copy of which Letters you may find in Fox fol. 1491. as afore is said Hitherto nothing done by Parliament in the Forms of Worship but in the following year there was For the Protector and the rest of the Kings Council being fully bent for a Reformation thought it expedient that one uniform quiet and godly Order should be had throughout the Realm for Officiating God's divine Service And to that end I use the words of the Act it self appointed the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and certain of the most learned and discreet Bishops and other learned men of the Realm to meet together requiring them that having as well eye and respect to the most pure and sincere Christian Religion taught in Scriptures as to the usages in the Primitive Church they should draw and make one convenient and meet Order Rite and fashion of Common Prayer and Administration of Sacraments to be had and used in this his Majesties Realm of England Well what did they being thus assembled that the Statute tells us Where it is said that by the aid of the Holy Ghost I pray you mark this well and with one uniform agreement they did conclude upon and set forth an Order which they delivered to the Kings Highness in a Book entituled The Book of Common-Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments and other Rites and Ceremonies of the Church after the use of the Church of England All this was done before the Parliament did any thing But what was done by them at at last Why first considering the most godly travel of the King's Highness and the Lord Protector and others of his Highness Council in gathering together the said B. and learned men Secondly The Godly Prayers Orders Rites and Ceremonies in the said Book mentioned Thirdly The motive and inducements which inclined the aforesaid learned men to alter those things which were altered and to retain those things which were retained And finally taking into consideration the honour of God and the great quietness which by the grace of God would ensue upon it they gave his Majesty most hearty and lowly thanks for the same and most humbly prayed him that it might be ordained by his Majesty with the assent of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament and by Authority of the same that the said Form of Common-Prayer and no other after the Feast of Pentecost next following should be used in all his Majesties Dominions with several penalties to such as either should deprave or neglect the same 2 and 3. E. 6. cap. 1. So far the very words of the Act it self By which it evidently appeareth that the two Houses of Parliament did nothing in the present business but impose that Form upon the people which by the learned and religious Clergy-men whom the K. appointed thereunto was agreed upon and made it penal unto such as either should deprave the same or neglect to use it And thus doth Poulton no mean Lawyer understand the Statute who therefore gives no other title to it in his Abridgement publish'd in the year 1612. than this The penalty for not using uniformity of Service and Ministration of the Sacrament So then the making of one uniform Order of celebrating divine Service was the work of the Clergy the making of the Penalties was the work of the Parliament Where let me tell yu by the way that the men who were employed in this weighty business whose names deserve to be continued in perpetual memory were Thomas Cranmer Arch-Bishop of Canterbury George Day Bishop of Chichester Thomas Goodrich B. of Ely and Lord Chancellour John Ship Bishop of Hereford Henry Holbeck Bishop of Lincoln Nicholas Ridley Bishop of Rochester translated afterwards to London Thomas Thirlby Bishop of Westminster Dr. May Dean of St. Pauls Dr. Taylor then Dean afterwards Bishop of Lincoln Dr. Hains Dean of Exeter Dr. Robertson afterwards Dean of Durham Dr. Redman Master of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge and Dr. Cox then Almoner to the King afterward Dean of Westminster and at last Bishop of Ely men famous in their generations and the honour of the Age they lived in And so much for the first Liturgy of King Edwards Reign in which you see how little was done by Authority or power of Parliament so little that if it had been less it had been just nothing But some exceptions being taken against the Liturgy by some of the preciser sort at home and by Calvin abroad the Book was brought under a review And though it had been framed at first if the Parliament which said so erred not by the ayd of the Holy Ghost himself yet to comply with
Saxons by such as he employed in that Holy work The instances whereof dispersed in several places of our English Histories and other Monuments and Records which concern this Church are handsomely summed up together by Sir Edward Cook in the fifth part of his Reports if I well remember but I am sure in Cawdries Case entituled De Jure Regis Ecclesiastico And though Parsons the Jesuite in his Answer unto that Report hath took much pains to vindicate the Popes Supremacy in this Kingdom from the first planting of the Gospel among the Saxons yet all he hath effected by it proves no more than this That the Popes by permission of some weak Princes did exercise a kind of concurrent jurisdiction here with the Kings themselves but came not to the full and entire Supremacy till they had brought all other Kings and Princes of the Western Empire nay even the Emperors themselves under their command So that when the Supremacy was recognized by the Clergy in their Convocation to K. H. 8. it was only the restoring of him to his proper and original power invaded by the Popes of these latter Ages though possibly the Title of Supream Head seemed to have somewhat in it of an Innovation At which Title when the Papists generally and Calvin in his Comment on the Prophet Amos did seem to be much scandalized it was with much wisdom changed by Q. Elizabeth into that of Supream Governour which is still in use And when that also would not down with some queasie stomacks the Queen her self by her Injunctions published in the first year of her Reign and the Clergy in their book of Articles agreed upon in Convocation about five years after did declare and signifie That there was no Authority in sacred matters contained under that Title but that only Prerogative which had been given always to all godly Princes in holy Scriptures by God himself that is That they should rule all Estates and degrees committed to their charge by God whether they be Ecclesiastical or Temporal and to restrain with the Civil Sword the stubborn and evil doers as also to exclude thereby the Bishop of Rome from having any jurisdiction in the Realm of England Artic. 37. Lay this unto the rest before and tell me if you can what hath been acted by the Kings of England in the Reformation of Religion but what is warranted unto them by the practice and example of the most godly Kings of Jewry seconded by the most godly Emperours in the Christian Church and by the usage also of their own Predecessors in this Kingdom till Papal Usurpation carried all before it And being that all the Popes pretended to in this Realm was but Usurpation it was no Wrong to take that from him which he had no Right to and to restore it at the last to the proper Owner Neither prescription on the one side nor discontinuance on the other change the case at all that noted Maxim of our Lawyers that no prescription binds the King or Nullum tempus occurrit Regi as their own words are being as good against the Pope as against the Subject This leads me to the second part of this Dispute the dispossessing of the Pope of that Supream Power so long enjoyed and exercised in this Realm by his Predecessors To which we say that though the pretensions of the Pope were antient yet they were not primitive and therefore we may answer in our Saviours words Ab initio non fuit sic it was not so from the beginning For it is evident enough in the course of story that the Pope neither claimed nor exercised any such Supremacy within this Kingdom in the first Ages of this Church nor in many after till by gaining from the King the Investiture of Bishops under Henry the First the exemption of the Clergy from the Courts of Justice under Henry the Second and the submission of King John to the See of Rome they found themselves of strength sufficient to make good their Plea And though by the like artifices seconded by some Texts of Scripture which the ignorance of those times incouraged them to abuse as they pleased they had attained the like Supremacy in France Spain and Germany and all the Churches of the West Yet his Incroachments were opposed and his Authority disputed upon all occasions especially as the light of Letters did begin to shine Insomuch as it was not only determined essentially in the Council of Constance one of the Imperial Cities of High germany that the Council was above the Pope and his Authority much curbed by the Pragmatick Sanction which thence took beginning But Gerson the learned Chancellor of Paris wrote a full Discourse entituled De auferibilitate Papae touching the total abrogating of the Papal Office which certainly he had never done in case the Papal Office had been found essential and of intrinsecal concernment to the Church of Christ According to the Position of that learned man The greatest Princes in these times did look upon the Pope and the Papal power as an Excrescence at the best in the body mystical subject and fit to be pared off as occasion served though on self ends Reasons of State and to serve their several turns by him as their needs required they did and do permit him to continue in his former greatness For Lewis the 11th King of France in a Council of his own Bishops held at Lions cited Pope Julius the 2d to appear before him and Laustrech Governour of Millaine under Francis the 1st conceived the Popes Authority to be so unnecessary yea even in Italy it self that taking a displeasure against Leo the 10th he outed him of all his jurisdiction within that Dukedom anno 1528. and so disposed of all Ecclesiastical affairs ut praefecto sacris Bigorrano Episcopo omnia sine Romani Pontificis authoritate administrarentur as Thuanus hath it that the Church there was supreamly governed by the Bishop of Bigor a Bishop of the Church of France without the intermedling of the Pope at all The like we find to have been done about six years after by Charles the Fifth Emperor and King of Spain who being no less displeased with Pope Clement the 7th Abolished the Papal power and jurisdiction out of all the Churches of his Kingdoms in Spain Which though it held but for a while till the breach was closed yet left he an example by it as my Author noteth Ecclesiasticam disciplinam citra Romani nominis autoritatem posse conservari that there was no necessity of a Pope at all And when K. Henry the 8th following these examples had banished the Popes Authority out of his Dominions Religion still remaining here as before it did the Popes Supremacy not being at the time an Article of the Churistian Faith as it hath since been made by Pope Pius the 4th that Act of his was much commended by most knowing men in that without more alteration in the face of the Church
Scripture there is no question made amongst Learned men but they were Obligatory to the Church for succeeding Ages The blessing of the Bread the breaking of it and the distributing thereof unto his Apostles the blessing of the Cup and the communicating of the same to all the Company those formal Energetical words Take eat this is my Body and drink ye all of this this is the Cup c. and all this to be done in remembrance of me Are rites and actions so determined words so prescribed and so precisely to be used that it is not in the Churches power unless she mean to set up a Religion of her own devising for to change the same And this I take it is agreed on by all Learned Protestants Certain I am it was so in the Churches practice from the first beginning as may appear to any one who will take the pains to compare the Rites and Form of administration used by S. Paul and his Associates in the Church of Corinth 1 Cor. 11.24.25 with that which was both done and prescribed by Christ according as it is related in the holy Gospel A further proof hereof we shall e're long Nor find I any difference considerable amongst moderate men touching the Priest or Minister ordained by Christ for the perpetuating of this Sacrament for the commemoratingof his death and passion until his coming unto judgement The publick exercises of Religion would be but ill performed without a Priesthood and that would soon be brought to nothing at least reduced unto contempt and scorn if every one that listeth might invade the Office Our Saviour therefore when he did institute this Sacrament or as the Fathers called it without offence in those pious times the Sacrifice of the blessed Eucharist Cum novi Testamenti novam docuit oblationem Prenaeus cont hares l. 4. c. 32. to use the words of Irenaeus give an hoc facite unto his Apostles a faculty to them and their successors in the Evangelical Priesthood to do as he had done before that is to take the Bread to bless to break it and to distribute it amongst the Faithful to sanctifie the Cup and then to give it to the Congregation Men of on Orders in the Church may edere bibere as the Lord appointed and happy 't is they are permitted to enjoy such sweet refection But for hoc facere that 's the Priests peculiar And take they heed who do usurp upon the Office lest the Lord strike them with a fouler Leprosie than he did Vzzah 2 Chron. 26.20 when he usurped upon the Priesthood and would needs offer Incense in the House of God These points are little controverted amongst sober men The matter most in question which concerns this business is whether our Redeemer used any other either Prayers or Blessings when he did institute this blessed Sacrament than what were formerly in use amongst the Jews when they did celebrate their Passeover and if he did then whether he commended them unto his Apostles or left them to themselves to compose such Prayers as the necessities of the Church required and might seem best to them and the Holy Ghost This we shall best discover by the following practice in which it will appear on a careful search that the Apostles in their times and the Church afterwards by their example did use and institute such Forms of Prayer and Praise and Benedictions in the Solemnities of the blessed Sacrament of which there is no constat in the Book of God that they were used at that time by our Saviour Christ And if they kept themselves to a prescript Form in celebration of the Eucharist as we shall shortly see they did then we may easily believe it was not long before they did the like in all the acts of publick Worship according as the Church increased and the Believers were disposed of into Congregations And first beginning with the Apostles it is delivered by the Ancients that in the Consecration of the Sacrament of Christs Body and Blood they used to say the Lords Prayer Hierom. adv Pelagium l. 3. There is a place in Hierome which may seem to intimate that this was done by Christs appointment Sic docuit Apostolos suos saith that Reverend Father ut quotidie in corporis illius sacrificio credentes audeant loqui Pater noster c. Whether his words will bear that meaning I can hardly say Certain I am they are alledged to this purpose by a late Learned writer Steph. Durantes de ritibus Ecelesiae Cathol l. 2. c. 46. who saying first Eam i. e. orationem Dominicam in Missae sacro dicendam Christus ipse Apostolos docuit that Christ instructed his Apostles to say the Lords Prayer in the Celebration of that Sacrament or in the Sacrifice of the Mass as he calls it there doth for the proof thereof vouch these words of Hierome But whether it were so or not most sure it is that the Apostles are reported to have used that Prayer as often as they Celebrated the Communion Mos fuit Apostolorum saith S. Gregory ut ad ipsam solummodo orationem Dominicam oblationis hostiam consecrarent It was Gregor M. Epist l. 7. Ep. 54. V. Bellarm. de Missa l. 2. c. 19. Durand Ration divinorum l. 4. saith he the use or custom of the Apostles to Consecrate the Host or Sacrament with reciting only the Lords Prayer Which passage if he took from that of Hierome as some think he did the one may not unfitly serve to explain the other The like saith Durand in his Rationale The Lord saith he did institute the Sacrament with no other words than those of Consecration only Quibus Apostoli adjecerunt orationem Dominicam to which the Apostles added the Lords Prayer And in this wise did Peter first say Mass you must understand him of the Sacrament in the Eastern parts Platina in vita Sixti Platina saith the like as to S. PETER Eum ubi consecraverit oratione Pater noster usum esse That in the Consecration of the Sacrament he used to say the Lords Prayer or the Pater noster See to this purpose Antonius tit 5. cap. 2. § 1. Martinus Polonus in his Chronicon and some later Writers By which as it is clear and evident that the Apostles used the Lords Prayer in the Celebration of the holy Mysteries which is a most strong argument that it was given them to be used or said not to be imitated only So it may seem by Gregories solummodo that they used the Lords Prayer and nothing else And therefore that of Gregory must be understood either that they used no other Prayer in the very act of Consecration or that they closed the Form of Consecration with that Prayer of Christs which may well be without excluding of the words of Consecration which our Saviour used or such preparatory Prayers as were devised by the Apostles for that great solemnity For certainly
not only Prayers and Benedictions used and commanded to be used at the Celebration but such a prescribed and determinate Form as quickly was received over all the Church The Commentaries commonly ascribed to Ambrose which if not his are certainly both very pious and of great Antiquity give us the matter of those Prayers which here by the Apostles rule were ladi first of all as a preparatory to the Celebration Haec regula Ecclesiastica est tradita à magistro Gentium qua utuntur sacerdotes nostri ut pro omnibus supplicent Ambr. Comment in â— ad Tim. c. 2. c. This Ecclesiastical Ordinance saith he was given by by the Doctor of the Gentiles which our Priests use unto this day making their Prayers to God for all men Praying for the Kings of the world that they may have their people in obedience that being governed in peace they may serve the Lord in rest and quietness of mind as also for all those which are in Authority under them that they may govern the Common-wealth in truth and equity with plenty of all things that so all tumults and seditions being far removed joyfulness may succeed in the place thereof For it is Bread that strengtheneth and Wine that maketh glad the heart of man They intercede also for all those who are in misery or necessity that being delivered from the same they may praise the Lord the Author of all health and safety finally giving thanks to God for all those blessings which he affordeth us in this life that God may so be praised from whom and Christ by whom so many benefits are bestowed upon us that all things being composed and quieted which might prove dangerous unto the Empire we may have liberty to serve the Lord in godliness and honesty Thus he And this I could fain know how little if at all this differs either for matter form or place from the Prayer entituled for the Church militan here on Earth continued till this day in the Church of England And that according to S. Ambrose if the work be his Secundum regulam Ecclesiasticam traditam à Magistro Gentium conform unto a rule of S. Paul's prescribing I add but this which is observed unto my hand by a very learned and industrious Gentleman for I am willing to acknowledge by whom I profit that in the meaning of the Apostle H. Thorndike of Religious Assemb cap. 10. p. 377. as well as in the practice of the primitive Church Prayers and Supplications were to be made for all men in the Celebration of the Eucharist for Kings c. it being neither strained nor forced as he notes full well to take the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or thanksgiving which S. Paul there useth in that very sense in which it hath been used by Clemens and Ignatius the Apostles Scholars for the Celebration of the Eucharist for the whole action and all the Prayers and supplications which it was celebrated withal For why not thus as well in this place of S. Paul 1 Cor. 14.16 as in another not so likely where the Apostle asks this question HOw shall he which occupieth the room of the unlearned say Amen at thy giving of thanks seeing he understandeth not what he saith Of which thus Beza in his notes Suspicor Apostolum attingere Beza Annot. in 1. ad Cor. c. 14. celebrandae Domini coenae ritum solennem illam gratiarum actionem I am saith he of an opinion that the Apostle in this place doth point unto the Rites of Celebrating the Lords holy Supper and that solemn giving of thanks which was therein used a full description of the which he gives us out of Justin Martyr which we shall see anon in its proper place Whence had the blessed Sacraments the name of Eucharist V. Casaubon in Annal. Eccl. Exerc. 16. n. 40. if our Grammarians and Philologers be not much mistaken but from this solemn giving thanks which was used therein Thus am I fallen at last upon S. Pauls Epistle unto those of Corinth wherein it is conceived that the performances of the Church are most fully handled as they relate unto the publick worship of Almighty God Which though it be as in relation to those times in which there were such wonderful effusions of the holy Spirit yet being that those effusions were miraculous and the publick offices of the Church were governed by the immediate inspiration of the Holy Ghost there are not many things therein which may be drawn into example in these later times in which we must not look for such effusions For it is well observed by Chrysostom Chrysost Homil. 14. n. 18. ad Rom. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That many of those miracles which were frequent then are not to be expected now These extraordinary graces were not given but for an extraordinary end which was the planting of the Gospel in the midst of Paganism or where it was encountred by an obstinate faction of obdurate Jews And therefore they that do pretend to such special gifts as were in those times necessary for theordering and edification of the Church may by as strong a Charter for ought I can see lay claim unto the gift of Tongues and the power of Healing and the spirit of Prophesie which yet I see but few of them do aspire unto Passing by those things therefore in this Epistle which are not to be drawn into example if will appear most clearly from the xiv Chapter that to the constituting of Gods publick Service in the Congregation there went these three parts Prayer Praise and Prophesie which we have formerly observed to be the three ingredients that make up the same This last we find much spoke of throughout that Chapter particularly and by name verse 1 3 5 22 29 31 32 39. The other two he joyneth together in one verse 1 Cor. 14.15 viz. I will pray with the spirit and will pray with understanding also I will sing with the spirit and I will sing with understanding also Himself informs us what he means by Prophesying where it is said that he who Prophesyeth speaketh unto men to edification and exhortation Ibid. v. 3. both which as the times then were there was a great ambition in the Prophets of the Church of Corinth for ostentation of their gifts to utter them in Tongues not understood by the common people This is the thing most blamed by the Apostle in the present Chapter viz. that in their exhortations to the people or explications of the Scriptures they used to speak in unknown tongues and not interpret Ibid. v. 5. 27 And that they did the like in the act of Prayer is conceived by Beza where he thus glosseth on the Text Orabo spiritu i. e. lingua peregrina quam mihi dictat spiritus Beâ—a in Annot. in 1. ad Cor. 14 I will pray in the spirit that is saith he in such an unknown tongue as the spirit
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I believe in one unbegotten and only true God Almighty Father of Christ maker of all things and in our Lord Jesus Christ his only begotten Son c. Next after followeth a set Form of prayer used by the Bishop in Consecrating of the Oyl or Chrism and sanctifying of the Water And finally this prayer to be said by them who were newly brought into the Church by Baptism Id. ibid. c. 47. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Almighty God Father of our Lord Jesus Christ give me a body undefiled a pure heart a watchful mind knowledge without error together with the presence of the holy Spirit that I may both attain and hold fast the truth without doubt or wavering through Christ our Lord with whom be glory unto thee in the Holy Ghost world without end Amen The sum of what is said before in these two last Authors Clemens I mean and Dionysius because the Writings attributed to them are by the Learned thought to be none of theirs we shall find presently confirmed in the words of those who lived shortly after and are of an unquestioned credit amongst all Divines both of the Protestant party and the Church of Rome In the mean time we will sit down and repose our selves concluding here so much of the present search as may be found in any of the Writings of the holy Apostles or such as claim the reputation of being Apostolical men the Scholars and Successors of the blessed spirits though now disclaimed for such by our choicer judgements And yet before I leave this Age I will see if any thing occur in St. Ignatius touching a Form of Common-prayer or Invocation used by the Christians of his time who being said to be that Child on whom our Saviour laid his hands saying Except ye receive the Kingdom of Heaven as a little Child c. But howsoever questionless the Apostles Scholar and Successor to S. Peter in the See of Antioch hath informed us thus in his Epistle to the Magnesians of which no scruple hath been raised amongst Learned men omnes ad orandum in idem loci convenite una sit communis precatio una mens una spes in charitate Ignat. Epist ad Magness c. By which it seemeth that as the Magnesians had a Church or meeting place to which they usually resorted as a House of Prayer of which more hereafter so they had also una Communis precatio one certain Form of Common-prayer in which they all concurred as if spirited by one soul and governed by one hope in charity and faith unblamable in the Lord Christ Jesus Which is as much as we could look for in those times and from a man whose writings are not many nor of any greatness his custom being to express himself as briefly as the nature of Epistles could invite him to That in this Age the day of worship was translated from the last day of the week to the first or to the Lords-day from the Sabbath will not here be doubted nor can it be much questioned amongst sober men but that the Chrisitans of these times did Celebrate the Feast of Easter together with that of Whitsontide as we call them now in honour of the Resurrection of their Lord and Saviour and of the coming down of the Holy Ghost according to the Annual Revolution of those great occasions That which hath most been doubted for this Time and Age is whether the Christians had their places of publique worship and whether those places of worship had the name of Churches both which I think may be concluded in the affirmative by convincing arguments And first it is affirmed for an old Tradition in the Church of Christ and proved so to be by Adricomius out of several Authors that the Coenaculum or upper Chamber in which the Apostles met together after Christs Ascension was by them used for a place of publick worship Luk. 22.12 this being said to be that Room in which our Saviour Instituted the blessed Sacrament of his Body and Blood the same in which the Apostles met for the choice of one in the place of Judas Act. 1.13 Act. 2.1 Act. 6.4 6. Act. 15.6 the same in which the Holy Ghost descended on them at the Feast of Pentecost the same in which they were Assembled to elect the seven And finally the same in which they held the first General Council for pacifying the disputes about Circumcision and other ceremonial parts of the Law of Moses This was called then by the name of Coenaculum Sion or the upper Chamber of Sion supposed by some to have been a part of the House of Simon the Leper but howsoever of some Disciple of rank and quality who willingly had devoted it to the use of the Church it being the custom of such men in those early days when they were not suffered to erect more magnificent Fabricks to dedicate some convenient part of their dwelling houses for the Assembling of Gods people and the acts of worship Thus find we in the Recognitions of Clemens that the House of Theophilus in the City of Antioch to whom S. Luke dedicated both his Gospel and Book of Acts was by him converted to a Church for the use of Christians and in the Acts of Pudens whom we find mentioned by S. Paul in the second to Timothy that he gave his House unto the Church for the same use also and such an House or such an upper Chamber rather so given and dedicated is that thought to be in which S. Paul preached at Troas and from a window whereof Eutychus fell down and was took up dead Act. 20.8 But to return again to the Coenaculum Sion before-mentioned certain it is that in relation to those duties of Religion which were there performed it was inclosed afterwards with a beautiful Church commonly called the Church of Sion and by S. Cyril a godly Bishop of Jerusalem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cyril Hier. catech 16. the upper Church of the Apostles in which the Holy Ghost is there said by him to have fallen upon them begirt in following times with the Cels or Lodgings of religious persons in the form of a Monastery of which Bede thus In superiori montis Sion planicie Beda Tom 3. de locis sanctis monachorum cellulae Ecclesiam magnam circundant illic ut perhibent ab Apostolis fundatam eo quod ibi spiritum sanctum accepere in qua etiam locus coenae Domini venerabilis ostenditur That is to say in the uppermost plain of Mount Sion the Cels of Monks begirt a fair and spacious Church there founded as it is affirmed by the holy Apostles because in that place they had received the Holy Ghost and where they shew the place in which the Lord did institute his holy Supper Where by the way this Church is said to have been founded by the Apostles not that they built it from the ground but because being
publick end For if he should it must needs sound exceeding harshly that every Member in the Congregation should be left unto the liberty of his own expression and their Devotions if so ordered could be entituled nothing less than Common-prayers by which name Justin Martyr calls them as before was shewn But that we may the better understand Tertullians meaning we will first take the words at large Tertullian Apologet c. 30. and then conjecture at the sense The words are these Illuc suspicientes Christiani manibus expansis quia innocuis capite nudo quia non erubescimus sine monitore quia de pectore oramus precantes summs omnes semper pro omnibus Imperatoribus vitam illis prolixam imperium securum domum tutam exercitus fortes senatum fidelem populum probum orbem quietum quaecunque hominis vel Caesaris vota sunt We Christians looking towards Heaven pray with our hands stretched out to protest our innocence bare-headed because not ashamed without a Monitor because by heart an happy Reign a secure House valiant Souldiers faithful Counsellors an industrious People and whatsoever else the Prayers of a private man for it is hominis not hominum or those even of the Emperor himself can extend unto And this he sheweth to be the subject of those Prayers which he himself did use to make for the Roman Emperors in the words next following Haec ab alio orare non possum quam à quo me scio consecuturum I pray for all this to no other than to him alone of whom only I am certain to obtain the same And sure Tertullian was a private person nor de we find that he prayed thus with others in the Congregation or if he did yet being the heads are certain which are spoke of here the Form may also be prescribed for ought appears unto the contrary which was used there And for the Monitor 't is true the Gentiles had of old their Monitors not only to direct them in what words but to what God also they should make their Prayers Which thing the Christians needed not who knew they were to make their Prayers unto God alone and being accustomed to pray in the Congregation according to the Form prescribed for the Emperors safety and the prosperity of his affairs could without any Monitor or Prompter pray by heart for those things which concerned the weal and safety of the Emperors and those who were in Office and Authority by and under them What the Prayers were used by the Christians of those times it is hard to say there being so little of them extant in Authors of unquestioned credit but that they used set Forms of prayer is not hard to prove as we shall see in the next Century when we have looked into the works of Origen and spent a little time in S. Cyprians writings If in their Books one of which was cotemporary with Tertullian the other living very near him if not with him also we find prescribed Forms of prayer I hope it will be granted without great difficulty that in Tertullians time they had prescribed Forms although those Forms appear not upon good record But first before we come to that we will lay down the course and order of the ministration according as I find it in the Constitutions ascribed to Clemens The Author of the which whosoever he was lived about these times and may perhaps be credited in a matter of fact although of no Authority with the Learned in a point of Doctrine Now he describeth both the Churches and the service thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Constitut Clement l. 2. c. 57. c. When thou he speaks unto the Bishop doest call the Congregation to Assemble as being the Master of the Ship command thy Deacons as the Mariners that places be provided for the Brethren who are as passengers therein First let the Church be built in form of an Oblongum looking towards the East and let the Bishops Throne or Chair be placed in the midst thereof the Presbyters sitting on each side of him and the Deacons ready and prepared to attend the Ministry to whom it appertaineth to place the lay-people in their ranks and seats and set the Women by themselves Then let the Reader from the Desk or Pulpit placed in the middle of the people read the Books of Moss as also those of Josuah Judges Kings and Chronicles and that of Ezra touching the return from Babylon as also those of Job and Solomon and the sixteen Prophets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Two Chapters being read let one begin the Psalms of David and let the people answer the Acrosticks i. e. the closes or the burden of the song as we use to say Then let the Acts be read and the Epistles of S. Paul which he inscribed to several Churches by the suggestion of the Holy Ghost Afterwards let the Presbyter or Dacon read the Gospels which Matthew Mark Luke and John have left behind them And whilst they read the Gospel let the people stand and hearken to the same with silence For it is written Take heed and hearken O Israel and in another place Stand thou there and hearken Then let the Presbyters speak a word of Exhortation to the people not all at once but one by one and the Bishop last This done all of them rising up and turning towards the East the Catechumeni and those which are under Penance being first departed let them direct their Prayers to God after which some of the Deacons are to attend upon the Sacrifice of the holy Eucharist others to have an eye on the Congregation and to see that silence be well kept Then let the Deacon which assists the Bishops thus bespeak the people 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Let no man here have malice against his Brother let no man harbour any dissimulation Which said the men salute the men the women those of their own Sex with an holy kiss After the Deacon saith the Prayer for the whole Church the universal World and the parts thereof as also for fertility for the Priests the Magistrates for the Bishop and King and the peace of all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. This done Id. l. 8. c. 22. the Deacons are to bring the offerings to the Bishop laying the same upon the Altar the Priests assisting on each side as the Disciples do their Master Then the Bishop praying to himself together with the Priests or Presbyters and being arrayed in a white Vesture standing at the Altar and maing the sign of the Cross upon his forehead shall say The Grace of God Almighty and the love of our Lord Jesus Christ and the fellowship of the Holy Ghost be with you all and all the people shall return this Answer And with thy spirit Then shall the Bishop say Lift up your hearts and they reply We lift them up unto the Lord. The Bishop thus Let us give thanks unto the Lord the people
