is Ratifi'd He acts as God their Powers so equal are And God Christ Pope have but one judgement-chair Then Paul or th' Old-law he 's more great and true He can command ' gainst Paul and Gospel too Can frame new Rules of Faith the old Casheer And over General Councils domineer If he to Hell millions of Souls should draw 40 Dist c. Si Papa Yet none must ask him why His will is Law Nor need this seem strange to those who are assured by good Authority that some have held the Pope for no less then a a Aestimant Papam esse unum Deum qui habet potestatem omnem in Coelo Terra Johan Gerson Tom. 2. Resolut circa materiam Excommunicationum Irregularitat Consid 11. God and accordingly could command all both in Heaven and Earth Tindal disputing with one thought a Learned Doctor drave him to that issue that he burst out We had better be without Gods Laws then the Popes Tho. Fuller's Abel Redivivus pag. 127. Thus you see the more then Hogan Mogan Authority of which you shall hear more hereafter of your Infallible Lord whereby you cannot do amiss as long as you obey his hests and commands be it against King Country or Parents for against all these 't is said that he hath a jurisdiction to hound you And for a farther incouragement he maketh no small use of the word Heretick and all must be such who do not swear right or wrong to him or his Church And if a Governour be not of the Roman Church and so by their consequence be an Heretick this following Treatise will tell you what is to be done with him and their Bulla Coenae Domini publish'd every year at Rome and other places on Maundy-Thursday the Thursday before Easter will tell you how they are Curs'd and Excommunicated to the purpose And according to the b Non enim eâ—s homicidas arbitramur qâ—os adversus Excommunicatos Zelo Catholicae matris ardentes aliquos eorum trucidasse contigeret 23. q. 5. cap 147. Excommunicatorum Canon-law he that kills an Excommunicated person in meer Zeal for the Roman Church doth not incur the crime of Homicide Amongst other things this Bull damns to the Pit of Hell all those who shall assist or carry Arms to any Hereticks upon which c Marius Alterius starts this Quaere a De Câ—nsuâ—is Ecclesiasticis lib 5. Disput 8 cap. 2. pag. 527. â—â— postulabit quis If such prohibited things be convey'd to the subjects of a Prince expresly by the Papal sentence declared an Heretick whether then the Conveyers are by this Bull Excommunicated To which the said de Alteriis giveth this doughty and Roman Answer If the Subjects under the Heretical Prince to whom the Arms are carryed be of the Roman Religion hate their Prince and desire if they have ability to free themselves from his Tyranny or Government and to that end do secretly seek Arms to imploy them at the first opportunity for the destruction of the said Heretical Prince then as this great Doctor thinketh the Aiders or Assisters do no ways incur Excommunication Thus would they intrude upon us a pretty Salvo for Treason and no small incouragement for Rebellion if to Depose Kings may be titled such Again the Popes Infallibility being by some so highly cry'd up it is no hard matter to make a good-meaning Romanist believe that it is his best and safest way to obey the Pope in every thing he commandeth though it were against his King and Country of which this following History will afford many instances and this King-deposing Doctrine being so stifly maintain'd as a grand Article by their most Authentick Papal Writers the inferiour Romanist will think himself obliged to credit it and his great Judge the Pope who if he did erre in this point how can they rest assured that he did not erre in other points of Faith to retort a Joh. Clare The converted Jew part 3. pag. 17 Michaeas his Rule But concerning Infallibility I finde a war amongst themselves and our English men when it cometh to a pinch are as unsetled as they think their Neighbours are Father b Controversie-Logick pag. 212 213. White one of very desperate Principles as to Government doth in the name of the Romanists flatly deny that the Pope is Infallible affirming the contrary to be Injuriously impos'd upon them by Sectaries And Father c Remonstr Hibernorum part 5. cap. 28. p. 85 86 c. Caron of better Tenents then the former is of Opinion that the Pope with any other assistance whatever unless a General Council may erre and this of late he undertakes to prove at large And farther White confesseth that it is not yet known where this Infallibility lyeth For saith he d Controvers Log. p. 96. some place it in the Pope some in a General Council some in both some in the whole Church And a later Writer grants several Infallibilities e Labyrinth Cantuariensis pag. 177. The Infallibility of the Church Councils and Tradition depend so necessarily upon each other that whatever Authorities prove the Infallibility of any one do in effect and by good consequence prove the same of all the rest But methinks we need not stand so resolutely upon Religion or Church since the Author of Fiat Lux assures us that Time will alter any Religion f Fiat Lux pag. 73 74. A Religion once establish'd be it true or false when it is once received it is then taken for true in the space of some succeeding ages is reformed anew by other Teachers or Interpreters who in time lead men out of the former way into their own sometimes slowly gradually and insensibly that they are brought into another Religion before they be aware sometimes by open hostility to the former which whether by Covin or violence yeilds at last to the Ingress of a new one If thus Religion it self will vary and alter in time there needs not be such a confidence placed in their Infallibility and yet 't is pretty to observe that this their grand Rule which on all occasions they call to their assistance they do not know where to fix or finde and that which must judge the rest is of it self unsetled and uncertain And they grant that a Church that is g S. W. Schism disarmed pag. 22 26 28. fallible may lawfully be forsaken But this by the by and I shall confess nothing to the purpose as being besides my designe and so the less careful in its hasty scribling As for this King-deposing Doctrine though it be positively taught and believed at Rome by Pope Cardinals their greatest Doctors and every where by those whom his Holiness looks upon as through-paced sons to him and his Church and those who absolutely deny this Article as Widdrington Caron Barckley c. are with their books censured and prohibited as rotten unfound and false ware yet in Countries far enough
Pope being known 't is the custom of the King of Spain c. to send instructions to his Ambassadour or some other Confident at Rome how to carry on the Conclave that a friend of his might be chosen and also nominates five or six any of which he is willing to be Pope and at the same time sends the names of some others whom by no means he will not allow to be elected by which means Cardinal Baronius lost the Title of Holiness the Spaniard wholly excluding him for a An. 1097. This Tract is left out in some Edition of his Annals the King of Spain having made an Edict against it See D'Avily les Estats p. 235. scratching a little upon the Spanish Territories of Sicily The instructions being come the Cardinals of his Faction act accordingly And he though he deserve the Chair never so much as for Example Baronius who is thus excepted against by a King 't is an hundred to one he shall never change his red Hat for a Triple Crown 'T is true sometimes a few Cardinals in the Conclave when they see they cannot bring their own ends about exclaim pittifully against this mode of submitting their suffrages and consciences to the pleasure of this or that King and now and then Pen and Paper are imploy'd in making little Tracts of Oppositions and Justifications of such Actions but this scribling and crying out of a few Cardinals never hinders the rest from prosecuting their intended designs And thus we see that yet the Temporal Authority hath a main stroke if not all in the election of Popes And here I cannot but smile at Thomas Bozius who makes a great deal of noise and blustering in behalf of the Popes jurisdiction and De Italiae statu lib. 4. c. 3. p. 388. 390. what an horrid danger and judgement 't will be to cross the Bishops of Rome For saith he the Emperours Honorius and Valentinian the Third restrained the Popes of some Temporal Power and then the Goths Vandals and Heruli wasted Italy Again that the Emperour Justinian made a Law that the Popes should not be consecrated without first consulting the Emperour and paying a certain Id. p. 395. sum of money for it and so the Plague or Pestilence seis'd upon Italy and Totila the Goth took Rome Again long after this another Law was made that the Pope should not be consecrated but in the presence of the Emperours or their Deputies and therefore besides Pag. 403. Plagues great Earth-quakes troubled Italy and the Saracens and Huns lorded it there also And suchlike consequences as these he hath store of and all as true as the Star fell down and therefore the Astronomer shot it with his Jacobs-staff And truely the rest is much after the same fashion the sum of his whole Book being onely this Italy is more fruitful hath more and greater Cities and Towns brave Monasteries and Churches better Houses and Colledges and more knowing men and women for these last twelve hundred years than it was or had before Ergo the Pope and his Authority is the greatest happiness that can happen to Italy And is not this a notable wonder that building should increase in so many hundred years If this way of Argumentizing be authentick 't is coming time not Scripture or Antiquity that must prove any Religion the which upon this account must grow better and better and so as they say Modern Protestantism must be held a greater blessing and benefit than that which they call ancient Popery in those Nations where the reformed Religion bears the sway Sect. 3. An Essay upon this Quere Whether for some years past there hath been according to their Decrees and Orders really any true Pope HAving thus hastily discours'd something concerning the Election of Popes it will not be amiss to add these few following Observations which may add some light to the business and by a farther prosecution may be of greater consideration than at this time I shall trouble my self withal but leave it to the censure of every man In the time of Paul the Fifth who began his Popedom in 1605 there lived in Italy a great Scholar and a severe Roman Catholick who being troubled at the odd carriage of the Popes and their Election thought it convenient to have a General Council to rectifie all but knowing the Bishops of Rome to have a natural aversness from this look'd upon himself obliged as a true son of the Roman Church to endeavour as much as lay in his power the promotion of such a publick benefit to his Religion And therefore knowing the Popes against it he drew up a a Supplicatio ad Imperatorem Reges Principes super causis Generalis Concilii convocandi Petition to the Emperour and other Christian Kings to bring this noble and charitable design about And possibly fearing that if this his supplication should onely come into the hands of the Potentates of the Roman Catholick perswasion it might there be stifled by the over-perswasion of their interested Favourites and Councellors To prevent this seeing our King James of a publick spirit for the benefit of the Church he directs it onely to him that by his means his necessitating reasons might be discover'd to the Emperour and the other Christian Princes Upon this the Author a An. 1611. dyeth at Rome leaves this Petition with a dear Friend of his who delivers it to an English Gentleman then there who accordingly convey'd it to King James who presently dispers'd it all Europe over As for the Author I shall positively say nothing but that he appears one to have been very well versed in the Roman affairs the common opinion is that it was the famous Neapolitan Civilian Dr. Marta of whom we have formerly hinted and indeed his very subscribing himself to the Supplication NOVVS HOMO doth intimate that he had now in something changed his Opinion and we cannot but observe that this Supplication carryeth all along a grand respect and veneration to Temporal Authority over Rome it self in some things whereas Dr. Marta in his other Volumes is so resolute a Champion for the Popes very Temporal Prerogative that he screws up the power and jurisdiction of the Romish Bishops even to trample upon all other Potentates in this world If Marta be the man it must be the discovery of some grand iniquities that could thus alienate his affection from Pope Paul the Fifth In this his discourse is indeavoured to prove a failing in the succession of Popes raising the Foundation from the Simoniacal entrance of Sixtus the Fifth But probably one might fetch a farther rise than this even by viewing over their own schisms where sometimes we shall finde such odd chopping and changing of Popes that the wisest then living could not tell which or where was the Head of the Church and yet every party creating Cardinals and declaring himself Christ's Vicar Now this is certain since the time they have acknowledged
pag. 181 182 183. disagreements in the Copies themselves and yet all held authentick may add to its suspition But as this is not exactly the intent of my design no more is the History and Assertion of Pope Joane who is said to have flourish'd about this time But to be free as for those who are resolved to deny the story and being of such a Woman-Pope they may strengthen their Faith by the reading of f Annotat. in Platin. Onuphrius g De Rom. Pont. lib. 3. cap. 24. Bellarmine h An. 853. Baronius i Fabula Joannae Papassae Floromundus de Raemond and of late k Familier Esâ—laircisment de la Question David Blondell a French Protestant As for those who are willing to believe it I shall refer them for more confirmation to l Myst of Iniq. p. 167. du Plessis m Hist Eccles tom 1. cap. 9. p. 616 617. Hottingerus our learned Country-man n Pope Joane a Dialogue Mr. Alexander Cooke with the two French-men o Joannae Papissa restituta Samuel Marisius and Le Sieur p Traitè conâ—â—e D. Blonâ—ell Congnard As for my own judgement I shall wrap it up without partiality or passion in this that I am so far from being satisfied with the reasons brought against the being of such a woman Pope that I may fancie those who assert a Pope Joane afford better Authority Testimony and Arguments than those who deny it And as Cooke in English hath sufficiently answered Floromondus and the rest so doth Marisius in Latine and Congnard in French abundantly confute David Blondel though a man of great reading But be it this way or that way it shall never trouble me and so let every man think as he pleaseth for so they must and will Nor do I positively determine any thing here my self And so much for our Pope or No-Pope Joane a story that hath drawn forth to open Battalia and siding the greatest Pens in Europe some to vindicate others to annihilate the sitting of such a Lady in the Porphyrie Chair as Infallible Head of the Romish Church nor to this day will either party give ground or yeild but still fight it out and which is more both singing Victoria and triumphing as Conquerours and thus it hath the happiness or misfortune to fare as some other Articles of the greatest consequence in Religion never to want Friends and Enemies Thus have we seen the pious and victorious Emperour Lewes le Debonnaire miserably banded to and fro by his own unnatural Children and rebellious Subjects and by the consent of the chief of his Clergy and those too as Historians observe whom himself or his Great Father had rais'd and prefer'd from the meanest condition to these chiefest places of Honour and Riches used with all manner of reproach villany and ignominy yet they farther observe that severe judgements fell upon the chief of them who within Jo. de Bussieres Tom. 1. p. 368. a year were taken away by a Plague or Pestilence from Heaven And as for the sons themselves except Pepin who dyed whilst his Father lived after the decease of the Emperour Lewes we may finde them all together by the ears prosecuting one another with all manner of violence and fury But we shall conclude this Tragical story of good Lewes with his Epitaph as it is in the Monastery of St. Arnulf at Metz in Lorraine which is according to the riming fashion of those times by which we may judge the height of their Wit and Poetry for 't is to be suppos'd that such a great Emperour had none of the worst Poets of those days to celebrate his fame and memory thus upon his Tomb and yet we have had many worse made since upon other Emperours and Kings Imperii fulmen Francorum nobile culmen Erutus à seclo conditur hoc tumulo Rex Lodowicus pietatis tantus amicus Quod Pius à Populo dicitur Tumulo Heldegard sobiles Karoli Magni pia proles In Pacis metas colligit hunc pietas Rumelicum villam quicquidve refertur ad illam Arnulfo sancto contulit huicque loco Stirps à quo Procerum Regumque vel Imperatorum Quorum muneribus sistitur ille locus After this Lewes succeeded in the Empire his Son Lothaire who at last willingly resigned making himself a Monk to his Son Lewes the Second of whom I shall say nothing but that in his time the Popes began by degrees to neglect to have their Elections confirm'd by the Emperours whom by little and little they began to trample upon the greatest Monarchs being now I know not how fob'd into a servile reverence of those whose Predecessors had formerly been their Inferiours of which this Lewes the Second may serve for an Example Nicholas the First being chosen and Consecrated this Emperour being then at Rome one time the Pope in great State attended Anastas vit Nichol. I. Platina with all the chief of the City went to give Lewes the Second a visit who hearing of it resolv'd to meet his Holiness and being met the Emperour alights from his Horse and on foot with great humility like a Foot-boy led the Popes Horse by the Bridle and at his departure did the same though certainly it might have been commendable in Nicholas not to have permitted so ignoble an action if not manners to have descended too and gone a foot with the Emperour but with the Proverb When Humility vamps on foot Pride may ride on cock-horse Sect. 3. The Murther of Michael Emperour of Constantinople with Pope Adrian the Second his opinion of the Murtherer BUt as this Chapter begins with bloud so let it end And first we have about this time Michael one whose life and rule I shall not commend Emperour of Constantinople murder'd in his Chamber by Basilius one whom Michael had rais'd from the basest condition to the highest preferment from a common Horse-courser to the greatest Authority and had declared him the next Emperour as now he made himself by the Murther of his Master and Soveraign But Photius Patriarch of Constantinople made so by Michael Ignatius being turn'd out deny'd to give him the Sacrament as guilty of such an abominable crime and yet they declare this Basilius to be a Basilius vero pius Orthodoxus Coquaeus Antimorn tom 1. pag. 455. Pious and Orthodox which we may English a good Roman Catholick And the truth is no sooner was the murther done but Pope Adrian the Second congratulates him by his b Apud Bâ—n Concil General Letters calling of Michael a Tyrant but as for Basilius thus he salutes him Thou art in our time as another peaceful Salomon who hast hearkned to the words of God thy father and hast not forsaken the Law of thy Mother that is as they say the Church Which words put me in minde of Richard Baxter that motly of Presbytery who call'd his friend and name-sake Dick Cromwell the wise
