the gravity of Presbyters and prudent men Let us of our own accord depart from the tentations of the Devil Our great God the Saviour of all men hath reached forth a light common to all men By the assistance of whose providence give us leave who are his servant that we may successfully finish this our endeavour that by our exhortation diligence and earnest admonitions we may reduce you to an unity of assembly For in regard as we have already said you hold the same faith and have the same sentiments of our Religion and since the commandment of the law doth in all its parts inclose all in general in one consent and purpose of mind Let not this thing which has raised a mutual division between you in as much as it appertaineth not to the power and efficacy of Religion in general by any means make a separation and a faction amongst you These things we speak not to necessitate you to be all of one Opinion concerning this foolish idle controversie of what sort soever it be For the pretious value of the assembly may be preserved entire amongst you and one and the same Communion may be retained although there be interchangeably amongst you a great diversity of sentiments in things of the smallest import For we do not all mean the same in all things neither is there one disposition or opinion in all of us Therefore concerning the Divine Providence let there be amongst you one faith one meaning and one covenant of the Deity But as for these slender and light questions which with so much niceness you dispute of and make researches into amongst your selves although therein you do not all agree in the same opinion yet 't is your duty to confine them to your own thoughts and keep them within the secret repositories of your own minds Let therefore an unutterable and excellent common friendship a belief of the truth the honour of God and a Religious observance of his Law remain amongst you firm and immoveable return ye to a mutual friendship and charity restore to the whole body of the people their usual embraces And be you your selves having as it were purifi'd your own souls acquainted again and renew your familiarity with one another For friendship is frequently more sweet and pleasing after the occasion of the enmity is laid aside return to a reconciliation again Restore therefore to us peaceable and serene days and nights void of sollicitude that during the residue of our Life we may have the pleasure of the pure light and the joy of a quiet life reserved for us Which if we shall not obtain we must necessarily groan and be wholly surrounded with tears nor shall we finish the residue of our Life without great disquietude For whilst the people of God we mean our fellow servants are rent asunder by this pernitious and indiscreet dissention which they are now involved in how is it possible for us in future to continue in a sedate temper of mind And that you may be sensible of our excessive sorrow for this thing be attentive to what we shall tell you When we lately came to the City of Nicomedia we had resolv'd forthwith to have made a journey into the East But while we were hastning towards you and had performed above half our journey the news of this affair quite altered our resolution least we should be necessitated to be a spectator of these things which we could not endure even to hear Do you therefore by your unanimity for the time to come open the way for us into the East which by your mutual discord you have stopped up Give us leave with joy speedily to see you and all the rest of the people and that with an unanimous consent of praises we may offer up to God due thanks for the publick agreement and liberty CHAP. VIII Concerning the Council held at Nicaea a City of Bithynia and concerning the Faith there published SUch admirable and prudent advice did the Emperours Letter give them But the mischievous difference was grown so strong and potent that neither the Emperours industry nor the authority of the Person who brought the Letters was able to do any good For neither Alexander nor Arius were in the least mollifi'd by the Letter amongst the populace also there was an irreconcileable discord and a great disturbance Moreover before this broke out there was another distemper in that place which had caus'd disturbance in the Church to wit a disagreement concerning the Feast of Easter but this was only in the Eastern parts where some made it their business to celebrate that Festival after the Jewish manner others in their solemnization thereof imitated the rest of the Christians throughout the whole world But though they differ'd thus concerning the Feast yet they did not refrain from a mutual Communion However they clouded the joy of the Feast by this their dissention The Emperour therefore seeing the Church disturbed by these two evils convened a General Council by his Letters requesting the Bishops from all parts to meet together at Nice a City of Bithynia Accordingly the Bishops out of divers Provinces and Cities assembled concerning whom Eusebius Pamphilus in his third book of Constantin's Life writeth thus word for word The most eminent therefore amongst Gods Ministers of all those Churches which filled all Europe Libya and Asia were conven'd And one sacred Oratory enlarged as it were by God himself included at the same time within its walls both Syrians and Cilicians Phoenicians and Arabians Palestinians and Aegyptians also Thebaeans Libyans and those that came out of Mesopotamia There was also at this Synod a Persian Bishop neither was the Scythian absent from this Quire Pontus also and Galatia Pamphilia and Cappadocia Asia and Phrygia afforded their most select Divines Moreover there appeared here Thracians and Macedonians Achaians and Epirots and such as dwelt far beyond these were nevertheless present Hosius also that most fam'd Spaniard together with many of his Countreymen was one that sate in this Council The Prelate of the Imperial City was absent by reason of his age But his Presbyters were there and supplied his place The Emperour Constantine was the only person of all the Princes since the foundation of the world who after he had platted such a Crown as this by the Bond of Peace dedicated it to Christ his Saviour as a divine present and acknowledgment for the Victories he had obtained over his Enemies and Adversaries having constituted this Synod convened in our days to be a lively representation of that Apostolick Quire For it is Written that in the Apostles days there were gathered together devout men out of every nation under heaven amongst whom were Parthians Medes and Elamites and the inhabitants of Mesopotamia Judaea and Cappadocia of Pontus and of Asia of Phrygia and Pamphilia of Aegypt and of the parts of Libya adjacent to Cyrene strangers also of Rome Jews and