need search be made for pieces when we have the whole a whole and perfect Liturgie of this Fathers making unless it be to shew of what antient pieces the whole work is made For in the Bibliothecae Paetrum in the writings of Cassander and in the great collection of this Fathers works published by the honoured and admired Sir Henry Savil there is an entire Liturgie which bears his name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So it is entituled Chrysost opera Vol. 6. edit Savilianae The like we find under S. Basils name both in Cassanders writings and the Bibliotheca The question is Whether they are the works of those whose names they carry For my part I conceive they are for the main and substance though not without some abstractions and additions in the change of times and hope that when such Arguments are answered which are produced unto the contrary it will appear so unto others And first for that of Basil it is objected by Hospinian Veterem translationem cum Graeco exemplari nova versione non convenire Hospinian â—isi Sacrament l. 9. cap. 14. That the old translation agrees not either with the new or the Greek Originals Assuredly a very gentle Argument such as will do no hurt at all to any understanding Disputant and therefore purposely omitted as I think by Dr. Rivet who in his censure of those Liturgies did consult that Author And yet this is the only argument of moment which is made against it which being so gentle as it is would require no answer Or if it did and that the difference of translations from one another or if the old translation from the Greek Original be a sufficient argument to discharge this Liturgy there could not very many works of the old Greek Fathers be affirmed for theirs their old translations being so incongruous so manifestly different from the Authors mind as by continual observation they are found to be The next Objection if it may be called so is of a gentler strain than this it being charged also by Hospinian that in the commemoration of the dead Basilii Chrysostomi nomen legitur Id. ibid. the names of Basil who must alive when he made this Liturgy and that of Chrysostom who lived after him do both occur But there is no such matter to be found in the Original extant in the Bibliotheca Patrum nor the translation of the same thereunto annexed which plainly shews the old translation if thence the Argument were taken did differ very much from the genuine Copy Besides the same Objection being made against the Liturgy of S. Chrysostom we shall there meet with it for there indeed the same commemoration is to be found Besides which it is noted by Hospinian also that in this Liturgy there is this prayer for Pope Nicolas Nicolai Sanctiffimi universalis Papae longa sint tempora whereas Pope Nicolas lived not saith he till the year 857. which was 500 years after Chrysostoms death and that there is a prayer for the Emperour Alexius the first of which name began his Reign An. 1080. and not before Id. ibid. To which we say that neither in the Copy extant in the Bibliotheca nor in that published by Sir H. Savil are either of these two last errors to be found which shews they came not out of the Originals Secondly That possibly the business of Pope Nicolas may be nothing but a meer mistake For whereas he that published that old translation which as it seems Hospinian met with had found Sanctissimi universalis Papae N. which N. we know is used indefinitely for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek he out of his abundant ignorance of a Nicolas Nemo makes Pope Nicolas Or had it been Pope Nicolaus in the antient Copies Hospinian who objects the same might with small search have found some Patriarchs of Constantinople of that very name and they we know did use to call themselves Universal Bishops for 't was the thing which Gregory the great so stomached in them But then it will be said that every one of those Nicolai lived after Chrysostom was dead and that Alexius was not Emperour until 700 years after his decease Most true for every man of sence must needs conceive that the names of Emperours and Patriarchs must needs be changed as the old die and new Successors come in place Or else we should collect an excellent Argument for the Church of Rome in finding prayers for the deceased in S. Chrysostoms Liturgy Might not one say as well that certainly the Liturgy now used and established in the Church of England is not the same which was set forth and published in Q. Elizabeths Reign because the name of our dread Soveraign Lord K. Charles doth occur therein and that there is a prayer in it for Q. Mary and the Royal Issue Id. ibid. Rivet Critici sacri l. 4. c. 3. But finally it is objected by Hospinian and this as well as that Rivet builds on also that Carolus Calvus in a Letter to the Ravennates saith that the Liturgy used in the Church of Constantinople was that of Basil and not Chrysostoms Quod mirum esset si Chrysostomus ejus Ecclesiae Archiepiscopus Liturgiam composursset which had been strange saith Rivet if Chrysostom which was Archbishop of that City had composed a Liturgy However by their own confession we have a Liturgy of S. basils making and that it is somewhat worth the having and it shall go exceeding hard but we will have another of S. Chrysostoms also For it is noted to my hand by our Learned Brerewood from Jeremy a late Patriarch of Constantinople that in the Greek Churches or Festivals they use the antient Liturgy of Basil and on common days that of Chrysostom Brerewoods enquiry cap. ult By which it seems that carolus Calvus or whosoever gave him that intelligence was an Holy-day man and took no notice of the Service of that Church upon common days Thus have we found two Liturgies for the Eastern Churches both made within the compass of the first four hundred years from our Saviours Birth and with the proof of this we might here sit down and not be put to further travail but that I think the Western Church would not take it well if we should leave her worse provided than the Eastern was Now that there were by this time and before set and established Forms of prayer in the Western parts is evident by those remainders or fragments of them which we produced from Cyprian for the Church of Africa from Justin and Tertullian for the Church of Rome both which though born in other Countreys yet did live there most Which Liturgy that I mean of Rome as it might have its first grounds from S. Peter whose name it carrieth so were there many helping hands put to it in succeeding times to make up the work Of which thus Platina Platina in Xysti l. Nuda primo haec
accustomed to say these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 We glorifie or praise the Father and the Son Id. de Sp. S. cap. 29. and the Holy Spirit of God just as we used to say in these Western parts upon the very same occasion God send us the light of Heaven Which as the Father calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an antient Ceremony an old Form of words so doth he tell us therewithal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the observation of the same was not imputed unto any as the other is either for superstition or impiety In Nicephor hist Eccl. l. 18. c. 51. edit gr lat The Scholiast or Nicephorus whosoever he was doth observe this custom and gives us the whole Form at large of this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whither I refer you this being only by the way 'T is true the following words Sicut erat in principio c. which make up the whole frame of this Doxologie as it is now used in the Church came not in till afterwards upon occasion of the spreading of the Arian Heresie by which it was most impiously maintained and taught erat quando non erat that there was once a time when the Son was not and so not coeternal with his heavenly Father And though I cannot say with the Learned Cardinal that this addition was put to it in the Council of Nice Baron Annal. Eccl. An. 325. because I find it not in the Acts of that Council or otherwise than by him ascribed unto it yet certainly it was adjoyned unto it much about that time and questionless on that occasion And so much is affirmed in the Council of Vaisons in France Concil Vasens c. 5. Concilium Vasense Vassionense the Latines call it Where it is said Propter haereticorum asTutiam qua Dei filium non emper cum Patre fuisse sed à tempore coepisse blasphemant in omnibus clausulis post Gloria Patri filio filio spiritui sancto dicitur sicut erat in principio nunc est in secula seculorum Which points both to a former usage in some other Churches where this addition was received whereof more anon and to the crafty malice of the Arian Hereticks for a most soveraign Antidote to whose poysons it was first devised A further proof of which I shall shew you presently Such being the Antiquity and use of this Doxologie we will next see when and by what Authority it first became a part of the publick Liturgies I know Nicephorus ascribes it unto Flavianus Patriarch of Antioch An. 380. or thereabouts who as he saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the advise and help of Chrysostom being then a Minister in that Church did first ordain it Niceph. Eccles Hist l. 18. cap. 51. But certainly it was of longer standing in the Church than so For it is said by Sozomen that when Leontius the Arian was Bishop of that See which was in the year 350. some five and twenty years no more after the Council of Nice the people being divided in opinions about the Deity of our Saviour did so use the matter that when they met to glorifie the name of God in the Congregation Sozom. Eccles hist l. 3. c. 20. and sung the holy Anthems Quire-wise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Authors words as the custom was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they manifested their dissent from one another in the conclusion of those Hymns or Anthems the Orthodox Professors using the whole Form as it was prescribed by the Church and saying Glory be to the Father and to the Son Theodoret. hist Eccl. l. 2. c. 24. and to the Holy Ghost As it was in the beginning c. The Hereticks pronouncing it with this alteration Glory be to the Father by the Son in the Holy Ghost c. to make it serviceable to their sense And for Leontius himself who was most observed he did so mutter the whole Doxologie between his teeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and passed it over with such silence as the Author hath it that the most diligent stander by could hear no more from him but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 world without end Amen Id. ibid. This makes it evident that as this Form of giving glory to each person of the blessed Trinity was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the badge or cognizance by which the Orthodox Professors were distinguished from the Arian Hereticks and therefore called most properly by renowned S. Basil 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Basil Ep. 78. the evidence or demonstration of a sound belief so presently upon the first compleating of it it came by general consent to have a proper place in the publick Liturgies and was accustomably repeated in the Eastern Churches at the conclusion of such Hymns or Anthems as were composed and sung to the honour of God Which also is affirmed in these words of Cassian an antient Writer Cassian l. 2. cap. 8. viz. Hac glorificatione Trinitatis per omnem Orientem solere Antiphonam terminari that throughout the East the Anthems were concluded with that Doxologie that Form of giving glory to the blessed Trinity Now as the Eastern Churches used to add this formula to the conclusion of such Hymns or Anthems as they composed for Gods service in the Congregation so was it added in the Churches of these Western parts at the close of each of Davids Psalms which made up a great part of the publick Liturgies by the perswasion of S. Hierom. Who living in the Eastern parts for a certain time and noting with what fruit and benefit the Doxologie was added there at the end of the Hymns addressed his Letters to Pope Damasus who entred on the See of Rome An. 367. advising or desiring call it which you will ut in fine cujuslibet Psalmi that at the end of every Psalm he would cause this Doxologie to be added viz. Gloria Patri c. Sicut erat in principio c. Ext. in Concilior Tom. 10. inter Epistolas Decr. Damasi To the intent that the profession of the faith set forth by the 318. Bishops in the Council of Nice in vestro ore pari consortio declaretur should be avowed and published with a like consent in all the Churches of his Patriarchate I know indeed some Learned men are of opinion that this Epistle is not Hieroms and perhaps it is not But whether it be his or not which I will not stand on most sure it is that Damasus did the thing which that Letter speaks of in the Churches of his jurisdiction Of which thus Platina in his life Instituit quoque ut Psalmi alternis vicibus in ecclesia canerentur Platina in vita Damasi utque in fine corum haee verba ponerentur Gloria Patri filio c. Damasus saith he ordained that the Psalms should be sung Quire-wise or by each side of the Quire in turns and that
of work since the time of the old Martin Mar-prelat began to teem again with a new brood of Libellous Pamphlets the Females of Sedition as a Learned Gentleman truly calls them in which the Bishops were reproached with Innovating in the Worship of God here by Law established in order to some dark design to bring in Popery The antient usages of the Church grounded on Law required by Canon and Authorized by the stamp of Supream Authority had lien so long under the Rubbish of neglect and discontinuance by the remisness to say no worse of it of the former Government that the endeavour of reducing them to use and practice was forthwith clamorously branded with the odious name of an Innovation though when it came unto the trial the Innovation lay at their doors who had raised he clamor Amongst which Innovations so unjustly charged there was none made a greater and more general noise than the requiring a set Form of Prayer to be used by Preachers before their Sermons imputed by H. E. to the late Archb. as an act of his and yet confessed so much he was transported by his spleen and passion to be prescribed in the Canon of 603. full 30 years before that Prelate had attained the See of Canterbury During these heats I was requested by the Right Reverend Father in God the Lord Bishop of W. to ease him of some pains in searching into the constant practice of this Church since the Reformation as to that particular as also to consider of the grounds and motives which might induce the Bishops of those times to compose the Canon in which that Form had been prescribed that haing satisfied himself in all points which concerned that Argument towards which my poor endeavours were not likely to contribute much he might with greater confidence require the Clergy of his Diocess to conform unto it An employment which I undertook with a ready chearfulness as one that had been always trained up in the School of obedience and looked upon the just motions of my Superiors as in the nature of commands What satisfaction this discourse then gave unto hisLordship I forbear to add and what contentment it may give to the Reader now I forbear to guess The fate of Books depends not in these times as in those before on the capacity of the Reader but on his private interess so as it is not to be hoped that such as are approved by some will be liked of all though most of those who may mislike may give no sufficient reason for it All therefore which I have to do is to submit it to the judgment of the equaland unbyassed Reader from whom I am as willing to receive satisfaction in any controverted point as to use my best endeavours to give it to him And so good Reader I conclude with those words of the Poet Tu vergo si quid novisti rectius istis Candidus imperti si non his utere mecum If thou hast better reasons lend me thine Or otherwise make bold with these of mine A BRIEF DISCOURSE Touching the Form of Prayer c. 1. The Introduction to the whole 2. The Canon of the year 1603. 3. The meaning and purpose of that Canon 4. The Injunction of Qu. Elizabeth to the same effect 5. The Injunction of King Edward VI. to the same effect 6. The like Injunction of King Henry VIII 7. The ground and reason of the Injunction of that King and the exemplification of it in the practice of Bishop Latimer 8. The difference between Invocation and that bidding of Prayer which is required by the Canon 9. The Canon justified by the practice of Bishop Andrews 10. By the practice of Bishop Jewel in Qu. Elizabeths time 11. By the practice of Archbishop Parker in King Edwards time 12. By the like practice of Bishop Latimer in that Kings time also 13. More of the practice of Bishop Latimer in this point 14. The same proved also by the practice of Bishop Gardiner 15. The result arising both from the precept and the practice of the Church herein 16. How the now Form of Prayer by way of Invocation was first taken up 17. No Prayer by way of Invocation used by the Antients in their Sermons 18. The Prayer appointed by the Canon and Injunctions used rather heretofore as a part of the Sermon than as a preparation to it 19. Bidding of Prayer more consonant unto the meaning of the Law than any set Prayer in the way of Invocation 20. Bidding of Prayer more proper for the place or Pulpit which was not made for Prayer but for Exhortation 21. The like concluded from the posture of the Preacher also 22. Some inconveniences arising from the Form of Prayer by Invocation 23. More inconveniencies of that nature by accusing the Liturgie as defective 24. The conclusion and submission of the whole to his Lordships judgment INventae erant Epistolae ut certiores faceremus absentes si quid esset quod eos scire aut nostrum aut ipsorum interesset Epistles were devised as Tully writes to Curio to this end and purpose that we might certifie the absent of those things which are most proper for their knowledge and our relation They are our Messengers for love our Posts for business our Agents in the managing and dispatch of the weightiest Affairs such as most nearly do concern us which being a chief Use and Benefit of Letters no marvail if they have been used in all former Ages not only to maintain an intercourse between Friends in point of Amity but to lay down in them our resolutions as occasion is in point of Controversie The several Writings in this kind of the antient Authors as well the Christian as the Gentile what are they but so many precepts and directions by which to regulate our Conversations or reasons and authorities on the which to rest our judgments Upon which ground my most Honoured Lord I have adventured to declare by this way of Letter what I have found upon due search in answer to the proposition which your Lordship recommended to me touching the Form of Prayer appointed in the Canon to be used by Preachers before the Sermon Of which such question hath been made in these busie times whether it ought to be by way of Invocation as a formal Prayer or else by way of Exhortation as a bidding of Prayer For resolution of the which I shall first lay down the very Canon and after briefly shew unto you what is most like to be the true intention of it out of the publick Monuments of this Church and constant practice of those men who are above exception for the point in hand and also by such other pregnant reasons as I have thought most proper to confirm the same Now for the title of the Canon it runs thus Can. 55. The Form of a Prayer to be used by Preachers before their Sermons The body of it is this Before all Sermons Lectures and Homilies Preachers
They are all now for Root and Branch for the very Calling that having grubbed up those goodly Cedars of the Church the Bishops they might plant a stinking Elder as a noble person well observed in the place thereof Never was Learning so employed to cry down the encouragements and rewards of Learning The Branches needs must wither when the Root decays and what could else befall Cathedras as we see it too evidently but the inevitable exposing of them to a present ruin by making them Oblations unto Spoil and Rapine And now or never was the time for those that had a care of the Churches safety to put themselves into a posture of defence and be provided for the Battel In which if few appeared at the first on the Churches side it was not that they durst not give the onset but that they were reserved for succours For whilst the Humbly reverend Remonstrant was pleased to vindicate as well his own as the Churches honour there was small cause or rather none that other men should interpose themselves at all or rob him of the glory of a sole encounter Parque novum fortuna videt concurrere Bellum atque virum as in a case not much unlike was observed by Lucan But when that Reverend pen grew wearied not with the strength or number of his Adversaries but their importunity who were resolved to have the last words as himself observeth and that he hath been pleased to give way to others to shew their duty and affection in so just a cause it was then no hard matter to persuade me to such further courses as might be thought on and pursued for the Churches peace And I the rather was resolved to do somewhat in it because the Smectymnuans in a manner had ingaged me in the undertaking It seems they have forgotten what their own Darling HEILTN c. Smectym pag. 16 17. by giving me the Title of the Bishops Darling a Title which though given in scorn had been ill bestowed should I be wanting unto those of that Sacred Order which were supposed to let me hold so principal a place in their affections Doubly ingaged by duty and this provocation which I could not take but for a challenge I took their Book into my hand in which I found the whole dispute as it relates to the Episcopal Government reduced to these Propositions viz. 1. That the Impropriation of name and Imparity of place between Bishops and Presbyters was not of divine right and Apostolical institution but of humane invention and occasionally only and that a Diabolical occasion also and no more than so 2. That the eminent Superiority and Power of Ordination and Jurisdiction which our Bishops claim was both unknown to the Scripture and the Primitive times 3. That antiently in some places of the World the Episcopal Government was never known for many years together the people in those places being instructed in the faith without help of Bishops Hereupon they infer in the close of all That Bishops or Episcopacy being at the best a meer humane Ordinance may by the same Authority be abrogated by which it was first established This last I must confess delivered in the way of Quere but so delivered as to carry a Position in it more pertinent to their aim and purpose than the other three In prosecuting of which points as they have shewed the greatest of their wit and cunning to give the fairest colours to a rotten Cause so have they brought no new Objections against the Episcopal Order and Jurisdiction but what are either answered or prevented in the Learned works of B. Bilson B. Downham and other Worthies of this Church now in bliss with God Nihil dictum quod non dictum fuit prius had been an Answer new enough for an old Objection But seeing that these Men though they could bring no new supply of Arguments is make good their Cause would not rest satisfied with those old Answers which had been given in former times to their Predecessors I was resolved to deal with them in another way than what hath formerly been travelled Not in the way of Argumentation or a Polemical discourse there being no likelihood of any end in such Disputations as long as men had so much Sophistry as either to evade the Argument or find some sleight to weaken and shift off the Answer I rather chose having found good success in that kind before to manage the whole Controversie as it lay between us in the way of an Historical Narration as in point of fact which I conceive to be the readiest means to convince gainsayers and silence the dispute for the times to come For if History be Testis temporum the surest and most faithful witness of mens actions in the carriage of all publick businesses as no doubt it is it cannot but be also Magistra vitae both which the Orator affirms of it the best Instructress we can have in all Affairs of like nature as they come before us The History of Episcopacy collected from the Writings of the Antient Fathers cannot but be of special use and efficacy in setting forth the Government of the Church in the purest times especially when those Fathers are produced on no other occasion but either as writing on those Texts of Scripture in which the Institution and Authority of Bishops is most clearly evidenced or speaking of the condition of the Church in their several times in the Administration and Government whereof they had most of them some especial interess Out of whose testimonies so digested and compared together I doubt not but it will appear most evidently to an indifferent and impartial Reader first That our Lord and Saviour JESVS CHRIST laid the foundation of his Church in an imparity of Ministers and that according unto his example the Apostles did the like ordaining the three several Orders and Degrees of Bishops Presbyters and Deacons in the holy Ministry Next that the Government of Bishops being founded thus was propagated over all the World with the faith it self there being no Nation which received the one without the other And finally that in matter of Authority and Jurisdiction the Bishops of the primitive and purest Ages had full as much as ours of England in these latter times And if I have done this as I hope I have it may more rationally be inferred though perhaps not so safely as the times now are that Bishops or Episcopacy being of Divine and Apostolical institution no humane invention cannot with piety be abrogated by a less Authority than that by which it was ordained at the first appointment This is the sum and this is the end of my design In prosecution of the which I had drawn down my story to the times of Constantine by whose power and favour the Church began to settle in all parts of the Empire where it had formerly been persecuted with all kind of Extremities which either the wit of Tyranny could invent or an
for your souls as they that must give account Chrysost in 13. ad Heb. c. If you would know of Chrysostom who these Rulers are he will tell you that they are the Pastors of the Church whom if you take away from the Flock of Christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you utterly destroy and lay waste the whole Theophy in 13. ad Heb. Next ask Theophylact than whom none ever better scanned that Fathers writings what he means by Pastors and he will tell you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that he speaks of Bishops Oecumen in locum The very same saith Oecumenius noting withal that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we read submit doth signifie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a very punctual and exact obedience But to go higher yet than so Ignatius the Apostles Scholler one that both knew S. Paul and conversed with him will tell us that the Rulers or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Saint Paul here speaketh of were no other than Bishops For laying down this exhortation to the Trallenses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be subject to your Bishop as unto the Lord he gives the self-same reason of it which S. Paul here doth viz. Because he watcheth for your souls as one that is to render an account to Almighty God The like we also find in the Canons commonly ascribed to the Apostles which questionless are very ancient in which the obedience and conformity which is there required of the Presbyters and Deacons to the directions of their Bishop is grounded on that very reason alledged before And for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Saint Paul it is not such a stranger in the writings of the elder times but that they use it for a Bishop as may appear by that of the Historian where he calls Polycarpus Bishop of the Church of Smyrna Eâ—â—eb hist l. 3. cap. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of that Church Ignatius writing as he saith not only to the Church of Smyrna 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but also unto Polycarpus Bishop of the same Where lest it may be thought that the preposition doth add unto the nature of the word Id. l. 14. c. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we find the same Historian speaking of the same Polycarpus in another place where he gives notice of an Epistle written in the name of the Church of Smyrna 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of which this Polycarpus had the Government and a Bishop doubtless In the which place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is conform most fully to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Saint Paul differing no otherwise than the verb and participle Now those which in the Greek are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in all the old Translations that I have met with are called Praepositi Obedite Praepositis vestris as the Latines read it and amongst them Praepositi are taken generally for the same with Bishops Oprian l. 1. ep 3. S. Cyprian thus Ob hoc Ecclesiae praepositum prosequitur for this cause doth the enemy pursue him that is set over the Church that the Governour thereof being once removed he may with greater violence destroy the same Id. lib. 3. ep 14. More clearly in another place What danger is not to be feared saith he by offending the Lord when some of the Priests not remembring their place neither thinking that they have a Bishop set over them challenge the whole government unto themselves Cum contumeliâ contemptu Praepositi even with the reproach and contempt of the Prelate Id. lib. 3. ep 9. or him that is set over them Most clearly yet where speaking of the insolency of a Deacon towards his Bishop he makes Episcopus and Praepositus to be one same thing willing the Deacon Episcopo Praeposito suo plena humilitate satisfacere with all humility to satisfie his Bishop or Praepositus Saint Austin speaks as fully to this purpose as Saint Cyprian did Ad hoc enim speculatores De civitat Dei l. 1. c. 9. i.e. populorum Praepositi in Ecclesiis constituti sunt c. For this end are Bishops for speculatores and Episcopi are the same Office though in divers words I mean the Prelates or Praepositi ordained in the Churches that they should not spare to rebuke sin In the same work De civitate he speaks plainer yet For speaking of these words of the Divine I saw seats Id. l. 20. c. 9. and some sitting on them and judgment was given he expounds it thus This is not to be understood saith he of the last Judgment Sed sedes praepositorum ipsi Praepositi intelligendi sunt per quos Ecclesia nunc gubernatur but the seats of the Praepositi and the Praepositi themselves by whom the Church is now governed and they were Bishops doubtless in Saint Augustines time must be understood More of this word who list to see may find it in that learned Tract of Bishop Bilson entituled Chap. 9. The perpetual Government of Christs Church who is copious in it Beza indeed the better to bear off this blow hath turned Praepositos into Ductores and instead of Governours hath given us Leaders Where if he mean such Leaders as the word importeth Leaders of Armies such as Command in chief Lieutenants General he will get little by the bargain But if he mean by Leaders only guides and conducts Paraeus Paraeus comment in Heb. 13. though he follow him in his Translation will leave him to himself in his Exposition who by Ductores understandeth Ecclesiae Pastores gubernatores the Pastors and Governours of the Church Neither can Beza possibly deny but that those here are called Ductores Beza Annot. in Heb. 13.17 qui alibi Episcopi vocantur which elsewhere are entituled Bishops But where he doth observe that because the Apostle speaketh of Praepositi in the plural number Ex eo quod loquitur Paulus in plurali mumero Ibid. therefore Episcopal jurisdiction was not then in use it being indeed against the ancient course and Canons to have two Bishops in one Church there could not any thing be spoken to pretermit the incivility of his expression more silly and unworthy of so great a Clerk For who knows not that the Jews being dispersed into many Provinces and Cities must have several Churches and therefore several Bishops or Praepositos to bear Rule over them This business being thus passed over and the Churches of Saint Peters planting in the Eastern parts being thus left unto the care and charge of several Bishops we will next follow him into the West And there we find him taking on himself the care of the Church of Rome or rather of the Church of God in Rome consisting for the most part then of converted Jews The current of antiquity runs so clear this way that he must needs corrupt the Fountains who undertakes to trouble or disturb the stream His being there and founding