Boâ—aventure Aâ—â—inus Perron c. rather say that these with your other chiefest Doctors Divines School-men Canonists Lawyers with your grat est Scholars and Writers have belyed and slander'd you and your Religion rather then I who am onely the Instrument to convey to you the Words sentiments and belief of these your grave Oracles leaving at your own discretion either to approve or reject them For if you doubt or question the truth of this Assertion According to the Church of Rome Kings may justly and lawfully be deposed it being nothing to the purpose which way or by what knavish distinction The true-blew Romanists will positively assure you that it is a truth so certain that not so much as any one do make any doubt of it For as saith Bellarmine It is agreed on by all Nor amongst the School-men is there any Controversie about it nor can they shew one Catholick Author against it And to say that Kings may be deposed is a golden sentence and this is not a meer Opinion but a certain truth amongst all Catholicks And that this may be justly done none but a Madman will deny Decianus saith that it is the true and common Opinion so that Germonius affirmeth that it is madness not to believe it It is now evident and conspicuous to all says Mancinus and Capistranus Botero would have us believe that it is ridiculous to think otherwise or as Gretser saith to deny this King-deposing Doctrine as the same to deny the Catholick faith And this he repeats over and over again that he might be the better believed and offers at some reason for it too which he need not have troubled himself with to have convinced King James seeing his Majestie would easily believe him if by the Catholick Faith he meant the Roman Religion as we need not question but that he did In behalf and vindication of Allegiance in King James his time was here publish'd by Authority a little Book call'd God and the King In opposition to this Tract is another Dialogue printed by the Romanists beyond Seas and also call'd Deus Rex wherein is affirm'd that this King-deposing Doctrine is doubtless the suffrage of all men Gregorius Nunnius Coronel telleth us that if we should read all the Ancient and Modern Divines and Lawyers we shall finde that they do unanimously affirm this Doctrine and those who think otherwise are not onely far from truth but madmen If you ask Cardinal Perron of this thing he will tell you that it was always the judgement of the Roman Church that all Magistrates and Divines maintain'd the same and to believe the contrary would make them Schismaticks and Hereticks or else the Church must have fail'd and so the Pope not to have been Christs Vicar but a perfect Heretick and Antichrist If you advise with Adolphus Schulckenius Vicar-General of Colen he will plainly tell you that it is the judgement of all their Divines Lawyers Councils and Popes that he is no good Catholick that denyeth it which cannot be opposed without great rashness and blasphemy and no less man then Cardinal Allen assureth the Catholicks that by maintaining this Principle they are no Traytors nor hold Assertions Treasonable false or undutiful His friend Father Parsons saith that it is asserted and taught in all the Schools both of their Divines and their Lawyers and that the Doctrine is certain and must be believed as an Article And again that it is the most certain undoubted Common Judgement of all the learned Catholicks And in another of his Books thus he assures his good Romanists All Catholick Subjects also of other Countries do hold and acknowledge this Doctrine If this Doctrine be not true Sanctarellus will have the Church to erre and Suarez affirms that it is as certain as it is certain that the Church cannot erre That to believe otherwise is against Ecclesiastical Custom the practice and agreement of the General Councils against the opinion of all learned Catholicks â—nd against reason it self Nay in short that to believe the contrary is downright and flat Heresie as several of them tell us Carerius calls it the very Heresie of Calvin and suchlike Hereticks meaning in not allowing the Pope to have power to depose Kings and Solarzanus testifieth the same with this addition that it hath been formerly condemn'd as Heretical No less man then Leonardus Lessius though under the disguise of Singletonus tells us that to think that Kings may not be depos'd is expresly against the great Lateran Council whence he makes these following Conclusions and the same method and arguments are also used and approved of by Cardinal Bellarmine I. If Kings may not be deposed then of necessity must that General Council of Lateran have erred and not onely this but also that of Lyon that of Vienna that of Constance c. nay that the very Council of Trent it self must also have erred and also not onely these his General Councils but also several Provincial ones II. If this King-deposing Doctrine be not true then must the Popes themselves also be fallible for then must Gregory VII have erred Vrban II have erred and so must also Gregory IX III. If this Principle be not true then must also the Church it self have erred for many Ages nay farther to have erred willingly or maliciously with a designe or on purpose And that Hell hath prevail'd against the Church and so the Roman Church not to be a true Church nor the Church of Christ IV. And if the Church Councils Popes have erred in this they may also erre in other Articles as the Sacraments Trinity Incarnation c. and that with greater ease and facility whereby Christ must be a Deceiver and so we may suspect the whole Christian faith it self Thus you see the judgement of their so much cryed up holy Lessius who farther assures us that to deny this Doctrine is the meer cunning and instigation of the Devil Again That there is scarce any Article in the Christian Religion the denying of which is more dangerous to the Church then this Doctrine Again That it is more pernicious and intolerable then to erre concerning the Sacraments And to conclude with him he at last conjures all that call themselves Catholicks upon their Salvation to have a care how they deny this For as Coquaeus will tell you this King-deposing Doctrine is agreeable to the holy Scriptures and the Rules of Christ Another assures us that to doubt of the truth of it would seem not onely to oppugn the verity of the Christian Faith but to savour of perfect Heathenism But not to trouble my self or Reader with their zeal and resolution in defence of this King-deposing Doctrine in which I might be endless I shall tell you that no less man then our Cardinal Allen declares his judgement in these very words God had not sufficiently provided for our Salvation and the preservation of the Church and Holy Laws if there were no way to deprive
or restrain Apostata Princes The foresaid Coquaeus saith that otherwise Christ had not sufficiently provided for the safety either of the Common-wealth or of our Souls And Petrus Bertrandus positively declareth for the former Principle that if such a deposing Authority had not been that then Christ Jesus had not shewn himself wise or discreet or as Father Parsons saith Gods providence had been defectuous And when Johannes Mariana the so noted Spanish Jesuit had in one of his Books so expresly maintain'd the lawfulness of killing bad Kings upon which the said Book was censured I meet with an English Romanist thus to vindicate or justifie the said Book They are enemies to that holy Name i. e. of Jesus that condemn'd Mariana for any such Doctrine Nay so zealous are some for this King-deposing Doctrine that with a De Politia Immunitat Eccles part 4. cap. 50. Laurentius Ortiz de Iberrola they will assure it the onely safety and preservation for Princes But King James who thought himself not a little concern'd and therefore thus deliver'd his opinion to his Parliament b Speech in Parliament 1605. Vid. his works pag. 504. As on the one part many honest men seduced with some errors of Popery may yet remain good and faithful Subjects so on the other part none of those that truely know and believe the whole grounds and School-conclusions of their Doctrines can either prove good Christians or good Subjects And yet if for all these grand Testimonies they should plead their Allegiance and their respect to Princes I could ask why all Books writ against this King-deposing Doctrine are censured and prohibited by their Indices Expurgatorii whilst on the contrary those who affirm it are publish'd with honour as true and authentick and if Agapetus above a thousand years ago speak honourably of the Imperial Authority the c V. Bibliotheca Patrum Expurgatorian Index must stifle it with some worshipful gloss or other And if any should deny this to be the Doctrine of the Roman Church I should gladly know where is the judge whether the Popes themselves the Cardinals their greatest and most famous Writers as Bellarmine Baronius ' Perron c. do not understand what are the Tenents and the meaning of the Roman Church as well as some private Englishman here and whether we are not to believe the Popes Cardinals and their learned Doctors before the said private person Thus are the Romanists as stout and zealous for this King-deposing Doctrine as the d Mart. Martin de bello Tartar pag. 45 107 121 157. Chineses were for their Beards and do adore and worship this destructive Tenet as the old Cainites did Cain because he was the first man-killer or the Ophitae who worshipt the Serpent because he was the first deceiver and as they say the Author of good and evil Thus the Romanist may perceive what danger he runneth himself into if he dare but offer to oppose this Treasonable Principle seeing to deny it is madness flat Heresie nay Paganism contrary to the judgements of Popes Councils and the whole Church nay the Gospel of Christ a more intolerable Heresie then to erre concerning some of the Sacraments nay so gross an one that it doth destroy the very Church and Gospel it self wherefore they perswade us that all good and sound Catholicks must believe that Kings may be deposed seeing all who are truely Romanists and Sons of that Church do and must believe so Thus these men are like Polychronius who would rather erre with Macarius then be in the right with others and this Doctrine must be the Shibboleth to distinguish them from other Christians There is a Sect in Spain call'd a Anton. de Torquâ—meaa Diaâ—og 3 Saludadores who are known by a knack of curing many Diseases as a gift peculiarly belonging to them those of the House of b Luis Du-May Estate of the Empire p. 73. Austria are known by their long chins and thick lips and as they say are particularly blest with other Graces as to cure Wens by giving onely a Glass of Water and to unloose the Tongue of him that cannot speak plain onely by kissing Thus the Monarchs of England do the Kings-Evil and in Brecknockshire within two Miles of Brecknock there is a Lake call'd Lhyn Savathan or Linsavethan or Brecknock mere of which c Itiner Cambr. lib. 1. cap. 2. Giraldus Cambrensis tells us that the birds there will sing at the desire of the Prince of Wales but no man else so that it is the best Rule to know the true Prince of which matter d Polychron lib. 1. Ranulph Higden Monk of Chester thus Poetizeth Si Terrae Princeps venerit Aves cantare jusserit Statim deproment modulos Nil concinunt ad caeteros Which I finde thus translated to my hand by John Trevisa the old Vicar of Barkley almost three hundred years ago Yf the Prynce of the Londe hoote Briddes singe well mery noot As merily as they can And singe for none other man And so this King-deposing Principle they will have to be the Characteristical note whereby a through-paced or true Romanist maâ— be known who must answer to none but their Prince at Rome and whose commands they must not disobey And should any one now begin to teach them Allegiance and the pernicious consequences of this Doctrine which by length of time hath had such a sway with them probably it might be as great a novelty and strange to them as the e people who after a long Interdiction d Sextus de Seâ—tent Excotâ—â—c Alma Mater Gloss v. Insurgunt were so unused to Devotion that they laugh'd at the Priests when they came again to say Mass and pray with them for some will not leave an old Mumpsimus for a new though better Sumpsimus As for the Romanist's distinctions the better to maintain these Treasonable Assertions of Directe Indirecte Propriè Improprie simpliciter secundum Quid Absolute in Ordine ad Spiritualia and suchlike whimsical Save-alls they have not onely been derided by those of the a Pet. Molin de Monarch Temporal Pont. pag. 87. Jo. Buckeridge Episc Roffens lib. 2. cap. 5. Reformed Church but also by several Romanists themselves especially of the b Caron Remonst Hybern p. 236 237. latter stamp and of such cheats as these thus saith Father c More ample accompt pag. 28. Welsh In Ordine ad Spiritualia and the cheat of a verbal distinction the trick of abusing two other words Direct and Indirect and these two very new altogether unheard-of in this matter till some Caprichious heads brought them unfortunately to the Schools of meer designe to make people loose themselves in words by confounding right and wrong together and the fignification of both And so nothing need be said against such childish inventions being nothing to the true and real designe of the positive Doctrine of King-deposing which is the thing we treat of without any
ac impunitatem nedum in vita sed post obitum aere licet immodico comparari posse à Nundinatoribus illis Indulgentiarlis semel persuasum habent Verum si quis unde numeret habeat jam nedum Praesentes Indulgentur harum constitutionum transgressiones sed in futurum impune ut eas ipsas transgredi liceat indulto permittitur Quo fit ut ansam inde accipâ—ant ii cum quibus ita dispensatum est Pejerandi Homicidia Adulteria similia flagitia perpetrandi quando quilibet ex Sacerdotum vulgo Absolutionem emptitiam virtute indulti his impartiri potest Gravam German § 3 6. that the true Romanist would boldly commit any villany under the security or shadow of these Pardons or Indulgences which he by Tradition supposed to be Protection enough both to himself and sins But what need we talk of guilt or sins or trouble our heads about procuring Indulgences or Pardons as if he that is obedient to the commands of the Pope and a through-paced son of the Roman Church could in his so doing either commit the one or stand in need of the other As for the Church of Rome to which this grand All-obedience is due 't is nothing else but the a Cardinales cum Papa constituunt Ecclesiam Rom Quare Episc jurans fidelitatem Ecclesiae Rom. Papae successioribus ejus obligat se non tantum ipsi Papae sed Collegio Cardinalium Mar. Altercus disput de Censuris Eccles Tom. 1. lib. 5. disp 14. cap. 1. pag. 655. Pope and his Cardinals as some say or as others will have it by the Church there is nothing else to be understood but the b Jacob. Gretser defens Card. Bellarmin lib. 3. cap. 10. col 1450. Pope whose almighty Infallibility is not to be call'd in question Therefore if there be any doubt of any thing the Holy Scriptures Andr. du Val de Ecclesiastica Politica potestate pag. 88 89. and other such means must be thrown aside as being doubtful and like the Lesbian or Leaden Rule may be bended this way or that way and so may serve for any mansturn they must therefore not be credited or trusted to And so none is to be judge but the Pope who in his determinations cannot erre neither of right or matter of fact for which we need go no farther then the positive sentiment and judgement of their grand Masters the Jesuits of their Colledge of Clermont in their publick Theses publish'd by themselves to be held vindicated and maintained against all the World and that of very late days as appears by part of it as followeth XIX Christum nos ita caput agnoscimus ut illius Regimen dum in Coelos abiit primum Petro tum deinde Successoribus commiserit EANDEM QVAM HABVIT IPSE INFALLIBILITATEM concesserit quoties ex Cathedra loquerentur XX Datur ergo in E. R Controversiarum fidei Judex Infallibilis ETIAM EXTRA CONCILIVM GENERALE tum in Questionibus Juris tum FACTI c. Propugnabuntur Deo Duce auspice Virgine in Aula Collegii Claromontani Societatis Jesu die XII Decembris 1661. We acknowledge Christ so to be the Head of the Church that during his absence in Heaven he hath given the Government thereof first to Peter and then to his Successors and bestowed unto the Popes his Successors THE VERY SELF-SAME INFALLIBILITY WHICH HE HIMSELF HAD as often as they speak e Cathedra There is therefore Constituted in the Church of Rome an Infallible Judge i. e. the Pope of Faith and that even without a General Council as well in questions appertaining to Right as in matters of Fact These shall be defended by the assistance of God and the favour of the Virgin in the Hall of the Colledge of Clermont belonging to the Society of Jesus the XII day of December 1661. And by their Canon-law 't is as plain as a Pike-staff that the Popes b Dist 19. c. Si Romanorum Decretory Letters not onely carry Authority along with them and what he a Ib. c. Enimvero commands to be obey'd and are to be received as if they were the very words of b Ib. c. Sic Omnes St. Peter but they are also to be reckon'd and esteem'd as authentick as the Word of God or c Ib. c. In Canonicis Holy Scriptures themselves Therefore they say 't is d Dist 40. c. Non nos Gloss Quis enim Sacriledge to question the Popes actions and downright e Dist 81. c. Si qui sunt Paganism not to to obey him and he is f 25 q. 1. c. Generali decreto curst of God who violates the Popes Censures so we must be g Extra Com. l. 1. Tit. 8. c. unam Sanctam Si quid quod oculis nostris apparet album nigrum illa esse definierit debemus itidem quod nigrum fit pronunciare Ignat. Exercitia Spiritualia apud finem Regulae aliquot servandae ut cum Orthodoxa Ecclesia verè sentiamus Reg. 13. obedient to him upon peril of our Souls And no less man then their late great Saint Ignatius Loyola layeth this down for a certain and perpetual Rule of Obedience If the Church affirm that to be black which our own eyes judge to be white we ought also then to declare that it is black And we are not to question the Truth and Authority of this Rule being so strongly confirm'd commended and ratified by the h 1548. Bull of Pope Paul III as every thing also is which is contain'd in the said Exercitia Spiritualia and how can any thing be amiss in it if it was as some say by Inspiration from Heaven dictated to Ignatius And now who dares call himself a son of the Roman Church and not be of the same Religion with the Pope be of the same Opinion Obey his commands and dictates seeing there is no difference between the sentiment and judgement of the i Sententia Papae sententia Dei una est sententia August de Ancona Q. 6. art 2. Pope and that of God and what a grand Power and Authority the Pope hath for diversion sake take them thus in verse out of Andrew Melvin from their own Writers Quod Paepa Romanus vult norma est juris aequi Delit. Poet. Scot. vol. 2. pag. 150. Quod Papa cumque facit ratum habet Deus aethere in alto Posse Papam quodcunque Deus par aequa potestas Cumque Deo Christoque Papae commune Tribunal Est major Paulo Papa major foedere prisco Contra Evangelium statuit Papa Scriptaque Pauli Articulos fidei condens Oecomenicumque Concilium cogens decretaque sancta reformans Si currus plenos animarum ad Tartara trudat Secum ipse haud quisquam potis est contendere contra Dicere cur facis hoc Stat pro ratione voluntas The Papal Fiat of all right is the guide What he doth here in Heaven