had committed any such sin as the sacred Scriptures terms a mortal sin ought not to be admitted to a participation of the sacred Mysteries they were indeed to be exhorted to repentance but ought not to entertain any hopes of remission from the Priests but from God who only is able and has power to forgive sins When Acesius had spoken thus the Emperour repli'd O Acesius set a Ladder and do you alone climb up to heaven This story neither Eusebius Pamphilus nor any other Author has mentioned But I had it from a person that was in no wise a lier one who was very aged and related what he had seen transacted in the Council Whence I conjecture that the same accident besell those who have omitted the mention hereof which happens to many other Writers of History For they usually pass over many things either because they are ill affected towards some or have a desire to gratifie others Thus much concerning Acesius CHAP. XI Concerning Paphnutius the Bishop NOw because we have promised before to make mention of Paphnutius and Spyridon it will be seasonable to speak of them here Paphnutius therefore was Bishop of one of the Cities in the upper Thebaïs he was a person so pious that wonderful miracles were wrought by him In the time of the Persecution one of his eyes had been cut out The Emperour had an high esteem for the man and frequently sent for him to the Pallace and kissed the place of that eye which had been dug out So great a piety and reverence was there in the Emperour Constantine Let this therefore be one thing said by us concerning Paphnutius This other which was done by his advice for the utility and advantage of the Church and the grace and ornament of the Clergy I will now relate The Bishops had a design to introduce a new Law into the Church to wit that those who were in holy Orders I mean the Bishops Presbyters and Deacons should abstain from lying with those wives which they had married during the time they were Laïcks And when a proposition was made to consult hereof Paphnutius rose up in the midst of the assembly of Bishops and cried out with a great deal of earnestness that such an heavy yoak ought not to be imposed upon those persons that were in sacred Orders saying that marriage was honourable and the bed undefil'd so that they ought to be careful least they should rather incommode the Church by their overmuch severity For all men said he cannot bear the practise of so strict and severe a continencie nor is it likely that the chastity of every one of their wives should be preserved The husbands keeping company with his lawful wife he termed chastity It was sufficient said he that they who had entred themselves into the function of the Clergy before they were married should afterwards according to the ancient tradition of the Church abstain from entring into a state of Matrimony but that no person ought to be separated from his wife whom he had heretofore married to wit whilst he was a Laick Thus he spake though he was a man who had not experienced what marriage was and as I may truly aver never knew a woman for from his childhood he had been educated in a place where the strictest exercises of virtue and abstinence were constantly practised and was eminently famous above all men for his singular continencie All the whole assembly of the Clergy were perswaded to yield their assent to what Paphnutius said wherefore they silenc'd all further debate concerning this point and left it to every mans arbitrement whether he would or would not abstain from keeping company with his wife And thus much concerning Paphnutius CHAP. XII Concerning Spyridon Bishop of the Cyprians NOw we come to speak of Spyridon so great a sanctity was in this person whilest yet a Shepherd that he was thought worthy to be made a Pastor of men He had obtained the Bishoprick of a City in Cyprus call'd Trimithuntis but by reason of his singular humility he fed sheep during his being a Bishop There are many things related of this man but I will only record one or two that I may not seem to wander from my subject One time about midnight theeves entred his sheepfold privately and attempted to take away the sheep But God who protected the shepherd preserv'd his sheep also for the theeves were by an invisible power fast bound to the â—oulds The morning being now come he went to his sheep where finding the men bound with their hands behind them he perceiv'd what had happened And after he had prayed he loosed the theeves admonishing and exhorting them earnestly to endeavour the procuring of a livelyhood by honest Labours and not by such unjust rapine He also gave them a Ram and dismist them with this facetious saying least says he you might seem to have watched all night in vain This is one of Spyridons Miracles Another was of this sort He had a daughter a Virgin indued with her fathers piety her name Irene A person well known to her entrusted her with the keeping of an ornament that was of great value The maid that she might with greater safety keep what was deposited with her hid it in the earth and within a short time died Soon after that he who had committed this thing to her care came to demand it Not finding the Virgin he involves her Father in that concern sometimes