some Miracle or great hiatus in the story I leave to any man to be imagined Timothy and Titus being thus setled in their Episcopal Sees we must pass on to see if we can meet with any other of Saint Pauls Disciples or his assistants if you will that were entrusted with the like Authority And first we meet with Dionysius the Areopagite ordained by Saint Paul as is most likely the first Bishop of Athens but howsoever questionless ordained the first Bishop there Another Dionysius Bishop of Corinth Ap. Euseb Eccl. hist l. 4. c. 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as also l. 3. c. 4. who in all probability was born whilst Saint John was living doth expresly say it viz. that Dionysius the Areopagite being converted to the Faith by the Apostle Paul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was first ordained Bishop of the Church of Athens The foresaid Dionysius the Corinthian doth also tell us Ap. Euseb l. c. 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that Publius succeeded the Areopagite after him Quadratus both which were Disciples of the Apostles the former of the two being conceived to be the same Acts 28.8 whose Father Paul cured so miraculously in the Isle of Malta Next for the Church of Thessalonica August 4. the Martyrologies inform us that Aristarchus one of Pauls Companions ab eodem Apostolo Thessalonicensium Episcopus ordinatus was by him ordained Bishop of the Thessalonians And after him succeeded Caius whom Saint Paul mentioned in his Epistle to the Romans Rom. 16.23 Comment in Epi. ad Rom. c. 16. by the name of Gaius the Host as he calls him of the whole Church Certain I am that Origen reports him to be Bishop here and that upon the known tradition of his Elders Fertur sane ex traditione majorum quod hic Gaius Episcopus fuerit Thessalonicensis Ecclesiae as his own words are So for the Church of the Philippians Saint Paul hath told us of Epaphroditus one whom he mentioneth oftentimes Phil. 2.29 in his Epistle to that people that he was not only his Brother and Companion in labour and his Fellow-souldier Vestrum autem Apostolum but he was also their Apostle Theodor. in 1. ad Tim. c. 3. Ask of Theodoret what Saint Paul there meaneth and he will tell you that he was their Bishop For in his Comment on the first to Timothy he gives this note Eos qui nunc vocantur Episcopi nominabant Apostolos that in those times in which Saint Paul writ that Epistle those who are now called Bishops were called Apostles And this he proves out of this passage of Saint Paul that so in this respect ita Philippensium Apostolus erat Epaphroditus Epaphroditus is called the Apostle of the Philippians Which clearly sheweth that in his opinion Epaphroditus was Bishop of the Philippians as Titus of the Cretans and Timothy of the Ephesians in whom he afterwards doth instance Beza indeed doth render the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the Latin Legatus in which he hath been followed by the latter English who read it Messenger But Calvin doth not only keep himself to the old Translation Calvin in 〈◊〉 lip c. 2. though he take notice of the other but he prefers the old before it Sed prior sensus meliùs convenit as more agreeable unto the meaning of the place For the Colossians next we find the names of Epaphras and Archippus their two first Bishops in the Epistle to that Church And first for Epaphras it is conceived that he first preached the Faith of Christ to the Colossians And this Saint Paul doth seem to intimate in the first Chapter of the same Epistle saying Ver. 7. As ye also learned of Epaphras our dear fellow servant Certain it is that in the Martyrologies he is affirmed to be the Bishop of this Church ab eodem Apostolo ordinatus Julii 19. and that he was ordained Bishop by the hands of Paul But being after Prisoner with Saint Paul at Rome Archippus undertook the Episcopal charge Colos 4.17 whom Paul exhorteth to take heed unto the Ministery which he had received of the Lord and to fulfil it Most sure I am that Ambrose writing on those words doth make Archippus Bishop of Colossi by the name of their Praepositus Ambros in Colos 4. V. cap. 3. n. 5. or Governour of which see before adding withal that after Epaphras had seasoned them in the Truth of God hic accepit regendam eorum Ecclesiam Archippus took the Government of that Church upon him For other of Saint Pauls Disciples we find in Dorotheus if he may be credited that Silas Pauls most individual Companion Dorotheas in Synopsi was Bishop of the Church of Corinth the truth whereof shall be examined more at large in the second Century and that Sosipater mention of whom is made Acts 20 was ordained Bishop of Iconium wherein Hippolitus concurring with him doth make the matter the more probable Of Sosthenes of whom see Acts 18. 1 Cor. 1. the same two Authors do report that he was Bishop of Colophon one of the Cities of the lesser Asia But leaving these more Eastern Countreys let us look homeward towards the West And there we find that Crescens whom Saint Paul at his first coming unto Rome 2 Tim. 4. had sent into Galatia to confirm the Churches was after by him sent on the like occasion into Gaule or Gallia there to preach the Gospel for so I rather chuse to atone the business than correct the Text and read it Crescens in Galliam with Epiphanius Epiphan haeres 51. n. 11. For having with so good success been employed formerly in Galatia he might with better comfort undertake the service of Preaching Christ unto the Gaules whereof the Galatians were a branch or Colony Now that he did indeed Preach Christs Gospel there is affirmed positively both by Epiphanius and Theodoret two very eminent and ancient Writers Epiphan haeres 51. Theodor. in Epl. 2. ad Tim. Ado in Chron. and Ado Viennensis a Writer though of lesser standing yet of good repute affirmeth that he was put upon this employment quo tempore Paulus in Hispà nias pervenisse creditur at such time as it is conceived that the Apostle Paul went into Spain which was in Anno 61. as Baronius thinketh there being left and having planted a Church of Christ in the City of Vienna now in that Province which is called Daulphine he became the first Bishop of the same Primus ejusdem Civitatis Episcopus saith the Martyrologie Decemb. 29. In Chronico And to this Ado one of his successors also doth agree adding withal that after he had sat there some few years he returned back again into Galatia leaving one Zacharias to succeed him Finally not to leave out Britain it is recorded in the Greek Menologies that Aristobulus whom Saint Paul speaks of Rom. 16. being one of the Seventy and afterwards a follower of Saint Paul Menolog
Craec in Martii 14. was by him ordained Bishop of Britain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the words there are a region full of fierce and savage people and that having there setled the Church and ordained Presbyters and Deacons in the same he did there also end his life The Reverend Primate of Armagh out of a fragment attributed to Heleca De Britannic Eccl. prim c. 1. sometimes Bishop of Saragossa in Spain doth recite a passage wherein it is affirmed of this Aristobulus missum in Angliam Episcopum that he was sent Bishop into England for so the Author calleth this Countrey according to the name it had when he writ the same But these things which relate to the British Churches I rather shall refer to our learned Antiquaries to be considered of more fully than affirm any thing my self But to look back on Timothy and Titus whom we left lately in their several Churches I hear it said that notwithstanding all those proofs before produced from the ancient yet being Evangelists as they were they could be no Bishops Smectymn p. 48. Bishops being tied to the particular care of that flock or Church over which God had made them Overseers but the Evangelists being Planetary sent up and down from place to place by the Apostles as the necessities of the Church required Besides that moving in an higher sphere than that of Bishops and being Co-partners with Saint Paul in his Apostleship or Apostolical function Unbishopping of Tim. Tit. p. 36. it had been a devesting of themselves of their Apostolical jurisdiction and preheminence to become Bishops at the last and so descend from a superiour to an inferiour Office For answer whereunto we need say but this that the gift of being an Evangelist might and did fall on any rank of ordinary Ministers as might that also of the Prophet Philip one of the seven a Deacon as it is generally conceived but howsoever Ministring unto the Church in an inferiour place or Office was notwithstanding an Evangelist and Agabus though perhaps but a simple Presbyter one of the Seventy past all question was a Prophet too Philip as he was one of the Seven was tied to a particular employment and of necessity sometimes Acts 6.12 must leave the Word of God to serve Tables Yet the same Philip as he was furnished by the Lord with gifts and graces for gaining Souls to God Almighty and doing the work of an Evangelist must leave the serving of those Tables to preach the Word And Agabus Acts 11.27 28. 21.10 if he were a Presbyter whether of Hierusalem from whence he is twice said to come or of some other Church that I will not say might notwithstanding his employment in a particular Church repair to Antioch or Caesarea as the Spirit willed him there to discharge the Office of a Prophet So then both Timothy and Titus might be Bishops as to their ordinary place and calling though in relation unto their extraordinary gifts they were both Evangelists As for their falling from a higher to a lower function from an Evangelist unto a Bishop I cannot possibly perceive where the fall should be They that object this will not say but Timothy at the least was made a Presbyter for wherefore else did the Presbytery which they so much stand on lay hands upon him And certainly if it were no diminution from an Evangelist to become a I resbyter it was a preferment unto the Evangelist from being but a Presbyter to become a Bishop But for the Bishopping of Timothy and Titus as to the quod sit of it that so they were in the opinion of all ancient Writers we have said enough We will next look on the authority committed to them to see what further proof hereof may be brought for that CHAP. V. Of the Authority and Jurisdiction given by the Word of God to Timothy and Titus and in them to all other Bishops 1. The Authority committed to Timothy and Titus was to be perpetual and not personal only 2. The power of Ordination intrusted only unto Bishops by the Word of God according to the judgments of the Fathers 3. Bishops alone both might and did Ordain without their Presbyters 4. That Presbyters might not Ordain without a Bishop proved by the memorable case of Coluthus and Ischyras 5. As by those also of Maximus and a Spanish Bishop 6. In what respects the joint assistance of the Presbyters was required herein 7. The case of the Reformed Churches beyond the Seas declared and qualified 8. The care of ordering Gods Divine Service a work peouliar to the Bishop 9. To whom the Ministration also of the Saoraments doth in chief belong 10. Bishops to have a care that Gods Word be preached and to encourage those that take pains that way 11. Bishops to silence and correct such Presbyters as preach other doctrines 12. As also to reprove and reject the Heretick 13. The censure and correction of inferiour Presbyters doth belong to Bishops 14. And of Lay-people also if they walk unworthy of their Christian calling 15. Conjectural proofs that the description of a Bishop in the first to Timothy is of a Bishop truly and properly so called THEY who object that Timothy and Titus were Evangelists and so by consequence no Bishops Unbishopping of Tim. Tit. p. 60 61 c. have also said and left in writing that the authority committed to them by Saint Paul did not belong to them at all as Bishops but Evangelists only But this if pondered as it ought hath no ground to stand on The calling of Evangelists as it was Extraordinary so it was but temporary to last no longer than the first planting of the Church for which so many signal gifts and graces of the Holy Spirit were at first poured on the Disciples I know not any Orthodox Writer who doth not in this point agree with Calvin Com. in 4. ad Eph. v. 11. who in his Comment on the Epistle to the Ephesians gives us this instruction Deum Apostolis Evangelistis Prophetis Ecclesiam suam non nisi ad tempus ornasse that God adorned his Church with Prophets Evangelists and Apostles for a season only having before observed that of all those holy ministrations there recited Postrema tantum duo perpetua esse the two last viz. Pastors and Teachers which he takes for two were to be perpetual But on the other side power to ordain fit Ministers of what sort soever as also to reprove and censure those that behaved themselves unworthily authority to convent and reject an Heretick to punish by the censures of the Church all such as give offence and scandal to the Congregation by their exhorbitant and unruly living this ought to be perpetual in the Church of Christ This the Apostle seems to intimate when he said to Timothy I charge thee in the sight of God 1 Tim. 6.14 and before Jesus Christ that thou keep this Commandment without spot
Eccles l. 4.21 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Five books he writ as both Eusebius and Saint Hierom tell us touching the Acts and Monuments of the Church of God this last affirming of the work that it contained many things ad utilitatem legentium pertinentia exceeding profitable to the Reader De scriptor Eccles though written in a plain and familiar stile Some fragments of his cited by Eusebius we have seen before the body of his Works being eaten by the teeth of Time and one we are to look on now being the remainder of a most accurate and full confession of his Faith Euseb ut supra which he left behind him There he relates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that in a Journey towards Rome he did confer with many Bishops and that he found amongst them all the same Form of Doctrine there being no City where he came no Episcopal succession wherein he found not all things so confirmed and setled as they were prescribed by the Word taught by the Prophets and Preached by our Lord and Saviour Particularly he tells us of the Church of Corinth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that it continued constantly in the Orthodox Faith till the time that Primus was there Bishop with whom he had much conference as he sailed towards Rome staying with him many days at Corinth and being much delighted with his Conversation Of Rome he only doth inform us that he abode there till the time of Anicetus whose Deacon Eleutherus at that time was who not long after did succeed in his Pastors Chair Soter succeeding Anicetus Eleutherus succeeding Soter Where by the way De viris ill in Egesip I wonder how Saint Hierom came to place the coming of Egesippus unto Rome sub Aniceto when Anicetus was there Bishop considering that Egesippus tells us he was there before and that he there continued 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 until the time of Anicetus as before was said Discoursing of the Errours of the Jews his Countrey-men he sheweth that after James the Just was martyred in defence of Christs Truth and Gospel Simeon the son of Cleophas and Uncle to our Saviour was erected Bishop all the Disciples giving their voices unto him as being of their Masters kindred He addeth that Hierusalem whereof he speaketh was called for long time the Virgin Church as being undefiled with the filth of Heresies and that Thebulis was the first who broached strange Doctrine in the same the man being discontented as it seemed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because he was not made a Bishop So far the pieces of this Journal or Itinerary direct us in this present search as to discern how strong a bulwark the Episcopal succession hath been and been accounted also of Gods sacred Truths how strong a Pillar for support of that blessed building At the same time with Egesippus lived Dionysius the learned and renowned Bishop of the Church of Corinth Euseb Eccles hist l. 4. c. 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 De scriptor Ecc. successor to that Primus whom before we spoke of A man as both Eusebius and Saint Hierom say of such both industry and Eloquence ut non solum suae Civitatis Provinciae populos that he instructed not alone by his Epistles the people of his own City and Province but also those of other Churches One writ he saith Eusebius to the Lacedemonians at once confirming them in faith and love another unto the Athenians about the time that Publius their Bishop suffered Martyrdom exhorting them to live according to the prescript of Christs holy Gospel In that Epistle he makes mention of Quadratus also who succeeded Publius in that charge declaring also that Dionysius the Areopagite being converted by Saint Paul was made the first Bishop of that City Of which three Bishops of Athens Quadratus is much celebrated by Eusebius for an Apologie by him written Euseb l. 4. c. 3. and tendred unto Adrian the Emperour in the behalf of Christians being the first piece of that kind that was ever written in the World and written as it seems with such power and efficacy Id. ibid. c. 9. that shortly after Adrian desisted from his persecuting of the Church of God making a Law or Edict for their future safety But to go on with Dionysius A third he writ unto the Nicomedians opposing in the same the Heresies of Marcion a fourth unto the Gortynaeans in which he much commended their Bishop Philip in that the Church committed to his care and governance 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had been made famous by so many tryals both for faith and constancy He writ unto the Church of Amastris also and the rest in Pontus speaking by name of Palma the Bishop there as also to the Church of Gnossus in the Isle of Crete in which he did persuade Pintus Bishop of the same 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not to impose that grievous yoke of Chastity upon his brethren as a matter necessary but to consider rather the infirmity and weakness of them Finally there was extant in Eusebius's time another Epistle of this Dionysius to the Church of Rome wherein he magnifieth their abundant charity towards all the Brethren which were in want or persecution not only of their own but of other Cities highly commending Soter who was then their Bishop who did not only study to preserve them in so good a way 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but also did encourage them to improve their bounties So much remains of Dionysius and his publick Acts by which we may perceive that though the Bishops of those times as since had their particular Sees and Cities yet did their care extend unto others also maintaining a continual intercourse betwixt one another not only for their mutual comfort in those dangerous times but also for the better government of the Church it self the Unity whereof was then best preserved by that correspondence which the Bishops in the name of their several Churches had with one another For other Bishops of those times not to say any thing of Melito or Polycarpus whom before we spake of nor of the Bishops of the four Patriarchal Sees which we shall have occasion to remember shortly those of most fame were Papias and Apollinarius Euseb Hist l. 3. c 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bishops successively of Hierapolis a City of Phrygia Pothinus Bishop of Lyons in France Id. l. 4. c. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. l. 5. c. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. c. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. c. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. c. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theophilus Bishop of Caesarea Cassius Bishop of Tyre Clarius Bishop of Ptolomais all three in Palestine Publius Julius Bishop of Debelto a Colony in Thrace with many others of great eminency whereof consult Euseb Hist Eccles 5. c. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cap. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 By this that hath been said of Dionysius and other Bishops
four Sees in those early days 7. The use made of this Episcopal succession by Saint Irenaeus 8. As also by Tertullian and some other Ancients 9. Of the Authority enjoyed by Bishops in Tertullians time in the administration of the Sacraments 10. As also in enjoyning Fasts and the disposing of the Churches Treasury 11. And in the dispensation of the Keys 12. Tertullian misalledged in maintenance of the Lay-Presbytery 13. The great extent of Christianity and Episcopacy in Tertullians time concludes this Century HAVING thus setled the affairs of the Church of Britain we will look back again towards Rome where we find Victor sitting as successor unto Eleutherius and the whole Church though free from persecutions yet terribly embroyled with Schisms and Heresies For in the later end of Eleutherius Blastus and Florinus two notorious Hereticks had broached this doctrine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb Eccl. hist l. 5. c. 19. that God was the author of sin and possibly might have spread the venom of their Heresie exceeding far if Irenaeus that great and learned Bishop of Lyons being then at Rome had not prescribed a speedy and a sovereign Antidote in several Tractates and Discourses against the same But Eleutherius being dead and Victor in his place there hapned such a Schism in the Church of Christ by his precipitance and perversness that all the water which Irenaeus and many other godly men could pour into it Id. l. 5. c. 23. 24. was hardly sufficient to quench the flame The business which occasioned it was the feast of Easter or indeed not the Feast it self upon the keeping of the which all Christians had agreed from the first beginnings but for the day in which it was to be observed wherein the Churches of Asia had an old Tradition differing from the rest of Christendom For whereas generally that festival had been solemnized in the Church of Christ on the Lords Day next after the Jewish Passeover as being the day which our Redeemer honoured with his Resurrection the Christians of the Asian Churches kept it upon the 14th day of the month precisely being the very day prescribed for the Jewish Passeover A business of no great importance more than for a general conformity in the Church of Christ yet such as long had exercised the patience of it even from the time of Pius Pope of Rome who first decreed it to be kept on the Lords Day Die Dominico Pascha celebrari as it is in Platina Platina in vita Pii Pont. Euscb Ecc. hist l. 5. c. 24. but followed with most heat and violence by this Victor perhaps upon the Omen of his name Of whom Eusebius thus reporteth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. that he attempted to cut off the whole Church of Asia together with the Churches adjacent from the Communion of the Catholick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as if they had maintained some heterodox or dangerous Doctrine contrary to the Faith of Christ A matter taken very tenderly not only by the Asian Bishops whom it most concerned but also by some other of the Western parts who more endeavoured the preservation of the Churches peace than the advancement and authority of the See of Rome those of chief note which interessed themselves therein being Irenaeus Polycrates the one Bishop of the Metropolitan Church of Lyons in France the other of the Church of Ephesus the Queen of Asia both honourable in their times and places And first Polycrates begins deriving the occasion and descent of their observation from Philip 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. ibid. one of the twelve Apostles not of the seven Deacons as our Christopherson most ridiculously and falsly doth translate it who died at Hierapolis a City of Phrygia and from Saint John 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who rested on the bosom of our Lord and Saviour as also from Polycarpus and Thracias Bishops of Smyrna and both Martyrs Sagaris B. of Laodicea Papyrus and Melito and many others who kept the feast of Easter as the Asians did As for himself he certifieth that following the Traditions of his Elders he had done the like that seven of his kindred had been Bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 himself being the eighth and all which did so observe the feast of Easter when the Jews did prepare the Passeover that having served God 65 years diligently canvassed over the holy Scriptures and held both intercourse and correspondence with many of the brethren over all the World 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he was the least disturbed at those Bruta fulmina Adding withal that he might here commemorate those several Bishops that were assembled at his call to debate the point 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but that this bare retital of their names was too great a trouble who though they could not but be sensible of his imperfections yet thinking that he bare not those gray hairs for nought did willingly subscribe unto his Epistle So far Id. ibid. c. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to this purpose he And on the other side Irenaeus writing unto Victor utterly dislikes that his severe and rigid manner of proceeding in cutting off so many Churches from the Communion of our Lord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 only because they did adhere to the Tradition of their Ancestors in a point of Ceremony shewing how much he differed in this business from the temper and moderation of his Predecessours Soter Anicetus Pius Higinus Sixtus and Telesphorus who though they held the same opinions that he did did notwithstanding entertain the Asian Bishops when they came unto them with great affection and humanity sending to those who lived far distant the most blessed Eucharist in testimony of their fellowship and Communion with them Nor did he write thus unto Victor only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but to the Governours or Bishops of many other Churches also And certainly it was but need that such a Moderator should be raised to atone the difference the billows beating very highly and Victor being beset on every side for his stiff perversness by the Prelates of the adverse party 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sharply assaulting him both with words and Writings For the composing of this business before it grew to such a heat there could no better means be thought of than that the Bishops of the Church in their several quarters should meet together to debate and determine of it And so accordingly they did Euseb hist Eccl. l. 5. c. 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and many Synods and assemblies of the Bishops were held about it viz. one in Caesarea of Palestine wherein Theophilus B. of the place and Narcissus B. of Hierusalem did sit as Presidents another at Rome a third of all the Bishops of Pontus in the which Palmas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the chief amongst them of that Order did then preside A fourth there was of the French or Gallick Churches in the which Irenaeus sat
as chief a fifth of all the Churches about Osroena and the parts adjoyning Bachyllus Bishop of Corinth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and many other Bishops of particular Churches held their Synod also apart and separate which all with one consent determined that the feast of Easter was to be observed on no other day than that upon the which our Saviour rose contrary to the usage of the Asian Churches In agitation of which business I observe these things First that Episcopacy in so short a time was setled and confirmed over all the World or so much of it at the least as had received the Faith and Gospel Secondly that on all emergent Controversies that did engage the Church of Christ the Bishops as men most concerned in the Churches Peace were still most forward also to compose the same Thirdly that on the practices of the Popes of Rome to enlarge their border the Bishops of the Church of what part soever have always been most ready to oppose the same and keep that proud and swelling See within the compass of its proper and peculiar bounds So far were those most godly and Religious men Sâ—ectymn p. 30. from making a stirrup for Antichrist to get into his Saddle though some have so given out in these later days to the dishonour of those glorious lights in the House of Christ and the profane reproach not only of the wisdom of that Church but also of the Holy Spirit of Almighty God Fourthly That on the rising of such differences as did disturb the Churches Peace the Bishops of the Church have an innate and proper power Bellarm. de Con. l. 1.12 of convocating and assembling Councils both National and Provincial for the appeasing of the same wherein the greatest Champions of the Popedom do consent also Which Power as they made use of as their own peculiar when as there were no Christian Princes to have a care unto the main so since there have been Christian Princes that Power is not extinguished but directed only Fifthly that in those Councils or Synodical meetings the Bishops and their Clergy had authority both to debate and to determine of all such matters as did concern the Church of Christ either in point of Faith or Ceremony not seeking any confirmation of their Acts and Ordinances from that Christian People who were to yield obedience to them And last of all that such things as by them were then determined did presently oblige all people under the governance and direction of the said Prelates and Clergy so met together and assembled as before is said as appears partly by that calm which followed over all the Church upon the holding of these Synods but principally by that end which afterwards was put unto this Controversie by the Council of Nice But to proceed with Irenaeus that Religious Prelate from what he did as Bishop in the Churches service for the atoning of her differences and the advancement of her peace to that which he hath left behind him concerning Bishops as a learned Writer the light and glory of this Age. Which evidence of his because it doth relate to the Episcopal succession in the Church of Christ as a foundation on the which he doth build his structures we will first look on the Succession of the four prime Sees by which we may conjecture at the state and quality of all the rest And this we cannot do at a better time than where now we are the time when Victor sat in the Chair of Rome which being in the close of the present Century gives us opportunity to look as well upon his Predecessors as his and their Cotemporaries in the same And first for Rome from Clemens where we first began Euseb in Chrâ— to Victor which is now the subject of our History we find the names and actions of nine intermediate Bishops Clemens being the fourth and Victor the 14th in that Catalogue most of the which had suffered death for the sake of Christ whose honour they preferred before worldly glories For Antioch next I find that from Ignatius who began this Century unto Serapion who sat Bishop there in the conclusion of the same were five Bishops only and that in Alexandria from Cerdo to Demetrius inclusively were no more than seven By which it is most clear and evident that the Bishops in neither of these Churches held the Chair by turns from week to week or from month to month as some men suppose Beza de diversgrad but were invested with a constant and fixt preheminence such as the Bishops now enjoy in the Church of Christ some of them in the two last specially holding out ten years some twenty others more than that as by the Tables of Succession published by Eusebius doth at full appear As for Hierusalem the Bishops thereof indeed held not out so long there being no fewer than thirteen from Simeon unto Marcus the first Bishop of that Church which was not of the Circumcision and thirteen more betwixt this Marcus and Narcissus who closed this Century So that within one hundred years there sat nine and twenty Bishops in this Church which sheweth as Baronius well observeth Bar. in Annal. An. 113. Ecclesiam Hyerosolymitanam dira fuisse persecutione vexatam that this poor Church was terribly afflicted with persecutions And so it is most like to be For standing as it did betwixt Jew and Gentile and equally hated of them both how could it chuse but suffer under a double tyranny each of the adversaries striving who should most afflict her Nor hath Eusebius only given a bare and naked list of names but calculated punctually and precisely the time and years in which all the Bishops of the three first Sees did possess the Government of those Churches which he professeth that he could not find in the last exactly by reason of the shortness of their lives 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb Eccl. hist lib. 4. cap. 5. Niceph. Chron. as his words there are But what we fail of there we find performed after by Nicephorus who hath assigned to every one of them his own term and time in the which whether he be rather censured than rectified by Petavius Animadvers in Epiph. hares 66. I mean not to examine in this place and time For howsoever at the first Hierusalem was not reckoned for a Patriarchal Church as the others were yet in regard of the opinion which was held of the place it self as being honoured with the Passion of our Lord and Saviour and with the Preaching of the Holy Hpostles and consequently reckoned for the Mother-City of the Christian Church the Bishops of that Church were in great esteem and the Episcopal succession there preserved on exact record as in the three great Patriarchal Sees before remembred But here I meet with an Objection that must first be answered before we see what use is made of this Episcopal succession by the ancient writers For if that those
vocatur ad principatum sed ad servitutem totius Ecclesiae is not invited to an Empire or a Principality but to the Service of the whole Church And this he keeps himself to constantly in that whole discourse being the sixth Homily on the Prophet Esay in which although he afterwards doth call the Bishop Ecclesiae Princeps yet he affirms that he is called ad servitutem to a place of service and that by looking to his service well ad solium coeleste ire posset he may attain an Heavenly Throne And so much shall suffice for Origen a Learned but unfortunate man with whom the Church had never peace either dead or living From him then we proceed unto his Successor Heraclas an Auditor at first of Clemens â—â—sâ—b hist l. 6. c. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then of Origen who being marvellously affected with the great Learning of the man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made him his Partner in the Chair which after Origen was laid by Id. c. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he managed wholly by himself with great applause A man that had the happiness to succeed the two greatest Enemies in the world Origen and Demetrius the one in the Schools the other in the Church of Alexandria unto which honour he was called on Demetrius death who had sate Bishop there three and forty years On this preferment of Heraclas unto the Patriarchate the Regency of the Alexandrian Schools was forthwith given to Dionysius another of Origens Disciples who after fourteen years or thereabout succeeded also in the Bishoprick And here began that alteration in the Election of the Bishops of this Church which S. Hierom speaks of Hieron ad Evagrium The Presbyters before this time used to Elect their Bishop from among themselves Alexandriae à Marco Evangelista usque ad Heraclam Dionysium Episcopos Presbyteri unum ex se electum in excelsiori gradu collocatum Episcopum nominabant as the Father hath it But here we find that course was altered though what the alteration was in what it did consist whether in the Electors or the condition of the party to be Elected is not so clearly evident in S. Hierom's words For my part I conceive it might be in both both in the unum ex se and the collocabant For first the Presbyters of that Church had used to choose their Bishop from amongst themselves Electing always one of their own body But in the choice of these two Bishops that course was altered these two not being Presbyters of the Church but Readers in the Schools of Alexandria and so not chosen from amongst themselves And secondly I take it that the course was altered as to the Electors to the Collocabant For whereas heretofore the Presbyters had the sole power of the Election to choose whom they listed and having chosen to enthrone him without expecting what the people were pleased to do the people seeing what was done in other Churches begun to put in for a share not only ruling but finally over-ruling the Election What else should further the Election of these two I can hardly tell but that their diligence and assiduity in the discharge of the employment they had took upon them the great abilities they shewed therein and the great satisfaction given thereby unto the people who carefully frequented those publick Readings had so endeared them to the multitude that no other Bishops could content them had not these been chosen And this I am the rather induced to think because that in a short time after the interess of the people in the Election of their Bishop was improved so high that the want of their consent and suffrage was thought by Athanasius a sufficient bar against the right of the Elected Atha in Epi. ad Orthodoxos affirming it to be against the Churches Canons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to the precept of the Apostles But which of these soever it was an alteration here was made of the ancient custom which is as much as is intended by S. Hierom in the words alledged How others have abused this place to prove that the imparity of Bishops is not of Divine Authority but only brought in by the Presbyters we have shewn before Part I. Cha. 3. But to go on with Dionysius for of Heraclas and his acts there is little mention we find the time in which he sate to be full of troubles both in regard of Persecutions which were raised against the Church without and Heresies which assaulted her within Novatus had begun a faction in the Church of Rome grounding the same upon a false and dangerous doctrine the sum whereof we find in an Epistle of this Dionysius Eus hist Ec. lib. 7. cap. 7. unto another Dionysius Pope of Rome And whereas Fabius Bishop of Antiochia was thought to be a fautor of that Schism he writes to him about it also Id. l. 6. c. 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. l. 7. c. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. l. 7. c. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. l. 7. c. 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So when Sabellius had begun to disperse his Heresies he presently gives notice of it to Sixtus or Xystus Bishop of the Church of Rome as also unto Ammon Bishop of Bernice and Basilides the Metropolitan of Cyrenaica or Pentapolis and to divers others And when that Paulus Samosatenus began to broach strange doctrins in the Church of Christ although he could not go in person to suppress the same yet writ he an Epistle to the Bishops Assembled there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 declaring his opinion of the point in question And on the other side when as the Persecutors made foul havock in the Church and threatned utterly to destroy the Professors of it Id. l. 6. c. 34. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he by his Letters certifieth his neighbouring Bishops in what estate Gods Church stood with him with what heroick resolutions the Christians in his charge did abide the fury and conquered their tormenters by their patient sufferings so giving houour to the dead and breathing courage in the living Indeed what Bishops almost were there in those parts of Christendom with whom he held not correspondence with whom he had not mutual and continual entercourse by the way of Letters from whom he did not carefully receive in the self-same way both advice and comfort Witness his several Epistles besides those formerly remembred unto Cornelius Pope of Rome Id. li. 6. c. 38. commending him for an Epistle by him written against Novatus and giving notice to him of the death of Fabius and how Demetrianus did succeed him in the See of Antioch and also to the Church of Rome discoursing of the publick Ministeries in the Christian Church Witness that also unto Stephanus the Predecessor of Cornelius Id. l. 7. c. 2. Id. l. 7. c. 4. entituled De Baptismate a second to the aforesaid Stephanus about the faction of Novatus