and Severities as some Romanists are apt to throw upon the Reformed Churches Mr. a Confut. of the Apologie Harding will allow us to be nothing else but b Fol. 114. b. wicked Chams brood that we follow the steps of Prophâ—ne Hell-hounds are c 121. b. Cursed Canaanites d 131. b. Rebellious sons dâ—spisers of God e 222. b. Apostates Renegates Epiâ—ures Turkish Hâ—guenoâ—s and Hereticks who be worse then Devils Aâ—other of his acquaintance assures the world that we f Tho. Hide 's Consolatory-Epistle G. 1111. have no Church no Bishop no Priest no Altar no Sacrifice and consequently no God Another breaks out in these words g Myles Huggard displaying of Protestants fol. 114. O wicked men worse then the Devil your father of whose progeny you are lineally descended Another of our Country-men h Calvino-Turcism pag. 806 854. William Reynolds brother to the Learned John is very favourable to us when he alloweth us to be as good as Pagans or Turks his main business being to make the world believe that a Turk is more capable of Heaven then the Protestants And the same harsh Censure is used by his friend and Publisher i In Argumento praefix Calvino-Turcismo Dr. Gifford affirming that our Gospel is in nothing better but in many things worse then the Alcoran Nay so severe are they that they will not allow us to be civil one to another all commendatory expressions being forbidden their Indices Expurgatorii using no other Complement but this Author Damnatus Nay we must not so much as keep one anothers picture though privately not excepting either our Friends Parents or the King himself onely one exception k Institut Moral part 1. lib. 8. cap. 16. § ult Quaeritur Azorius grants thanks to him for his courtesie viz. the Pictures of such Protestants may be kept and looked on if they be drawn by way of scorn and derision as for instance saith he if Luther be painted burning in Hell O then that may be lawfully preserved and gazed on For there it is they will have us all to be l Motives Mot. 36. Bristow's words are these Whosoever in this new faith and service hath ended his life is in Hell most certainly The Jesuit Gretser is of the same opinion viz. m Apolog. pro Ignat. Loyol lib. 1. pag. 183 184. that no Protestants go to Heaven and others of them are so particular that they will hold it impossible for Queen a B. D de Cleâ—imond Answer to King James his Proclamation pag. 140. Elizabeth to be in Heaven Nor is this any such wonder with them who have the sole keeping of Heaven-Gates and will let none in but themselves Whereby they uncharitably exclude many a good Christian King Charles our late holy Martyr and some of his good Subjects who suffer'd Butchery onely for their loyalty which might have some interest in merit if the grand Champions of it would assume some Charity A vertue which the Italian Proverb will not allow any man such a general disease will it have Envy to be For Se l'Invidia fosse una Febre Tut ' il mundo morirebbe Had Envy been a Feaver then Ere this had fail'd the Race of men Long since 'T is said that the Jews are obliged to rail three times a day against 〈◊〉 Seneâ—sis 〈◊〉 Sanct lib. 2. § de Traditione de Talmad all Christians whom they are to account no otherwise then Brutes or Beasts to pray for the destruction of their Princes and to do them what mischief they can But I wish better from the Romanists towards their fellow Christians though in all things they do not jump And whilst they think they are too sure of their own Salvation they might reflect upon the doubts of some of thâ—â—â— Inâ—aâ—lible Heads As b Manu mensam percutâ—ens divit Non video quomodo qâ—â— locum hunc alâ—ishmum tenet â—â—â—vaâ—i possint 〈…〉 vit◠〈…〉 pag 〈◊〉 Marcellus II who seriously protested that he could not conceive how a Pope could be saved And Pius V. could say When I was in Orders I had pretty hopes of my Salvation when I was made Cardinal I had less but since I came to be Pope I almost despair of it Not that I am such a peevish zealot or a positive Gabriel Powel but can easily think that Jesus Christ dyed also for Popes as for other people who may accordingly be partakers of his bloud and merits iâ— they lay hold on them In choice of mine Authors I have been diligent not willing to let any Historian slip me yet making use of those who have been generally received as the best and to do the Romanist a pleasure I have very seldom made use of a Protestant Where I finde a Faction I consult the Writers and Reasons on both sides and hope have been so luckie as to set the Saddle on the right Horse But if it be objected that any of my Authors are partial as favouring the Emperours more then the Popes Father c Remonstr 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2. p. 178. Caron hath lately answered for me by affirming that the same may be retorted upon those who inclined to the Roman Prelates And if it be again said that any of them are Schismaticks because supposed to oppose the Pope the said d â—â— pag. 177 178. Romanist replyeth that by the same Rule we must sometimes affirm all Germany all France the greatest part of Italy and so the Princes Bishops Councils Provinces Clergy people of Europe and by consequence the better part of the Church to have been also Schismaticks I am far from the cheating humour of some Modern Writers who the better to conceal their theft and Plagiary cry out that it is Pedantick and Ungentile to tell what Books they made use of as if they were of the Rosycrucian whimsie who forsooth is not e Jo. Heydon's Harmony of the World in the Pâ—stscript bound to give any man so much satisfaction For he that taketh upon him to scribble so slightly and cheap intends to impose upon and so to abuse and cheat his Reader I have therefore been exact and punctual in my Quotations and to give the Reader the more satisfaction where any thing of moment or a stress happens I have in the Margin as the most proper place given the Authors own words whereby the Reader may â—udge the more conveniently whether I have abused him and the Author And as I resolved at first not to take any thing upon trust a cheat too commonly practis'd but to view the Writers my self so can I not remember that I have broak the Rule not but that other Writers have prompted me to many Citations If any think they could put a more moderate Interpretation on some Writers and so render their opinions less wicked and treasonable then I have I might here in my defence justly demand the same priviledge and favour that Father a Image of
say to him Why do you so since his power is such as to dispence beyond Law it self and so of Injustice can make Justice either by correcting or changing the Laws or Rights and b Dist 34. c. Lector Gloss dispence too against the Apostle Their Canon-Law brags that Constantine the Great call'd the Pope a c Dist 96. c. Satis evidenter God But their extravagant Gloss speaks out more plainly in these very words d Credere Dominum Deum nostrum Papam Conditorem c. Extra Joh. XXII Tit. 14. de verborum significat cap. 4. Cum inter nonnullâ—s Gloss Sect. Declaramus prope finem OUR LORD GOD THE POPE Because e Warn-word to Sir Fran. Hastings's wastward Encount 1. c. 2. Sect. 10. Father Parsons affirmeth he could never finde any such expression though he saith he sought much for it I have been the more exact and plain in the Quotation as also to confute f Apol. pro Hen. Garn. Andraeas Eudaemon-Johannes and some others who are apt to perswade their Readers that there is no such thing to be found at least in those Copies that they can meet withal for confutation of which take this Catalogue of Editions which I have met withal in which they will finde the said words expresly set down Lugduni Lutet Paris 1526 1522 1556 1561 1559 * 1585 1572 * 1601 * 1584 * 1612 Several of which viz. those you see here noted with the Asterisks were Vid. Pet Moulin vates lib. 5. cap. 6. printed after Pope Gregory the Thirteenth had corrected the Canon-Law and were as they confess printed and publish'd according to the Roman Copy by Authority of the said Pope And it may be from suchlike wicked expressions as this that abominable Varlet Francois Ravaillac drew this Blasphemous Doctrine g Parceque faisant la guerre contre le Pape c'estoit la faire contre Dieu d'â—utant que le Pape estoit Dieu Dieu â—stoit le Pape Pâ—ocez Examen Confessions c. du Fâ—ancoâ—s Ravaillac pag. 39. Is Casauban Epâ—st ad Front Ducaeum pag. 14 The Pope is God and God is the Pope And therefore supposing that Henry the Fourth of France would make War upon the Pope he thought himself obliged to murther the said King lest he should fight against God that is the Pope However though I cannot say that the wisest of them think the Pope really to be God yet this I am certain of that they commonly paint one so like the other with a Triple Crown and all other Pontifical Garments that you can scarce know whether they designed it for the Picture of God Almighty or the Pope But others would have us to think that he is not really a God no more than he is really a man but something or other between both according to our Country-man in their h Gloss g Clâ—mâ—â—t in Proem Gloss â— Papa Papa stupor Mundi Qui maxima rerumes Nec Deuses nec homo quasi neuter es inter utrumque Pope the worlds wonder greatest in all the world Nor God nor Man but between both thou' rt Purld And now can we think that they give these almost-almighty Titles and Power to his Holiness without sure grounds and good cause And that of all Reasons and Authorities the Canon-Law which hath been so carefully composed and so often revised by their wisest ones doth not afford the best No surely and therefore for a taste take some of their invincible Arguments and those too for more Authority framed by the Popes themselves and so infallibly true Can any deny that the Pope hath all a Extra Com. de Major Obed. c. Unam Sanctam Temporal as well as Spiritual jurisdiction seeing the Apostles said b Luke 22. 28. Behold here are two Swords and Christ answered That it is enough Which is also sufficiently testified by Christ's saying Peter c Job 18. 11. Mat. 26. 52. put up thy sword into the sheath What need any man question the d Extra Com. c. Unam sanctam Greg. de Major Obed c. Solitae Popes Authority to depose Kings seeing God told the Prophet Jeremiah saying e Jer. 1. 10. Behold I have this day set thee over the Nations and over the Kingdoms to root out and to pull down and to destroy and to throw down to build and to plant Is it not as plain as a Pike-staff that there is but one Supream Authority in the World and that that is the f Extra Com. c Unam sanctam Pope because God g Gen. 1. 1. created heaven in the Beginning for it is not said in the plural number in the Beginnings And therefore he that believes not that the Pope is the Chief must be an Heretical Manichee Again is it not impudence to deny the h Greg de Major Obed. c. Solitae Pope to be above any Emperour be he East or West seeing God himself decided long since the Controversie by creating i Gen. 1. 16. two great Lights viz. the Sun and the Moon whereby he did plainly demonstrate that the Pope is as far above the Emperour as the Sun is greater than the Moon And for the Kings they are no more to be compared to the Pope than k Dist 96. c. Duo sunt Lead is to Gold Upon the strength of these Authorities and mighty Reasons though not a Rush to the purpose their Writers vapour with his Holiness over all poor Hereticks l Comment in c. Oportchat pag. 48. Sect. 9. Rodericus Cupers thinks that those who deny the Popes Temporal and spiritual Supremacy deny also the Gospel and the great m Sum. Patt 3. Tit. 22. c. 5. Antoninus of Florence that he hath power not onely on earth but in Heaven and Hell Doctor n Tract de jurisdict part 4. cent 1. cas 56. Sect. 1. Marta saith that he is Judge of all men in the World And so any may appeal from their secular Judges to him He being the o Ibid. Sect. 8. Fountain and Original of all Temporal jurisdiction and having all the Power that p Id. cap. 25. Sect. 20. Christ had q Quodlibet VI. Quaest 23. fol. 369. a. Henricus à Gondavo with his Commentator Marcus Vitalis Zuccolius and r De Potestar Rom Pont. l. 2. c. 9. Sect 7. cap. 10. Alexander Carerius with a multitude of others are great sticklers for this his Authority and the later of them tells us that it is the common opinion of all their Divines and Canonists Nay Stephanus an Arch-bishop in one of their Lateran Councils applauded the Opinion That the Å¿ Concil Edict Regia Tom. 34. pag. 449. Pope was above all Power both of Heaven and Earth One tells us that he is not onely the Judge but the t Jo. Rubeus in Bonifac. VIII pag. 216. Spouse of the Vniversal Church and the Arbitrator of Heaven and Earth u Isidor
some cases as if the Prince should force his People to be a a Allow one or two Exceptions and twenty will follow if the Romanists be Judges Prateo lus Elench Haeret. § Mahometes compares the Protestants to the Turks Gifford Prâ—f in lib. D. Reinald Calvino-Turcismus saâ—th that the Protestants belief is worse than the Alcoran Mahometans Jewes Pagans or Infidels the Pope may discharge his Subjects of their Allegiance and Obedience otherwise due to him III. That the King Bishops Peers and Commons in Parliament cannot declare or censure the opinion which alloweth the Popes power to excommunicate and deprive Kings to be Impious and Heretical IV. That it is gross Ignorance and False not to believe that the Pope or any other have power to absolve Subjects of their Oaths of Obedience and Allegiance V. That this Oath of Allegiance though taken is not obligatory nor hath any power to binde Thus we see the foundation of Government shaken Oaths and Obedience brought to be but trifles and Supream Authority and Rule upon the common-canting whining pretence of Religion consumed to nothing Leonardus Lessius a Jesuite of great repute under the false name Discussio Decreti Mag. Concil Lateran of Guilielmus Singletonus is very zealous for this Authority to be in the Pope Tells us in one place that if the Pope b Si sam Pont. non haberet illam potestatem in Tâ—mporalia Ecclesia errarâ—t in Doctrina morum quidem circa res gravissimas Docet enim Principe per sententiam summi Pont. abdicato omnes subditos ab ejus obedientia esse solutos ditionem ejus ab alio posse occupari ut ex Conciliis constat Discuss Decret Concil Lat. pag 46. have not this power then the Church of necessity must err because it teacheth such jurisdiction to lye in the Pope but to affirm so of the Church viz. that she erreth is Heretical nay that this error viz. that the Pope cannot depose Kings c Id. Pag. 90. Hic enim error longe perniciosior erit magisque intolerabilis quam error circa aliquod Sacramentum is more pernicious and intolerable than an error concerning some of the Sacraments for 't is a d Id. Pag. 100. certain and undoubted received Opinion of the Church and therefore he e Id Pag. 123. conjures all Catholicks as they love the salvation of their Souls to have a care of doubting of it or believing the contrary for it f Ad sidem pertinere sive ita cum rebus fidei Religionis esse conjunctam ut absque sanae Doctrinae injuria non videatur posse negaâ—i belongs to faith or agrees so neer with it that it cannot be denyed without great injury to sound Doctrine And whether this Lessius in another of his Books concerning the a De potestate summi Pontifici Popes power maintains any Tenents more dangerous than these I know not no more than I do the reasons that made them suppress it though many years ago printed The Lawyer b De sindicatu Summar 4. § 56 57 58 59. Paris de Puteo from the Canon-law and other such-like authorities gathers that the Pope may depose Kings or Emperours and the old c Dist 40 Si Papa Gloss Glassator upon Gratian standing upon the same sandy Foundation maintains the same proposition against the latter and with these agree another Lawyer d Et Imperator debet confirmari à Papa tanquam superiore ab eo examinare approbari ac incongi consecraâ—i coronari si est dignus vel rejici si est indignus puta si esset sacrilegus excommunicatus licet esset electus ab Electoribus Imperii Jo. Bapt. Plot. Consilium § 64. Johannes Baptista Plotus In the year 1619. Frederick Elector Palatine of Rhine being over-perswaded by the Bohemians who had then denyed Ferdinand the Emperour to be their King to take upon him the Government over them was after some Wars overcome by the Imperialists and bereft not onely of that Kingdom but the rest of his Territories Upon this great consultation is had privately at Rome to get another Elector into his place and for the person they need not study long The Duke of Bavaria having his great expence in this War against the Bohemians and the Jesuits to whom he was a great Benefactor had a particular Devotion and was in all things sway'd by them to speak loud in his behalf and besides which was no small mover his Zeal for the cause of Rome Frederick being a Protestant and thus laid by would thus over-sway the reformed Electors in number whereby the Empire probably would still be ruled by that Religion These and other like reasons made Pope Gregory the Fifteenth and his Nephew and Favourite Cardinal Ludovisio who was also made Protector of the Irish to be earnest with the Emperour about it which at last though the Spaniard at its first motion seem'd not to like took effect and Maximilian Duke of Bavaria obtain'd that honour 1623. But that which I most aim at in this story is the Paper of advice or reasons to perswade to this action presented to the Pope and Cardinals by Michel Lonigo da Esle belonging to his Holiness in which is strongly pleaded for Bavaria ranting and boasting in a whole beadrole what pretty pranks and tricks the Popes have formerly acted over Kings and Emperours by interdicting excommunicating and deposing them altering and changing of Empires and Kingdoms and in one place speaks boldly and plainly thus It is in the Popes hands as appeareth by all Histories to renew the Emperours in their Empire to translate the authority of one Nation to another and utterly to abolish the right of Election And that Rome did think her power over Kings by way of punishment to be just and really her own you may partly guess from this following story No sooner came forth our Oath of Allegiance for the preservation Ro. Widdrington's Theological Disputation cap. 10. Sect. 2. § 52 53. c. of the King and security of his Kingdoms but Father Parsons at Rome sollicited the Pope for his Breves against it which were obtain'd but before they were sent into England this Jesuite wrote a Letter hither to intimate though falsly that he was for mitigation but that true enough the rest were for the Popes power against the King but take his own words as they are delivered to us by an honest Benedictine About some four or five Months ago it was consulted by seven or eight of the Learned'st Divines that could be chosen who gave their judgement of it Their Reasons are many but all deduced to this that the Popes Authority in chastising Princes upon a just account is de fide and consequently cannot be deny'd when it is call'd into Controversie without denying of our Faith nor that the Pope or any other Authority can dispense in this For if the Question were de facto and