accusing another while entreating him The old man looking upon the persons loss who had entrusted his daughter as his own misfortune went to his daughters grave and did there begg of God that he would shew him the promised resurrection before the time And his hope was not frustrated For the Virgin immediately revives and appears to her father and having shew'd him the place where she had hid the ornament immediately departed Such persons as these were during the reign of Constantine the Emperour eminent in the Church These things I both heard from several Cyprians and also read them in a book of Rufinus a Presbyter written in Latine out of which I have not only collected what has here been said but also some other things which shall a little after this be declared CHAP. XIII Concerning Eutychianus the Monk I Have also heard of Eutychianus a pious man who flourished at the same time who although he was one of the Novatian Church yet was admired for works of the same nature with those we have mentioned I will sincerely confess who it was that gave me this account of him nor will I conceal it though I am sensible some will be offended with me for it One Auxanon a Presbyter of the Novatian Church was a person of a very great age this man when he was very young went to the Council of Nice with Acesius from him I receiv'd what I have said before concerning Acesius He liv'd from those times to
Scaliger takes notice of this mistake of Jerom's in his Animadvers Eusebian p. 208. But he has there altered the reading of part of this place in Eusebius thus But the Martyr most beloved of God after he had beseech't the Judge by many intreaties that he might have leave to give an account of his faith before the Senate Which emendation is contradicted by all our M. S. copies and by reason it self Vales. h All Translatours have rendred this place without taking any notice of the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in their Versions supposing it to be useless Which as I judge is not true first because the Senatours were not Judges neither had they Jurisdiction 2 Perennis who was the Judge in this cause had remitted Apollonius to the Senate not that the Senate should give judgment upon him but that Apollonius should give them an account of his religion He honoured the Senate so far that he would not condemn a Senatour before the Senate had had cognizance of his crime When therefore the Senate had heard Apollonius their answer was that the man should be judged according to the Law After this Apollonius was punished with death by the sentence indeed of Perennis himself but by the decree of the Senate because the Senate had heard him and given their consent that he should be condemned Vales. i He means the Rescript of Trajan which Eusebius mentions B. 3. chap. 33 at the latter end See the place and the note upon it Vales. a In his Chronicon Eusebius assigns fifteen years to Eleutherus and continues his Presidency to the last yearâ— of Commodus Between which two accounts of his there is a great disagreement Vales. b Nice phorus calls him Bacchylus But sometimes diminutive terms such as this is are written with â— double L. Vales. a The reading of the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savill M. SS is the Churches of all Asia as we have translated it Asia may be taken in a threefold sense sometimes 't is taken for the third part of the world sometimes for a Province divided into nine Jurisdictions which was governed by a Roman Proconsul at other times 't is more strictly taken for that region which lies by the River Meander In these words of Eusebius 't is in my judgment to be taken in the second sense to wit for a Province which a proconsul governed Vales. * That is the fourteenth day after the appearance of the new Moon for the religious part of the Jewish Calendar was concerned in these appearances of the new Moon the reports whereof were made by the country people See the whole manner hereof described particularly by the Learned Doctor Cudworth in his excellent discourse concerning the true Notion of the Lords Supper pag. 67. See also M r Jo. Gregory of Oxford in his discourse concerning Upper-rooms p. 14 c. b The Learned Arch-Bishop Usher in his dissertation prefixt before Ignatius's Epistles thap 9. says that the Asiatics who celebrated Easter with the Jews on the first day of unleavened bread passed over that day with mourning and fasting after which day was ended they concluded their Lent-fast Which opinion Eusebius does here contradict in that he affirms expresly that the Asiatics did put an end to their fastings on the 14 th day of the first month although it were not Sunday Vales. c Here Eusebius does plainly declare that the Asiatics onely did at that time celebrate Easter with the Jews but that all the other Churches observed that festiyal on another day Wherefore I dissent from Halloixius Arch-Bishop Usher and others who suppose that the Syrians Mesopotamians and Cilicians did then keep Easter at the same time with the Asiaâ—ics 'T is evident that the Syrians and Mesopotamians were then right in their sentiments about this matter which appears from their councills here mentioned by Ensebius For Oâ—droena is a part of Mesopotamia But afterwards they fell to the Jewish observation of this Festival and that before the Nicene Councill as Athanasius asserts On the contrary the Asiatics forsaking their former errour embraced the sounder opinion in their observation of Easter which they did before the Nicene-Councill as appears from Constantines Epistle which Eusebius relates B. 3. chap. 18 and 19. of Constantines life Vales. d It was questioned amongst the Antients at what hour the Fast before Easter was to be concluded some were of opinion that it was to be continued to the dawning of Easter day after the Cock-crowing as may be seen in Epiphanius and Clemens others thought it was to be finished on the Saturday evening before Easter-day So Cyrill in Homil. Paschal Vales. e The Bishop of Caesarea