the Rectors as we call them of particular Churches Concil Tole Can. IV. Can. 25 26. and in the fourth Council of Toledo where we read of Presbyters ordained in paroeciis per paroecias for the use and service of particular Parishes And in this sense but specially indeed for a Countrey Parish the word is taken in an Epistle of Pope Innocentius Innocent lib. ad Decentium c. 5. in which Ecclesiae intra Civitatem constitutae the Churches situated in the City are distinguished plainly from Paroecias the Churches scattered in the Countrey Other Examples of this nature in the later Ages being almost infinite and obvious to the eye of every Reader I forbear to add So for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we English Diocess it signified at first that part or portion of the Roman Empire there being thirteen of them in all besides the Prefecture of the City of Rome as before was noted which was immediately under the command of the Vicarius or Lieutenant General of those parts And was so called of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth to Govern or Administer Isocrat ad Nicoclen as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Isocrates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Demosthenes a Diocess being that part or portion of the Empire which was committed to the Government and Administration of some principal Officer In which regard the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or dioecesis when it was first borrowed by the Church from the civil State was used to signifie that part or portion of the Church which was within the jurisdiction of a Primate containing all the circuit of the civil Diocess as was shewed before the Primate being stiled ordinarily 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as in the Council of Chalcedon Concil Chalcedon Car. 9.17 Novel const 123. c. 22. the Patriarch of the Diocess in the Laws Imperial But after as the former 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 began to lose its former latitude in which it signified the whole command or Jurisdiction of a Bishop which we call a Diocess and grew to be restrained to so narrow a compass as the poor limits of a Parish so did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 grow less also than at first it was and from a Patriarchal Diocess Horat. de Arte. fell by degrees custom and use prevailing in it quem penes arbitrium est ju norma loquendi as the Poet hath it to signifie no more than what Paroecia had done formerly a Diocess as now we call it whereof see Concil Antioch cap. 9. Con. Sardicens cap. 18. Constantinop ca. 2. Chalcedon ca. 17. Carthag III. can 20. IV. can 36. So then the just result of all is this that the Bishops of the Primitive times were Diocesan Bishops though they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by some ancient Writers and that in the succeeding Ages as the Church increased and the Gospel of our Saviour did inlarge its borders so did the Countrey Villages obtain the name of Parishes or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having to each of them a Presbyter for the administration of the Sacraments for their instruction both in Faith and Piety whom at this day we call the Rector of the Church or Parish And with this Presbyter or Rector call him as you will must we now proceed who by this Institution I mean the setting out of Parishes in the Countrey Villages did grow exceedingly both in authority and reputation For whereas upon the setting out of Parishes Concil Neo-Caesar ca. 13. the Presbyters became divided into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the City and the Countrey Presbyters each of them had their several priviledges the City Presbyters continuing as before the great Council of Estate unto the Bishop Concil Neo. ca. 13. and doing many things which were not suffered to be done by the Countrey Presbyters and on the other side the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Country Presbyters being more remote did many Ministerial Acts of their own authority which in the presence of their Bishop it was not lawful for them to have done And therefore I conceive the resolution of Bishop Downham in this case Defence of the Sermon l. 1. cap. 2. to be sound and good who telleth us That since the first distinguishing of Parisher and allotting of several Presbyters to them there hath been ever granted to them both potestas Ordinis the power of Orders as they are Ministers Et potestas jurisdictionis spiritualis seu internae a power of spiritual and inward jurisdiction to rule their flock after a private manner as it were in foro Conscientiae in the Court of Conscience as they are Pastors of that flock But because this allowance of a Jurisdiction in foro Conscientiae in the Court of Conscience seems not sufficient unto some who reckon the distinction of a Jurisdiction in foro externo Vindication of the Answ §. 9. in foro interno to be like that of Reflexius and Archipodialiter they do in this not only put the School-men unto School again in whom the like distinctions frequently occur but cross the best Divines in the Church of England who do adhere unto and approve the said distinctions And because many of both sorts may be found in one and that one publick's declared to be both Orthodox in doctrine and consonant in discipline to the Church of England by great Authority I will use his words Holy Table Ch. 3. A single Priest qua talis in that formality and capacity only as he is a Priest hath no Key given him by God or man to open the doors of any external Jurisdiction He hath a Consistory within in foro poenitentiae in the conscience of his Parishioners and a Key given him upon his institution to enter into it But he hath no Consistory without in foro causae in medling with Ecclesiastical causes unless he borrow a Key from his Ordinary For although they be the same Keys yet one of them will not open all these wards the Consistory of outward Jurisdiction not being to be opened by a Key alone but as you may observe in some great mens gates by a Key and a Staff which they usually call a Crosier This saith he I have ever conceived to be the ancient doctrine in this kind opposed by none but professed Puritans affirming further that all learned men in the Church of England do adhere unto it allowing the School-mens double power that of Order and that of Jurisdiction and the subdivision of this Jurisdiction into the internal and external appropriating this last to the Bishop only So he judiciously indeed and for the Authors by him cited both Protestant and School-Divines I refer you to him So then upon this setting out of Parishes the Presbyters which attended in the same had potestatem jurisdictionis a power of Jurisdiction granted to them in the Court of Conscience which needed not to have been granted before
day that now they will not be persuaded that it is a Dream For the awakening of the which and their reduction to more sound and sensible Counsels next to my duty to Gods Church and your Sacred Majesty have I applied my self to compose this Story wherein I doubt not but to shew them how much they have deceived both themselves and others in making the old Jewish Sabbath of equal age and observation with the Law of Nature and preaching their new Sabbath-Doctrines in the Church of Christ with which the Church hath no acquaintance wherein I doubt not but to shew them that by their obstinate resolution not to make Publication of your Majesties pleasure they tacitely condemn not only all the Fathers of the Primitive times the Learned Writers of all Ages many most godly Kings and Princes of the former days and not few Councils of chief note and of faith unquestionable but even all states of Men Nations and Churches at this present whom they most esteem This makes your Majesties interest so particular in this present History that were I not obliged unto your Majesty in any nearer bond than that of every common Subject it could not be devoted unto any other with so just propriety But being it is the work of your Majesties Servant and in part fashioned at those times which by your Majesties leave were borrowed from Attendance on your Sacred Person your Majesty hath also all the rights unto it of a Lord and Master Institut l. 1. tit 8. §. 1. So that according to that Maxim of the Civil Laws Quodcunque per servum acquiritur id domino acquirit suo your Majesty hath as absolute power to dispose thereof as of the Author who is Dread Soveraign Your Majesties most Obedient Subject and most faithful Servant PET. HEYLYN A PREFACE To them who being themselves mistaken have misguided others in these new Doctrines of the Sabbath NOT out of any humour or desire of being in action or that I love to have my hands in any of those publick quarrels wherewith our peace hath been disturbed but that Posterity might not say we have been wanting for our parts to your information and the direction of Gods People in the ways of truth have I adventured on this Story A Story which shall represent unto you the constant practice of Gods Church in the present business from the Creation to these days that so you may the better see how you are gone astray from the paths of Truth and tendries of Antiquity and from the present judgment of all Men and Churches The Arguments whereto you trust and upon seeming strength whereof you have been emboldned to press these Sabbatarian Doctrins upon the Consciences of poor people I purpose not to meddle with in this Discourse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They have been elsewhere throughly canvassed and all those seeming strengths beat down by which you were your selves misguided and by the which you have since wrought on the affections of unlearned men or such at least that judged not of them by their weight but by their numbers But where you give it out as in matter of fact how that the Sabbath was ordained by God in Paradise and kept accordingly by all the Patriarchs before Moses time or otherwise ingraft by Nature in the soul of man and so in use also amongst the Gentiles In that I have adventured to let men see that you are very much mistaken and tell us things directly contrary unto truth of Story Next where it is the ground-work of all your building that the Commandment of the Sabbath is Moral Natural and Perpetual as punctually to be observed as any other of the first or second Table I doubt not but it will appear by this following History that it was never so esteemed of by the Jews themselves no not when as the observation of the same was most severely pressed upon them by the Law and Prophets nor when the day was made most burdensome unto them by the Scribes and Pharisees Lastly whereas you make the Lords day to be an institution of our Saviour Christ confirmed by the continual usage of the holy Apostles and both by him and them imposed as a perpetual Ordinance on the Christian Church making your selves believe that so it was observed in the times before as you have taught us to observe it in these latter days I have made manifest to the world that there is no such matter to be found at all either in any writings of the Apostles or monument of true Antiquity or in the practice of the middle or the present Churches What said I of the present Churches So I said indeed and doubt not but it will appear so in this following Story The present Churches all of them both Greek and Latin together with the Protestants of what name soever being far different both in their Doctrine and their practice from these new conceptions And here I cannot chuse but note that whereas those who first did set on foot these Doctrines in all their other practices to subvert this Church did bear themselves continually on the Authority of Calvin and the example of those Churches which came most near unto the Plat-form of Geneva In these their Sabbath-speculations they had not only none to follow but they found Calvin and Geneva and those other Churches directly contrary unto them However in all other matters they cryed up Calvin and his Writings Hooker in his Preface making his Books the very Canon to which both Discipline and Doctrine was to be confirmed yet hic magister non tenetur here by his leave they would forsake him and leave him fairly to himself that they themselves might have the glory of a new invention For you my Brethren and beloved in our Lord and Saviour as I do willingly believe that you have entertain'd these Tenets upon mis-persuasion not out of any ill intentions to the Church your Mother and that it is an errour in your judgments only not of your affections So upon that belief have I spared no pains as much as in me is to remove that errour and rectifie what is amiss in your opinion I hope you are not of those men Quos non persuadebis etiamsi persuaseris who either hate to be reformed or have so far espoused a quarrel that neither truth nor reason can divorce them from it Nor would I gladly you should be of their resolutions Qui volunt id verum esse quod credunt nolunt id credere quod verum est who are more apt to think all true which themselves believe than be persuaded to believe such things as are true indeed In confidence whereof as I was first induced to compose this History so in continuance of those hopes I have presumed to address it to you to tender it to your perusal and to submit it to your censure That if you are not better furnished you may learn from hence that you have trusted
the Cardinal that either Sunday is not meant in the Revelation or else Saint John was not the Author of keeping Easter with the Jews on what day soever Rather we may conceive that Saint John gave way unto the current of the times which in those places as is said were much intent upon the customs of the Jews most of the Christians of those parts being Jews originally For the composing of this difference and bringing of the Church to an uniformity the Popes of Rome bestirred themselves and so did many others also And first Pope Pius published a Declaration Com. Tom. 1. Pascha domini die dominica annuis solennitatibus celebrandum esse In Chronic. that Easter was to be solemnized on the Lords day only And here although I take the words of the letter decretory yet I rely rather upon Eusebius for the authority of the fact than on the Decretal it self which is neither for the substance probable and the date stark false not to be trusted there being no such Consuls it is Crabbes own note as are there set down But the Authority of Pope Pius did not reach so far as the Asian Churches and therefore it produced an effect accordingly This was 159. and seven years after Polycarpus Bishop of Smyrna a Reverend and an holy man Euseb hist l. 4. c. 13. made away to Rome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then to confer with Anicetus then the Roman Prelate about this business And though one could not wooe the other to desert the cause yet they communicated together and so parted Friends But when that Blastus afterwards had made it necessary which before was arbitrary and taught it to be utterly unlawful to hold this Feast at any other time than the Jewish Passeover becoming so the Author of the Quarto-decimani as they used to call them then did both Eleutherius publish a Decree that it was only to be kept upon the Sunday and Irenaeus though otherwise a peaceable man writ a Discourse entituled De schismate contra Blastum now not extant A little before this time this hapned Anno 180. the controversie had took place in Laodicea 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 L. 4. c. 25. as Eusebius hath it which moved Melito Bishop of Sardis a man of special eminence to write two Books de Pascbate and one de die Dominico 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But to what side he took it is hard to say Were those Discourses extant as they both are lost we might no doubt find much that would conduce to our present business Two years before the close of this second Century Pope Victor Euseb l. 5. c. 23.24 presuming probably on his name sends abroad his Mandate touching the keeping of this Feast on the Lords day only against the which when as Polycrates and other Asian Prelates had set out their Manifests he presently without more ado declares them all for excommunicate But when this rather hindred than advanced the cause the Asian Bishops cared little for those Bruta fulmina and Irenaeus who held the same side with him having persuaded him to milder courses he went another way to work by practising with the Prelates of several Churches to end the matter in particular Councils Of these there was one held at Osroena another by Bachyllus Bishop of Corinth a third in Gaul by Irenaeus a fourth in Pontus a fifth in Rome a sixth in Palestine by Theophilus Bishop of Caesaria the Canons of all which were extant in Eusebius time and in all which it was concluded for the Sunday By means of these Syndical determinations the Asian Prelates by degrees let fall their rigour and yielded to the stronger and the surer side Yet waveringly and with some relapses till the great Council of Nice backed with the Authority of as great an Emperour setled it better than before none but some scattered Schismaticks now and then appearing that durst oppose the resolution of the that famous Synod So that you see that whether you look upon the day appointed for the Jewish sabbath or on the day appointed for the Jewish Passover the Lords day found it no small matter to obtain the victory And when it had prevailed so far that both the Feast of Easter was restrained unto it and that it had the honour of the Publick Meetings of the Congregation yet was not this I mean this last exclusively of all other days the former Sabbath the fourth and sixth days of the week having some share therein for a long time after as we shall see more plainly in the following Centuries But first to make an end of this this Century affords us three particular Writers that have made mention of this day First Justin Martyr who then lived in Rome doth thus relate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Apolog. 2. c. Vpon the Sunday all of us assemble in the Congregation as being that first day wherein God separating the light and darkness did create the World and Jesus Christ our Saviour rose again from the dead This for the day then for the service of the day he describes it thus Vpon the day called Sunday all that abide within the Cities or about the Fields do meet together in some place where the Records of the Apostles and writing of the Prophets as much as is appointed are read unto us The Reader having done the Priest or Prelate ministreth a word of Exhortation that we do imitate those good things which are there repeated Then standing up together we send up our prayers unto the Lord which ended there is delivered unto every one of us Bread and Wine with Water After all this the Priest or Prelate offers up our Prayers and Thanksgiving as much as in him is to God and all the people say Amen those of the richer sort 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 every man as he would himself contributing something towards the relief of the poorer Brethren which after the Priest or Prelate was disposed amongst them A Form of service not much different from that in the Church of England save that we make the entrance unto our Liturgy with some preparatory prayers The rest consisting as we know of Psalms and several Readings of the Scriptures out of the Old Testament and the New the Epistles and the holy Gospel that done the Homily or Sermon followeth they offer twice next then Prayers and after that the Sacrament and then Prayers again the people being finally dismissed with a Benediction The second testimony of these times is that of Dionysius Bishop of Corinth who lived about 175 some nine years after Justin Martyr wrote his last Apology who in an Epistle unto Soter Pope of Rome doth relate it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb l. 4. c. 22. c. To day saith he we kept holy the Lords day wherein we read the Epistle which you writ unto us which we do always read for our instruction as also the first Epistle writ by Clemens Where note that not
the Scriptures only were in those times read publickly in the Congregation but the Epistles and discourses of such Learned men as had been eminent for place and piety as in the after-times on defect of Sermons it was the custom of the Church to read the Homilies of the Fathers for their edification Conciliorum Tom. 2. Concerning which it was ordained in a Council at Vaux Anno 444. that if the Priest were sick or otherwise infirm so that he could not preach himself the Deacons should rehearse some Homily of the holy Fathers Si presbyter aliqua infirmitate prohibente per seipsum non potuerit praedicare sanctorum Patrum homiliae à Diaconibus recitentur so the Council ordered it The third and last Writer of this Century which gives us any thing of the Lords day Strom. l. 7. is Clemens Alexandrinus he flourished in the year 190. who though he fetch the pedegree of the Lords day even as far as Plato which before we noted yet he seems well enough contented that the Lords day should not be observed at all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 We ought saith he to honour and to reverence him whom we are verily persuaded to be the Word our Saviour and our Captain and in him the Father 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not in selected times as some do amongst us but always during our whole lives and on all occasions The Royal Prophet tells us that he preaised God seven times a day Whence he that understands himself stands not upon determinate places or appointed Temples 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 much less on any Festivals or days assigned but in all places honours God though he be alone And a little after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. making our whole lives a continual Festival and knowing God to be every where we praise him sometimes in the fields and sometimes sailing on the Seas and finally in all the times of our life whatever So in another place of the self-same Book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. He that doth lead his life according to the Ordinances of the Gospel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then keeps the Lords day when he casts away every evil thought and doing things with knowledge and understanding doth glorifie the Lord in his Resurrection By which it seems that whatsoever estimation the Lords day had attained unto at Rome and Corinth yet either it was not so much esteemed at Alexandria or else this Clemens did not think so rightly of it as he should have done Now in the place of Justin Martyr before remembred there is one special circumstance to be considered in reference to our present search for I say nothing here of mingling water with the Wine in the holy Sacrament as not conducing to the business which we have in hand This is that in their Sundays service they did use to stand during the time they made their Prayers unto the Lord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as his words there are Such was the custom of this time and a long time after that though they kneeled on other days yet on the Lords day they prayed always standing Yet not upon the Lords day only but every day from Easter unto Pentecost The reason is thus given by him who made the Responsions ascribed to Justin That so saith he we might take notice as of our fall by sin so of our restitution by the grace of Christ Resp ad qu. 105. Six days we pray upon our knees and that 's in token of our fall 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. But on the Lords day we bow not the knee in token of the Resurrection by which according to the Grace of Christ we are set free from sin and the powers of death The like saith he is to be said of the days of Pentecost which custom as he tells us and cites Irenaeus for his Author did take beginning even in the times of the Apostles Rather we may conceive that they used this Ceremony to testifie their faith in the Refurrection of our Lord and Saviour which many Hereticks of those times did publickly gain-say as before we noted and shall speak more thereof hereafter But whatsoever was the reason it continued long and was confirm'd particularly by the great Synod of Nice what time some People had begun to neglect this custom The Synod therefore thus determined 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. that forasmuch as some did use to kneel on the Lords day Can. 20. and the time of Pentecost that all things in all places might be done with an uniformity it pleased the holy Synod to decree it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that men should stand at those times when they made their prayers For Fathers which avow this custom consult Tertullian lib. de corona mil. S. Basil l. de Sp. S. c. 27. S. Hierom. adv Luciferian S. Austin Epist 118. S. Hilaries Praefat. in Psalm Ambros Serm. 62. and divers others What time this custom was laid by I can hardly say but sure I am it was not laid aside in a long time after not till the time of Pope Alexander the third who lived about the year 1160. Decret l. 2. tit 9. c. 2. For in a Decretal of his confirmatory of the former custom it was prohibited to kneel on the times remembred Nisi aliquis ex devotioned id velit facere in secreto unless some out of pure devotion did it secretly Which dispensation probably occasioned the neglect thereof in the times succeeding the rather since those Hereticks who formerly had denied the resurrection were now quite exterminated This circumstance we have considered the more at large as being the most especial difference whereby the Sundays service was distinguished from the week-days worship in these present times whereof we write And yet the difference was not such that it was proper to the Lords day only but if it were a badge of honour communicated unto more than forty other days Of which more anon But being it was an Ecclesiastical and occasional custom the Church which first ordained it let it fall again by the same Authority In the third Century the first we meet with is Tertullian who flourished in the very first beginnings of it by whom this day is called by three several names For first he calls it Dies solis Sunday as commonly we now call it and saith that they did dedicate the same unto mirth and gladness not to devotion altogether Diem solis laetitiae indulgemus Cap. 16. in his Apologetick The same name is used by Justin Martyr in the passages before remembred partly because being to write to an Heathen Magistrate it had not been so proper to call it by the name of the Lords day which name they knew not and partly that delivering the form and substance of their service done upon that day they might the better quit themselves from being worshippers of the Sun as the Gentiles thought For by their meetings on this
done afterwards in pursuit hereof consisted specially in beating down the opposition of the common people who were not easily induced to lay by their business next in a descant as it were on the former plain-song the adding of particular restrictions as occasion was which were before conteined though not plainly specified both in the Edicts of the former Emperours and Constitutions of the Churches before remembred Yet all this while we find not any one who did observe it as Sabbath or which taught others so to do not any who affirmed that any manner of work was unlawful on it further than as it was prohibited by the Prince or Prelate that so the people might assemble with their greater comfort not any one who preached or published that any pastime sport or recreation of an honest name such as were lawful on the other days were not fit for this And thereupon we may resolve as well of lawful business as of lawful pleasures that such as have not been forbidden by supream Authority whether in Proclamà tions of the Prince or Constitutions of the Church or Acts of Parliament or any such like Declaration of those higher Powers to which the Lord hath made us subject are to be counted lawful still It matters not in case we find it not recorded in particular terms that we may lawfully apply our selves to some kind of business or recreate our selves in every kind of honest pleasure at those particular hours and times which are left at large and have not been designed to Gods publick service All that we are to look for is to see how far we are restrained from labour or from recreations on the Holy days and what Authority it is that hath so restrained us that we may come to know our duty and conform unto it The Canons of particular Churches have no power to do it further than they have been admitted into the Church wherein we live for then being made a part of her Canon also they have power to bind us to observance As little power there is to be allowed unto the Declarations and Edicts of particular Princes but in their own dominions only Kings are Gods Deputies on the Earth but in those places only where the Lord hath set them their power no greater than their Empire and though they may command in their own Estates yet is it extra sphaeram activitatis to prescribe Laws to Nations not subject to them A King of France can make no Law to bind us in England Much less must we ascribe unto the dictates and directions of particular men which being themselves subject unto publick Order are to be hearkned to no further than by their life and doctrine they do preach obedience unto the publick Ordinances under which they live For were it otherwise every private man of name and credit would play the Tyrant with the liberty of his Christian Brethren and nothing should be lawful but what he allowed of especially if the pretence be fair and specious such as the keeping of a Sabbath to the Lord our God the holding of an holy convocation to the King of Heaven Example we had of it lately in the Gothes of Spain and that strange bondage into which some pragmatick and popular man had brought the French had not the Council held at Orleans gave a check unto it And with examples of this kind must we begin the story of the following Ages CHAP. V. That in the next six hundred years from Pope Gregory forwards the Lords day was not reckoned of as of a Sabbath 1. Pope Gregories care to set the Lords day free from Jewish rigours at that time obtruded on the Church 2. Strange fancies taken up by some about the Lords day in these darker Ages 3. Scriptures and Miracles in these times found out to justifie the keeping of the Lords day holy 4. That in the judgment of the most learned in these six Ages the Lords day hath no other ground than the Authority of the Church 5. With how much difficulty the people of these times were barred from following their Husbandry and Law-days on the Lords day 6. Husbandry not restrained on the Lords day in the Eastern parts until the time of Leo Philosophus 7. Markets and Handierafts restrained with no less opposition than the Plough and Pleading 8. Several casus reservati in the Laws themselves wherein men were permitted to attend those businesses on the Lords day which the laws restrained 9. Of divers great and publick actions done in these Ages on the Lords day 10. Dancing and other sports no otherwise prohibited on the Lords day than as they were an hindrance to Gods publick Service 11. The other Holy days as much esteemed of and observed as the Lords day was 12. The publick hallowing of the Lords day and the other Holy days in these present Ages 13. No Sabbath all these Ages heard of either on Saturday or Sunday and how it stood with Saturday in the Eastern Churches WE are now come to the declining Ages of the Church after the first 600 years were fully ended and in the entrance on the seventh some men had gone about to possess the people of Rome with two dangerous fancies one that it was not lawful to do any manner of work upon the Saturday or the old Sabbath ita ut die Sabbati aliquid operari prohiberent the other ut dominicorum die nullus debeat larari that no man ought to bathe himself on the Lords day or their new Sabbath With such a race of Christned Jews or Judaizing Christians was the Church then troubled Against these dangerous Doctrines did Pope Gregory write his Letter to the Roman Citizens stiling the first no other than the Preachers of Antichrist Epl. 3. l. 11. one of whose properties it shall be that he will have the Sabbath and the Lords day both so kept as that no manner of work shall be done on either qui veniens diem Sabbatum atque dominicum ab omni faciet opere custodire as the Father hath it Where note that to compell or teach the people that they must do no manner of work on the Lords day is a mark of Antichrist And why should Antichrist keep both days in so strict a manner Because saith he he will persuade the people that he shall die and rise again therefore he means to have the Lords day in especial honour and he will keep the Sabbath too that so he may the better allure the Jews to adhere unto him Against the other he thus reasoneth Et si quidem pro luxuria voluptate quis lavari appetit hoc fieri nec reliquo quolibet die concedimus c. If any man desires to bathe himself only out of a luxurious and voluptuous purpose observe this well this we conceive not to be lawful upon any day but if he do it only for the necessary refreshing of his body then neither is it fit it should be forbidden upon the