depose him and declare him an Enemy nay and act against his very Person too he then ceasing to be a Prince Franciscus Fenardentius one of the most furious of all the Franciscan Orders doth somewhat agree with the former as you will easily judge when you hear him speak b Conventus legitimus Ordinum tâ—â—us Regni qui ex Eccleâ—asticis Nobilibus populi selectis viris coalescit cum universi Regni Majestatem potestatem faciem referat sicut Concilium Generale Episcoporum universam representat Ecclesiam Regem Religioni populo perniciosum Tyrannum infestum potest exauthorare alium ejus loco substituere Franc. Fenard Com. in Esther pag. 87. The Parliament composed of the Clergy Nobility and Commons representing the Majesty and power of the whole Kingdom as a general Council of Bishops doth the whole Church may depose their King being a Tyrant and hurtful to Religion and the People and then may chuse another into his place To these Divines we may add an old noted Lawyer Andraeus de Isernia who tells us that to whom the Government of the Kingdom is given to the same person is also committed all things that belong to the Government whereby the people deprive themselves of all Relations to such authority c Non remansit apud Populum qui non potest revocare nisi Rex male se gereret tunc expelleret Regem Tyrannizantem sicut Tarquinium Romani Andr. de Isern Comment in usus Feudorum Tit. Quae sint Regalia V. Monetae pag. 743. Vnless the King do not govern well for then forsooth they may expel him the Nation as the Romans of old did Tarquinius Adamus Tannerus a German Jesuit of great repute in his Country both with the Emperour and other Princes yet for all the many favours received from them he must not contradict the Principles of his Order and Church and therefore he positively maintains that Kings may lawfully sometimes be deposed and because he would not seem to do any thing without Reason he thus tells you upon what goodly foundation this bad Principle stands because forsooth d Ratio est tum quia Respub uti in Principem suam potestatem contulit ita ab eodem potest ex justa causa auferre Tum quia quaeque Respub habet potestatem sibi prospiciendi de legitimo Câ—pite quale non est hic quâ— ex Pastore populi in Lupum degeneravit Ad. Tanner Theolog. Scholast Tom. 3. disp 4. Quest 8. dub 3. Num. 32 33. as the people do deliver their power up to the King so upon just account they can take it from him again and also because every Common-wealth hath the Authority to see that they have a lawful head and he who from the Pastor of the people turns to be a Wolf is no lawful Governour But now let us see the Opinion of a Scotch-man and that held one of the learnedst of his time his Divinity he got from Sorbonne but where he got his Politicks I know not unless from the practice of his Church of Rome however take it as it is a Totus populus est supra Regem in aliquo eventu potest eum exauthorare quemadmodum Romani Tarquinium superbum imperio exuerunt sed non potest de jure sine maxima evidentissima causa Jo. Major in quartum sententiarum Dist 11. Quaest 10. The people are above their King and in some cases may depose him as the Romans did Tarquin yet this they cannot do lawfully but upon urgent occasions This was a fit man to be Buchanan's Master who trod his steps to an hair in these Principles as appears by his ungrateful b De jure Regni apud Scotos Dialogue presented to King James But the Scholar had not so good esteem of his Masters skill in History as appears by the Satyrical Epigram against him though Major deserved better Cum scateat nugis solo cognomine Major G. Buchan Epigram lib. 1. pag. 337. Nec sit in immenso pagina sana libro Non mirum titulis quod se veracibus ornat Nec semper Mendax fingere Creta solet Since as he saith he 's onely Great in name And with false trifles doth his story frame No wonder that he calls himself so right Since greatest lyars sometimes truth may write But that we might not at this time think our Neighbours worse A conference about the next succession of the Crown of England Imprinted at N. with License 1594. Part. 1. cap. 2. pag. 32. Id. Pag. 36. than ourselves let 's hear an English-man speak to this case and this shall be the noted Jesuit Robert Parsons under the Visard of R. Doleman Yea not onely in this point saith he hath the Commonwealth authority to put back the next Inheritors upon lawful considerations but also to dispossess them that have been lawfully put in possession if they fulfill not the Laws and Conditions by which and for which their dignity was given them And again So yet retaineth still the Common-wealth her Authority not onely to restrain the same Prince if he be exorbitant but also to chasten and remove him upon weighty considerations In one place he seems to vapour with his Compact though I would gladly know when where by whom and how in England for that 's his drift this Agreement was and made conditional and by what Laws the people are made Judges and Punishers but let us hear the Jesuit himself speak Yea with such plain Exceptions Promises and Oaths of both Id. Cap. 4. p. 73. Parties I mean between the King and Common-wealth at the day of his admission or Coronation as if the same be not kept but wilfully broken on either part then is the other not bound to observe his Promise neither though never so solemnly made or sworn for that in all Bargains Agreements and Contracts where one Party is bound mutually and reciprocally to the other by Oath Vow or Condition there if one side go from his promise the other standeth not obliged to perform his In another place he turns the Condition into an Obligation affirming that the people not onely may but that they ought depose their Kings thus Then is the Common-wealth not onely free from all Oaths made by Id. Pag. 77 78. her of Obedience or Allegiance to such unworthy Princes but is bound moreover for saving the whole body to resist chasten and remove such evil heads if she be able And then again to weaken the succession by blood and to make an Heir-apparent but a trifle and to make the outward Ceremonies too much essential to the Office he thus in his fury gives you his Infallible Decree I must needs affirm to be most absurd base and impious that flattery Id. Cap. 5. pag. 120. before mentioned of Belloy and his Companions where he holdeth that onely succession of blood is the thing without farther approbation which maketh a King and that
della potesta Eccles pag 68 76. Paris de Puter de syndicatu Summar 4. § 56 57 58 59. Jul. Ferrettus de re milit p. 156. § 113. p. 354. § 26. Giov. Filoteo Nuova Resposta contra Venetia p 16 59. Celsus Mancinus de juribus Principat l. 3. c. 3. p. 76. Dionys Carthus de authoritate Papae lib. 1. aâ—t 6. Jo. Mar. Bellettus disquisit Clerical part 1. p. 282. § 110. Hostiens Summa lib. 5. Tit. de Haeret. § qua poena ferratur § 11. Greg. Nunnius Coronel de optimo Reipub. Statu p. 545 547. Jo. Turrecremata Summa de Eccles c. 14. propos 4. Dom. Soto in sentent disp 25. qu. 2. art 1. § Tertio Petr. de Palude de causa Immediate Eccles potest art 4. Jo. de Seloa de Beneficio part 4. qu. 8. § 25. Jo. à S. Geminiano Summa de Exemplis lib. 8. cap. 60. Gabr. Berart spectacul visitat c. 22. § 46. Paul Carraria de literali ac Mystico Regularum jâ—ris interpretatione qu. 2. art 4. punct 2. § 25 26 27. by his indiscretion not fit for Rule they say he may then be deposed Thus they say Childerick was deprived from being King of France because he was a little easie natured not given to action nor so wise as his Neighbours whereby he was unfit for Rule This may make the being of Government most unstable the giddy multitude and the factious being apt to interpret this Rule at any time to their pleasures when before these late Wars Sir Henry Ludlow Father to the notorious Edmund Ludlow had the boldness publickly Ex. Coll. p. 552. before the Parliament to affirm that King Charles I. was not worthy to be King of England and no way punish'd for such abominable speeches whereby it appear'd how pleasing they were to the rest of the Commons what might be expected when they were more heightned in wickedness by their entring and continuing in open Rebellion If this one so vertuous religious learned and knowing a King be censured as unworthy what may other Princes think of themselves and their condition And yet 't is better to be thus soft-natured than so abominable wicked and cruel as Sixtus IV Alexander VI and some other Popes were amongst whom we may justly place John XIII or XII who I warrant you at this time waving his wickedness was every inch of him fit to be Pope being but a Baronius anno 955. § 3 4. XVIII years old if so much when he rul'd the Church as a Successor of St. Peter And if you think that this Youth was not young enough to be Christs Vicar what will you object against b Baron an 1033. § 6. Papyr Massonius de Episcopis Urbis lib. 4. fol. 174. Benedict IX a boy of XII years old and yet at that age was his litttle Holiness Pope of Rome and as infallible too as the best of them It hath formerly been a custom in c P. Messia Selva Rinovata part 4. c. 67. Franconia at our d Jo. Gregory's Posthuma p. 95 133 c. Salsbury at Cambray in Hanault and many other Cities for the young Boys upon St. Nicholas his day to chuse amongst themselves a Bishop who with his Myter and other little Episcopal Ornaments used to govern them till Iunocents day but it may be the Council of e Sess 21. Basil made a Decree against the Custom The former John and Benedict would have been pretty Popes for these Bishops and if we add a Baron anno 925. Hugo à Veromandia who was made Arch-bishop of Rheims at V years old and approved of by Pope John X or XI they would make up a dapper Council to govern the Universal Church and sufficient and vigilant and careful enough XV. For what other reasons they may depose Kings I cannot justly Dâ—m Paul Lopiz flase Clericorum part 2. § 77. Guil. de Monser rat de successione Regum dub 1. § 30. Sylv. de Priero Summa v. Papa § 10 11. Alex. Carerius de potest Rom. Pont. l. 2. c. 3. § 18. Cels Mancinus de jurib Principat l. 3. c. 3. p. 76. Tho. Stapleton Tom. 1. Controv. 3. Qu. 5. Art 2. p. 710. Fran. Bozzâ—us de Temporall Eccles Monarch l. 2. c. 16. p. 553. Arnald Albertin Repet in C. quoniam de Haeret. Qu. 15. § 34. S. Bonaventur de Eccles Hierarch part 2. cap. 1 Aâ—ast Germinus de sacrorum Immunitat lib. 3. Proem § 9 10. Jo à Capistrino de Papae Authorit fol. 65. à Jul. Caes Madim de sacris Ordinib 9. cap. 9. § 17. determine because many of their Writers will not particularize but by shooting at random and excepting none may give occasion for more than here set down and for ought that I know may tacitely allow of any for when they say That a King may justly be deposed cause being given without naming any they leave the people to judge them themselves And that they pretend more causes for deposing of Kings than we here charge them with is somewhat plain from b In 2. 2. p. 224. Petrus de Aragon who saith That a King may be deposed for any fault to which Excommunication is joyned And if we look upon c Summa aurea Armilla v. Excommunicat Bartholomaeus Fumus and some others we shall finde God knows how many causes laid down by them for Excommunication XVI But why need we search for Vices or make such a clutter to prove a King to be criminal As if iniquity wickedness stupidity or suchlike failings were the onely causes for which a Prince might be removed since we are informed that all these signifie nothing to the purpose it being not so much the defect of the King as the pleasure or rather will forsooth of his Holiness at Rome For thus are we told by no less man than Thomas Bozzius whose Authority is neither slighted by the Pope nor his Romish Favourites Although that a King be lawful and understanding in Government Sitque aliquis jure solers industrius potens Catholicus pius Tamen Pontifex Episcopique Pontifice approbante jure naturaâ—i Divino in Divini Scriptis expresso ac tradito per Christum Apostolos valent huic auferre Imperia Regna alterâ—que nullum jâ—s alioque habenti adjudicare ubi judicaverint id esse non modo necessarium sed expediens Tho. Boz de jure Status lib. 3. cap. 4. pag. 287 288. Industrious Potent a good Roman Catholick and godly yet the Pope and the Bishops by the Approbation of the Pope by Divine Law delivered to the Church by Christ and his Apostles have power to take away his Dominion and Kingdoms from him and give them all to a third person who had no right unto them if so be that they think that so doing to be not onely necessary but expedient Most miserable must thus the State of Kings be if they thus lye at the Mercie of one which
of Constantine is a foolish and absurd forgery to be disposed and hist at by all men being onely maintain'd by a company of ignorant people And i De Script Eccles Tom. 1. pag. 237. Philippe â—abâ—e another French Jesuite well versed in these things confesseth that Baronius Morinus and others may very well doubt it XIII They write that this Baptism and supposed Donation of Constantine was in the CCCXXIV and yet the Decree it self of such a Donation with the story of his Baptism is dated Constantine and Gallicanus being Consuls And yet according to the Fasti of the Consuls Crispus and Constantinus were then Consuls and not Gallicanus who was Consul with Bassus some VII years before this and was again V years after the Nicen Council and this false dating is another sign of the cheat XIV If Constantine gave all this to the Church of Rome in Pope Sylvesters time how cometh k 12. Q. 1. c. Futuram Melchiades who was Pope before this Sylvester to take notice of Constantine's being a Christian and expresly to relate his building of Churches his giving great things to Rome and his leaving of that City to the Popes The truth is they are both cheats to the shame of the Collectors of their Canon-law who would thus fob such forgeries upon us And Gregory XIII his amendments were to small purpose leaving such gross lyes as these in their Canon to deceive the more ignorant More might be said against the pretended Donation of Constantine but this is enough to satisfie any man of its forgeries and that there was never any such thing However because they pretend to give some reasons for it take some for example sake I. First they say that Eusebius in his book call'd Enneadoes writes the storie of the Leprosie Baptism and Donation of Constantine and so why not true Answer This is a spurious and counterfeit Book never made by Eusebius as a An. 1191. § 51. Baronius and b Var. Resol l. 4. c. 16. § 8. Covarruvias confess and the true Eusebius writes no such thing but quite contrary as aforesaid II. Again they say that S. Hierome in one of his c Beginning Saepissime rogatus Epistles to Eustichius affirmeth Constantine to have been baptized by Sylvester and so not at Nicomedia as Eusebius saith Answer This is also a forged Epistle never writ by S. Hierome but by some cheat or other and father'd upon him as many other writings are as is confess'd by d Not. in Martyr Rom. Aug. 1. Baronius and e Apparat. in Hier. pag. 752. Possevine with f Tom. 4. pag. 202. Annot. ante Epist Praef. ante Tom. 4. Hieroâ— Erasmus and several g See Jo. Hen. Hottinger Elench Scriptor suppositiorum page 83. others III. Again they say that h Dist 96. c. 14. Constantinus Gratian having collected the storie of it into his Decrees and so become a part of the Canon-law we need not suspect the Antiquity of it no question but they had good reason and true for putting of it there Answer I hope you will not take all to be Gospel in these Decrees for if so i Dist 34. c. 4. 5. with the contents Edict Ludg. 15 44. 1572. Edict Paris 1561. Concubines will thank you for allowing them so fair a plea. But to the purpose 't is confest by k Hist part 1. Tit. 8. c. 2. § 8. Antonius Bishop of Florence by l Antropol l. 23. fol. 270. a. Volateran by m De concord Cathol l. 3. c. 2. Cusanus and others that this was not inserted by Gratian nor is it in the Ancient Copies and the Palea or Chaff prefixt to its Title tell you what stamp and authority 't is of However to prove this donation though not inserted by Gratian yet to be set in these Decrees in his time n De jurisdict part 1. c. 30. § 35 36. Dr. Marta tells us a storie of a plagiary Cardinal why such Chapters were so call'd But another Italian Lawyer o De juris peritis Catellianus Cotta saith that Palea was one who was Schollar to Gratian and probably one is as true as the other Several other suchlike spurious Authorities as these are alledged in behalf of this Donation to which I need not trouble the Reader with an Answer but refer him to Dr. Crakinthorp And in truth Dâ— Barwâ—ck's lite of Bishop Morton some of them are impudent to a miracle in this way of forgery witness their yet confident storie of the Nags-head Ordination as notorious a lye as ever was spread abroad witness their affirming that the Reverend Bishop Mâ—rton confest the truth of the storie in a Speech in Parliament as true as the other But had the storie been true might not we say we took the Example from Pope John XII who a Baron anno 963. § 17. Binius Concil ordain'd a Deacon in a Stable Here basely the Fathers and others have been abused and corrupted in their Additions I shall not at this time undertake to declare but refer you to b Corruption of Father See also Blondel Psâ—udo-Isidor W Crashaw's Romish forgeries and falfications Dr. Tho James and Archbishop Vsher left a large Manuscript behind him much to the same purpose The aforesaid c Appendix to the Reader Dr. James an industrious Toyler amongst all sorts of Books and Writings tells that in the Vatican Library there are certain men maintain'd onely to write out the Acts of the Councils or Copies of the Fathers works who are brought up to imitate the ancient Letters and writings of some of them which Possevine the Jesuit confessing that Manuscripts themselves need a Purgation To prevent the thrusting of these Abuses upon us the Noble Prince Henry had some thoughts to erect a Royal Library with all sorts of Books and Editions as I think betwixt St. James and the Muze And in the Proposition presented to the aforesaid Prince both to forward and to shew the means to carry on such a glorious design I finde these following words according to my Manuscript confirming the former observation of Dr. d It would be well if several of his Books were reâ—â—inted to shew the abuse of some Editions of Fathers James The Pope gathereth up all the Manuscripts he can into his Library the Vatican and there useth them at his pleasure One of their tricks is Notorious they have men that can counterfeit any hand and write the old hands that were written 500 and 1000 years ago then they have an artificial Ink which within three days after the writing looks as it had been written 500 years afore Thus having altered and taken out all that made for us they suppress the old true Copies and produce these new ones they written by themselves as afore as the Authentical Books In this was also designed a noble maintenance for the Library-Keepers and other Officers thereunto belonging to