before the Nicene Council and a longtime after had the dignity and honour of a Metropolitâ—â— and presided in all the Councils of Palestine as being Bishop of the chief See Nevertheless the Bishops of Jerusalem had a respect shown them their 's being the Apostolick Church which first had a Bishop Therefore the Bishops of that See were not under the Bishops of Caesarea but were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. were as to their priviledges independent of the See of Caesarea See the seventh Canon of the nicene-Nicene-Council Vales. f He was Bishop of Amastris in Pontus of whom Dionystus Bishop of Corinth makes mention in his Epistle to the Church of Amastris which Epistle our Eusebius speaks of B. 4. chap. 23. There was one which bore the same name to wit Palmas of the consular order whom Adrian commanded to be killed so says Spartianus Moreover Eusebius says this Palmas presided as being the most antient Bishop not that he was a Metropolitan For Heraclea not Amastris was Metropolis of the Cities of Pontus But in the Ecclesiastick Councils the precedency was different according to the diversity of times and places The plainest and most reasonable cause of precedency was that the antientest Bishop should take place of the rest Afterwards the Bishops of the Metropolitan Churches had that honour given them Vales. g Jerom in his book de Scriptor Ecclesiast expounds this place so as if Bacchylus had convened a Council in Achaia apart by himself for in this sense he takes the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here used by Eusebius But there may another sense be given hereof to wit that Bacchylus wrote a private Epistle in his own name concerning Easter not a Synodicall Letter as the rest did Eusebius Book 6. chap. 11. calls a private Lettor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * He means Easter-day †Eusebius quotes part of this Epistle at the 31 chap. of his 3 d B. The Learned Reader upon comparing of the original Greek here and at the said 31 chapter will find some small difference upon which account our Version of the two places differs for we translated them as we found them a See B. 3. Chap. 31. note d. But the Jewish use of this plate of Gold can't be meant here for John was neither High-priest
is by Musculus rendered susceptio only which Version I rather approve of For Baptism is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because in it God receiveth us as his sons 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may also be translated perceptio for so Baptism is stiled in the M. S. Acts of the Passion of S t Genesius Mimus Vales. b When the Priest had finished the solemn prayers at the Eucharist all the people with a joynt acclamation used to say aloud Amen that is so be it We must understand that place of S t Paul in the first Epist. to the Corinth Chap. 14. v. 16. to be spoken in reference to this Custom in which place S t Paul taxeth the Hebrews who used the Hebrew or Syrian language commonly in their Oblations and Divine Service when the Grecians were present with them as the Commentatour says upon the place This word Amen denotes the assent of the people to the prayer made by another before them and it is an expression of affirmation which the Church still retaineth Vales. c From these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we may gather that the Communicants came to the Altar and received the body of Christ from the Presbyter standing up and not upon their knees as we do now had it not been so Dionysius would not have added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which word we find to be properly used in reference to them who minister at the Altar Chrysostom in his 41 Homilie upon the first Epistle to the Corinth useth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the Priest but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he useth to signifie the Laity But in the 44 Canon of the council of Laodicea all Communicants were prohibited from coming to the Altar except the Priests Vales. d In the Primitive Church the faithful Communicants came to the Altar with their hands carefully washed and when they were about to receive the body of our Lord they stretched out their right hands bending them and making them hollow and they put their left hands under them least they should drop any of that holy food See Chrysost. 3 d Homil. upon the Ephesians and also his 52 Homil. upon Matthew Vales. a Baronius at the year of Christ 257. cap. 7. does excellently well explain this passage of Dionysius's to wit concerning the space of time during which Valerianus's persecution lasted For whereas Valerian reigned almost seven years as 't is acknowledged by all in his former three years he was mild towards the Christians but in his latter triennium he raised a persecution against the Church Valerian began to reign in the year of Christ 253. about the end of the year Volusianus 2 and Maximus being Coss. This is manifest from the old Coins produced by Occo and Goltzius wherein Valerian is inscribed TRIBVN POTESTAT 3. Consul 3. Also TRIB POT 5. Cos. 4. The same may be gathered from Gallienus's Coins Vales. b By these Christian Emperours he means Philip the first Christian Emperour as many of the ancients doe affirm of the Romans but because he speaks in the plural number we may adde Alexander Severus who in his private Chappel had Christ's Image and favoured the Christians But Dionyfius here means those Emperours who were called and thought to be Christians not that they were really so Vales. c This 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Baronius at the year of Christ 252. saith was the same man that excited the Alexandrians in the Reign of Decius to persecute the Christians see Chap. 41. Book 6. of this History but I think it was quite a distinct person namely Macrianus he that was afterwards Emperour who stirred up Valerian to persecute the Christians this Macrianus was Valarian's Master or Tutor and by his evil