had trespassed therein against the Sabbath he gathered the small chips together put them upon his hand and set fire unto them Vt in se ulcisceretur Matropol l. 4. t. 8. quod contra divinum praeceptum incautus admisisset that so saith Crantzius he might avenge that on himself which unawares he had committed against Gods Commandment Crantzius it seems did well enough approve the solly for in the entrance on this story he reckoneth this inter alia virtutum suarum praeconia amongst the monuments of his piety and sets it up as an especial instance of that Princes sanctity Lastly whereas the modern Jews are of opinion that all the while their Sabbath lasts the souls in Hell have liberty to range abroad and are released of all their torments Pâ—i ad Domivicum c. 5. So lest in any superstitious fancy they should have preheminence it was delivered of the souls in Purgatory by Petrus Damiani who lived in Anno 1056. Dominico die refrigerium poenarum habuisse that every Lords day they were manumitted from their pains and fluttered up and down the lake Avernus in the shape of Birds Indeed the marvel is the less that these and such like Jewish fancies should in those times begin to shew themselves in the Christian Church considering that now some had begun to think that the Lords day was founded on the fourth Commandment and all observances of the same grounded upon the Law of God As long as it was taken only for an Ecclesiastical Institution and had no other ground upon which to stand than the Authority of the Church we find not any of these rigours annexed unto it But being once conceived to have its warrant from the Scripture the Scripture presently was ransacked and whatsoever did concern the old Jewish Sabbath was applied thereto It had been ordered formerly that men should be restrained on the Lords day from some kind of labours that so they might assemble in the greater number the Princes and the Prelates both conceiving it convenient that it should be so But in these Ages there were Texts produced to make it necessary Thus Clotaire King of France grounded his Edict of restraint from servile labours on this day from the holy Scripture quia hoc lex prohibet sacra Scriptura in omnibus contradicit because the Law forbids it and the holy Scripture contradicts it And Charles the Great builds also on the self same ground Statuimus secundum quod in lege dominus praecepit c. We do ordain according as the Lord commands us that on the Lords day none presume to do any servile business Thus finally the Emperour Leo Philosophus in a constitution to that purpose of which more hereafter declares that he did so determine secundum quod Sp. Sancto ab ipsoque institutis Apostolis placuit according to the dictate of the Holy Ghost and the Apostles by him tutored So also when the Fathers of the Church had thought it requisite that men should cease from labour on the Saturday in the afternoon that they might be the better fitted for their devotions the next day some would not rest till they had found a Scripture for it Observemus diem dominicum fratres sicut antiquis praeceptum est de Sabbato c. Let us observe the Lords day as it is commanded from even to even shall ye celebrate your Sabbath The 251. Sermon inscribed de tempore hath resolved it so And lastly that we go no further the superstitious act of the good King Olaus burning his hand as formerly was related was then conceived to be a very just revenge upon himself because he had offended although unaware contra divinum praeceptum against Gods Commandment Nor were these rigorous fancies left to the naked world but they had miracles to confirm them It is reported by Vincentius and Antoninus that Anstregisilus one that had probably preached such doctrine restored a Miller by his power whose hand had cleaved unto his Hatchet as he was mending of his Mill on the Lords day for now you must take notice that in the times in which they lived grinding had been prohibited on the Lords day by the Canon Laws As also how Sulpitius had caused a poor mans hand to wither only for cleaving wood on the Lords day no great crime assuredly save that some parallel must be found for him that gathered sticks on the former Sabbath and after on his special goodness made him whole again Of these the first was made Arch-Bishop of Burges Anno. 627. Sulpitius being Successor unto him in his See and as it seems too in his power of working miracles Such miracles as these they who list to credit shall find another of them in Gregorius Turonensis Miracul l. 1. c. 6. And some we shall hereafter meet with when we come to England forged purposely as no doubt these were to countenance some new device about the keeping of this day there being no new Gospel Preached but must have miracles to attend it for the greater state But howsoever it come to pass that those four Princes especially Leo who was himself a Scholar and Charles the Great who had as learned men about him as the times then bred were thus persuaded of this day that all restraints from work and labour on the same were to be found expressly in the Word of God yet was the Church and the most Learned men therein of another mind Nor is it utterly impossible but that those Princes might make use of some pretence or ground of Scripture the better to incline the People to yield obedience unto those restraints which were laid upon them First for the Church and men of special eminence in the same for place and learning there is no question to be made but they were otherwise persuaded Isidore Arch-Bishop of Sevil who goes highest De Eccles Offic. l. 1.29 makes it an Apostolical Sanction only on divine commandment a day designed by the Apostles for religious exercises in honour of our Saviours Resurrection on that day performed Diem dominicum Apostolì ideo religiosa solennitate sanxerunt quia in eo redemptor noster à mortuis resurrexit And adds that it was therefore called the Lords day to this end and purpose that resting in the same from all earthly acts and the temptations of the world we might intend Gods holy worship giving this day due honor for the hope of the resurrection which we have therein The same verbatim is repeated by Beda lib. de Offic. and by Rabanus Maurus lib. de institut Cleric l. 2. c. 24. and finally by Alcuinus de divin Offic. cap. 24. which plainly shews that all those took it only from an Apostolical usage an observation that grew up by custom rather than upon commandment Sure I am that Alcuinus one of principal credit with Charles the Great who lived about the end of the eighth Century as did this Isidore in the beginning of the seventh saith
the general tendry of the Roman Schools that which is publickly avowed and made good amongst them And howsoever Petrus de Anchorana and Nicholas Abbat of Patermo two learned Canonists as also Angelus de Clavasio and Silvester de Prierats two as learned Casuists seem to defend the institution of the Lords day to have its ground and warrant on divine Authority yet did the general current of the Schools and of the Canonists also run the other way And in that current still it holds the Jesuits and most learned men in the Church of Rome following the general and received opinion of the Schoolmen whereof see Bellarm. de cultu Sanct. l. 3. c. 11. Estius in 3. Sent. dist 37. Sect. 13. but especially Agsorius in his Institut Moral part second cap. 2. who gives us an whole Catalogue or them which hold the Lords day to be founded only on the authority of the Church Touching the other power the power of Dispensation there is not any thing more certain than that the Church both may and doth dispense with such as have therein offended against her Canons The Canons in themselves do profess as much there being many casus reservati as before we said expressed particularly in those Laws and constitutions which have been made about the keeping of this day and the other Festivals wherein a dispensation lieth if we disobey them Many of these were specified in the former Ages and some occur in these whereof now we write It pleased Pope Gregory the ninth Decretal l. 2. tit de feriis cap. 5. Anno 1228. to inhibit all contentious Suits on the Lords day and the other Festivals and to inhibit them so far that judgment given on any of them should be counted void Etiam consentientibus partibus although both parties were consenting Yet was it with this clause or reservation nisi vel necessitas urgeat vel pietas suadeat unless necessity inforced or piety persuaded that it should be done So in a Synod holden in Valladolit apud vallem Oleti in the parts of Spain Concil Sabiness deâ—feriis Anno 1322. a general restraint was ratified that had been formerly in force quod nullus in diebus dominicis festivis agros colere audeat aut manualia artificia exercere praesitmat that none should henceforth follow Husbandry or exercise himself in mechanick Trades upon the Lords day or the other Holy days Yet was it with the same Proviso nisi urgente necessitate vel evidentis pietatis causa unless upon necessity or apparent piety or charity in each of which he might have licence from the Priest his own Parish-Priest to attend his business Where still observe that the restraint was no less peremptory on the other Holy days than on the Lords day These Holy days as they were named particularly in Pope Gregories Decretal so was a perfect list made of them in the Synod of Lyons â—e consecrat distinct 3. c. 1. Anno 1244. which being celebrated with a great concourse of people from all parts of Christendom the Canons and decrees thereof began forthwith to find a general admittance The Holy days allowed of there were these that follow viz. the feast of Christs nativity St. Stephen St John the Evangelist the Innocents St. Silvâ—ster the Circumcision of our Lord the Epiphany Easter together with the week precedent and the week succeeding the three days in Rogation week the day of Christs Ascension Whitsunday with the two days after St. John the Baptist the feasts of all the twelve Apostles all the festivities of our Lady St. Lawrence all the Lords days in the year St. Michael the Archangel All Saints St. Martins the Wakes or dedication of particular Churches together with the Feasts of such topical or local Saints which some particular people had been pleased to honour with a day particular amongst themselves On these and every one of them the people were restrained as before was said from many several kinds of work on pain of Ecclesiastical censures to be laid on them which did offend unless on some emergent causes either of charity or necessity they were dispensed with for so doing In other of the Festivals which had not yet attained to so great an height the Council thought not fit perhaps by reason of their numbers that men should be restrained from labour as neither that they should be incouraged to it but left them to themselves to bestow those times as might stand best with their affairs and the Common wealth For so the Synod did determine Reliquis festivitatibus quae per annum sunt non esse plebem cogendam ad feriandum sed nec probibendam And in this state things stood a long time together there being none that proferd opposition in reference to these restraints from labour on the greater Festivals though some there were that thought the Festivals too many on which those burden of restraints had unadvisedly been imposed on the common people Nicholas de Clemangis complained much as of some other abuses in the Church so of the multitude of Holy days Ap. Hospin cap. â— de fest 〈◊〉 which had of late times been brought into it And Pet. de Aliaco Cardinal of Cambray in a Discourse by him exhibited to the Council of Constance made publick suit unto the Fathers there assembled that there might a stop be put in that kind hereafter as also that excepting Sundays and the greater Festivals liceret operari post auditum officium it might be lawful for the people after the end of Divine Service to attend their businesses the poor especially having little time enough on the working days ad vitae necessaria procuranda to get their livings But these were only the expressions of well wishing men The Popes were otherwise resolved and did not only keep the Holy days which they found established in the same state in which they found them but added others daily as they saw occasion At last it came unto that pass by reason of that rigorous and exact kind of rest which by the Canon Law had been fastned on them that both the Lords day and the other Festivals were accounted Holy not in relation to the use made of them or to the holy actions done on them in the honour of God but in and of themselves considered they were avowed to be vere aliis sanctiores Bell arm de cultu S. l. 3. c. 10. truly and properly invested with a greater sanctity than the other days Yea so far did they go at last that it is publickly maintained in the Schools of Rome non sublatam esse sed mutatam tantum in novo Testamento significationem discretionem dierum that the difference of days and times and the mysterious significations of the same which had before been used in the Jewish Church was not abolished but only changed in the Church of Christ Aquinas did first lead this Dance in fitting every legal Festival with some that were observed
astringeret yet stood not he so much for the number of seven as to confine the Church unto it If Calvin elsewhere be of another mind and speak of keeping holy one day in seven as a matter necessary which some say he doth either they must accuse him of much inconstancy and forgetfulness or else interpret him with Rivet as speaking of an Ecclesiastical custom not to be neglected In decalog non de necessitate legis divinae and not of any obligation layed upon us by the Law of God Neither is he the only one that hath so determined Simler hath said it more expresly Quod dies una cultui divino consecretur ex lege naturae est quod autem haec sit septima non octava nona aut decima juris est divini sed ceremonialis In Exod. 20. That one day should be set apart for Gods publick Worship is the law of Nature but that this day should be the seventh and not the eighth ninth or tenth was of Divine appointment but as ceremonial Aretius also in his common places Loc. 55. distinguished between the substance of the Sabbath and the time thereof the substance of it which was rest and the works of Piety being in all times to continue tempus autem ut septime die observetur hoc non fuit necessarium in Ecclesia Christi but for the time to keep it on the seventh day always that was not necessary in the Church of Christ So also Frankisc Gomarus that great undertaker against Arminius in a Book written purposely de origine institutione Sabbati affirms for certain that it can neither be made good by the law of Nature Cap. 5. n. 8. or Text of Scripture or any solid Argument drawn from thence unum è septem diebus ex vi praecepti quarti ad cultum Dei necessario observandum that by the fourth Commandment one day in seven is of necessity to be dedicated to Gods service In Exod. 20. p. 1â—0 And Ryvet as profest an Enemy of the Remonstrants though for the antiquity of the Sabbath he differeth from the said Gomarus yet he agreeth with him in this not only making the observance of one day in seven to be meerly positive as in our first part we observed but lays it down for the received opinion of most of the Reformed Divines unum ex septem diebus non esse necessario eligendum ex vi praecepti ad sacros conventus celebrandos the very same with what Gomarus affirmed before So lastly for the Lutheran Churches In Examin Conc. Trid. Chemnitius makes it part of our Christian liberty quod nec sint alligati nec debeant alligari ad certorum vel dierum vel temporum observationes opinione necessitatis in Novo Testamento c. That men are neither bound nor ought to be unto the observation of any days or times as matters necessary under the Gospel of our Saviour though otherwise he account it for a barbarous Folly not to observe that day with all due solemnity which hath for so long time been kept by the Church of God Therefore in his opinion also the keeping of one day in seven Medull Theel. l. 2.15 is neither any moral part of the fourth Commandment or parcel of the law of Nature As for the subtil shift of Amesius finding that keeping holy of one day in seven is positive indeed sed immutabilis plane institutionis but such a positive Law as is absolutely immutable and doth as much oblige as those which in themselves are plainly natural and moral it may then serve when there is nothing else to help us For that a positive Law should be immutable in its self and in its own nature be as universally binding as the Moral Law is such a piece of Learning and of contradiction as never was put up to shew in these latter times But he that learnt his lirry in England here and durst not broach it but by halves amongst the Hollanders For the next Thesis that the Lords day is not founded on divine Commandment but the authority of the Church it is a point so universally resolved on as no one thing more and first we will begin with Calvin who tells us how it was not without good reason that those of old appointed the Lords Day as we call it to supply the place of the Jewish Sabbath Institut l. 2. c. 8. l. 3. Non sine delectu dominicum quem vocamus diem veteres in locum sabbati subrogarunt as his words there are Where none I hope will think that he would give our Saviour Christ or his Apostles such a short come off as to include them in the name of Veteres only which makes it plain that he conceived it not to be their appointment In Matth. 12. Bucer resolves the point more clearly communi Christianorum consensu Dominicum diem publicis Ecclesiae conventibus ac quieti publicae dicatum esse ipso statim Apostolorum tempore and saith that in the Apostles times the Lords day by the common consent of Christian people was dedicated unto publick rest and the assemblies of the Church In Gen. 2. And Peter Martyr upon a question asked why the old seventh day was not kept in the Christian Church makes answer that upon that day and on all the rest we ought to rest from our own works the works of sin Sed quod is magis quam ille eligatur ad externum Dei cultum liberum fuit Ecclesiae per Christum ut id consuleret quod ex re magis judicaret nec illa pessime judicavit c. That this was rather chose than that for Gods publick service That saith he Christ left totally unto the liberty of the Church to do therein what should seem most expedient and that the Church did very well in that she did prefer the memory of the Resurrection before the memory of the Creation These two I have the rather thus joyned together as being sent for into England in King Edwards time and place by the Protector in our Universities the better to establish Reformation at that time begun and doubt we not but that they taught the self-same Doctrine if at the least they touched at all upon that point with that now extant in their writings In Apoc. 1. at the same time with them lived Bullinger and Gualter two great Learned men Of these the first informs us hunc diem loco sabbati in memoriam resurgentis Domini delegisse sibi Ecclesias that in memorial of our Saviours Resurrection the Churches set apart this day in the Sabbaths stead whereon to hold their solemn and religious meetings And after Sponte receperunt Ecclesiae illam diem non legimus eam ullibi praeceptam that of their own accord and by their own authority the Church made choice thereof for the use aforesaid it being no where to be found that it was commanded In Act. Ap.
told how much my first engaging in this business might offend those men who loved to countenance their extravagancy by the name of the Church and what loud clamours they had raised against the most Reverend Dr. Whitgift for encountring with T. C. in behalf of the Liturgy against Dr. John Bridges Dean of Sarisbury for standing in defence of the sacred Hirarchy against the most Learned Bishop Bilson for crossing Calvins new device about Christ descent against Dr. Barce for opposing the Genevian Rigors in the points before us against Mr. Richard Montague for separating the opinions of private men from the Churches Doctrins and finall against the late Renowned Archbishop for labouring to restore this Church to its primitive lustre And though hI could not hope to be more savourably dealt withal in this case than my Letters were yet I might reasonably expect to be used no worse But on the contrary I have lately seen a scurrilous Pamphlet the Author whereof hath licked up all the filth of former Libels to vomit it at once upon me without respect to that civility which beseems a Scholar or that sobriety and modesty which adorns a Christian so Cocks are dieted sometimes with Garlick before they fight that they may rather overcome their Adversaries by the stinck of their breath than by the sharpness of their spurs or the strength of their blows But I have been so long accustomed to the noise of this Rayling Rhetorick that I am now no more troubled at it than were the Catadupi at the Rorings of the River Nilus or Socrates to see himself derided and exposed to scorn on the publick Theatre Or could I be exasperated to a Retaliation that saying of St. Cyprian would recal me to my wonted temper who being bitterly railed at by some of his Presbyters returned this Answer Non Oportet me paria cum illis facere that it becomes not me to answer them with the like revilings And yet I cannot but take notice of a mischievous project for throwing a Ball of discord betwixt me and some friends of mine Doctors in title and degree and by the Libeller declared to be of my own persuasion one of which is affirmed to say That I was an unhappy Writer and marred every thing which I medled with and for the finding of this one I have nothing but a blind direction of Hist in the margin placed there of purpose as it seemeth to put me into a suspition of all eminent persons whose names begin with those two Letters It is recorded in the History of Amianus Marcellinus that certain men informed the Emperour Valence by their Devilish Arts that one whose name began with THEO should succeed in the Empire Which put the sealous Prince into such a general distrust of all whose Names had that beginning Theodoret Theodofius Theopulos Theodulos Theodore that he caused many of them though men of eminent worth and most exemplary Loyalty to be made the subjects of his fear and cruelty And such a Devillish Art is this of T. C. the younger by which two Letters he affects to disguise his name to work me into a suspition of some eminent persons and such as must be also of my own persuasions But I have no such jealousies as Valence had and therefore shall create no trouble to my self or others upon that temptation For first I know the parties pointed to in those two letters to be the masters of so much Candor and Ingenuity that I am consident they rather would excuse my infelicities or insufficiencies be they which they will than bring me under the reproach of any such censure as none of different judgment ever laid upon me And secondly so much they have descended beneath themselves as of their own accord to certifie me both by Letters and Messages how free they were from giving any ground to that base suspition which was contrived with so much malice and design to divide between us And so Autorem Scelus repetet the Calumny must be left at the Authors door as the natural parent of it till he can find out more distinctly upon whom to charge it In the mean time I leave him to the mercy of the Laws as a common Barrator Drenched over head and ears in the waters of strife a sower of discord and discention amongst faithful friends But I have wasted too much time on this piece of impertinency and might perhaps have better studied my own fame if I had taken no notice of the Libel or the Author either but that to have been silent altogether in so just a grievance might possibly be taken for an argument of insensibility For otherwise as there is nothing in the Author but the stoln name of Theophilus Churchman which descries my Pen so there is nothing argumentative in the Pamphlet either which was not both foreseen and satisfied in the following papers before it came unto my hands I return therefore to my Post which if I can make good by Records and Evidence the fittest weapons for this Warfare I shall not easily be forced from it by Reproach and Clamors as were the ancient Gauls from surprising the Capitol by the noise and gagling of the Geese But whether I have made it good or not must be left to the Reader to whom I hope it will appear that Calvinism was not the native and original Doctrine of the Church of England though in short time it overspread a great part thereof as Arrianism did the Eastern Churches in the elder times Ubi ingemuit orbis as St. Hierom hath it when the world groaned and trembled under the calamity of that dangerous Heresie And I hope too it will appear by this discourse that I am not yet so far reduced ad secundam pueritiam as the Scorner taunts it as that my venerable back and buttocks pardon me for repeating such unmannerly language should be intituled to the Rod of this proud Orbilius Or if I be I doubt not but that God Almighty who ordaineth praise out of the mouths of Babes and Sucklings will raise some glory to his Name from that second Childhood To which great God and his unspeakable mercies in Jesus Christ our common Saviour I do most heartily recommend this Church and all them that love it Lacies Court in Abington December 26. 1659. PETER HEYLYN Historia Quinqu-Articularis OR A DECLARATION Of the Judgment of the Western-Churches c. CHAP. I. The several Heresies of those who make God to be the Author of Sin or attribute too much to the Natural freedom of Man's Will in the Works of Piety 1. God affirmed by Florinus to be the Author of sin the blasphemy encountred by Irenaeus and the foul consequents thereof 2. Revived in the last Ages by the Libertines said by the Papists to proceed from the Schools of Calvin and by the Calvinists to proceed from the Schools of Rome 3. Disguised by the Maniches in another dress and the necessity thereby imposed on the Wills
the more easily divert himself in the ways of Godliness and consequently merit and obtain eternal life which otherwise he might do without any such Grace by his own free will though with more difficulty and trouble And therefore if any man shall say that without the preventing Inspiration of the Holy Ghost and his heavenly Influences a man is able to even hope love or repent as he ought to do that so he may be justified in the sight of God let him be Anathema 4. Of the manner of Conversion The Freedom of the Will is not so utterly lost in man Sess 6. c. 5. though it be diminished and impaired as to be accounted nothing but an empty Name or the name of no such thing existing in Nature in that the Will of man moved and stirred up by the grace of God retains a power of co-operating with the heavenly Grace by which he doth prepare and dispose himself for the obtaining of the Justification which is given unto him Can. 4. And therefore if any one shall say that a man cannot resist this grace though he would or that he is meerly passive not acting any thing but as a stock or sensless stone in his own Conversion let him be also held accurst And so are they who have presumed to affirm and teach that it is not in the power of man to do evil but as well bad as good works are done not only by Gods permission but by his proper working so that as well the Treason of Judas as the Calling of Paul is to be reckoned for the work of Almighty God 5. Of the certainty or uncertainty of Perseverance No man is so far to presume on the secret Mystery of Predestination Sess 6. Can. 13. as to account himself for certain to be within the number of the Elect as if he were assured of this that being justified he could neither sin no more nor were sure of Repentance if he did And therefore no man is to flatter himself with any such certainty of perseverance though all men ought to place a constant and firm hope for the obtaining of the same in the help of God Can. 14. They which by sin have fallen away from the grace received may recover their lost Justification if being stirred up from above they endeavour the recovery of it by sincere Repentance Can. 15. or by the Sacrament of Pennance as the words there are And finally the grace of Justification or the grace by which a man is justified is not only lost by infidelity by which the Faith it self doth suffer Shipwrack but even by every mortal sin though Faith be not lost also at the same time with it Such is the Doctrine of this Council in the Points disputed extracted fainfully out of the Canons and Decrees thereof one only clause being added to the Article of Predestination agreeable to the Opinion in the Conferences and Debates about it which prevailed most upon the Prelates and all others who were interessed and intrusted in drawing up the Products and Conclusions of it which how far it agreeth or disagreeth with or from hat which is maintained by the opposite Parties in the Reformed and Protestant Churches we are next to see CHAP. IV. The Judgment of the Lutherans and Calvinians in these Five Points with some Objections made against the Conclusions of the Council of Dort 1. No difference in the Five Points betwixt the Lutherans and the Church of Rome as is acknowledged by the Papists themselves 1. The Judgement of the Lutheran Churches in the said five Points delivered in the famous Confession of Ausperge 3. The distribution of the Quarrel betwixt the Franciscans Melancthonians and Arminians on the one side the Dominicans Rigid Lutherans and Sublapsarian Calvinists on the other the middle way of Catarinus paralleled by that of Bishop Overal 4. The Doctrine of Predestination as laid down by Calvin of what ill Consequence in it self and how odious to the Lutheran Doctors 5. Opposed by Sebastian Castellio in Geneva it self but propagated in most Churches of Calvins Plat-form and afterwards polished by Perkins a Divine of England and in him censured and confuted by Jacob Van Harmine a Belgick Writer 6. A brief view of the Doctrine of the Sublapsarians and the odious Consequences of it 7. The Judgment of the Sublapsarians in the said Five Points collected and presented at the Conference at the Hauge Anno 1610. 8. The Doctrien of the Synodists in the said Points 9. Affirmed to be repugnant to the holy Scripture as also to the Purity Mercy Justice and Sincerity of Almighty God 10. And the subversion of the Ministry and all Acts of Piety illustrated by the Example of Tiberius Caesar and the Lantgrave of Thurin SUCH being the Doctrines of this Council in the Points disputed we need not not take much pains in looking after the Judgment of the Lutheran Chruches which comes so near to that of the Church of Rome as to be reckoned for the same For in the History of the Council Hist of the Council of Tr. p. 210. it is said expresly as before is noted that in the Books of Luther in the Augustane Confession and in Aplogies and Colloquies there was nothing found as to the Doctrine of Predestination which deserved to be censured And therefore they were sain to have recourse unto the Writings of the Zuinglian party amongst which Calvin and his followers were to be accounted to find out matter to proceed upon in their Fulminations And in particular it is said by Andreas Vega one of the stiffest and most learned men amongst the whole pack of the Franciscans Ibid. f. 208. when the Points about Free will were in agitation that between themselves and the Protestants there was no difference of Opinion as to that particular How near they came to one another in the other Points may easily be found in the Debates and Conferences before laid down compared with the Judgment of the Lutheran Doctors not only in their private Writings but their publick Colloquies But then we are to understand that this Agreement of the Lutheran Doctors expressed in their private Writings and their publick Colloquies and especially the solemn Confession at Ausperge relates to that interpretation of the Decrees and Canons of the Tridentine Council which is made by the Jesuits and Franciscans and not unto the Gloss or Exposition which is made thereof by the Preaching and Dominican Fryers But not to leave so great a matter to a Logical Inference I shall lay down the Doctrine of the Lutheran Churches in the said Five Points extracted faithfully out of the Augustan Confession with the Addition of one Clause only to the first Article the Makers of the Confession declining purposely the Point of Predestination out of the Writings of Melancthon and other learned men of the same persuasion Now the Doctrine of the said Churches so delivered is this that followeth Viz. 1. Of Divine Predestinction
mathematicae persuasionisque plenus omnia fato agi That is to say That he was the more negligent in matters of Religion and about the Gods because he was so much addicted to Astrologers fully persuaded in his own mind that all things were governed by the Destinies And they evince by the miserable example of the Landgrave of Turing of whom it is reported by Heistibachius Heisti lib. 1. de Minor Hist l. 27. p. 39. or Gods love to mankind p. 97. that being by his Friends admonished of his vitious Conversation and dangerous condition he made them this Answer viz. Si praedestinatus sum nulla peccata poterint mibi regnum coelorum auferre si praescitus nulla opera mihi illud valebunt conferre That is to say If I be elected no sins can possibly bereave me of the Kingdom of Heaven if reprobated no goods deeds can advance me to it An Objection not more old than common but such I must confess to which I never found a satisfactory Answer from the Pen of Supralapsarian or Sublapsarian within the small compass of my reading CHAP. V. The Doctrine of the Remonstrants and the Story of them until their final Condemnation in the Synod of Dort 1. The doctrine of the Remonstrants ancienter than Calvinism in the Belgick Churches and who they were that stood up for it before Arminius 2. The first undertakings of Arminius his preferment to the Divinity Chair at Leiden his Commendations and Death 3. The occasion of the Name Remonstrants and Contra Remonstrants the Controversie reduced to Five Points and those disputed at the Hague in a publick Conference 4. The said Five Points according to their several Heads first tendred at the Hague and after at the Synod at Dort 5. The Remonstrants persecuted by their Opposites put themselves under the protection of Barnevelt and by his means obtained a collection of their Doctrine Barnevelt seised and put to death by the Prince of Orange 6. The Calling of the Synod of Dort the parallel betwixt it and the Council at Trent both in the conduct of the business against their Adversaries and the differences amongst themselves 7. The breaking out of the differences in the Synod in open Quarrels between Martinius one of the Divines of Breeme and some of the Divines of Holland and on what occasions 8. A Copy of the Letter from Dr. Belconqual to S. Dudly Carlaton his Majesties Resident at the Hague working the violent prosecutions of those Quarrels by the Dutch Divines 9. A further prosecution of the parallel between the Council and the Synod in reference to the Articles used in the Draught upon the Canons and Decrees of either and the doubtful meaning of them both 10. The quarrelling Parties joyn together against the Remonstrants denying them any place in the Synod and finally dismist them in a furious Oration made by Boyerman without any hearing 11. The Synodists indulgent to the damnable Doctrines of Macorius and unmerciful in the banishment or extermination of the poor Remonstrants 12. Scandalously defamed to make them odious and those of their persuasions in other places Ejected Persecuted and Disgraced HAving thus run through all the other Opinions touching Predestination and the Points depending thereupon I come next to that of the Remonstrants or Arminians as they commonly call them accused of Novelty but ancienter than Calvinism in the Churches of the Belgick Provinces which being originally Dutch did first embrace the Reformation according to the Lutheran model though afterward they suffered the Calvinian Plat-form to prevail upon them It was about the year 1530 that the Reformed Religion was admitted in the Neighbouring Country of East Priezland under Enno the first upon the preaching of Hardingbergius a Learned and Religious man and one of the principal Reformers of the Church of Emden a Town of most note in all that Earldom From him did Clemens Martini take those Principles which afterwards he propagated in the Belgick Churches where the same Doctrine of Predestination had been publickly maintained in a Book called Odegus Laicorum or the Lay-mans guide published by Anastasius Velluanus Ann. 1554. and much commended by Henricus Antonides Divinity Reader in the University of Francka But on the other side the French Ministers having setled themselves in those parts which either were of French Language or anciently belonged to the Crown of France and having more Quicksilver in them than the others had prevailed so far with William of Nassaw Prince of Orange that a Confession of their framing was presented to the Lady Regent ratified in a forcible and tumultuus way and afterwards by degrees obtruded upon all the Belgick Churches which notwithstanding the Ministers successively in the whole Province of Vtrecht adhered unto their former Doctrines not looked on for so doing as the less reformed Nor wanted there some one or other of eminent note who did from time to time oppose the Doctrine of Predestination contained in that Confession of the year 1567. when it took beginning INsomuch that Johannes Isbrandi one of the Preachers of Roterdam openly professed himself an Anticalvinian and so did Gellius Succanus also in the Countrey of West-Friezland who looked no otherwise upon these of Calvin's Judgment than as Innovators in the Doctrine which had been first received amongst them The like we find also of Holmanus one of the Professors of Leyden of Cornelius Meinardi and Cornelius Wiggeri two men of principal esteem before the name of Jacob Van-Harmine was so much as talked of But so it hapned that though these learned men had kept on foot the ancient Doctrines yet did they never find so generally an Entertainment in those Provinces as they did afterwards by the pains and diligence of this Van-Harmine Arminius he is called by our Latin Writers from whom these Doctrines have obtained the name of Arminianism called so upon no juster Grounds than the great Western Continent is called by the name of America whereas both Christopher collumbus had first discovered it and the two Cabots Father and Son had made a further progress in the said discovery before Americus Vespatius ere saw those shores As for Arminius he had been fifteen years a Preacher or a Pastor as they rather phrase it to the great Church of Amsterdam during which times taking a great distast at the Book published by Mr. Perkins intituled Armilla Aurea he set himself upon the canvasing of it and published his performance in it by the name of Examen Predestinationis Perkinsoniae as before was said Incouraged with his good success in this adventure he undertakes a Conference on the same Argument with the learned Junius the sum whereof being spread abroad in several Papers was after published by the name of Amica Collatio Junius being dead in the year 1603. the Curators or Overseers of the University made choice of this Van-harmine to succeed him in his place But the Inhabitants of the Town would not so part with him till