that none but Cardinals can elect a Pope that if ever a Bishop of Rome was chosen by those Cardinals who were created by an Antipope or one not truely as they say Christ's Vicar that then such an Election is of no validity being made by those who were not truely Cardinals and so wanted an authentick Authority to make such an election And if the succession once fail I know not how or when it must begin again But because the aforesaid Italian foundeth his main design upon Simony I shall onely Preface a little on the same crying sin and that but a few years before his Sixtus the Fifth When they declare that the sin of a Gondissalv de Villadiego contra haereticam pravitatem Quaest 1. § 3. Flav. Cherubinus Compend Bullar Tom. 1. pag. 152. Card. Jacobat de Concil l. 8. art 8. § 8. Id. l. â— art 4. § 53. and so their Canon-Law 1. q. 1. c. Presbyter c. Quicunque c. Cumliqueat c. Eos qui. c. Fertur c. Statuimus Decretum Simony is Heresie and so he that is guilty of the first must also be an Heretick and when they also confess that if a Pope be b Petr. de Balsius director Electionum cap. 14. Hieron Monfred deces 321. Eman. Sa Aphorism v. Papa 1. chosen by Simony then that Election is null and void and seeing they go yet farther as to affirm that if a Pope be Heretical he is not onely c Mart. de Caraziis de Principibus Quaest 199. inferiour to all other Christians but d Jo. Hieron Alban de potest Papae p. 1. § 6. Card. Jacobis de Concil l. 9. art 1. § 12 3. Martinus de Caraziis de Principibus Quest 522. Eman. Sa Aphorism v. Papa § 6. falleth from his Popedom and so not being Head of the Church 't is no difficult matter from these Principles thus granted by them to prove a failing if not an end of their succession And that Popes ought of old to be deposed for obtaining their Dignities by Simony or suchlike unlawful means is undeniable from the a Si quis pecunia veâ— gâ—atia humana aut populari mihtarive tumultu siâ—e concâ—rdi Câ—â—oâ—â—â—a Electione Cardinaltum in throno Petri collocatus is non Apostolicus sed Apostaticus id est à rationed ficiens meritò vocetur liceatque Cardinalibus Clerius Laius Deum colentibus illum ut pradonem anathematizarâ— quovis humano auâ—â—â—o à sede Apostolica propellere atque quovis in loco si in Urbe non liceat Catholicos hujusâ—e rei causa congregare Pâ—atâ—na vit Nichol. II. Dâ—st 97. c. si qâ—â—s Decree made above DC years ago in the time of Nicholas the Second in a Council at Rome And since that time Julius the Second made a more vigorous Bull against the Simoniacal Election of Popes and the nulling of such a choice of which we shall speak more hereafter Now if that horrid and unmanly sin of Simony make an Election illegal and void what shall we think of Pope Alexander the Sixth who by this corrupt means obtain'd the Papal dignity as their own b De rebus Hispan lib. cap. 2. Mariâ—na c Vit. Alexand VI. apud Platâ—n Onuphrius with d Lib. 1. beginninâ—g Guicciardine do declare and though e Anti Mornaeus Tom. 2. p. 305. Coquaeus is unwilling to meddle with this objected crime yet his Country-man and fellow Doctor of Paris f Iâ—â—ne faut point chercher tant de Tesmoins pour proves une chose que tout le monde avoüe Coeffet Râ—sponse au Mystere d'Iniquite pag. 1209. Coeffeteau not being able to confute the Objection doth profess that we need not trouble our selves to bring out Testimonies to prove it since all the world doth confess it If this Alexander by his illegal obtaining that dignity was no true Pope then the Cardinals by him created were also false ones and so the Popes by them elected of no true Authority or Jurisdiction to be Christ's Vicars This Alexander remaining Bishop of Rome above eleven years at several Creations others dying in the time made these following XLIII Cardinals 1. Jo. Borgia   2. John Morton Archbishop of Canterbury   3. Jo. Anton. de S. Georgio â— 1 4. Jo. de la Grolaye   5. Bernardinus Coravagial â— 2 6. Raymund Perauld   7. Caesar Borgia Bastard to Pope Alexander the Sixth for this Pope had three Sons and two Daughters   8. Hippolitus Estiensis   9. Fridericus Cassimirus Son to the King of Poland   10. Julianus Caesarius â— 3 11. Dominicus Grimanus â— 4 12. Alexander Farnesius â— 5 13. Bernardinus de Lunate   14. Guillielmus Brissoneta   15. Bartholomaeus Martinus   16. Johan de Castro â— 6 17. Johan Lopez   18. Johan Borgia Nephew to the Pope poysoned by Caesar Borgia   19. Aloysius de Arragonia â— 7 20. Philipp de Lucemburgo   21. Georg. de Ambosia â— 8 22. Thomas ex oppido Herdouth Hung arus   23. Jacobus Serra al. Casanova â— 9 24. Petrus Issualies   25. Diego Hortado de Mendozza   26. Franciscus Borgia supposed to be Son to the Pope Callistus the Third â— 10 27. Johan Vera â— 11 28. Ludovicus Podacatharus â— 12 29. Jo. Anton. Trivultius â— 13 30. Jo. Baptist Terrarius   31. Amanatem de Albreto â— 14 32. Petr. Ludovic Borgia â— 15 33. Marcus Cornelius â— 16 34. Jo. Stephanus Ferrerius â— 17 35. Johan Casteller â— 18 36. Franciscus Remolinus   37. Franciscus Soderinus â— 19 38. Melchior Copis   39. Nicholaus de Flisco â— 20 40. Franciscus de Sprata al. Spares â— 21 41. Hadrianus Castellensis â— 22 42. Jacobus Casanova â— 23 43. Franciscus Iloris â— 24 After the death of this Alexander XXXVII Cardinals after some disturbance and fears enter into the Conclave to elect another Pope and of this little number there were XXIV of this Alexanders Creation whose names you see mark'd with this â— In this Conclave was Pius the Third chosen but how could he be legally elected if almost two parts in three of the Cardinals had no lawful voice But again supposing all the Cardinals to belegally created yet how can the election of this Pius be true and lawful seeing he was so far from having the voices of two parts in three or a Majority though this would not make a true election that he onely obtain'd the a Alphons Ciaconius vit Pii III. less part or number in the Conclave for him and yet was I know not how declared for Pope What in part hath been objected against Pius the Third may also pass upon Julius the Second for though at his election there were XXXVII Cardinals in the Conclave yet XXVI were of Alexanders creation And if this stand good then we may affirm that there hath been no true Pope
munificentia largus erga indigentes Iâ—opes misericordia satis premptus ita ut non solum Princeps Populotum sed etiam Pater Pauperum vocari sit dignus lâ—â—dori Chron. magnified for a brave Souldier and King for one vertuous faithful prudent industrious just munificent and liberal that he ought to be call'd the Prince of his people and Father of the poor He had done well if his Subscription had been true to have corrected his History that they might not stand thus at defiance against each other to deceive Posterity we cannot plead â—sidores ignorance seeing he lived in the same time and Country and why may not this good Character in his Chronologie be more true and authentick than that other testified by his and the others subscription since the first was writ freely and privately without any obligation to flatter onely to inform Posterity whilst the other as is very a Marian. de rebus Hispan lib. 6. cap. 5. probable was onely subscribed to gratifie and pleasure Sisenandus a dissembling and powerful Usurper But 't is all one to my purpose were he good or bad And here we have another rancounter amongst Historians for the aforenamed Rodericus Ximenius Archbishop of Toledo and Alphonsus de Carthagena Bishop of Burgos with b De Reg. Hispan lib. 2. Michael Ritius c Arbori delle famiglie Regall di Spagna pag. 34. Cesare Campana and several others give not the least hint of any opposition that Suinthila had in his Government but that he dyed at Toledo and the learned Belgick Jesuit d Bibl. Hisp Tom. 1. p. 163. Andraeas Schottus agreeth to the last whilst other Writers are confident of his deposition the story of which is rather hinted at than told but in sum thus One Sisenandus or Sisnandus but of what relation Pens will not agree great in Wars and Authority having a desire to make himself King plotted Treason with some others of the Nobility and the better to carry on this Rebellion he sent to Dagobert King of France to desire his assistance the which he obtain'd by his great promises and treasure which he sent to this Dagobert who sent the Wealth to St. Denis where he had built the great Church since that the burying-place of the French Kings A strange piece of Policy commonly in practice for Kings not onely to assist but if beaten to protect Rebels against their Soveraigns when two to one it may a little after be their own case And as this is a strengthing so 't is an incouragement by the certainty if overcome of a refuge to Rebellion Dagobert accordingly sends Abondant and Venerand or e Jo. de Bussiers Hist Fran. Tom. 1. pag. 183. Venerabandus with an Army of Burgundians who enter Spain and march straight-way to Saragoza Upon this the Gothick Rebels revolt joyn to Sisenand by which he grew so powerful and strong that Suinthila with his Queen and Children were forced to flee and so Sisenandus by his treason obtain'd the f An. 631. Crown The Laity having thus proved themselves bold Rebels let us see if their Church be cleer from this vice Sisenand having thus usurp'd the Throne cunningly courted peace with all people and in the third year of his Reign pretending forsooth a great care for Religion and the Church though his g Jo. Mariana lib. 6. cap. 5. design was to get himself fully setled and the through extirpation of Suintila and his Relations call'd a Council at Toledo where met some LXX Spanish and French i. e. that part of it then under Spain Bishops The Bishops being met at Toledo in the Church de Santa Leocadia a h An. 305. 9. Decemb. Virgin-Martyr Sisenand like an Hypocrite humbles himself before the Council and with many tears and sobbings upon his knees desires their blessings and prayers and to mend the faults they found in the Church and suchlike good words After some Consultation and the making of some Canons they gratifie Sisenando to the purpose not onely by declaring of him true and lawful King and confirming of him in the Throne but by dashing in pieces all the hopes of Suintila whom they call Suinthilanis against whom they raunt very dapperly calling of him Fugitive and Runaway from his Authority A pretty jest that Titius should be call'd coward Qui propria scelera metuens se ipsum Regno privavit potestatis facibus exuit and worthy to loose his Lands when being over-power'd by a company of Robbers he is forced to flee to save his life And thus they deprive Suinthila his Queen and Children of all benefit there Having thus confirm'd Sisenando they go on and make strange curses and threats against any that shall indeavour to disturb him in his Throne or who shall intend by sinister ends to aspire to the Crown A pretty Type of Oliver Cromwel and his Parliament who having beat out the true Heir to the Crown and so made himself Lord Paramount they vote it high-Treason for any to oppose that Government or deny the Authority and Rule of his Highness forsooth as if it were vertue and godliness in him to depose a lawful Prince but Treachery and Villany in others to withstand an Usurper And Mariana the Jesuit himself though a great Patron to a De Institut Reg. c. 6. Treason doth confess that Sisnandus obtain'd the Kingdom either by Treachery or Rebellion though to me in the conclusion there is no difference Another of the same Society Sisenandi proditione an rebellione Suinthila sublatus est Jo. Marian. de reb Hispan lib. 6. cap. 4. viz. Andraeas Schottus doth confess that Sisenando obtain'd the Kingdom by force or b Sisenandus rex creatur qui per Tyrannidem Regnum fuit adeptus A. S. Bibl. Hispan Tom. 1. pag. 163. Tyranny and so to conclude this story we see not onely an action but also a Vindication of Treason and Rebellion and that by one of their Councils Nor is this any such wonder for they say that the twelfth Council of Toledo did the same courtesie to Flavius Ervigius or Ervingius Erigius or Hermigius after he had Trayterously endeavour'd the poysoning of the renouned King Bamba or Wamba and so got the Crown to which he had no c Hist of Spain pag. 150. Rob. Tolet. l. 3. c. 12. Alphons de Carthag cap. 1940. Andr. Schott pag. 170. Jo. Marian l. 6. c. 17. right And so much at this time for Spain Sect. 2. The Murther of Childerick the Second King of France with his Queen great with Childe ANd now let us walk over the Pyrenean Mountains and take a turn in France where we shall finde Childerick the Second King but in short time most barbarously murdered the story thus in short This Childerick but for what fault Authors will not tell us had caus'd on Bodilo or d Gaguin fol. 22. Bolidus to be bound and whipt with Rods Upon this he and some others of
ingenuement que c'a este un horrible Sacrilege digne d'estre brusle du feu du Ciel Et encor qu' Onuphre remitte en doubte cette Histoire elle est neantmoins receüe par la Commune voix de tous les Escrivains Coeffet Response au Mornay pag. 576. Nicholas Coeffeteau of his own accord quitting of us from this labour As for Pope Stephanus they say he was at last imprisoned by his Baron Coeffet Enemies and there strangled yet some onely say in the common phrase he dyed To him succeeded k An. 897. Romanus being chosen by a prevailing Faction of the Romans as l Pag. 477. Coquaeus saith against Albert Marquiss of Tuscany this obliged Romanus as an Enemy to Sergius and his party to favour Formosus whom in a Synod he vindicated condemning all that Stephanus had done against him so did his Successor m An. 898. Theodorus the Second After him there was great strivings to have the former Sergius setled in the Popedom but the contrary party carryed it who elected John the Tenth or Ninth his interest also lay for Formosus whose actions he presently Platina began to vindicate but in this a great number of Romans opposing him the Seditions and Tumults rose to such an hight that both parties had like to have gone together by the Ears and fought it out but to carry his business more clearly John leaveth Rome goeth to Ravenna where he gets LXXIV Bishops together with Sigonius an 898. whom he condemns the proceedings of Stephanus against Formosus and declar'd as sacrilegious those who had taken his body out of Coef p. 577. its Grave and cut off his Fingers and yet at the same time call'd Stephanus a Pope of a Id. p. 582. Stâ—phanum pâ—ae recordationis Baron an 904. § 4. holy and blessed memory And something he also did here in Temporals according as his interest led him for though he loved one and hated the other â—ope never so much yet self-ends perswaded him to reject and approve at his own liking for here he null'd the Coronation of Arnulph for Emperour as illegal though 't was done by his Friend Formosus and on the contrary received and declared as authentick that of Lamberts though crown'd by his Foe Stephanus the truth is he loved not the German greatness to have too much countenance neer him for which cause he desired Lâ—â—mbert to be present at this Synod for a farther confirmation of his honour And having now a King or Emperour according to his hearts wish the better to confirm the Popedom to his own associates or party he establish'd by Decree or renew'd the ancient Laws viz. b Coef pag. 577. That from that time forward the Popes should not be Consecrated but in the presence of the Ambassadors or Deputies of the Emperour Thus was Adrian the Thâ—d his Constitution contrary to this null'd And so much for this John who is branded by Platina as a Renewer or Reviver of the former broyls and seditions which were almost neglected or forgot After John succeeds Benedict the Fourth elected by the Tusculan interest and Consecrated according to c Contra Legem sine authorâ—tate Reâ—ia Sigon anno 899. Sigonius against the Law wanting the Royal or Imperial Authority Next to him we have Leo the Fourth neither humane nor divine Law being then observed and he was one neither wise nor fit for affairs as the same d Sigon an 904. Historian observeth Christopher his Chaplain taking opportunity by Leo's weakness assisted with other his Companions seis'd upon and imprisoned him and setled himself in the Popedom but ungrateful Christopher remain'd not long in this glory For e An. 906. Sergius the Third who had formerly twice attempted year 900 the Papal Chair and as oft thrust by did now play his part so well that he obtain'd his desire seis'd upon Christopher shut him up in a Monastery and after into close imprisonment where he miserably dyed This Sergius the Third again stirs up the dispute about Formosus and was so zealous an Enemy against him that he not onely thwarted all that had been done in vindication of Formosus by other Popes by his nulling and abrogating all that Formosus had decreed or done having all those re-ordained who had formerly received Orders of Formosus but not content with this he had his body f Platinada Bâ—rgamo fol. 311. Genebrard pag. 811. Carranza pag. 7â—6 Naucler Generat 31. pag. 656. Volaterran lib. 22. fol. 252. Ant. Coc. Sabellic Ennead 9. lib 1. fol. 209 La Cronique Martinianâ— fol. 103. dig'd out of its Grave again and beheaded as a Malefactor and so thrown into the River Tiber as unworthy of Christian burial and g Acta Rom. Pont. pag. 129. Baleus saith that the rest of his Fingers left on his righthand were now also cut off But some I finde of late to be very willing to have this inhumanity of Sergius towards Formosus his Carkass somewhat suspected or doubted because they tell us that Historians might mistake though in this we finde them very positive However if this will not be granted them yet if any question the innocencie or Religion of Formosus they have a Miracle at hand to help bravely at a dead-lift viz. that it chanced upon a time that some Fisher-men found this body of Formosus which they carryed to St. Peters Church which whilst they were burying all the Images there did reverence to the Carkass and if this be not good proof of his Infallibility I know not where I can satisfie or better my self And here I finde a De Rom. Pont. lib. 4. cap. 12. Bellarmine b Pag. 579 580. c. Coeffeteau c Tom 1. pag. 479. Coquaeus and some others in a peck of troubles how to quit these contradictory Popes assisted by their contradictory Councils or Synods from Fallibility or being erronious But here they onely beat about the Bush and let them toyl never so much they will scare quit these infaliible Popes from two Fundamental Errors not onely of Fact but of Judgement and Doctrine viz. the acknowledging or not acknowledging of the true Pope and the re-ordaining those who had formerly rightly and legally received Orders as if they had been but meer d Tanquam nihil ab illo accepissent Bellarm. de Rom. Pont. l. 4 c. 12. Laymen for all their former Ordination since they themselves confess that an Episcopal Character is indelible though he were never so wicked otherwise they would make the vertue of the Sacrament depend upon the sanctity or wickedness of the Priest Yet rather than grant Fallibility their great e Bell. ib. Cardinal would gladly insinuate into us that Stephanus might either not know or not believe that Martin had absolved Formosus from his Oath of never being Bishop and so might judge him not to be capable of the Popedom Very pretty indeed that Stephinus an intimate