that which had been falsly fathered on him in the Synod that he could not endure to hear his dearest Colleague so much abused as he had been by some men in the Synod Moreover he could not now dissemble the great grief he had conceived that some in the Synod went about to trouble sound Divinity with bringing in Tricas Scolasticas such as was to make God Causam Physicam Conversionis that was for Martinius such portenta vocabulorum as determinare and non determinare voluntatem That some men durst say that there were some doubts in the Fourth Article which Calvin himself had not throughly satisfied nor other Learned Reformed Doctors that it was to be feared that they intended to bring in Jesuits Divinity in the Reformed Churches and to corrupt the Youth committed to their Charge with a strange kind of Divinity This last Speech concerned D. Grotius Scultetus delivered his mind in exceeding bitter and disgraceful words and repeated his bitterest sentences twice over He having ended Martinius with great modesty answered first That he would read Paraeus his own words which he did next that for Sibrandus he wondred that he would now in publick bring these things up since out of his love to Peace that very day he had sent his Colleague Grotius to Sibrandus with a large explication in that sense in which he was fully satisfied and so he made account that that business had been peaceably transacted All this while Grotius spake nothing Gomarus beginneth to go on in the Disquisition but I think he delivered a Speech against the Bremenses which none but a madman would have uttered First Whereas Martinius had said that he did desire the resolution of this doubt Qui Deus possit ab homine cujus potentia est finita fidem quae est opus omnipotentiae exigere and that neither Calvin nor any of the Divines had yet plainly enough untied the Knot He replied first That he that said so was not Dignus qui solveret Calvino Corrigiam and that for the doubt it self it was such a silly one that ipsi pueri in trivio could ipsius solutionem decantare at which Speech very body smiled Moverover whereas Martinius in his Answer to Scultetus had not spoken one word against him but only this That he was sorry that one who had now been 25 years a Professor of Divinity should be thus used for using a School-term Gomarus very wisely had a fling at the two and telleth the Synod that since some men thought to carry it away annorum numero he himself had been a Professor not only 25 but 35 years Next he falleth upon Grotius and biddeth the Synod take heed of these men that brought in the Monstra Portenta vocabulorum the Barbarisms of the Schools of the Jesuits determinare non determinare voluntatem with many such speeches delivered with such sparklings of his eyes and fierceness of pronunciation as every man wondred the President did not cut him off at last he cut off himself I think for want of breath and the President giveth Celeberrimo Doctori Gomaro many thanks for that his Grave and accurate speech the Exteri wondred at it at last my Lord of Landaff in good faith in a very grave short speech for which as for one of the least I am persuaded he ever delivered we and all the Exteri thought he deserved infinite Commendations he spake to the President to this purpose That this Synod called Disquisition was instituted for Edification not for any man to shew Studium Contentionis and therefore did desire him to look that the knot of Vnity were not broken In this his Lordships speech be named no man the last word was hardly out of his Lordships mouth but furious Gomarus knowing himself guilty delivered this wise Speech Reverendissime D. Praesul non agendum est hic in Synodo authoritate sed ratione That it was free for him to speak in his own place which no man must think to abridge him of by their Authority My Lord replied nothing but the President told my Lord that Celeberrimus D. Gom had said nothing agaist mens Persons but their Opinions and therefore that he had said nothing worthy of Reprehension This gave every man just occasion to think the President was of the Plot. Martinius against this Speech of Gomarus said nothing but that he was sorry that he should have this Reward for his far Journey The Disquisition went on to Thysius who very discreetly told the SYnod he was sorry Martinius should be so exagitated for a speech which according to Martinius his explication was true Just as Thysius was thus speaking Gomarus and Sibrandus who sate next him pulled him by the Sleeve talked to him in a confused angry noise in the hearing and seeing of all the Synod chiding him that he would say so afterwards Thysius with great moderation desired Martinius to give him satisfaction of one or two doubtful Sentences he had delivered which Martinius thanking him for his Courtesie fully did The President was certainly in this Plot against Martinius for at the same time he read out of a Paper publickly a note of all the hard Speeches martinius had used All this while D. Grotius his patience was admired by all men who being so grosly abused and disgraced could get leave of his affections to hold his peace I could pursue these Differences further both in weight and number without any great trouble but that I have some other work to do which is the pressing of some other Conformities between this Synod and the Council the same Arts being used in drawing up the Canons and Conclusions of the one as were observed in the other what care and artifice was used in the Council of Trent so to draw up the Canons and Decrees thereof as to please all the differing Parties hath been already shewn in the third Chapter of this Book And in the History of the Councils we shall find t his passage viz. That immediatly after the Session Fryer Dominicus Soto principal of the Dominicans wrote three Books and did Intitle them of Nature and of Grace for Commentary of this Doctrine and in his Expositions all his Opinions are found When the work was published Hist of the Contr. p. 215. Fryer Andrew Vega the most esteemed of the Franciscans set forth fifteen great Books for Commentaries upon the sixteen Points of that Decree and did expound it all according to his own Opinion which two Opinions saith my Author do not only differ in almost all the Articles but in many of them are expresly contrary A perfect parallel to which we may find in this Synod the conclusions and results whereof being so drawn up for giving satisfaction to the Salapsarians that those of the Supralapsarian Faction might pretend some Title to them also â—rtf A. 9. Concerning which take here this passage from the Arcan Dogm Remonstr long since published where we are told of a
Archbishop Cranmer Bishop Ridley Bishop Hooper c. 9. The Doctrine delivered in the Book of Articles touching the five controverted points 10. An answer to the Objection against these Articles for the supposed want of Authority in the making of them 11. An Objection against King Edwards Catechism mistaken for an Objection against the Articles refelled as that Catechism by John Philpot Martyr and of the delegating of some powers by that Convocation to a choice Committee 12. The Articles not drawn up in comprehensive or ambiguous terms to please all parties but to be understood in the respective literal and Grammatical sense and the Reasons why I Have the longer stood upon the answering of this Objection to satisfie and prevent all others of the like condition in case it should be found on a further search that any of our godly Martyrs or learned Writers who either suffered death before the Reign of Edward VI. or had no hand in the carrying on of the Reformation embraced any opinions in Doctrine or Discipline contrary to the established Rules of the Church of England For otherwise as we must admit all Tyndals Heterodoxies and Friths high flying conceits of Predestination which before we touch'd at so must we also allow a Parity or an Identity rather in Priests and Bishops because John Lambert another of our Godly Martyrs did conceive so of it In the primitive Church saith he there were no more Officers in the Church of God than Bishops and Deacons that is to say Ministers as witnesseth beside Scripture S. Hierom in his Commentaries on the Epistles of S. Paul Whereas saith he that those whom we now call Priests were all one and no other but Bishops and the Bishops no other but Priests men ancient both in age and learning so near as could be chosen nor were they instituted and chosen as they be now a days the Bishop and his Officer only opposing them whether they can construe a Collect but they were chosen also with the consent of the people amongst whom they were to have their living as sheweth S. Cyprian But alack for pity such elections are banished and new fashions brought in By which opinion if it might have served or a Rule to the Reformation our Bishops must have been reduced to the rank of Priests and the right of Presentation put into the hands of the people to the Destruction of all the Patrons in the Kingdom If then the question should be asked as perhaps it may On whom or on whose judgment the hrst Reformers most relied in the weighty business I answer negatively First That they had no respect of Calvin no more than to the judgement of Wicklef Tyndal Barns or Frith whose offered assistance they refused when they went about it of which he sensibly complained unto some of his friends as appears by one of his Epistles I answer next affirmatively in the words of an Act of Parliament 2. 3. Edw. 6. where it is said That they had an eye in the first place to the more pure and sincere Christian Religion taught in the Scriptures and in the next place to the usages of the Primitive Church Being satisfied in both which ways they had thirdly a more particular respect to the Lutheran Plat-forms the English Confession or Book of Articles being taken in many places word for word out of that of Ausberg and a conformity maintained with the Lutheran Churches in Rites and Ceremonies as namely in kneeling at the Communion the Cross in Baptism the retaining of all the ancient Festivals the reading of the Epistles and Gospels on Sundays and Holy-days and generally in the whole Form of External Worship Fourthy in reference to the points disputed they ascribed much to the Authority of Melancthon not undeservedly called the Phoenix of Germany whose assistance they earnestly desired whose coming over they expected who was as graciously invited hither by King Edward the Sixth Regiis literis in Angliam vocari as himself affirms in an Epistle to Camerarius His coming laid aside upon the fall of the Duke of Sommerset and therefore since they could not have his company they made use of his writings for their direction in such points of Doctrine in which they though it necessary for the Church to declare her judgment I observe finally That as they attributed much to the particulars to the Authority of Melancthon so they ascribe no less therein unto that of Erasmus once Reader of the Greek Tongue in Cambridge and afterwards one of the Professors of Divinity there whose Paraphrases on the four Evangelists being translated into English were ordered to be kept in Churches for the use of the People and that they owned the Epistles to be studied by all such as had cure of souls Concerning which it was commanded by the injunctions of King Edward VI. published by the advice of the Lord Protector Somerset and the Privy Council Acts and Mon. fol. 1181. in the first year of the said Kings Reign 1. That they should see provided in some most convenient and open place of every Church one great Bible in English with the Paraphrase of Erasmus in English that the People might reverently without any let read and hear the same at such time as they listed and not to be inhibited therefrom by the Parson or Curate but rather to be the more encouraged and provoked thereunto And 2. That every Priest under the degree of a Batchellour of Divinity should have of his own one New Testament in English and Latine with the Paraphrases of Erasmus upon the same and should diligently read and study thereupon and should collect and keep in memory all such comfortable places of the Scripture as do set forth the Mercy Benefits and Goodness of Almighty God towards all penitent and believing persons that they might thereby comfort their flock in all danger of death despair or trouble of Conscience and that therefore every Bishop in their Institution should from time to time try and examine them how they have profited in their studies A course and care not likely to have entred into the thoughts of the Lord Protector or any of the Lords of the Council if it had not been advised by some of the Bishops who then began to have an eye on the Reformation which soon after followed and as unlikely to be counselled and advised by them had they intended to advance any other Doctrine than what was countenanced in the Writings of that Learned man Whereupon I conclude the Doctrine of the points disputed to be the true and genuine Doctrine of the Church of England which comes most near to the plain sense of holy Scripture the general current of the Fathers in the Primitive times the famous Augustane Confession the Writings of Melancthon and the Works of Erasmus To which Conclusion I shall stand till I find my self encountred by some stronger Argument to remove me from it The ground thus laid I shall proceed unto the Reformation
Clergy Mr. John Hooker Bishop of Gloucester and Martyr of whose Exposition of the Ten Commandments and his short Paraphrase on Romans 13. we shall make frequent use hereafter a man whose works were well approved of by Bishop Ridley the most learned and judicious of all the Prelates who notwithstanding they differed in some points of Ceremony professeth an agreement with him in all points of Doctrine as appears by a Letter written to him when they were both Prisoners for the truth and ready to give up their lives as they after did in defence thereof Now the words of the Letter are as followeth But now my dear Brother forasmuch as I understand by your works which I have but superficially seen that we throughly agree and wholly consent together in those things which are the grounds and substantial points of our Religion Acts and Mon. fol. 1366. against the which the world now so rageth in these our days Howsoever in times past in certain by-matters and circumstances of Religion your wisdom and my simplicity and ignorance have jarred each of us following the abundance of his own sense and judgment Now I say be you assured that even with my whole heart God is the witness in the bowels of Christ I love you in truth and for the truths sake that abideth in us and I am persuaded by the grace of God shall abide in us for evermore The like agreement there was also between Ridley and Cranmer Cranmer ascribing very much to the judgment and opinion of the learned Prelate as himself was not ashamed to confess at his Examination for which see Fox in the Acts and Monuments fol. 1702. By these men and the rest of the Convocation the Articles of Religion being in number 41 were agreed upon ratified by the Kings Authority and published both in Latine and English with these following Titles viz. Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinens A.D. 1552. ad tollendam opinionum dissentionem consensum verae Religionis firmandum inter Episcopos alios eruditos viros convenerat Regia authoritate Londin editi that is to say Articles agreed upon by the Bishops and other learned men assembled in the Synod at London Anno 1552. and published by the Kings Authority for the avoiding of diversities of opinions and for the establishing of consent touching true Religion Amongst which Articles countenanced in Convocation by Queen Elizabeth Ann. 1562. the Doctrine of the Church in the five controverted points is thus delivered according to the form and order which we have observed in the rest before 1. Of Divine Predestination Predestination to life is the everlasting purpose of God whereby before the foundations of the World were laid he hath constantly ordered by his Council Artic. 17. secret unto us to deliver from curse and damnation those whom be hath chosen in Christ out of man-kind and to bring them by Christ to everlasting salvation as vessels made to honour Furthermore we must receive Gods promises in such wise at they be generally set forth to us in holy Scripture and in our doing the will of God that is to be followed which we have expresly declared to us in the Word of God 2. Of the Redemption of the World by the faith of Christ The Son which is the Word begotten of the Father begotten from everlasting of the Father c. and being very God and very Man did truly suffer was Crucified Dead and Buried Artic. 2. to reconcile his Father to us and be a Sacrifice not only for Original guilt but also for the actual sins of men The Offering of Christ once made Artic. 31. is this perfect Redemption Propitiation and Satisfaction to all the sins of the whole world both Original and Actual 3. Of mans will in the state of depraved nature Artic. 9. Man by Original sin is so far gone from Original righteousness that of his own nature be is inclined to evil so that the flesh lusteth always contrary to the Spirit and therefore Works done before the grace of Christ Artic. 13. and the inspiration of his Spirit are not pleasant to God forasmuch as they spring not of faith in Jesus Christ neither do they make men meet to receive grace or as the School Authors say deserve grace of Congruity 4. Of the manner of Conversion The condition of man after the fall of Adam is such that he cannot turn and prepare himself by his own natural strength and good works Artic. 10. to faith and calling upon God wherefore we have no power to do good works pleasant and acceptable to God without the grace of God by Christ preventing us that we may have a good will and working with us when we have that good will 5. Of the uncertainty of Perseverance The Grace of Repentance is not to be denied to such as fall into sin after Baptism in regard that after we have received the Holy Ghost Artic. 16. we may depart from grace given and fall into sin and by the grace of God we may arise again and amend our lives and therefore they are to be condemned which say they can no more sin as long as they live here or deny the place of Repentance to such as truly repent Now in these Articles as in all others of the book there are these two things to be observed 1. What Authority they carried in respect of the making And 2. How we are to understand them in respect of the meaning And first for their Authority it was as good in all regards as the Laws could give them being first treated and agreed upon by the Bishops and Clergy in their Convocation and afterwards confirmed by the Letters Patents of Edw. VI. under the Great Seal of England But against this it is objected That the Records of this Convocation are but a degree above blanks that the Bishops and Clergy then assembled had no Commission from the King to meddle in Church business that the King durst not trust the Clergy of that time in so great a matter on a just jealousie which he had of the ill affections of the major part and therefore the trust of this great business was committed unto some few Confidents cordial to the cause of Religion and not unto the body of a Convocation To which it hath been already answered That the Objector is here guilty of a greater crime than that of Scandalum magnatum making King Edward VI. of pious memory no better than an impious and lewd Impostor in fathering those children on the Convocation which had not been of their begetting For first the Title to the Articles runneth thus at large Articuli de quibus c. as before we had it which Title none durst adventure to set before them had they not really been the products of the Convocation Secondly the King had no reason to have any such jealousie at that time of the major part of the Clergy but that he might
of those godly men which teach us to enquire no further after our Election than as it is to be found in our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ Of which Bishop Latimer in the first place thus viz. Lat. in Serm. on Septuages p. 3. fol. 214. If thou art desirous to know whether thou art chosen to everlasting life thou maist not begin with God for God is too high thou canst not comprehend him the judgments of God are unknown to man therefore thou must not begin there But begin with Christ and learn to know Christ and wherefore that he came namely That he came to save sinners and made himself a subject of the Law and fulfiller of the same to deliver us from the wrath and danger thereof and therefore was crucified for our sins c. Consider I say Christ and his coming and then begin to try thy self whether thou art in the Book of Life or not If thou findest thy self in Christ then thou art sure of everlasting life If thou be without him then thou art in an evil case for it is written nemo venit ad patrem nisi per me that is no man cometh to my Father but through me therefore if thou knowest Christ thou maist know further of thy Election And then in another place When we are troubled within our selves whether we be elected or no we must ever have this Maxim or principal rule before our eyes namely that God beareth a good will towards us God loveth us God beareth a Fatherly heart towards us But you will say How shall I know that or how shall I believe that We may know Gods good will towards us through Christ for so saith John the Evangelist Filius qui est in sinu patris ipse revelavit that is The Son who is in the bosom of the Father he hath revealeed it Therefore we may perceive his good will and love towards us He hath sens the same Son into the World which hath suffered most painful death for us Shall I now think that God hateth me or shall I doubt of his love towards me And in another place Here you see how you shall avoid the scrupulous and most dangerous question of the Predestination of God for if thou wilt enquire into his Councils and search his Consistory thy wit will deceive thee for thou shalt not be able to search the Council of God But if thou begin with Christ and consider his coming into the World and dost believe that God hath sent him for thy sake to suffer for thee and to deliver thee from Sin Death the Devil and Hell Then when thou art so armed with the knowledge of Christ then I say this simple question cannot hurt thee for thou art in the Book of Life which is Christ himself For thus it is writ Sic Deus dilexit mundum that God so entirely loved the World that he gave his only begotten Son to the end that all that believed in him should not perish but have everlasting life whereby appeareth most plainly that Christ is the Book of Life and that all that believe in him are of the same Book and so are chosen to everlasting life for only those are ordained that believe Not stays that godly Bishop here but proceeds after some intervening passages towards this Conclusion Here is now taught you saith he how to try your Election namely in Christ For Christ is the Accompting Book and Register of God and even in the same Book that is Christ are written all the names of the Elect therefore we cannot find our Election in our selves neither yet the high Council of God for inscrutabilia sunt judicia Altissimi Where then shall I find my Election in the Compting Book of God which is Christ c. Agreeable whereunto we find Bishop Hooper speaking thus The cause of our Election is the mercy of God in Christ howbeit he that will be partaker of this Election must receive the promise in Christ by faith for therefore we be Elected because afterwards we are made the Members of Christ So we judge of Election by the event or success that hapneth in the life of man those only to be Elected that by faith apprehend the mercy promised in Christ To the same purpose also but not so clearly and perspicuously speaks the Book of Homilies Hom. of the misery of man fol. 11. where we find it thus viz. That of our selves as in our selves we find nothing whereby we may be delivered from this miserable captivity in which we were cast through the envy of the Devil by breaking Gods Commandment in our first Parent Adam It is the Lord with whom is plenteous Redemption he is the God which of his own mercy saveth us c. not for our own deserts merits or good deeds c. but of his meer mercy freely and for whose sake truly for Christ Jesus sake the pure and undesiled Lamb of God c. for whose sake God is fully pacified satisfied and set at one with man Such is the Doctrine of the Church in the matter of Predestination unto life according to the judgment of these learned men and godly Martyrs who were of such Authority in the Reformation Proceed we next to one of an inferiour Order the testimony of John Bradford Martyr a man in very high esteem with Martin Bucer made one of the Prebends of S. Pauls Church by Bishop Ridley and one who glorified God in the midst of the flames with as great courage as his Patron of whom we find a Letter extant in the Acts and Monuments Fox Acts and Mon. fol. 1505. directed to his friends N. S. and R. C. being at that time not thoroughly instructed in the Doctrine of Gods Election The words of which Letter are as followeth I wish to you my good Brethren the same grace of God in Christ which I wish and pray the Father of mercies to give me for his holy names sake Amen Your Letter though I have not read my self because I would not alienate my mind from conceived things to write to others yet I have heard the sum of it that it is of Gods Election wherein I wil briefly relate to you my faith and how for I think it good and meet for a Christian to wade in I believe that man made after the Image of God did fall from that blessed estate to the condemnation of him and all his posterity I believe that Christ for man being then fallen did oppose himself to the judgment of God as a Mediator paying the ransom and price of Redemption for Adam and his whole Posterity that refuse it not finally I believe that all that believe I speak of such as be of years of discretion are partakers of Christ and all his merits I believe that faith and belief in Christ is the work and gift of God given to no other than to those which be his Children that is to those whom God the Father before the
know withal which that Author doth not that he did truly die and was truly buried ut iratum humano generi Patrem suavissimo sacrificio placaret that by so sweet a Sacrifice he might reconcile his angry and offended Father unto all Man-kind 3. In the third place by asking this question viz. Whether the Spirit alone and Faith sleep we never so securely or stand we never so wreckless or slothful work all things for us as without any help of our own to carry us to Heaven He plainly sheweth first that some me there were who did so conceive it but that they were to be condemned for conceiving so of it And secondly that all men were to lend a helping hand toward their salvation not only by laying hold on Christ with the hand of faith but in being fruitful of good works without which faith is neither to be reckoned true and lively or animated by the Holy Ghost 4. He telleth us finally that the Chuch is the company of them that are called to eternal life by the Holy Ghost by whom she is guided and governed And yet it cannot but be feared that many of those who are called to eternal life by the Holy Ghost and chearfully for a time obey the calling and live continually within the pale of the Church which is guided by the most bllessed Spirit do fall away from God and the grace received and thereby bring themselves into a state of damnation from which they never do recover by sincere repentance As little comfort can be drawn from that Argument by which they hope to make the Articles in these points to speak no otherwise than according to the sense of Martin Bucer Godw. Annal. in Edw. 6. and Peter Martyr by whose Disciples and Auditors they are alledged to have been composed or at the least by such as held consent with them in Doctrine but unto this it hath been answered that our first reformers were Arch-Bishops Deans and Arch-Deacons most of them too old to be ut to School again to either of them Secondly the first Liturgy of King Edward VI. which was the Key to the whole work was finished confirmed and put in execution before either of them were brought over dispatcht soon after their arrival to their several chairs Martyr to the Divinity Lecture in Oxon and Bucer unto that of Cambridge where he lived not long And dying so quickly as he did Luctu Academiae as my Author hath it though he had many Auditors there yet could he not gain many Disciples in so short a time Thirdly that though Peter Martyr lived to see the Death of King Edward and consequently the end of the Convocation Ann. 1552. in which the Articles of Religion were first composed and agreed on yet there was little use made of him in advising and much less in directing any thing which concerned that business for being a stranger and but one and such an one who had no Authority in Church or State he could not be considered as a Master-builder though some use might be made of him as a labourer to advance the work And fourthly as to their consent in point of doctrine it must be granted in such things and in such things only in which hey joyn together against the Papists not in such points wherein those Learned men agreed not between themselves and therefore could be no foundation of consent in others For they who have consulted the Lives and Writings of these Learned men have generally observed that Bucer having spent the most part of his time in the Lutheran Churches was more agreeable to the doctrines which were there maintained as Martyr who was most conversant amongst the Suitzers shewed himself more inclinable to the Zuinglian or Calvinian Tenants And it is generally observed also that Bucer was a man of moderate counsel and for that received a check from Calvin at his first coming hither putting him in remembrance of his old fault for a fault he thought it Mediis consiliis Autorem esse vel approbatorem of being an Author or an approver of such moderate courses as the hot and fiery temper of the Calvinists could by no means like And governing himself with such moderation he well approved of the first Liturgy translated into Latine by Alexander Alesius a learned Scot that he might be the better able to understand the composure of it and pass his judgment on the same accordingly And yet it cannot bedenied but that there are many passages in the first Liturgy which tend directly to the maintenance of universal Redemption by the death of Christ of the co-operation of mans will with the grace of God and finally of the possibility of falling from that grace and other the benefits and fruits thereof before received In which last point it is affirmed that he amongst some others of the Protestant Doctors assented to the Doctrine of the Church of Rome at the Dyet at Ratisbone And it is more than probable that Peter Martyr was not Peter Martyr I mean that he was not the same man as the Zuinglian and Calvinian Doctrine is and his espousing the same being here as he was after his departure when he had spent some further time amongst the Suitzers and was thereby grown a nearer neighbour unto Calvin than he was in England For whereas his book of Common-Places Anti-arm p. 79.83 94 102 103 108 c. and his Commentary to St. Pauls Epistle to the Romans are most insisted on for the proof of his Calvinism it appears plainly by his Epistle to Sir Anthony Coke that the last was not published till the year 1558. which was more than five years after his leaving of this Kingdom And as for his book of Common-Places although it was Printed first at London yet it received afterwards two impressions more the one at Zurick and the other at Basil before the last Edition of it by Massonius after his decease Ann. 1576. By which Edition being that which is in Oxon Library and probably remaining only in the hands of Students or in the private Libraries of Colleges it will be hard if not impossible to judge of his opinion in these points when he lived in England And now Iam fallen amongst these strangers it will not be amiss to consult the Paraphrases of Erasmus in the English tongue Vide Chap. 8. Sect. 3. Chap. 17. Sect. 4. which certainly had never been commended to the reading both of Priest and People as well by the injunctions of Queen Eliz. as K. Edw. VI. if they had contained in them any other Doctrine than what is consonant to the Articles the Homilies and the publick Liturgy of this Church Paraph. Erasm fol. 434. Now in his Paraphrase on the third Chapter of St. John v. 16. we shall find it thus Who saith he would have believed the charity of God to have been so great towards the world being rebellious against him and guilty of so many great faults