Revenue of Corpus Christi Church Here being now met one of them falls a railing against the Governour of the City for which rashness he was warily reprehended by one Melon which reproof was so ill taken by the people who also hated Melon for his Office being a Sergeant that in a fury they took the poor Catch-pole threw a Rope about his neck and dragg'd him out of the City with a designe to hang him but they bruis'd him with so many stripes that he was dead before they got him to the Gallows however they hung up his body there This done as they return'd they met with a Companion of Melon's called Roque Portalejo whom without farther ado they hal'd to the Gallows hanging him up by the feet till he dyed The next day being informed that their Alderman and Burgess Antonio de Tordesillas had granted the Emperour some monies and was then at the town-Town-Council thither they ran in an hurry climbing over the Doors breaking in at the Windows and violently laying hands on him they dragged him out of St. Michaels Church where the Council meets nor could all his intreaties and reasons satisfie them but they set him clad in crimson Velvet on a Mâ—le with an intent to carry him to prison yet they had not carryed him far but they knock'd him off again put a Rope about his neck dragged him along the streets punching him on the head with the pummels of their Swords nor would they allow him Confession or Sacrament but so trail'd him to the Gallows where they hung him with his head downwards betwixt the two other This done they turn'd out all the Kings Officers of Justice putting others in their places and ruled all having seised on the City Gates but the Forts were gallantly defended by Don Hernando de Bobadilla Earl of Chinchon and his brother Don Diego And the chiefest of the City endeavour'd to excuse themselves to the Cardinal and his Council At the same time with the former tumult the City of Zamora fell into the like fury against their Commissioners and Burgesses for granting the Emperour a Subsidy whereupon the Members fled and hid themselves in the Monastery of Marta a little days journey off which so inraged the people that they made Statues and Pictures resembling them which they dragged about the streets with many reproachful exclamations and threatned the Monastery to fire it if the Commissioners were not deliver'd whom they resolved to murther The people of Vall adolid had the same freaks in their noddles But those of Burgos could not be kept within any bounds assaulting the Lord Constables house invironed the house of the Dutchess Donna Maria de Tabar shooting down part of its Tower whereby they entred and sought for her but she saved her self by hiding They ran to Garci Ruiz de la Mota's house who had been Commissioner and was Brother to the Bishop of Badajos and Palencia resolving to kill him but he saved himself by flight yet they burn'd his house with a great number of Deeds Charters and other Papers belonging to the King and Kingdom Nor did they spare the consuming of his richest goods and moveables as fine Linnen rich Tapistry-hangings c. with all which they made a great Bonfire to satisfie their fury and make their worships sport And to continue the Frolick they burned down the House of Garci Jofre one of the Emperours Harbingers and not content with this they took the poor fellow clapt him in Prison where with blows and thrusts they soon dispatch'd him and being dead they tyed his feet together so drag'd him to his own door cutting and pinking his body with their swords all the way and thus drawing it through all the streets at last they hang'd it up with his head downwards Madrid was also possest with the same Devil of Rebellion seising upon all the Arms and setting Guards to maintain their own whims all the City over and in like manner rose up Siguenza Salamanca Murcia Illescas and as mad as the rest was Guadalajara who not being able to get their Commissioners into their Clutches rased down their houses the foundations of which they plowed up and sowed with salt saying that In regard they were traytors houses they must be salted lest they should infect the rest with their infidelity Cardinal Adrian and his Council having consider'd of these distempers resolved by punishing of Segovia to terrifie the rest to which purpose they sent as Judge Ronquillo a famous Lawyer in those times with a thousand horse for his security and if the City denyed him entrance and to be judged by him to make his way by sorce The Segovians upon this fortifie themselves and make resistance being assisted by those of Toledo Avila Madrid with other inferiour Towns whereby several skirmishes were performed The Cardinal upon this orders Antonio de Fonceca Captain-General of the Kingdom to go to the assistance of Ronquillo Fonceca marcheth first to Medina del Campo where the Emperours Artillery lay with them to strengthen himself but the people denying to deliver them they fell to blows in which exploit nine hundred houses with the Monastery and Library of St. Francis were accidentally burn'd to the ground and Fonceca beaten off The Citizens of Medina inraged at the burning of their houses flew to Arms elected one Bobadilla a furious Cloth-worker their Captain under whose conduct they presently destroy'd all they could meet with that had any familiarity or kindness with Fonceca against whom they sent their complaints to the other Cities At this the Citizens of Valladolid fell stark mad ran in a fury to Pedro de Portillo's house the chief and richest there which they plundred and pull'd down the like they did to General Fonceca's house and the habitation of Alonso Ninno de Castro their chief Judge and turn'd out of their City Don Alonso Enriquez Bishop of Osma and other Gentlemen whom they supposed would not be partakers with them the rest they made take an Ingagement or Covenant to their Holy Commonalty The City Cuenzâ— also declares for the people and suffers themselves to be govern'd by one Calahorra and a Bridle maker as Salamanca and Segovia were by two Skinners and of the same humours were Toro and Ciudad-Roderigo and other places insomuch that of eighteen Cities in Castile which had votes in Parliament a Toledo Madrid Guadalaxara Soria Murcia Cuenza Segovia Avila Salamanâ—a Toro Zamara Leon Valladolid Burgos Ciudad-Roderigo fifteen were risen for the Commonalty Besides the people of Murcia had risen and kill'd their Governour a Judge and one of the Sheriffs with other persons and threatned the same to any that should be sent to try or question them for so doing And Sevilla it self was running the same risk but that it seems the Nobility the b Veynte y Quatras the fouâ— and twenty or Aldermen four and twenty and other Justices at that time were too loyal to be perswaded to such wickedness and
also 1563. Spondâ—n §. 48. 49 50 51. Davila p. 191. sollicited to use his Authority against the Queen of Navarre which would give a greater color and encouragement for others to attaque her accordingly because she was of the Reformed Religion He falleth to work publisheth a Citation or Monitory against her concluding that if she did not turn a Romanist within six moneths he would deprive her of her Dominions and give them to any that would conquer them At this the French King is not a little troubled looking upon it as a thing of dangerous consequence as the common cases of all other Kings nor did he like that any third party should have any pretence to seize upon those Territories which lay so near to and convenient for Spain whom possibly he might suspect though it is said that Philip complemented Queen Jane with an assurance that he would protect her and her Dominions against any that should assault them Besides this another thing happened which did not a little perplex the King the Council of Trent as they call it being now ended Cardinal de Lorrain desired the Pope to use his Interest with the French King that it should be receiv'd and approv'd of in his Dominions that he would root out the Huguenots that he would break the late Peace made with year 1564 them that he would punish the Accessors to the death of Guise c. And that these Petitions might carry the greater awe an Embassadour is sent as from the Pope the Emperour the King of Spain and the Duke of Savoy to demand them from Charles who is not a little puzled how to behave himself in this case For to refuse the Council of Trent would render him suspect to the Pope to receive it would be against the Liberties of the Gallican Church to make war against the Huguenots would not advantage him as he had found by experience and he did not much care for Forein assistance to extirpate them quite was not probable to be done and if he should he must destroy many of his nearest Relations however so weaken and impoverish the Kingdom that at last it might bâ—come a prey to a third party As for the death of the Duke of Guise Poltrot who shot him was executed for it and though he had accused Admiral Coligny Beza and some others as Instigators of him to it yet they had publickly disown'd it both by Oath and Declarations besides Poltrot did vary in his Accusations and so his Credit not possitively to be stood to However the King by his cunning doubtful Answers and Delays wheedled all these things off to the no small trouble of the Guisians who hoped for a war and troubles that being the only way to raise themselves and carry on their designs Yet was not the House of Navarre free from danger for Pius V. advised 1568 Spoâ—d § 26. the Queen-mother to seise upon their Dominions seeing Queen Jane was an Heretick or if she approv'd not of this that he might by his Papal Authority appoint one of the Family of Valois to be King of those Territories that for his part if neither of these liked her he was resolved to give to the King of Spain that part of the Kingdom which Jane possessed I suppose he did not mean all those Territories in France which for her Son she governed as Queen of Navarre but only that little spot of ground which lieth North of the Pyrenean Mountains in Gascogne which the French do call the lower Navarre having St. Jean-Pied-de-Port St. Pelage and a few other little Towns in it But which of them the Pope meant is no great matter for both of them if gain'd must be won by the Sword which it seems at this time Philip had no mind to whereupon this went no further then a vapour and so I leave it But nothing can more clearly demonstrate the intent and design of the year 1572 Guisards then the Massacre of Paris a slaughter so much the worse because of its long contrivance before the action viz. almost * Davila p. 346 350 355 356 357. two years for so long was it concluded on before where the †Id. p. 370. Duke of Guise was very urgent and earnest that the young King of Navarre and his young Cousin the Prince of Condé the next Heir to the Crown after Navarre should be both slain with the rest but others though cruel enough oppos'd this as not willing to imbrue their hands in the Bloud Royal which would seem so abominable all the world over But whether at this time the Guisards had any design to secure themselves of the French Crown I shall not say any thing though that they had afterwards is apparent and confest by all Historians And thus much by the way though one might enlarge himself on this bloudy story by observing how the King endeavouring a vindication of himself did make the thing worse by his many Contradictions as appears by his * Vid. Ernest Varamund de Furoribus Gallicis Letters and Declarations Sometimes declaring how sorry he was for the death of his Cousin the year 1572 Admiral how the Massacre was acted without his knowledge how it was contriv'd and done only by those of the House of Guise upon some quarrel between them and the Admiral that it was not in his power to hinder it he having enough to do to secure and guard himself his Queen his Brethren the King of Navarre c. in his Palace the Louvre that he is for peace and desires all to keep the Edict of Pacification c. Othertimes he declareth that the Massacre was done by his express will and commandment that it was acted for the security of himself and Friends that the Admiral and Huguenots had plotted and determined to destroy him his Queen his Brethren the King of Navarre c. Now orders all of the Reformed Religion to be turn'd out of their Imployments Places and Estates and then that they shall be * Davila p. 735. massacred after the same manner all France over c. And as a forerunner to all these slaughters happened the sudden death 12 June of Jane the stout Queen of Navarre who being come to Paris upon earnest Invitations about her sons Marriage was as is commonly believed poisoned by order of the King and Queen-mothers private cabal Certain it is though all the rest of her body was dissected and open'd to view yet the King would * Thuan. l. 49. not by any means let her Head be touched he knowing as †p. 364. Davilla saith that the poison of the Perfum'd Gloves prepar'd for her had only wrought upon her Brain But for all this the Marriage went on and was solemniz'd between 18 August the young King of Navarre for now Henry after the death of his Mother took upon him the Title of King being before only call'd Prince and Margaret Daughter to Henry II. of
the Covenant and declare himself the Head of it Having done this beyond their expectation he resolves to be as cunning as themselves and so he desires since they seem willing for war to furnish him with Moneys to carry it on At this they demur for though they loved mischief yet were unwilling to lay their Moneys at the Kings disposal by which trick Henry seem'd left to his own discretion The Covenanters thus non-plus'd try other means First they move that the Council of Trent might fully be receiv'd into the Kingdom but this is rejected by a Majority of Nobility and Commons and a great part of the Interested Clergy as thwarting the Privileges of the Gallican Church for though they love the Religion yet they care not for the Popes Authority over them This not fadging they consult how to restrain the Kings power for which purpose they propound that his Council might be reduc'd to the number of XXIV and that the King should not chuse them but the Kingdom but this was also rejected many of the Covenanters themselves thinking it not safe too much to exasperate the King And thus the design but half done the Assembly break year 1577 up And the King doubting the greatness of the Guisians might too much inlarge their Interest a little to clip their wings by publick * Spond an 1576. §. 11. Order confirms the Preeminence and Priority to the Princes of the Bloud The Covenanters perceiving that the King had seen too far into their designs conclude it safe for some time to forbear all open endeavours but were very sedulous in their private Consultations by which means they whispered the people into discontent against the King and his Government scattering abroad Libels bewitching many * Jo. de Bassieres tom 4. p. 205 Nobles and others to their Faction And several other Plots and Contrivances they had to carry on which they took hold of any opportunity insomuch that many Fraternities being now brought into use for Devotion as Processions Prayers c. the Guisians under this †Davila 16. p. 447. pretence would meet the more boldly and openly to disperse their poison by their seditious discourses amongst the people The King also did not want his ways of Devotion assisting often in their Processions undergoing Penances wear Hair shirts had his Beads openly hanging at his girdle would observe Canonical hours and by such like shews of piety some of the people were persuaded that for all the ill speeches given out against him he was a good Romanist in his heart and so were the more willing to have the better opinion of him Journal du Hen. III. Mart 1583. Spond anno 1583. § 11. But others who pretended to see a little further were of a quite contrary judgment looking upon it to be but Hypocrisie Amongst the rest Dr. Maurice Poncet a Benedictine at Paris preach'd very bitterly against his new-invented Brotherhoods and their Processions calling of them Hypocrites and Atheists And indeed it cannot be deny'd that this King hath sometimes carried on his * Vid. d'Aubigne tom 2. l. 4. c 1. Confession Catholique de Sancy c. 8. Love-tricks under these shews of Religion being too much addicted to ease and pleasures as appear'd by his other Carnival actions for which he was †Journal du Hen. III. Fevrier 1583. twitted in the Pulpit by Dr. Guillaume Rose afterwards Bishop of Senlis and others Yet necessity did force him sometimes to look about him and nothing did he dread more then the Guises and their League whose power must now be all his study to diminish To which purpose he promotes as many into Places of Trust as he could conveniently and whom he could confide in and knew to be no Favourites of the House of Lorrain The Guisards not ignorant of this design and knowing full well that the King had really no good affection for them endeavour what they can to have the Peace broken with the Huguenot to which purpose a Pâ—erefixe Hist Hen. le Grand thousand affronts are committed against the King of Navarre the Prince of Condé and their Adherents But passing by these things the number of Male contents was increas'd for though the King advanc'd some of his trusty Friends yet many times Preferment went more by favour then desert and others were discontented to see themselves slighted these Male contents the Guisards attaque and more easily won to joyn with them and enter into their League And that the House of Lorrain might appear in its greatest lustre the Antiquitiy and Glories of that Family are thought fit to be shewn to all To which purpose François de Rosieres Archdeacon of Toul putteth pen to paper and writes a large Book of their Pedegrees and Relations making them as ancient and as near related to the French Crown as he could invent and this was printed at Paris 1580. by the Kings Licence But sometime after the Book being more nearly look'd into several things were taken notice of which gave some great offence For besides the unseasonable timing of it considering the designs of the Guises and his declaring * Fran. Ros Stâ—mmatum Lothar fol. 451. Hues Capet to be an Usurper which sounded the harsher seeing some will have the Valoises issued from Hues his Line but besides he had several odd Reflections on the †Id. fo 369 1583 King himself of Idleness Luxury and bad Government In short Rosieres is cast in prison the Duke of Lorrain cometh to Paris to pacifie the King at last Rosieres publickly confessing his faults craving pardon on his knees by the intercession of the Queen-mother is released and the book torn before his face Yet was it carefully spread abroad that the Guises were descended from Charles the Great related to Hugh Capet and had Title good enough to the Crown But against this by the Kings Command Pontus de Tyard afterwards Bishop of Chalon Cabilonum writ but for fear of the Faction conceal'd his name and Matthaeus Zampinus a Lawyer also took the task And the same year also I mean 1583 came out a little French * Discourse sur â—e droict pretendu par ceux de Guise sur la Couroune de France Tract of about two sheets of paper in opposition to the pretence of the Lorrainers but for all this the people will believe as they please CHAP. III. year 1583 Francis Duke of Anjou the onely Brother to the King dying the Guisards rejoyce not doubting but to make themselves next Heirs to the Crown by wheedling in Cardinal Bourbon with the several Declarations and Proposals between them and the King THE Leaguers who for some time that the King might not be too suspicious of them had proceeded but leisurely had now an encouragement offer'd them to be more brisk in their designs For Francis Duke of Anjou of a fickle and hair-brain'd humour year 1584 the only Brother to the King died not without suspicion and
make the Peace more sure and durable all former Leagues Plots Actions especially those of the 12th and 13th days of May last at Paris done by the Guisards and their Party are pardon'd and forgot as if they had never been done HENRY At Rouen 15 July 1588. By the King in his Council Publish'd in the Parlement at Paris Publish'd by sound of Trumpet by the Crier Visa * * Afterwaâ—ds better kâ—own by the name of Villeroy De Neufville Du Tillet T. Lauvergnat Thus we see how careful some were to have this Agreement ratified published and confirmed But this was not all for besides this two Armies must be rais'd and paid against the Huguenots one commanded by the King the other by the Duke of Mayenne the Leaguing Lords are to retain for six years the Cities and Fortresses granted them 1585 and that Orleans Dourlans Bourges and Montereau should be added to them the Duke of Guise to command all the Forces in the Kingdom that in October next the States General should be held at Blois and several such like advantages were granted to the Leaguers Upon which Guise waits upon the King and none seem so kind as those two but it was but from the teeth outward of which we are told one story how the King at dinner ask'd the Duke to whom they should drink To whom you please quoth Guise then said the King Let us drink to our Journal Aoâ—st 12. 1588. good friends the Huguenots 'T is well said Sir replied the Duke Yea added the King and to all our good Barricadors at Paris to which Guise yielded a counterfeit smile not well pleas'd that the King should compare the Barricadors with the Huguenots And now behold the greatest wonder that Toute la Cour fut veue habillée à l' Espagnole le long Estoc à la garde Crossée à l' Espagnole les grosse chausses les jartieres houpées le pourpoint collé sur le corps la grande fraize bien godronnée la Monstache la barbe le chappeau à l' Espagnole tout leur parles Espagnol Rodomontades Espagnoles bref vous eussiez dict qu' en ce temps la le François avoit en horreur mispris de parler se dire François qu' on luy faisoit tort de ne l'appeller Espagnol Andre Favin Hist de Navarre p. 940. ever yet happened in France The whisking Monsieur converted to a grave Don all the Court clad after the Spanish garb a long Tuck with a cross-bar'd Hilt great Trunckbreeches tufted Garters strait and close Doublet a great high-set Ruff staring Mustachoes with Beard and Hat after the Castilian mode all they speak is Spanish and that Rodomontadoes too insomuch that one might think that now Monsieur was asham'd or scorn'd to speak his own language or call himself a Frenchman nay would take it in snuff not to be thought a Spaniard Such an esteem and love had the Castilian got amongst the people for his assisting them in their wicked League and Covenant against their King and Soveraign And by this also appeared not onely the Boldness but Authority and Power of the Guisian Faction to whose caprichioes and Interest the Royalists were thus forced to submit and truckle Guise thus having all sway and glory the better to advance his Reputation Pope Sixtus V. sendeth him long Congratulatory Letters giving him many thanks for his Zele and Actions comparing him to the old Maccabees bidding him go on as he had begun and telling him that he would send a Legat into France to assist at the approaching States which Letters were spread abroad by the Leaguers in great triumph to the no small discredit and regret of the King who in these Papal Commendations and Blessings had no share nor taken notice of and such Pontifical Neglects used to be the Forerunner of Laying aside or Cutting off Well the Assembly of the States General meet at Blois the major part 16 Octob. 1588. being Covenanters by which Guise was so strengthened that 't is thought that he at least aim'd at the same Authority that the ancient Major-domes had in France whereby the King would be but a mere Cypher whilest the Duke might make himself King when he pleas'd So to gratiate himself with the people and remove all obstacles he proposeth that Taxes and Impositions might be lessened which was thought irrational seeing at the same time he will have the war vigorously carried on against the Huguenots yet he gain'd his desires Then he moveth that the Council of Trent might be received but this is denied by most as contrary to the Liberties of the Gallican Church But which was the main of all he proposeth that the King of Navarre and his Relations as Hereticks shoul'd be declar'd uncapable of Succession which was presently granted him by the Three Estates but it was not so recâ—ived by the King who though he was forc'd to consent to it in dubious and general terms yet told them that he would think further of it and would take care himself to have the Decree drawn up But before this Navarre understanding their designs had at an Assembly at Rocâ—el fram'd a Protestation pronouncing all their Votes and Actions against him and his Right null as being no stubborn Heretick willing to submit to a General Council and to be instructed that the States were not free nor full and that they could not justly condemn him before they heard him Whilest these Proposals were vexing the King news is brought that Charles Emanuel Duke of Savoy had seiz'd on the little Marquessate of Saluzzo towards the head of Po in Italy who had also pretended a right to it end so took advantage at the Kings Expulsion out of Paris and these French Troubles though at this time he pretended a necessity viz. that otherwise the Huguenots from Dauphine would have taken it and Favyn p. 93â— others suppose that he wanted not assurance from the Leaguers However it was the Kings jâ—alousie and anger did daily increase and 't is said that here Guise expresly refus'd though commanded to Ant. Colynet p. 303 304 305 306. swear Allegeance to the King saying He would not and if he offended they might punish him But this is not so bad as a further design plotted by him and his Complices which they say was to take away the Kings life of which 't is said the King had private Information In short the Spond § 18. King considering what Favours the House of Guise had received from the French Crown yet how many Rebellions he had rais'd against him Hist des dâ—râ—iers troubles de France l. 4. fo 142 143 144 152 158. what Combinations he had made against him and the Crown with the very Enemy to both viz. the Spaniard that for all his outward pretensions for Religion yet he had made secret Overtures to joyn with Navarre how he had beaten and driven him from his Royal
him Yet by these was the King brought so low that he borroweth aid from England Holland and the German Princes and Mayenne sendeth to desire the like from the Pope and King of Spain By this time Barnaby Brisson chief President of the Covenanting year 1591 Parliament at Paris for fome reason or other was more agreeable to the King then formerly and several in the City began to wish a Reconciliation with him The King himself knew that he had some friends in the City by whose assistance he had a design to surprize it by having several of his Captains disguised in Countrey habits pretending to carry Horse-loads of corn or meal into it by night the usual time so to steal in by reason of the Kings Forces scouring the ways and Countrey But this plot being discovered it fail'd and is yet call'd the * 20 Jan. Journee des farines Farinarum dies or Nox farinarum Day of Flour or Meal These caused the Parisians for the more strengthning themselves against any such like attempts to receive into their City Four thousand Spaniards to the displeasure of Mayenne who feared that Nation and Faction might in time be too strong for him there But he was very male-contented with the forwardness of the new Pope Gregory XIV who espoused the quarrel of the League with a great deal of earnestness sendeth Marsilio Landriano of Milan Nuncio into France with two * They may be seen at large in a Book calld de Christianissimi Regis pericuâ—â—s or de periculi Henrici IV. Printed 1591. Monitory Bulls I. One relating to the Clergie whom he interdicted if within 15 days they forsook not the obedience and part of the King And further if within 15 days more they departed not from him then to be deprived of their Livings Benefices and Functions II. The second concerned the Princes Nobility and the rest of the Laity wherein under great pains he also warned them to depart from the King whom he call'd Heretick Persecutor of the Church an Excommunicated Person and therefore depriv'd of all his Dominions and Possessions To these the Pope addeth Arms and Money sending his Nephew Hercole Sfondrato newly for Honours sake made by him Duke of Montemarciano with an Army which he will maintain with the moneys gathered up by Sixtus V. and kept in Castel St. Angelo and besides this he alloweth 15000 Crowns a moneth to the Leaguers The Royallists are greatly offended at these Papers and Proceedings Those of the Soverein Court for conveniency then sitting at Chaalons by Decree declare that the former Bulls and actings against Henry III. as also these against the present Henry IV. to be odious seditious false impostures contrary to all holy Decrees Canons Constitutions Councils the Rights and Liberties of the Gallican Church and so to be idle vain null and void and to be burnt by the hands of the Hangman Ordain also that Landriano calling himself Nuncio to be seiz'd on and suffer according to Law forbid any to entertain him declare that all Cardinals Prelates and other Ecclesiasticks who any way promote a Consent to these Bulls or approve of the late Murther of Henry III. shall be deprived of all their Benefices in this Kingdome and that none hereafter carry any money to Rome or procure any Benefices thence c. * Yet I have a Copy of it that year printed bearing date 29 Aug. 10 June 1599. The same in effect was decreed by the Parliament then sitting at Tours but with this addition prohibiting any upon pain of Nigh Treason to publish and obey any of the aforesaid Bulls And which was best of all * A declare declare Gregoire se disant Pape quatoriesme de ce nom ennemie de la pâ—ix de l'union de l'Eglise Catholique Apostolique Romaine du Roy de son Estat adheâ—ant a la Conjuration d'Espagne fauteur des Rebelles coulpable du tres cruel tres cruel tres inhumain tres detestabable parricide proditoiremenâ— commis en la personne de Henry III. Roy de tres henreuse memoire tres Christen tres Catholique Hath declared and doth declare Gregory calling himself Pope the XIV of that name an Enemy to the Peace to the Union of the Chatholick-Apostolick-Roman Church to the the King and his Estate a Partaker of the Spanish Conspiracy a favourer of Rebels guilty of the most cruel most inhumane and most detestable Parricide Trayterously committed on the Person of the most Christian King and most Catholick King Henry III. of most happy memory 5 August 1591. The same Language was used by the Parliament sitting at * 3 Aug. Caen on the contrary the Parliament at Paris thunder out their Decrees commanding the Nuncio and Monitory Bulls to be received and obeyed as proceeding from an Authentick Authority threatning severe punishments to all those who submit not to them And here having mentioned several Parliaments the common Reader may understand once for all that France had then and hath now several Seats of Parliament or rather Courts Judicature having command within their respective Precincts and instituted by several Kings as this following Scheme will shew Order Where Settled by Anno I. Paris Philippe IV. le Bel. 1302. II. Tholouse Charles VII 1443. III. Grenoble Charles VII 1453. IV. * Was constituted 1447 and so it was then tâ—e thâ—rd Parlâ—ment â—uâ— it lâ—st thâ—t â—ank and â—dâ—râ—â—y a rebelliâ—n Bourdeaux Louis XI 1462. V. Dijon Louis XI 1476. VI. Rouen Louis XII 1499. some say 1503. VII Aix Louis XII 1501. VIII Rennes Henry II. 1553. IX Pau said first to be instituted afterwards confirmed Louis XIII 1620. X. Mets Louis XIII 1633. I order and time these as they were made fixed or sedentary otherwise we might say that Parlements were had at Paris 577 at Tholouse 1302 and at Rouen 1443. In the time of this League Paris and Rouen being in the hands of the Covenanters King Henry III. removed the Sessions of those Parlements to Tours Caen c. whither accordingly as many of the Royal Members as could go went and sate acting for their Kings whilest those of the other persuasion staid and were as busie and zelous for the Leaguers But to return the Nuncio the Embassadours of Spain and Savoy the Lords of the House of Lorrain Nicolas de Pellevé then Archbishop of Sens and not of * Card. de Lenoncourt was now livâ—â—g and Archbishop of Rheims Rheims till the year after as †Pag. 1014. Davila mistakes with some others meet at Rheims where every man seeming for the League yet under that vizard to carry on their own designs and Interest their Consultations broke up without any determinations In the mean time spang up a third Party which had like to have foil'd both King and League Charles Cardinal of Bourbon who whilst the old Kingling Cardinal Bourbon lived was called Cardinal of Vendosm he seeing the Pope Spaniard and Covenanters and all
these not sure enough designeth a Treaty with Cardinal Bourbon and lest this also should fail cunningly dealeth with the Parliament of Paris to make a Decree that the Crown should not be transfer'd to strangers and the nulling of all Treaties held to that purpose as contrary to the Sulique Law which some think a Cheat and other Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom And this trick was soon obtain'd by the hands of Jehan le Maistre chief President who as if the Duke knew nothing of the business 28 June waited upon Mayenne with a good Company of Councellors to inform him of their Order which Action and Decree the Duke seemed to take in ill part as if they had been too bold in medling and this had some effect not a little dashing the Confidence and Plots of the Spaniard The King understood all this Cabal and also he perceived that though they agreed not amongst themselves yet were they all resolved against him and to adde to his trouble the Romanists whom he most trusted were falling from him as a Prince not to be converted These and other * Camdeâ— an 1593. Inconveniences forcing him to be more apprehensive he thinks himself now necessitated so far to comply with them in securing the Kingdom to himself as to hint the Roman Religion to be the best and so at Mante having talked between * Spâ—nd 1593 sect 17. 23 July five and six hours with some Prelats he seem'd well enough satisfied and thus thrust from his failings he declareth he will publickly go to receive Absolution and hear Mass at St. Denys within two days Now is Mayenne at his Wits end he had been at some pains and trouble to lay aside his Nephew his Dutchess perswading him rather to make peace with Navarre then to be a subject to young Guise But here he perceives himself out-witted all his Pretensions against the King being because he was an Heretick but now by this declared Conversion he is left without excuse Well finding no other remedy he consults to get a Truce with the King for some time to which his Majestie shews himself willing hoping by the sweetness of a little peace to gain upon the people though Mayenne had other designs against him As for the Duke of Guise considering well how things went he excused his Election to the Spanish Embassadors as a thing that would prove ridiculous to others and ruinous to himself In the mean time the Legat inform'd of the Kings design to convert and be absolved at St. Denys pulls out his Paper-Tools and falls to the old Work declaring Navarre to be an Excommunicated Heretick being so pronounced by Sixtus V. and therefore not to be absolved or admitted into the Church but by the Pope himself That all shall be null and void that they shall do that waywards and that those who shall appear there shall be excommunicated and deprived to these Mayenne addeth his good-will by forbidding any man to go to St. Denys 25 July unâ—er great penalties But all to no purpose for the day being come all sorts of people croud thither the King clothed in white with a black Hat and Cloak nobly attended goeth to the Great Church the Gates being shut the Lord Chancellor knocks they are opened and within appeareth Renaud e Beaune Archbishop or if you will * A Litle losa attributed to the Archbishop of Bourgâ—s Pope Nicolas I. calling S. Rodolphus the 47. Prelat of this City a Patriarch Caus 9. Quest 3. c. Conâ—â—â—stus Gloss Patriarch of Bourges sitting in his Chair in his Pontificalibus environ'd with a great number of Prelats He ask'd who he was and what he would have The King replied that he was Henry King of France and Navarre desiring to be received into the bosome of the Church the Arch-bishop ask'd him if he heartily desired it and was truly sorry for his former Errours which the King affirming on his knees repeating the Confession of Faith with some Prayers and being sworn after secret Confession he received Absolution then sat under the Cloth of State to hear Mass so all being done he returned an excellent Romanist to his Palace but with what bad words and maledictions the Priests of Paris could throw upon him In the mean time at the Conference of Surein a Truce being concluded between the King and Mayenne the Legat shewed himself very zealous and furious against it threatning to be gone but he was somewhat appeas'd by Mayenne's getting a Decree from their illegal States for the receiving the Council of Trent though a little before the Council being treated on in the same States the Parliament opposed its Reception producing XXVI Articles in it contrary to the Gallick Spond on 1593. sect 9. Church Mayenne seeing the Covenanting Cause thus at a stand if not quite lost thanks the Spaniards for the honour they had done his family by honouring their Infanta to his Nephew Guise and for their assistance to the League but tells them withal that it is fitting to defer the Election to a more convenient time then Assembling the States he made them all take an Oath to persevere in the Holy Union and so adjourn'd 8 August them for some months and then to meet again at the same place hoping yet with himself rather to raise then diminish his greatness The King having as aforesaid taken away all Objections at home about his Religion endeavours the same at Rome to which purposes he sends Lodovico Gonzago Duke of Nevers Embassador thither with several Vid. Gombervâ—lle Memoiâ—es de M. de Nevâ—rs vol. 2. P 405. c. p. 638. Davila pag. 1220. Divines amongst whom was Jaques Davy Sieur du Perron the Elect Bishop of Eureux who had already thrown off the interest of his former Master Cardinal Bourbon the Head of the third Party for whilst he Negotiated the Cardinals designs with some great ones at Court he grew acquainted with the King pleasing him with his Learning Eloquence Mirth Wit and Poetry thus commanding the Kings Ear and Humour and perceiving his own greatness might more easier be attain'd to by the King especially his Conversion then the Cardinals Exaltation quitted his old former service and became very active for his Majesty Nevers and his Company go towards Rome whilst Arnand d'Ossat though but of mean Parentage yet of great Wit and Judgment as his Negotiations and Letters testifie now living at Rome and afterwards a Cardinal secretly and wisely on his own head agitated for the Kings advantage The Pope sends Possivino the known Jesuit to Nevers not to approach the Duke returneth many Reasons and goeth on at last the Pope allow'd him but he must enter the City privately and not stay in it above ten days He waiteth upon the Pope but Clement will grant him nothing nor absolute nor confirm the former Absolution of Henry nor permit the Bishops who came along with him to kiss his Toe because they had