that not only he did not revenge the ungracious acts that had been committed therein but also sent down his only Son from Heaven unto Earth and delivered him to suffer death yea even the most shamesful death of the Crost to the intent that what man soever would believe in him were he Jew Grecian or never so barbarous should not perish but obtain eternal life through the faith of the Gospel For albeit that in time to come the Father should judge the universal World by his Son at his lâ—st coming yet at this time which is appointed for mercy God hath not sent his Son to condemnn the World for the wicked deeds thereof but by his death to give free salvation to the world through saith And lest any body perishing wilfully should have whereby to exercise his own malice there is given to all folks an easie entry to salvation For satisfaction of the faults committed before is not required Neither yet observation of the Law nor circumcision only he that believeth in him shall not be condemned for asmuch as he hath embraced that thing by which eternal salvation is given to all folk be they never so much burdened with sins so that the same person after he hath professed the Gospel do abstain from the evil deeds of his former life and labour to go forward to perfect holiness according to the doctrine of him whose name he hath professed But whosoever condemning so great charity of God towards him and putting from himself the salvation that was freely offered doth not believe the Gospel he hath no need to be judged of any body for as much as he doth openly condemn himself and rejecting the thing whereby he might obtain everlasting life maketh himself guilty of eternal pain By which passages and the rest that follow on this Text of Scripture we may have a plain view of the judgment of this learned man in the Points disputed as to the designation of eternal life to all that do believe in Christ the universality of Redemption by his death and passion the general offer of the benefit and effect thereof to all sorts of people the freedom of mans will in co-operating with the grace of God or in rejecting and refusing it when it is so offered and relapsing from the same when it is received All which we find in many other passages of those Paraphrases as occasion is presented to him But more particularly it appears first that he groundeth our Election to eternal life on the eternaland divine prescience of Almighty God telling us in his Explication of the 25. Chap. of Sain Matthews Gospel Ibid. fol. 96. that the inheritance o the heavenly Kingdom was prepared by the providenceand determination of God the fore-knower of all things before the World was made Secondly of Vniversal Redemption in his gloss on the first Chap. of Saint John Ibid. fol. 414. he telleth us thus This Lamb saith he is so far from being subject to an kind of sin that he alone is able to take away all the sins of the whole World He is so well beloved of God that he only may turn his wrath into mercy He is also so gentle and so desirous of mans salvation that he is ready to suffer pains for the sins of all men and to take upon him our evils because he would bestow upon us his good things Thirdly of the manner of the working of Gods grace he speaks as plainly in his Explication of the sixth Chap. of the same Evangelist where he telleth us that of a truth whosoever cometh unto Christ shall obtaineternal life that by faith must men come to him and that faith cometh not at all adventures Ibid. fol. 443. but is had by the inspiration of God the Father who like as he draweth to him mens minds by his Son in such wife that through the operation of both jointly together men come to them both the Father not giving this so great gift but to them that be willing and desirous to have it so that who with a ready will and godly diligence deserves to be drawn of the Father he shall obtain everlasting life by the Son No violent drawing in these words but such as may be capable of resistance on the part of man as appears by his descant on that plain Song of our Saviour in Matt. 23. in which he makes him speaking in this manner unto those of Hierusalem viz. Nothing is let pass on my behalf whereby thou mightest be saved but contrariwise thou hast done what thou canst to bring destruction upon thy self Ibid. fol. 90. and to exclude salvation from thee But to whom Freewill is once given he cannot be saved against his will Your will ought to be agreeable to my Will But behold as miserable calamity c. More plainly thus in the like descant on the same words in Saint Lukes Gospel viz. How many a time and oft have I assaved to gather thy children together and to join them to my self none otherwise than the Hen gathereth her chickens under her wings that they may not miscarry But thy stubbornness hath gone beyond my goodness and as though thou hadst even vowed and devoted thy self to utter ruin so dost thou refuse all things whereby thou mightest be recovered and made whole And finally as to the possibility of falling from the faith of Christ he thus declares himself in the Exposition of our Saviours Parable touching the Sower and the seed viz. There is another sort of men which greedily hear the word of the Gospel Ibid. fol. â— and set it deep enough in their mind and keep it long but their minds being intangled and choaked with troublesom cares of this World and especially of Riches as it were with certain thick thorns they cannot freely follow that he loveth because they will not suffer these Thorns which cleave together and be entangled one with another among themselves to be cut away the fruit of the seed which is sown doth utterly perish Which being so either we must conclude the doctrine of this Church in the book of articles to be the same with that which is contained in the Paraphrases of this learned man or else condemn the godly Bishops of this Church and the religious Princes above mentioned of a great imprudence in recommending them to the diligent and careful reading both of Priest and People Historia Quinqu-Articularis OR A DECLARATION Of the Judgment of the WESTERN-CHVRCHES And more particularly of the CHURCH of ENGLAND In the Five Controverted Points PART III. Containing the first Breakin gs out of the Predestinarians in the Church of England and the pursuance of those Quarrels from the Reign of K. EDWARD the sixth to the death of K. JAMES CHAP. XVI Of the first breakin gs out of the Predestinarians and their Proceedings in the same 1. The Predestinarians called at first by the name of Gospellers 2. Campneys a professed enemy to the Predestinarians but neither
upon so plain a Revelation of Gods secret Will than take up Arms against the Queen depose her from her Throne expel her out of her native Kingdom and finally prosecute her to the very death The Ladder which Constantine the great commended to Assesius a Novatian Bishop for his safer climbing up to Heaven was never more made use of than by Knox and Calvin for mounting them to the sight of Gods secret Council which St. Paul calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or things unspeakable such as are neither possible nor lawful for a man to utter But of all Knox's followers none followed so close upon his heels as Ro. Crowly a fugitive for Religion in Q. Maries days and the Author of a Book called a Confutation of 13 Articles Ibid. p. 18. c. In which he lays the sin of Adam and consequently all mens sins from that time to this upon the Absolute Decree of Predestination for seeing saith he that Adam was so perfect a Creature that there was in him no lust to sin and yet withal so weak of himself that he was not able to withstand the assault of the subtile Serpent no remedy the only cause of his fall must needs be the Predestination of God In other places of this book he makes it to be a common saying of the Free-will men as in contempt and scorn he calls them that Cain was not Predestinate to slay his Brother Ibid. p. 2. ◠which makes it plain that he was otherwise persuaded in his own opinion That the most wicked persons that have been whereof God appointed to be even as wicked as they were that if God do predestinate a man to do things rashly and without any deliberation he shall not deliberate at all but run headlong upon it Ibid. p. 2. 6. be it good or evil That we are compelled by Gods predestination to do those things for which we are damned Ibid. 2.7 Ibid. 46. And finally finding this Doctrine to be charged with making God more cruel and unmerciful than the greatest Tyrant and pressed therewith by some of the contrary persuasion he returns his answer in this wise If God saith he were an inferiour to any superiour power to the which he ought to render an account of his doing or if any of us were not his Creatures but of another Creation besides his workmanship then might we charge him with Tyranny because he condemneth us and appointed us to be punished for the things we do by compulsion through the necessity of his Predestination For a Catholicon or general Antidote to which dangerous Doctrines a new distinction was devised Ibid. p. 4. 47. by which in all abominations God was expresly said to be the Author of the fact or deed but not of the crime which subtilty appeareth amongst many others in a brief Treatise of Election and Reprobation published by one John Veron in the English tongue Ibid. p. 32. about the beginning of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth which subtilty Campneys not unfitly calls a marvellous sophistication a strange Paradox and a cautelous Riddle and he seems to have good reason for it For by this Doctrine as he noteth it must follow that God is the Author of the very fact and deed of Adultery Theft Murder c. but not the Author of the sin Sin having as they say no positive entity but being a meer nothing as it were and therefore not to be ascribed to Almighty God And thereup on he doth infer that when a Malefactor is hanged for any of the facts before said he is hanged for nothing because the fact or deed is ascribed to God and the sin only charged on him which sin being nothing in it self it must be nothing that the Malefactor is condemned or hanged for By all the Books it doth appear what method of Predestination these new Gospellers drive at how close they followed at the heels of their Master Calvin in case they did not go beyond him Certain it is that they all speak more plainly than their Master doth as to the making of God to be the Author of sin though none of them speak any thing else than what may Logically be inferred from his ground and principles And by this book it appeareth also now contrary these Doctrins are to the establish'd by the first Reformers in the Church of England how contrary the whole method of Predestination out of which they flow is to that delivered in the Articles the Homilies and the publick Liturgy and witnessed too by so many learned men and godly Martyrs Which manifest deviation from the rules of the Church as it gave just offence to all moderate and sober men so amongst others unto Campneys before remembred who could not but express his dislike thereof and for so doing was traduced for a Pelagian and a Papist or a Popish Pelagian For which being charged by way of Letter he was necessitated to return an Answer to it which he published in the second or third year of Queen Elizabeth In which Answer he not only clears himself from favouring the Pelagian Errours in the Doctrine of Freewill Justification by Works c. but solidly and learnedly refuteth the Opinions of certain English Writers and Preachers whom he accuseth for teaching of false and scandalous Doctrine under the name of Predestination Ibid. p. 10. Rom. 5. for his preparation whereunto he states the point of Universal Redemption by the death of Christ out of the parallel which St. Paul hath made between Christ and Adam that by the comparison of condemnation in Adam and redemption in Christ it might more plainly be perceived that Christ was not inferiour to Adam nor grace to sin And that as all the generation of man is condemned in Adam so is all the generation of man redeemed in Christ and as general a Saviour is Christ by Redemption as Adam is a condemner by transgression Which ground so laid he shews how inconsistent their Opinions are to the truth of Scripture who found the Doctrine of Election and Reprobation on Gods absolute pleasure by which infinitely the greatest part of all mankind is precedaniously excluded from having any part or interess in this Redemption reprobated to eternal death both in body and soul as the examples of his vengeance and consequently preordained unto sin as the means unto it that so his vengeance might appear with the face of Justice Which preordaining unto sin as it doth necessarily infer the laying of a necessity upon all mens actions whether good or bad according to that predeterminate Counsel and Will of God so these good men the Authors of the books before remembred do expresly grant it acknowledging that God doth not only move men to sin but compel them to it by the inevitable rules of Predestination But against this it is thus discoursed by the said Campneys that if Gods Predestination be the only cause of Adams fall and filthy sin Ibid. p. 51. And
consequenty the only cause and worker of all evil yea even with compulsion and force as they shamefully and plainly affirm then will no man deny but that on the other side Gods Predestination worketh as violently in all things that are good so then if Gods Predestination work all without all exception both in evil and good then all other things whatsoever they be although they all appear to work and do some things yet do they indeed utterly nothing So that the Devil doth nothing Man doth nothing Laws do nothing Doctrine doth nothing Prayer doth nothing but Gods Predestination doth all together and is the efficient cause yea and the only cause of all things He further proves that according unto this position August Retrac l. a. c. 9. 11. they hold the Errour both of the Stoicks as also of the Manicheans that is to say Ibid. p. 26. as St. Augustine declareth that evil hath his original of Gods Ordinance and not of mans freewill for if Murtherers Adulterers Thieves Traitors and Rebels be of God predestinated and appointed to be wicked even as they are cannot chuse but of meer necessity by the Ordinance of God commit all such wickedness even as they do then what is our life but a meer destiny All our doing Gods Ordinances and all our imaginations branches of Gods Predestination And then we must have Thieves by Predestination Whoremasters and Adulterers by Predestination Murderers and Traitors by Predestination and indeed what not if all mens actions are necessitated by the Will of God and so necessitated that they can neither do less evil nor more good than they do though they should never so much endeavour it as some of our Calvinians teach us which Opinion as Campneys hath observed Ibid. p. 45. is condemned by Prosper of Aquitane in his defence of St. Augustine in these following words Predestinationem dei sive ad malum sive ad bonum c. Prosp 1. Resp ad Object Gal. 6. That the predestination of God saith he doth work in all men either into good or into evil is most foolishly said As though a certain necessity should drive men unto both seeing in good things the evil is not to be understood wthout grace and in evil things the evil is to be understood without grace And so much touching Campneys and his performance in the points against the Gospellers some passages having before been borrowed from him concerning Lambert Gynnel and his Adherents For which see Chap. 6. Numb 11. No sooner was this book come out but it gave a very strong alarum to those of the Calvinian party within this Realm which had been very much encreased by the retiring of so many of our learned men to the Zuinglian and Genevian Churches in Queen Maries days amongst which none more eager because more concerned than Veron Crowly above mentioned The first of these being reader of the Divinity Lecture in the Church of St. Pauls and one of the Chaplains to the Queen published his Answer shortly after called An Apology or Defence of the Doctrine of predestination and dedicated to the Queen in which Answer he gives his Adversary no better Titles than the blind guide of the free-will men p. 37. A very Pelagian and consequently a Rank Papist p. 40. Suffering the Devil by such sectaries as Campneys to sow his lyes abroad c. and 41. The Standard-bearer of the free-will men His book he calls a venomous and Railing book upbraids him with his bearing of a faggot in King Edwards days and challenging him that if he be able to maintain his own Doctrine and oppose that in the answer to it let him come forth and play the man Nor was it long before another Answer came out by the name of Crowly called an Apology or defence of the English Writers and Preachers with Cerberus the three headed dog of Hell Chargeth with false Doctrine under the name of Predestination printed at London in the year 1566. And by the Title of this Book as we may see with what a strange Genius the Gospellers or Calvinians were possessed from the first beginning we may well conjecture at the Gentle usage which the poor man was like to find in the whole Discourse But if it be objected in favour of these two books that they were published by Authority and according to Order when that of Campneys seems to have been published by stealth without the Name of Author or of Printer as is affirmed in Verons book before remembred It may be since answered that the Doctrine of the Church was then unsetled the Articles of King Edwards time being generally conceived to be out of force and no new established in their place when Veron first entred on the cause And secondly it may be answered that though Crowlyes Apology came not out till the year 1566 when the new Articles were agreed upon yet his Treatice called a Confutation of thirteen Articles which gave occasion to the Quarrel had been written many years before And he conceived himself obliged to defend his Doctrine and get as good countenance to it as he could within a time especially intent on suppressing Popery might be no hard matter for him to do And as to that part of the Objections which relate to Campneys and his suppessing of his Name I look upon it as a high part of wisdom in him in regard of the great sway which the Calvinians had at their first coming over the prejudice conceived against him for his slips and sufferings in the Reign of K. Edward and the Authority of the men against whom he writ Veron a Chaplain to the Queen Crowly of great esteem in London for his diligent preaching and Knox the great Directer of the Kirk of Scotland CHAP. XVII Of the Disputes among the Confessors in Prison in Queen Maries days and the Resetling of the Church on her former Principles under Queen Elizabeth 1. The Doctrine of Predestination disputed amongst the Confessors in Prison in Queen Maries days 2. The Examination of John Carelese before Dr. Martin in reference to the said Disputes 3. Considerations on some passages in the Conference betwixt Dr. Martin and the said John Carelese 4. Review made of the publick Liturgy by the command of Queen Elizabeth and the Paraphrases of Erasmus commended to the reading both of Priest and People 5. The second book of Homilies how provided for and of the liberty taken by the Gospellers and Zuinglian Sectaries before the reviewing and confirming of the Book of Articles by the Queens Authority 6. Of the reviewing and authority of the Book of Articles Anno 1562. and what may be from thence inferred 7. An answer from the Agreement drawn from the omitting the ninth Article of King Edwards Book the necessity of giving some content to the Zuinglian Gospellers and difficulty wherewith they were induced to subscribe the Book at the first passing of the same 8. The Argument taken from some passages in
Justif of the Fath. pref maintaineth in his Catechism a Doctrine contrary to that which the Arminians as some call them do now contend for and that it is not to be thought that he and others engaged with them in the same convocation were either so ignorant as not to understand what they put into the Articles or so infatuated by God to put in things quite contrary to their own judgments which being supposed or took for granted we are directed to his Catechism written in the English tongue and dedicated from the two Archbishops from which the Objector hath abstracted these two passages following viz. To the Church do all they properly belong as many as do truly fear honour and call upon God altogether applying their minds to live holily and godly and with putting all their trust in God do most assuredly look for the blessedness of eternal life They that be stedfast stable and constant in this faith where chosen and appointed and as we term it predestinate to this so great felicity p. 44. The Church is the body of the Christian Common-wealth i. e. the universal number and fellowship of the faithful whom God through Christ hath before all beginning of time appointed to everlasting life Such are the passages in this Catechism from which the Objector hath concluded that Mr. Nowel had no communion with Arminians as some please to call them And to say truth he could have no communion with the Arminians as some please to call them though he had desired it Arminius being not born or but newly born when Mr. Nowel wrote that Catechism and Mr. Nowel had been dead some years before the name of an Arminian had been heard in England But unto this it hath been answered that looking upon Mr. Nowel in his publick capacity as he was Prolocutor to that Convocation it cannot be denied but that he was as like to undersTand the conduct of all affairs therein as any other whatsoever And yet it cannot rationally be inferred from thence that therefore nothing was concluded in that Convocation which might be contrary to his own judgment for a private person admitting that he was inclined to Calvin in the points disputed as he was not neither For had he been of his opinion the spirit of that Sect is such as could not be restrained from shewing it self dogmatical and in terms express and not occasionally only and on the by as in the Catechism now before us and that too in full general terms that no particular conclusion can be gathered from them Justif of the Fath. pref It hath been answered again thus that the Articles in the five points being the same with those in King Edwards book and so confessed by the Objector and no new sense being put upon them by the last establishment they must be understood no otherwise than according to the judgment of those learned men and godly Maryrs before remembred who had before concurred unto the making of them from which if Mr. Nowels sense should differ in the least degree it is to be lookt upon as his own not the sense of the Church And thirdly it hath been observed that the Catechism to which we are referred for the former passages is not the same with that which is authorized to be taught in the Grammar Schools in Greek and Latine nor the same which was published with the consent of the Author in the English tongue Ann. 1572. but a Catechism of a larger size yet of less authority out of which the other was extracted such points as were superfluous and not well expressed not being reduced into the same And somewhat certainly there was in it which rendred it uncapable of any further editions and not thought fit to be translated into Latine though such a translation of it was propounded to the Archbishops Bishops in the Epistle Dedicatory to the shorter English And though to let us know what Catechism it is he means he seems to distinguish it from the other it being dedicated to the two Archbishops Yet that doth rather betray the Objectors ignorance than advance his cause the Authors own Latine Edition and the English of it beign dedicated to the two Archbishops as well as that But since he hath appealed to the larger Catechism to the larger Catechism let him go in which he cannot so much as find one single question touching the Doctrine of Predestination or the points depending thereupon and therefore is necessitated to have recourse unto the Articles of the Catholick Church the members and ingredients of it from whence he doth extract the two former passages And then again we are to note that the first of the two passages not being to be found in the Latine Edition nor the English translation of the same is taken almost word for word out of Nowels Catechism therefore to be understood in no other sense than before it was when it was perused and approved by the Bishops and other Learned men of King Edwards time And thirdly there is nothing in all that passage which justifieth the absolute and irrespective decree of the Predestinarians or the restraining of hte benefit of our Saviours sufferings to a few particulars nothing of Gods invincible working on the hearts of his chosen ones or the impossibility of mans co-operating any further in his resurrection from the death of sin to the life or righteousness than in that of his body from the grave to the life of glory nothing that teacheth any such certainly or infallibly of persevering in the faith and favour of God as all the sins of the world are not able to deprive them of it but that they shall must necessarily be brought again into the place and station from which they had fallen And as for the last of the said two passages being the very same with that in the Authors Latine and the English translation of the same there is nothing in it which either a true English Protestant or a Belgick Remonstrant may not easily grant and yet preserve himself from falling into Calvinism in any of the points disputed For granting that the Church is the universal number and fellowship of all the faithful whom God through Christ hath before all beginning of time appointed to everlasting life Yet must it so be understood that either they were appointed to eternal life upon the supposition of their faith and repentance which may extend to the including of all those who are called to the external participation of the Word and Sacraments or else that it is meant especially of such as are appointed from all eternity to life everlasting without excluding any from the Dignity of being members of the Church who have received the outward call and openly joyn with them in all publick duties and thereby pass in common estimate amongst the faithful Believers And then this definition will afford no comfort to our modern Calvinists or create any inconvenience unto those whom they call Arminians CHAP.
University For if it had been so appointed by the University he would have been rewarded for it by the same power and authority which had so appointed when he appeared a Candidate for the Professorship on the death of Whitacres but could not find a party of sufficient power to carry it for him of which see also Chap. 21. Numb 4. And thirdly as for the not Priting of the Sermon it is easily answered the genius of the time not carrying men so generally to the Printing of Sermons as it hath done since But it was Printed at the last though long first And being Printed at the last hath met with none so forward in the Confutation as Mr. Wotton is affirmed to be when at first it was Preached And therefore notwithstanding these three surmises which the Author of the Perpetuity c. hath presented to us it may be said for certain as before it was that Mr. Harsnet was never called in question for that Sermon of his by any having Authority to convent him for it and much less that he ever made any such Recantation as by the said Author is suggested In the next place we will behold a passage in one of the Lectures upon Jonah delivered at York Anno 1594. by the right learned Dr. John King discended from a Brother of Robert King the first Bishop of Oxon afterwards made Dean of Christ Church and from thence presented by the power and favour of Archbishop Bancroft to the See of London A Prelate of too known a zeal to the Church of England to be accused of Popery or any other Heterodoxies in Religion of what sort soever who in his Lecture on these words Yet forty days and Nineveh shall be overthrown cap. 3. verse 4. discoursed on them in this manner The only matter of Question herein Bishop King's Lecture upon Jonath Lect. 33. p. 450. is how it may stand with the constancy and truth of eternal God to pronounce a Judgment against a place which taketh not effect within one hundred years For either he weas ignorant of his own time which we cannot imagine of an omniscient God or his mind was altered which is unproble to suspect Numb 23. Heb. 13. Rev. 1. For is the strength of Israel a man that he should lie or as the Son of man that be should repent Is he not yesterday and to day and the same for ever that was that is and that which is to come I mean not only in substance but in Will and Intention Doth he use lightness Are the words that he speaketh yea and nay Doth he both affirm and deny too 2 Cor. 1. Are not all his Promises are not all his Threatnings are not all his Mercies are not all his Judgments are not all his Words are not all the titles and jots of his words yea and amen so firmly ratified that they cannot be broken Doubtless it shall stand immutable When the Heaven and the Earth shall be changed Mal. 3. and wax old like a garment Ego Deus non mutor I am God that am not changed Aliud mutare voluntatem aliud velle mutationem Aquin 1. qu. 19. art 7. The School in this respect hath a wise distinction It is one thing to change the will and another to will a change or to be willed that a change should be God will have the Law and Ceremony at one time Gospel without Ceremony at another this was his Will from Everlasting constant and unmoveable that in their several courses both should be Though there be a change in the matter and subject there is not a change in him that disposeth it Our Will is in Winter to use the fire in Summer a cold and an open air the thing is changed according to the season but our Will whereby we all decreed and determined in our selves so to do remain the same Sometimes the Decrees and purposes of God consist of two parts the one whereof God revealeth at the first and the other he concealeth a while and keepeth in his own knowledge as in the action enjoyned to Abraham the purpose of God was twofold 1. To try his Obedience 2. To save the Child A man may impute it inconstancy to bid and unbid Mutat seo tentiam non mutat consilium lib. 10. mor. cap. 23. but that the Will of the Lord was not plenarily understood in the first part This is it which Gregory expresseth in apt terms God changeth his intent pronounced sometimes but never his Counsel intended Sometimes things are decreed and spoken of according to inferiour cause which by the highest and over-ruling cause are otherwise disposed of One might have said and said truly both ways Lazarus shall rise again and Lazarus shall not rise again if we esteem it by the power and finger of God it shall be but if we leave it to nature and to the arm of flesh it shall never be The Prophet Esay told Hezekias the King put thy house in order Esa 38. for thou shalt die considering the weakness of his body and the extremity of his disease he had reason to warrant the same but if he told him contrariwise according to that which came to pass thou shalt not die looking to the might and merecy of God who received the prayers of the King he had said as truly But the best definition is that in most of these threatning there is a condition annexed unto them either exprest or understood which is as the hinges to the door Jer. 18. and turneth forward and backward the whole matter In Jeremy it is exprest I will speak suddenly against a Nation or a Kingdom to pluck it up to root it out and to destroy it But if this Nation Jer. 18. against whom I have pronounced turn from their wickedness I will repent of the plague which I thought to bring upon them So likewise for his mercy I will speak suddenly concerning a Nation and concerning a Kingdom to build it and to plant it but if yet do evil in my sight and hear not my voice I will repent of the good I thought to do for them Gen. 20. it is exprest where God telleth Abimeleck with-holding Abrahams Wife Thou art a dead man because of the Woman which thou hast taken the event fell out otherwise and Abimeleck purged himself with God With an upright mind and innocent hands have I done this There is no question but God inclosed a condition with his speech Thou art a dead man if thou restore not the Woman withoput touching her body and dishonouring her Husband Thus we may answer the scruple by all these ways 1. Yet forty days and Nineveh shall be overthrown and yet forty and forty days and Nineveh shall not be overthrown Wy Because Nineveh is changed and the unchangable will of God ever was that if Nineveh shewed a change it should be spared 2. There were two parts of Gods purpose the one disclosed
touching the subversion of Nineveh the other of her conversion kept within the heart of God Whereupon he changed the sentence pronounced but not the counsel whereunto the sentence weas referred 3. If you consider Nineveh in the inferiour cause that is in the deservings of Inineveh it shall fall to the ground but if you take it in the superiour cause in the goodness and clemency of Almighty God Nineveh shall escape Lastly the judgment was pronounced with a condition reserved in the mind of the judge Nineveh shall be overthrown if it repent not Now he that speaketh with condition may change his mind without suspition of lightness 2 Cor. 1. As Paul promised the Corinthians to come to them in his way towards Macedonia and did it not For he evermore added in his soul that condition which no man must exclude if it stand with the pleasure of God and he hinder me not Philip threatned the Lacedemonians that if he invaded their Country he would utterly extinguish them They wrote him no other answer but this If meaning it was a condition well put in because he was never like to come amongst them Si nisi non esset perfectum quidlibet esset If it were not for conditions and exceptions every thing would be perfect but nothing more unperfect than Nineveh if this secret condition of the goodness of God at the second hand had not been So far this Reverend Prelate hath discoursed of the nature of Gods decrees and accommodated his discourse thereof to the case of the Ninevites Let us next see how far the principal particulars of the said discourse and the case of the Ninevites it self my be accommodated to the Divine decree of Predestination concerning which the said Reverend Prelate was not pleased to declare his judgment either as being impertinent to the case which he had in hand or out of an unwillingness to engage himself in those disputes which might not suddenly be ended All that he did herein was to take care for laying down such grounds in those learned Lectures by which his judgment might be guessed at though not declared As Dr. Peter Baroe of whom more hereafter declared his judgment touching the Divine Decrees in the said case of the Ninevites before he fell particularly on the Doctrine of Predestination as he after did And first as for accommodating the case of the Ninevites to the matter which is now before us we cannot better do it than in the words of Bishop Hooper so often mentioned who having told us that Esau was no more excluded from the promise of grace than Jacob was Pres to his Expos on the ten Commandments proceedeth thus viz. By the Scripture saith he it seemeth that the sentence of God was given to save the one and damn the other before the one loved God or the other hated him Howbeit these threatnings of god against Esau if he had not of his wilful malice excluded himself from the promise of grace should no more have hindred his salvation than Gods threatnings against Nineveh which notwithstanding that God said should be destroyed within forty days stood a great time after and did penance Esau was circumcised and presented unto the Church of God by his Father Isaac in all external Ceremonies as well as Jacob. And that his life and conversation was not as agreeable unto justice and equity as Jacobs was the sentence of God unto Rebecca was not in the fault but his own malice Out of which words we may observe first that the sentence of God concerning Esau was not the cause that his conversation was so little agreeable to justice and equity no more than the judgment denounced against the Ninevites could have been the cause of their impenitency if they had continued in their sins and wickednesses without repentance contrary to the Doctrine of the Gospellers in Queen Maries days imputing all mens sins to Predestination Secondly that Gods threatnings against Esau supposing them to be tanta-mount to a reprobation could no more have hindred his salvation than the like threatning against the Ninevites could have sealed to them the assurance of their present destruction if he had heartily repented of his sins as the Ninevites did And therefore thirdly as well the decree of God concerning Esau as that which is set out against the Ninevites are no otherwise to be understood than under the condition tacitly annexed unto them that is to say that the Ninevites should be destroyed within forty days if they did not repent them of their sins and that Esau should be reprobated to eternal death if he gave himself over to the lusts of a sensual appetite Which if it be confessed for true as I think it must then fourthly the promises made by God to Jacob and to all such as are beloved of God as Jacob was and consequently their election unto life eternal are likewise to be understood with the like condition that is to say if they repent them of their sins and do unfainedly believe his holy Gospel The like may be affirmed also in all the other particulars touching Gods decrees with reference to the Doctrine of Predestination which are observed or accommodated by that learned Prelate in the case of the Ninevites had I sufficient time and place to insist upon them CHAP. XIX Of the first great breach which was made in the Doctrine of the Church by whom it was made and what was done towards the making of it up 1. Great alterations made in the face of the Church from the return of such Divines as had withdrawn themselves beyond Sea in the time of Queen Mary with the necessity of imploying them in the publick service if otherwise of known zeal against the Papists 2. Several examples of that kind in the places of greatest power and trust in the Church of England particularly of Mr. Fox the Martyrologist and the occasion which he took of publishing his opinion in the point of Predestination 3. His notes on one of the Letter of John Bradford Martyr touching the matter of election therein contained 4. The difference between the Comment and the Text and between the Author of the Comment and Bishop Hooper 5. Exceptions against some passages and observations upon others in the said Notes of Mr. Fox 6. The great breach made hereby in the Churches Doctrine made greater by the countenance which was given to the Book of Acts and Monuments by the Convocation An. 1571. 7. No argument to be drawn from hence touching the approbation of his doctrine by touching the approbation of his doctrine by that Convocation no more than for the Approbation of his Marginal Notes and some particular passages in it disgraceful to the Rites of the Church attire of the Bishops 8. A counterballance made in the Convocation against Fox his Doctrine and all other Novelisms of that kind IT was not long that Queen Mary sate upon the Throne and yet as short time as it was it gave