and such like Covenanting names When the King took possession of Paris one of the Scholars went into the School before the rest and wrote all about his Class GOD SAVE THE KING which when Haye saw he fell into a rage crying out against those who had spoil'd the walls for he durst not now speak positively against the King threatning if he knew the offender to have him punish'd and so caused it to be wiped out He being now forced to leave the Kingdom went to Rome where he lived And Jaques Cammolet a furious Jesuit and a great Stickler in the Leaguing Council was as arrogant of the King as any using to make it his business to prattle mischief into the people One time preaching in the Church of St. Berthelemy he took for his text how * Judges 3. 15 16 21 22. Ehud slew Eglon the King of Moab he discoursed a long time in Commendation of Henry III. placing Clement the Murtherer amongst the Angels And at last thus instigated the people to do the like to Henry IV. We have need of an Ehud we have need of an Ehud were he a Friar were qe a Souldier were he a Laquay were he a Shepherd it made no matter needs we must have an Ehud one blow would settle us fully in the estate of our affairs as we most desire Another time he and so did Barnard call the King Holofernes Moab Nero c. and maintained that the Kingdom of France was Elective and so it belong'd to the people to chuse the Kings For proof of which he cull'd out this Text Thou shalt chuse thy brother for King which thus he and Barnard expounded Thy brother that is not of the same lineage or of the self-same Nation but of the same Religion as this great Catholick King this great King of Spain is Another time Cammolet affirm'd that by these words Deliver me O Lord out of the mire that I may not stick in it King David understood Prophetically the rooting out of the House of Bourbon When Barriere was examined concerning his Design to murther the King he also confest that two Friars went from Lyons to act the same and that Cammolet knew of their or some other mans wicked purpose was in those times fully believed of which he himself gave this hint When news came to Paris that Barriere was discovered and executed many of the Zelots began to despair of a Remedy Cammolet the next * 5 Sept. Sunday thus encouraged his Auditors Have patience have patience for you shall see within few days a wonderful miracle of God which is at hand yea esteem it as already come Such like Discourses as these and their thus siding with the Spaniard against their own King and Countrey with other actions were the reason that the Jesuits were judged to be expell'd the Nation and occasioned a pleasant French Gentleman in a little Poem thus to conclude of them A Gesis sunt indita nomina vobis Quae quia Sacrilegi Reges torquetis in omnes Inde sacrum nomen sacrum sumpsistis omen From * A warlike we â—pon used by the ancient Spaniards and Freuch and frâ—m them taken up by the Roâ—ans and others Gesan which against all Kings they shake The Jesuits their Name and Fortune take A little after Jehan Chastel had wounded the King there was one François de Verone set forth a Book in Vindication of the Villain and Action affirming it to be a Apol. pâ—ur Jean Chastel pâ—rt 1. c. 7. p. 21. A generous vertuous and an Heroick Act and comparable to the most Renowned Deeds of the Ancients either in Sacred or Prophane History That it was b Part 2. p. 25. purely just vertuous and Heroick That it was c Part 4. c. 1 p. 147. most holy most humane most worthy most to be prais'd and commended That it was d Ib. p. 155 156. agreeable to God to all Laws to all Decrees and the Church That those who had condemn'd him had e Part 4. c. 2. p. 152. judg'd against God against the Holy Scriptures against the Church and her Decrees and against the States and Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom And as for Chastel himself he was a f Part 3. c. 10 Happy soul and a g Pag. 23. true Martyr And the same Verone also write an Apology for Father Guignard whom he h Part 5. c. 9 10. commends for his Constancy in defending to the last gasp his treasonable papers against the King for which he reckons him a Martyr and Saint in Heaven But to return to the King who had earnestly solicited the Pope to year 1595 allow him to be a Romanist and receive him into the Church At last the Pâ—pâ— perceiving the King victorious the League ruined being noâ— able tâ— make head against him after many solicitations and Treaties though the Duke of Sessa the Spanish Embassador oppos'd and i Mem d. Nev â—â— vol. 2. â— 716. threatned much consents and so Jaques Davy k He was consâ—â—rated Bâ—sh of this See by Card. Joyeuse at Rome 29 Decem. this year He was after Archbishop of Sens and Cardinal aâ— â—erron Bishop-Elect of Eureux and Arnaud d'Ossat the Kings Proxies or Representers appear'd before the Pope in the Porch of S. Peters * 17 Sept. prostrating themselves before him and kissing his feet desiring in the Kings name Absolution First the Pope nulls and makes void the Absolution formerly given the King at S. Denis then they lying prostrate at his feet whilst the Psalm Miserere was sung At the end of every verse the Pope with a Wand l Wâ—ipped at Rome S K. James 〈◊〉 in his Ap l. â—or the Oâ—th of Allâ—â—â—meâ— p. 75. Virga Sacerdoâ—al leviter percâ—ssum Mat. Tort. â— 89. gently striking their shâ—ulders then he pronounced the Absolution upon which the Gates of the Church fly open and in they are led Te Deum is sung Bonefires and Guns make the Boys mad for joy and so the King is a good Romanist In the mean time the Duke of Mayenne seeing no hopes of carrying on his own designes of greatness the King being now successful and most of the Kingdom obeying him is willing also to be at peace with him which the King perceiving very graciously offers him Conditions A Treaty is begun and all his shifts and pretences being spoil'd by the Popes admission and absolution of the King after many Demands Consultations and Concessions an m All the Articles and Edicts câ—ncâ—rning â—â— tâ—â—se Agâ—â—emenâ—s 〈◊〉 the King ar in â—â—â—oiredâ—s â—erniers â—â—â—uâ—lâ—s de â—â—â—nce Eâ—â— 1601. 1596 Agreement is struck up very favourable and beneficial to the Duke and his party all things being pardon'd and liberty given to them to come in and live peaceably Many advised the King to prosecute Mayenne to the utmost and not accept him into his favour having shuffled him off for six years together troubling him with fifty Treaties
that you take and understand them simply as they sound and as they lye all power to interpret them otherwise being taken away c. Dated at Rome at S. Marks under the Signet of the Fisher the 22d of Septemb. 1606 the 2d year of our Popedom This Breve being presently sent into England was not instantly submitted to by all the Romanists some of them having taken the Oath of Allegiance and thought they ought as good Subjects to stand to it others of them who wish'd well to their own security betwixt the two opposite Commands of the King and the Pope were willing to think the former Breve to be but a Cheat and surreptitiously procured without the Pope's knowledg such things hapning oft at Rome the Pope as well as other Princes being several times abused both by their Secretaries and the Datarii And to this opinion were some of the wisest and best of the English Romanists drawn upon consideration that the Pope who ought to be Holy Charitable Merciful a lover of Peace a promoter of Obedience not a busie-body nor a medler in other Princes Affairs would not undertake to disquiet the Romanists raise divisions in the Church and thrust his Friends into the danger of violating the Laws of their King and Countrey to whom they owed all Obedience and not upon any account whatsoever Trayterously to oppose and violate But the Pope who thought his Kingdom his Authority his Supremacy his Vicarship his Infallibility and all his other pretty pretended Trophies struck at was resolved to have his Humour let what mischief so ever come of it and so as if to satisfie those who doubted of the Reality of the former Breve he forthwith sent this other into England Dilecti Filii Salutem Apostolicam Benedictionem REnuntiatum est nobis reperiri nonnullos apud vos qui cum satis declaraverimus per literas nostras Anno superiore x Kalend Octob. in forma Brevis datas vos tuta Conscientia praestare non posse Juramentum quod a vobis tunc exigebatur praeterea stricte praeceperimus ne ullo modo illud praestaretis Nunc dicere audent hujusmodi Literas de prohibitione Juramenti non ex animi nostri sententia nostraque propria voluntate scriptas fuisse sed potius aliorum intuitu atque industria eaque de causa iidem persuadere nituntur mandata nostra dictis literis non esse attendenda Perturbavit sane nos hic Nuncius eoque magis quia experti Obedientiam vestram filii nostri unice dilecti qui ut huic sanctaâ— Sedi obediretis opes facultates dignitatem libertatem vitam denique ipsam pie generose nihili fecistis nunquam suspicati essemus potuisse vocari apud vos in dubium fidem literarum nostrarum Apostolicarum ut hoc praetextu vos ex mandatis nostris eximeretis Verum agnoscimus versutiem atque fraudem Adversarii humanae salutis eisque potius quam vestrae voluntati tribuimus hanc renitentiam Ea proter iterum ad vos scribere decrevimus ac denuo vobis significare Literas nostras Apostolicas Anno praeterito x Kalend. Octob. datas de prohibitione juramenti non solum motu proprio ex certa nostra scientia verum etiam post longam gravem deliberationem de omnibus quae in illis continentur adhibitam fuisse scriptas ob id teneri vos illas omnino observare omni interpretatione secus suadente rejecta Haec autem est mera pura integraque voluntas nostra qui de vestra salute soliciti semper cogitamus ea quae magis vobis expediunt Et ut cogitationes consilia nostra illuminet is a quo Christiano gregi custodiendo nostra fuit praeposita Humilitas indesinenter Oramus Quem etiam jugiter precamur ut in vobis filiis nostris summopere dilectis fidem constantiam mutuamque inter vos Charitatem Pacem augeat Quibus omnibus cum omni Charitatis affectu peramanter benedicimus Datum Romae apud Sanct. Marcum sub Annulo Piscatoris x. Kalend. Septemb. 1607. Pontificatus nostri Anno tertio Petrus Stroza Dearly beloved Sons Greeting and Apostolical Benediction It is reported unto us That there are found certain amongst you who when as we have sufficiently declared by our Letters dated the last year on the xxij of September in the form of a Breve that ye cannot with safe Conscience take the Oath which was then required of you and when as we have further straitly commanded you that by no means you should take it Yet there are some I say among you who dare now affirm that such Letters concerning the forbidding of the Oath were not written of our own accord or of our own proper will but rather for the respect and at the instigation of other men and for that cause the same men go about to perswade you that our Commands in the said Letters are not to be regarded Truly this News did trouble us and that so much the more because having had experience of your obedience most dearly beloved Sons who to the end you might obey this Holy See have godlily and valiantly contemned your Riches Wealth Honour Liberty yea and Life it self We should never have suspected that the truth of our Apostolical Letters could once be call'd into question amongst you that by this pretence you might exempt your selves from our Commandments But we do perceive herein the subtilty and craft of the Enemy of man's salvation and we do attribute this your backwardness rather to him than to your own will And for this cause we have thought good to write the second time unto you and to signifie unto you again that our Apostolical Letters dated the last year on the xxij of Sept. concerning the prohibition of the Oath were written not only upon our proper motion and of our certain knowledg but also after long and weighty deliberation used concerning all those things which are contain'd in them and that for that cause you are bound fully to observe them rejecting all Interpretation perswading to the contrary And this is our meer pure and perfect will who being always careful of your salvation do always mind those things which are most profitable unto you And we do pray without ceasing That he who hath appointed to our Lowliness the keeping of the Flock of Christ would enlighten our Thoughts and Counsels whom we do also continually beseech that he would encrease in you our most beloved Sons Faith Constancy with mutual Charity and Peace one to another All whom we most lovingly Bless with all Charitable affection Dated at Rome at Saint Marks under the Signet of the Fisher the xxiii of August 1607 the third year of our Popedom Peter Stroza Some Months after the publishing of the first Breve Mr. George Blackwell constituted the Arch-Priest 1598 by Henry Cardinal Cajetane call'd Protector of the English Nation by the Appointment of Pope Clement VIII was seiz'd on examined
this Oath 716 717 718 Pope Urban VIII ' s Breve against it 725 Obelerio Duke of Venice cut in pieces 183 Orders in Religion the stories of their Founders 2 3 4 5 6 7 Oxford a Priest pretends to cure diseases there in 1663. p. 447 Otho IV Emperor deposed 265 P Paris a Council of Sixteen appointed there to act for the League 515 Their designe of surprizal of Bologne discovered to the King by Poulain 516 Their designes to seize on the K. and kill him discovered by Poulain 516 517 518 521 522 They break the Kings Great Seal and make another 539 A new Oath injoyned ibid. Is besieged by Henry IV 565 Its Famine relieved by the Duke of Parma 575 Yeilded to the King 590 William Parry Dr. of Laws his several attempts and treasons against Q. Elizabeth 437 c. Incouraged to kill the the Queen 439 440 Executed in the Palace-yard 442 Father Parsons vid. Persons Partitiato Duke of Venice thrust into a Monastery 183 Pope Paul V his quarrels with the Venetians 619 to 639 Pepin made King 165 166 The first Christian King that was Anoynted 168 Cardinal Perron his bad Principles 57 59 84 85 Fa. Parsons bad Principles 75 76 77 90 91 93 94 101 His life 679 to 688 Philip the Emperor murther'd 263 Philip I King of France Excommunicated 232 Philip IV le Bell King of France his troubles by Pope Boniface VIII 282 c. Pius V his Bull against Q. Elizabeth 427 to 436 Its interpretation granted by Pope Gregory XIII 435 436 Pope his Power and Authority 31 32 c. Extravagant Titles given him 33 The Pope is God 34 Can create something out of nothing ibid. Above all power in Heaven or Earth 35 We must bow at the name of the Pope 40 Pope to be obeyed rather then Christ or God ibid. Pope can depose Emperors and Kings and dispose of their Dominions 41 42 c. Can absolve Subjects from their Allegiance to their Kings 82 83 c. Great strivings to be Pope 131 132 c. The manner of their Elections ibid. 141 Formerly chose by Emperors 139 179 180 198 201 202 216 217 Whether there be really a true Pope 142 143 c. Their Toes kist 38 162 167 230 260 Vs'd to adore the Emperors 170 Their horses led by Kings and Emperors 38 181 252 253 259 Their succession not agreed on 195 196 197 c. 116 117 Of 18 years old 200 Of 10 or 12 years old 216 The changing of their names 201 Popes stirrop held 227 252 253 255 259 260 299 Despise the Imperial Power 253 Schism amongst them and reflections upon some of their actions 323 324 c. Declares it lawful for Subjects to fight against their King if an Heretick 507 Nicholas Poulain taken into the Council of Sixteen 516 Discovers all their designes to the King 516 517 518 c. Flees from Paris to the King 525 R THe Reformation of the Church of England defended 412 413 Reliques false and spurious 14 15 24 25 Nicol. de Renzo his pranks at Rome 305 306 William Reynolds an account of him 560 Richard II King of England his deposing death 312 113 314 Charles Ridicove a Fryar sent to kill the King 597 Rodolph declared Emperour against Henry IV 223 slain 226 Robert Rodolpho sent into England by Pope Pius V to stir up rebellions against Q. Elizabeth 426 427 Roger King of Naples shot to death 252 Rome taken by the occasion of an Hare 187 Swears Allegiance to the Emperour 188 Odd Tumults there 305 306 S SAints sottish beastly and unchristian 18 19 20 Counterfeit that never were 20 21 Sanders bad Principles 62 66 67 83 Scotland plots there by the Romanists against King James VI 366 367 368 369 370 371 372 373 374 375 c. Scripture basely abused 3 5 6 32 33 35 39 Segovia tumults there begun upon the Emperour Charles V ' s leaving Spain 355 Simony 143 144 151 The Council of Sixteen vid. Paris Sixtus V Pope his Bull against K. of Navar and Prince of Conde Very furious against Queen Elizabeth 454 Deprives the Queen of her Dominions and absolves her Subjects from Allegiance ibid. Soâ—â—â—z vid. Suaâ—ez Sâ—rbonne Colledge their bad Prâ—nciples 73 When built 99 They make a secret Decree that Princes may be deposed c. 519 They decree that the people of France are freed from the Oath of Allegiance and Obedience to Hen. III and may fight against him 530 531 They send to Sixtus V for a ratification of this Decree 532 533 534 They conclude that Prayers are not to be made for the King and the word Henry to be dashed out of their Prayer-books 537 Spain ' s rebellious League against Charles V 351 Or the holy Junta or Assembly 357 Or Coâ—â—â—unalty 355 Tumults there upon Charles V ' s departure for Germany 355 356 357 The Spanish Invasion vid. Invasion Squire ' s designe to kill Q. Elizabeth Stapletons bad Principles 44 Stephanus Pâ—pe strangled 197 Thomas Stukely his ambition for a Kingdom 387 His designes against Ireland 388 Fran. Suarez bad Principles 61 Subjects of themselves may depose Kings 86 87 c. May kill their King 95 96 c. Suercherus II King of Swedland murdred 252 Suercherus III kill'd Ibid. Suintila K. of Spain deposed 158 159 Supremacie an interpretation of the Oath 400 401 T THomas à Becket his troubling Henry II 235 c. Declar'd perjured and a Traytor 238 Further accus'd 244 The Bishops complain against him 240 241 His Horse-bridle held by the King 246 He is murther'd Ibid. William Thomas defends King Henry VIII 407 Tir-Oen rebel to Q. Elizabeth in Ireland 393 Pardon'd and rebels again 394 Raises a Rebellion in Ireland lib. 9. c. 3. Proclaim'd Traytor by Mount-joy Lord Deputy 653 Submits and delivers himself up 665 Tradenico D. of Venice murder'd 183 Trajans soul deliver'd out of Hell 157 Traytors how punish'd 256 261 262 Gunpowder-Treason 689 to 695 The Council of Trent not free 425 V VAlentia troubles in that Kingdom 359 360 Venetians their insolences to their Dukes 183 Dog-trick to get off their Interdict 307 Quarrels between them and Pope Paul V 619 to 639 Verstegan his life 415 Vitalis Michele II D. of Venice kill'd 253 Virgin Mary vid. Mary Edict of Union or July a peace made by it 525 The Heads of it 525 Pope Urban VIII sends a Breve against taking the Oath of Allegiance 725 W WIlliam I K. of Naples imprison'd 252 Willan ' s designe to kill Q. Eliz. 463 464 Witches 208 209 215 X XImenes Cardinal his life actions 251 252 Y YOrk designes to kill Q. Elizabeth 463 464 Z ZAchary Pope absolves subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance 166 FINIS