occasion to these controversies many appearing in defence of Perkins and his Opinions which afterwards involved the Sublapsarians in the self same quarrel Hal. in Holy State p. 50. Amongst our selves it was objected That his Doctrine referring all to an absolute decree ham-string'd all industry and cut off the sinews of mens endeavours towards salvation for ascribing all to the wind of Gods Spirit which bloweth where it listeth he leaveth nothing to the cares of mens diligence either to help or hinder to the attaining of happiness but rather opens a wide door to licentious security Absolv contr Tompsoni Diatrib But none of all our English was so sharp in their censures of him as Dr. Robert Abbot then Dr. of the Chair in Oxon and not long after Bishop of Sarum who in his book against Thompson though otherwise inclined too much to Calvins Doctrines gives this judgment of Mr. Perkinsius viz. Alioqui eruditus pius in discriptione Divinae Praedestinationis quam ille contra nostram contra veteris Ecclesiae fidem citra lapsum Adami absolute decretum constituit erravit errorem non levem cujus adortis quibusdam viris inita jamdudum suscepta defensio turbas ecclesiis non necessarias dedit quas etiamnum non sine scandalo periculo haerere videmus dum viam quisque quam ingressus est sibi ante tenendum judicat quam ductam sacrarum literarum authoritate lineam veritatis tanquam filum Ariadnaeum sibi ducem faciat that is to say Perkins though otherwise a godly and learned man in his description of Divine Predestination which contrary not only to the Doctrine of the primitive times but also unto that of the Church of England he builds upon an absolute decree of Almighty God without reference to the Fall of Adam ran himself into no small error The defence whereof being undertaken by some learned men hath given the Church some more than necessary troubles which still continued not without manifest scandal and danger to it whilst every one doth rather chuse to follow his own way therein than suffer himself to be guided in the Labyrinth by the line of truth as by the Clew of Ariadne drawn from the undeniable Authority of holy Scriptures And so I leave the man with this observation that he who in his writings had made the infinitly greatest part of all man-kind uncapable of Gods grace and mercy by an absolute and irrespective decree of Reprobation who in expounding the Commandments when he was Catechist of Christs Colledge in Cambridge did lay the Law so home in the ears of his Auditors that it made their hearts fall down Holy State p. 90. and yea their hair to stand almost upright and in his preaching use to pronounce the word Damned with so strong an Emphasis that it left an eccho in the ears of his hearers a long time after this man scarce lived out half his days being no more than forty-four years of age from the time of his death at the pangs conducing unto which he was noted to speak nothing so articulately as Mercy Mercy which I hope God did graciously vouchsafe to grant him in that woful Agony But to proceed this Doctrine finding many followers and Whitacres himself then Dr. of the Chair in Cambridge concurring in opinion with him it might have quickly over-spread the whole University had it not been in part prevented and in part suppressed by the care and diligence of Dr. Baroe and his Adherents who being a French man born of eminent piety and learning and not inclinable at all unto Calvins Doctrines had been made the Lady Margarets Professor for the University somewhat before the year 1574. For in that year he published his Lectures on the Prophet Jonah In one of which being the 29th in number he discourseth on these words of the Prophet viz. Baroe Fraelect 29. p. 216. Yet forty days and Nineveh shall be destroyed cap. 3. ver 4. where we find it thus Haec denunciatio non est quasi Proclamatio decreti divini absoluti sed quaedam patio praeponendae divinae voluntatis qua Deus eorum animos flectere voluit quare haec oratio etsi simplex absoluta videatur tacitam tamen habet conditionem nisi rescipiscant namque hanc in esse conditionem eventus comprobavit The denouncing of this Judgment saith that learned man is not to be beheld as the publication of one of Gods absolute Decrees but only as a form observed in making Gods Will known unto them by which he meant to put them to it and rouse their spirits to Repentance Therefore saith he although the Denunciation of the following Judgment seem to be simply positive and absolute yet hath it notwithstanding this Condition that is to say unless they do repent included in it for that such a Condition was included in it the event doth shew which said he leads us on to the denouncing of the like Judgment on the house of Abimelech which he had before in Dr. King Chap. 18. Num. 11. who herein either followed Baroe or at the least concurred in Opinion with him And in the next place he proceeds a little further than the case of the Ninevites Baroe Prael â—i 32. p. 217. touching upon the point of Election unto life Eternal by the most proper superstructure could be laid upon such a foundation Dei voluntas non erat ut perirent si rescipiscerent non vult enim mortem preccatoris sed ut convertatur Et rursus Dei erat voluntas ut perirent nisi rescipiscerent Haec enim duo unum sunt ut Dei voluntas est ut vitam habeamus si credamus Et Dei voluntas non est ut vitam habeamus nisi credamus aut si credentes perseveremus non autem si aliquandiu credentes non perseveremus that is to say It was not the Will of God that they should perish if they did repent For God desireth not the death of a sinner but rather that he be converted and live and yet it was his will that they should perish if they did not repent for these two are one as for Example It is the Will of God saith he that we should have eternal life if we believe and constantly persevere in the faith of Christ And it it is not the will of God that we should have eternal life if we do not believe or believing only for a time do not persevere therein to the end of our lives which point he further proves by the condition of the Message sent from God to Hezekiah by the Prophet Isaiah 2 Kings 20.1 as before was said in Dr. King For which together with the rest of his discourse upon that occasion concerning the consistency of these alterations with the immutability or unchangeableness of Almighty God I shall refer the Reader to the book it self So far that learned man had declared himself upon occasion of that Text and the case
the good and gracious but even to cruel Princes and ungodly Tyrants 4. With Answer unto such Objections as are made against it 5. The Principles of Disobedience in the supposal of some popular Officers ordained of purpose te regulate the power of Kings 6. How much the practice of Calvin's followers doth differ from their Masters Doctrine in the point of Obedience 7. Severasl Articles and points of Doctrine wherein the Disciples of Calvin are departed from him 8. More of the differences in point of Doctrine betwixt the Master and his Scholars 9. The dangerous consequences which arise from his faulty Principles in the point or Article of Disobedience 10. The method and distribution of the following Work SOME Writers may be likened unto Jeremies Figs of which the Prophet saith that if they were good they were very good Jerem. 24.4 if evil very evil such as could not be eaten they were so evil Of such a tempera nd esteem was Origen amongst the Ancients of whom it was observed not without good cause that in his Expositions of the Book of God and other learned Tractates which he writ and published where he did well none could do it better and where he failed at all no man erred more grosly And of this sort and composition was Mr. Calvin of Geneva than whom there is not any Minister of the Reformed Churches beyond the Seas who hath more positively expresly laid down the Doctrine of Obedience unto Kings and Princes and the unlawfulness of Subjects taking Arms against their Soveraign nor opened a more dangerous gap to disobedience and rebellions in most States of Christendom In which it is most strange to see how prone we are such is the frailty and corruption of our sinful nature to refuse the good and choose the evil to take no notice of his words when it most concerns us when we are plainly told our duties both to God and man and on the other side to take his words for Oracles his Judgment for infallible all his Geese for Swans when he saith any thing which may be useful to our purposes or serve to the advancement of our lewd designs The credit and authority of the man was deservedly great amongst the people where he lived and in short time of such authority and esteem in the World abroad that his works were made the only Rule to which both Discipline and Doctrine was to be conformed and if a Controversie did arise either in points Dogmatical or a case of Conscience his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was sufficient to determine in it at least to silence the gainsayers And as it is observed in the works of Nature that corruptio optimi est pessima and that the sweetest meats make the sourest exrements so the opinion and esteem which some of the Reformed Churches and conceived of him which to say the truth was great and eminent and the ill use they made of some words and passages in his Writings which most unfortunately served to advance their purposes in his Writings which most unfortunately served to advance their purposes have been the sad occasion of those Wars and miseries which almost all the Western parts of Christendom have been so fatally involved in since the times he lived Which words and passage as they are cautelously laid down and compassed round with many fair expressions of affection to the Supream Powers that they might pass without discovery and be the sooner swallowed by unwary men so by his followers who are exceeding wise in their Generations have they been hidden and concealed with all art that may be For though they build their dangerous Doctrines upon his foundation and toss this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this ball of discord and dissension from one hand to another yet do they very cunningly conceal their Author and never use his name to confirm their Tenets And this they do upon this reason that if their Doctrine give offence unto Christian Princes and any of their Pamphlets be to feel the fire or otherwise come under any publick censure as not lonce since hapned to Paraeus the Patron of their Sect might escape untouched and his authority remain unquestioned to give new life unto their hopes at another time In which respects and withal seeing that the heads of this monstrous Hydra of sedition do grow the faster for the cutting and that the lopping off the Branches keeps the Trunk the fresher I shall pass by the petit Pamphleters of these times and strike directly at the head and without medling with the boughs or branches will lay my Ax immediately to the root of the Tree and bring the first Author of these factious and Antimonarchical Principles which have so long disturbed the peace of Christendom to a publick trial A dangerous and invidious undertaking I must needs confess but for my Countreys and the truths sake I will venture on it and in pursuance of the same will first lay down the doctrine of Obedience as by him delivered which I shall faithfully translate without gloss or descant and next compare his Doctrine with our present practice noting wherein his Scholars have forsaken their Master with application unto those who do most admire him and finally I shall discover and remove that Stumbling-block which he hath cunningly laid before us but hid so secretly that it can hardly be discerned at which so many a man hath stumbled both to the breaking of his own neck and his Neighbours too This is the race that I am to run the prize I aim at is no other than forasmuch as in me lieth to do good to all men to those especially who think themselves to be of the houshold of Faith And therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Let us on in Gods Name Subditorum erga suos Magistratus Officium primum est de eorum functione quà m honorificientissimè sentire Calvin Instit l. 4. c. 20. fect 22. c. the first duty of the Subjects towards their Magistrates is to think wondrous honourably of their place and function which they acknowledg to be a jurisdiction delegated by Almighty God and therefore are by consequence to respect and reverence them as the Ministers and Deputies of God For some there are who very dutifully do behave themselves towards their Magistrates and would have all men do the like because they think it most expedient for the Common-wealth and yet esteem no otherwise of them than of some necessary evils which they cannot want 1 Pet. 2.17 Prov. 24.21 But St Peter looks for more than this when he commandeth us to honour the King and so doth Solomon also where he requires us to fear God and the King For the first under the term of honouring comprehends a good esteem a fair opinion the other joyning God and the King together shews plainly that in the person of a King there is a Ray of sacred majesty And that of Paul is richly worth our observation Rom. 13.5 where
together Ex hisce simul sanè ex primo secundo libro hoc satis puto constabit per Annos amplius M. M. M. M. tam sacrorum regimen qua forense esset atque à functione facrâ ritè distinctum quam profanorum five res spectes five personas juxta jus etiam divinum ex Ecclesiae Judaicae populorumque Dei anteriorum disciplinâ perpetuâ ad eosdem attinuisse judices seu Magistratus ejusdem Religionis atque ad synedria eadem neutiquam omnino ex juris istius instituto aliquo sacrorum prosanorum instar Ecclesiarum seu Spiritualium laicorum seu teorporalium Nominibus nullatenus discriminata Seld. de syn praefat libr. secundi And so it did till Pope Nicolas made the one independent upon the other So that their disunion is a Popish Innovation for till his time the Judges of Church and State ever sate together affairs Sacred and Religious were scan'd and determined in the morning and those that were Secular and Civil in the afternoon There was not till that time any clashing between Moses and Aaron no prohibitions out of one Court to stop or evacuate the proceedings of another and then it was that Justice run down like a stream and Righteousness like a mighty River If it be said that there are many corruptions among Church-men and especially in Ecclesiastical Courts The answer is That Callings must be distinguish'd from persons or else those two noble professions of Law and Physick will fall under the same condemnation with Divinity No man of any sobriety will condemn either of those professions because there are some Empericks in the World who kill mens Bodies and some Petifoggers that intangle and ruine their Estates And I hope Divines may have some grains of allowance granted them as well as the Inns of Court and Chancery and the College of Physicians if they cannot let that Calling which is most innocent cast the first stone It cannot be hoped that there will in this Age be a Revival of the primitive usage of these two Jurisdictions But yet this ought to be seriously regarded by all who have any belief of a Deity and regard for their native Country I mean that either our English Monarchs might be totally excused from their Coronation-Oath or not be put upon a necessity of violating thereof Their Oath in favour of the Clergy is that they will grant and keep the Laws Customs and Franchises granted to the Clergy by the glorious King St. Edward their Predecessor according to the Laws of God Rushw Hist Collect. part 1◠pag. 204. the true profession of the Gospel established in this Kingdom agreeable to the Prerogative of the Kings thereof and the Ancient customs of the Realm But how this Oath is observed when the Bishops are infringed in their ancient and indisputable priviledges let it be considered by all persons of sober mind and principles And let it be declared what order of men in the whole Nation the King can rely upon with so much safety and confidence as upon the Bishops and that not only upon the account of their Learning Wisdom Sanctity and Integrity qualifications not every day to be met withal in State-Politicians but upon the score of Gratitude and Interest For 't is from their Prince that they derive their Honours Dignities Titles Revenues Priviledges Power Jurisdictions with all other secular advantages and upon this account there is greater probability that they will be faithful to his Concerns and Interests than those who receive nothing from him but the common advantages of Government But this argument is known too well by our Anti-Episcopal Democraticks And perhaps 't is the chief if not the only reason of their enmity against an Order of men of so sacred and venerable an Institution As for this little Treatise the Author of it is too well known unto this Nation to invite any Scholar to peruse it It was written when the Bishops were Voted by the House of Lords not to be of the Committee in the Examination of the Earl of Strafford For then it was that Dr. Heylyn considered the case and put these few Sheets as a MSS. into the hands of several of the Bishops that they might be the better enabled to assert and vindicate their own Rights It was only intended for private use and therefore the Reader is not to expect so punctual an accuracy as he may find in other Treatises of this Learned Author It has been perused by some persons of good Eminency for judgment and station in the Church of England and by them approved and commended All that is wished by the Publisher is that it may produce the effects which he proposes to himself in exposing it to publick view and that those Lords who are now Prisoners in the Tower and from whose tryal some have laboured to exclude the Bishops were able to give unto the World as convincing Evidence of their Innocency as that great and generous States man did who fell a Sacrifice to a prevailing Faction and whose Innocent Blood was so far from being a lustration to the Court as some thought it would have proved as it drew after it such a deluge of Gore as for many preceding years had never been spilt in this Kingdom But 't is not my design or desire to revive any of the Injustice or Inhumanities of the last Age. Suffice it to say that it was for this Apostolical Government of Bishops that King Charles the First lost his Kingdoms his Crown his Life And the exclusion of Bishops from Voting in causes of blood was the prologue to all those Tragical mischiefs that happened to that Religion and Renowned Prince And those who have the least veneration for his present Majesty cannot certainly conceive him a King of such slender and weak abilities as to permit Himself and Family to be ruined by those very methods with which his Father was before him De jure Paritatis Episcoporum OR The Right of Peerage vindicated to the BISHOPS OF ENGLAND SINCE the restoring of the Bishops to their place and Vote in the House of Peers I find a difference to be raised between a Peer of the Realm and a Lord of the Parliament and then this Inference or Insinuation to be built upon it that though the Bishops are admitted to be Lords of Parliament yet they are not to be reckoned amongst the Peers of the Realm the contrary whereof I shall endeavour to make good in this following Essay and that not only from the Testimony of approved Writers but from unquestioned Records Book-Cases Acts of Parliament and such further Arguments as may be able to evince the point which we have in hand But first perhaps it may be said that there is no such difference in truth and verity betwixt a Lord of Parliament and a Peer of the Realm but that we may conclude the the Bishops to be Peers of the Realm if they be once admitted to
name of Sunday often used for the Lords day by the primitive Christians but the Sabbath never Page 422 CHAP. III. That in the fourth Age from the time of Constantine to Saint Austine the Lords day was not taken for a Sabbath day 1. The Lords day first established by the Emperour Constantine Page 423 2. What labours were permitted and what restrained on the Lords day by this Emperours Edict Page 424 3. Of other Holy days and Saints days instituted in the time of Constantine Page 425 4. That weekly other days particularly the Wednesday and the Friday were in this Age and those before appointed for the meetings of the Congregation ibid. 5. The Saturday as highly honoured in the Eastern Churches as the Lords day was Page 426 6. The Fathers of the Eastern Churches cry down the Jewish Sabbath though they held the Saturday Page 427 7. The Lords day not spent wholly in Religious exercises and what was done with that part of it which was left at large Page 428 8. The Lords day in this Age a day of Feasting and that it hath been always deemed Heretical to hold Fasts thereon Page 429 9. Of Recreation on the Lords day and of what kind those Dancings were against the which the Fathers enveigh so sharply Page 430 10. Other Imperial Edicts about the keeping of the Lords day and the other Holy-days Page 432 11. The Orders at this time in use on the Lords day and other days of publick meeting in the Congregation Page 433 12. The infinite differences between the Lords day and the Sabbath Page 434 CHAP. IV. The great improvement of the Lords day in the fifth and sixth Ages make it not a Sabbath 1. In what estate the Lords day stood in S. Austins time Page 435 2. Stage plays and publick Shews prohibited on the Lords day and the other Holy days by Imperial Edicts Page 437 3. The base and beastly nature of the Stage-plays at those times in use Page 438 4. The barbarous bloody quality of the Spectacula or Shews at this time prohibited ibid. 5. Neither all civil business nor all kind of pleasure restrained on the Lords day by the Emperour Leo as some give it out The so much cited Canon of the Council of Mascon proves no Lords day Sabbath Page 440 6. The French and Spaniards in the sixth Age begin to Judaize about the Lords day and of restraint of Husbandry on that day in that Age first thought of Page 441 7. The so much cited Canon of the Council of Mascon proves no Lords day Sabbath Page 442 8. Of publick honours done in these Ages to the Lords day by Prince and Prelate Page 443 9. No Evening Service on the Lords day till these present Ages Page 444 10. Of publick Orders now Established for the better regulating of the Lords Day-meetings Page 445 11. All Business and Recreation not by Law prohibited are in themselves as lawful on the Lords day as on any other ibid. CHAP. V. That in the next six hundred years from Pope Gregory forwards the Lords day was not reckoned of as of a Sabbath 1. Pope Gregories care to set the Lords day free from some Jewish rigours at that time obtruded on the Church Page 447 2. Strange fancies taken up by some about the Lords day in these darker Ages ibid. 3. Scriptures and Miracles in these times found out to justifie the keeping of the Lords day Holy Page 448 4. That in the judgment of the most Learned in these six Ages the Lords day hath no other ground than the Authority of the Church Page 449 5. With how much difficulty the People of these times were barred from following their Husbandry and Law-days on the Lords day Page 450 6. Hüsbandry not restrained on the Lords day in the Eastern Parts until the time of Leo Philosophus Page 451 7. Markets and Handicrasts restrained with no less opposition than the Plough and Pleading Page 452 8. Several casus reservati in the Laws themselves wherein men were permitted to attend those businesses on the Lords day which the Laws restrained Page 453 9. Of divers great and publick actions done in these Ages on the Lords day Page 454 10. Dancing and other sports no otherwise prohibited on the Lords day than as they were an hinderance to Gods publick Service Page 455 11. The other Holy-days as much esteemed of and observed as the Lords day was Page 456 12. The publick hallowing of the Lords day and the other Holy-days in these present Ages Page 457 13. No Sabbath all these Ages heard of either on Saturday or Sunday and how it stood with Saturday in the Eastern Churches Page 458 CHAP. VI. What is the judgment of the School-men and of the Protestants and what the practice of those Churches in this Lords day business 1. That in the judgment of the School-men the keeping of one day in seven is not the moral part of the fourth Commandment Page 640 2. As also that the Lords day is not founded on Divine Authority but the Authority of the Church Page 461 3. A Catalogue of the Holy-days drawn up in the Council of Lyons and the new Doctrine of the Schools touching the native sanctity of the Holy-days Page 462 4. In what estate the Lords day stood in matter of restraint from labour at the Reformation Page 463 5. The Reformators find great fault both with the said new doctrine and restraints from labour Page 464 6. That in the judgment of the Protestant Divines the keeping of one day in seven is not the moral part of the fourth Commandment Page 465 7. As that the Lords day hath no other ground on which to stand than the Authority of the Church Page 466 8. And that the Church hath power to change the day and to transfer it to some other Page 467 9. What is the practice of all Churches the Roman Lutheran and Calvinian chiefly in matter of Devotion rest from labour and sufferance of lawful pleasures Page 468 10. Dancing cryed down by Calvin and the French Churches not in relation to the Lords day but the sport it self Page 470 11. In what estate the Lords day stands in the Eastern Churches and that the Saturday is no less esteemed of by the Ethiopians than the said Lords day Page 471 CHAP. VII In what estate the Lords day stood in this Isle of Britain from the first planting of Religion to the Reformation 1. What doth occur about the Lords day and the other Festivals amongst the Churches of the Brittans Page 472 2. Of the estate of the Lords day and the other Holy days in the Saxon Heptarchie Page 473 3. The honours done unto the Sunday and the other Holy-days by the Saxon Monarchs Page 474 4. Of the publick actions Civil Ecclesiastical mixt and Military done on the Lords day under the first six Norman Kings Page 476 5. New Sabbath doctrines broached in England in King Johns Reign and the miraculous original of the same
Fortune which mark of the Tooth is still continued in the Doctors Family These and such like signatures of more wonderful form are indeed very rare yet not without example So Seleucus and his Children after him were Born with the figure of an Anchor upon their Thigh as an infallible mark of their true Geniture saith Justin Origenis hujus argumentum etiam posteris mansit Si quidem filii nepotesque ejus anchoram in semore veluti notam generis naturalem habuere Just Hist lib. 15. The Mother of Dr. Heylyn was Eliz. Clampard Daughter of Francis Clampard of Wrotham in Kent Gent. and of Mary Dodge his Wife descended in a direct Line from Peter Dodge of Stopworth in Cheshire unto whom King Edw. I. gave the Seigniory or Lordship of Padenhugh in the Barony of Coldingham in the Realm of Scotland as well for his special Services that he did in the Sieges of Barwick and Dunbar as for his Valour shewed in divers Battels encontre son grand Enemy Rebelle le Baillol Roy d'Escose Vasial d'Angleterre as the words are in the original Charter of Arms given to the said Peter Dodge by Guyen King of Arms at the Kings command dated April the 8th in the 34th year of the said K. Edw. I. one of the Descendants from the said Peter Dodge was Uncle to Dr. Heylyns Mother and gave the Mannor of Lechlade in Glocestershire worth 1400 l. per annum to Robert Bathurst Esq Uncle to the Doctor and Grand-father to that honest and loyal Gentleman Sir Edw. Bathurst now living In the sixth year of his Age he was committed to the Tuition of Mr. North School-master of Burford under whose instructions he profited so well that in a short time he could make true Latin and arrived to an ability of making Verses to which excellency together with History his genius was so naturally addicted that at the Age of ten years he framed a story in Verse and Prose which he composed in imitation of the destruction of Troy with some other Books of Chivalry upon which he was then very studious and intent I presume to mention it as an argument of the prodigious pregnancy of those endowments which God had bestowed on him for he may be truly accounted one of the praecoces fructus the forward fruits of his Age that was soon ripe and contrary to the Proverb was of lasting duration It may be affirmed of him as it was of Lipsius Ingenium habuit docile omnium capax memoria non sine praeceptorum miraculo etiam in puero quae in senectute non defecit His old Master North dying he was committed to another who succeeded in the same School viz. Mr. Davis a right Reverend and good man by whom he was sent to Oxford in the beginning of Decemb. 1613. at the 14th year of his Age and placed under the Tuition of Mr. Joseph Hill an ancient Batchelor in Divinity once one of the Fellows of Corpus Christi Coll. but then a Commoner of Hart-Hall Mr. Walter Newbery afterward a Zealous Puritan was made choice of to instruct him in Logick and other Academical Studies wherein he made such good progress that upon the 22 of July 1614. he stood to be Demy of Magdalen College which he missed of at the first Election but in the year after succeeded having endeared himself to the President Dr. Langton and Fellows of the same Colledge by the pleasantness of a Latin Poem upon a Journey that he made with his two Tutors unto Woodstock After his admission into that noble Foundation within the space of a twelve month he was made Impositor of the Hall in which Office he acquitted himself so excellently that the Dean of the College continued him longer in it than any ever before for which reason he was called by those Scholars of his own standing Perpetual Dictator He then composed an English Tragedy celled Spurius which was so well approved by some Learned Persons in the College that the President caused it to be privately Acted in his own Lodgings In July 1617. he obtained his grace for the Degree of Batchelor of Arts according to the College Statutes which requiring some exercise to be performed by a Batchelor of Arts in the long Vacation he began his Cosmographical Lectures and finished them in the end of the next August His performance of this exercise drew that whole Society into a profound admiration of his great Learning and Abilities insomuch that before he had done reading those Lectures he was admitted Fellow upon probation in the place of Mr. Love And that he might give a testimony of his grateful mind to them he writ a Latin Comedy which he called Theomachia which he finished and transcribed in a fortnight space on July the 19th 1619. He was admitted in verum perpetuum socium and not long before was made Moderator of the Senior Form which he retained above two years and within that compass of time he began to write his Geography accordingly as he design'd when he read his Cosmography Lectures which Book he finished in little more than two months beginning at Feb. 22. and compleating it on the 29th of April following At the next Act which was Anno Dom. 1620. he was admitted Master of Arts the honour of which degree was more remarkable because that very year the Earl of Pembroke Chancellor of the University signified his pleasure by special Letters That from that time forward the Masters of Arts who before sate bare should wear their Caps in all Congregations and Convocations He committed his Geography to the perusal of some Learned Friends which being by them well approved he obtained his Fathers consent for the Printing of it which was done accordingly Novemb. 7. 1621. The first Copy of it was by him presented to King Charles the First then Prince of Wales unto whom he Dedicated it and by whom together with its Author it was very graciously received being introduced into the Princes presence by Sir Robert Carre since Earl of Ancram one of the Gentlemen of his Highnesses Bed-Chamber In some months after his Father died at Oxon with an Ulcer in his Bladder occasioned by the Stone with which he had been many years grievously afflicted He was conveyed to Lechlade in Glocestershire where he was buried near his Wife who departed this life six years before him and was solemnly buried in the Chancel of that Parish Church Septemb. the 15th 1622. he received Confirmation from the hands of Bishop Lake in the Parish Church of Wells and in a short time after exhibited a Certificate to Dr. Langton concerning his Age by which means he obtained a Dispensation notwithstanding any local Statutes to the contrary that he should not be compell'd to enter into holy Orders till he was 24 years of Age according to the time appointed both by the Canons of the Church and the Statutes of the Realm His fear was then very great to enter upon the study of