counsel it was that Valerian raised this Persecution which thing Dionysius's following words do confirm Vales. d This 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a term borrowed from the Jews for in their Synagogues there were these degrees of Officers the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Rulers of the Synagogues also Fathers of the Synagogues Priests Presbyters and Deacons of the Synagogues whom they called Azanites there were also Apostles and Patriarchs who were set over all these but what this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may mean in this place we are yet to seek neither know we what these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were except we call them Aruspices or Diviners who were at Rome or we may call them the Priests of Isis and Serapis over whom this Macrianus was Ruler or Chief Now these Magicians were prohibited by the Jews but the Roman Emperours in imitation of Alexander the Great had these Magicians with them in their Camps and in all their exploits Dio says M. Antony in his expedition into Germany took Arnuphis an Aegyptian sorcerer along with him so Valerian here had Magicians in his Army and the chief or head of them was this Macrianus as Dionyniùs attests Vales. e This participle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. renders insuffiantes i. e. blowing upon For the Christians used to blow upon the Demons and their delusions temples and images shewing thereby that they abominated them concerning this usage amongst the Christians see Brissonius's Notes in commentar ad Tit. Cod. Theod. de Feriis And Heraldus in his Notes on Minucius Felix f This phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is spoken in reference to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Demons and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Emperours as some think which interpretation if we should follow the sence would be lost but in our translation the sence is plain and entire And also although here we find 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yet the Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So likewise the Writers of the Roman History and the old Coines name this Tyrant Vales. g The Greeks call them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whom the Latines call Rationales vel procuratores summae rei Receivers General or Stewards of the Emperours Estate Whose procurator or steward this Macrianus was we cannot certainly tell we must not suppose he was Valerian's Vales. h Dionysius here jesteth upon the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by which he meaneth both the stewards office and also the Catholick Religion from which signification some gather our Religion to be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quod sit rationalis because 't is rational but I can scarce think that we can hence gather the Catholick Religion to be so called for this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does not signifie rationalis except we understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a steward or rationalist We find this title attributed to the Church about the first Age after the Apostles see B. 4. Chap. 15. pag. 59. and in the Acts of the Martyrdom of Pionius the Martyr who suffered in the Reign of Decius Augustus it is so termed about which time several heresies arose and endeavoured by their traditions to subvert the true faith of
have here rendred friendship yet the word primarily and properly signifies that which the Latines call comitas that is complaisance courteousness civility affability as for this term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we have translated a Ransom we find it in the first Epistle to the Corinth Chap. 4. v. 13. this word seems to have been used by the Alexandrians in their salutations when they met-together and promised their sincere love willingness and diligence in serving one another they used to say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or else we may take the word in this sence as if the Heathens should call the Christians the very 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the off-scouring the filth the very faeceâ— populi and the purgamâ—nâ—a seculi which interpretation is not to be rejected here Vales. f Christoph. in his Latine Version renders this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 decenter ornantes dressing them up neatly but he mistakes for Dionysius speaks of their dress afterwards in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 decking them in their best cloaths 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here we therefore render componentes that is burying them and so the word is used in profane as well as in sacred Authours Compostus prosepulto in Virgil and Horace Vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some render linteo funebri involventes shrowding them in a winding sheet But this is contrary to the custom of buryings in those days for the Heathens used to dress the dead in their best cloaths and so interr them And the Christians used in like manner so to dress the Saints Corps See Chap. 16. of this seventh book concerning Asturius Vales. a Though we find here barely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he therefore yet we must understand Macrianus for by his treachery it was that Valerian was delivered into the hands of the Persians Other Historians assert that he was delivered to them by his own Captains so Aurel. Vict. Syncel and others These words of Dionysius are to be joyned with those in Chap. 10. of this Book for they are fragments of one and the same Epistle to Hermammon we also find a piece of it in Chap. 1. of this seventh Book Vales. * He means Macrianus and his two sons See Chap. 1. of this Book at the close of the Chapter †Esai 42. 9. b Dionysius here speaks of Macrianus's Empire because he was owned and received as Emperour by Aegypt and the Eastern Provinces Which his Coins declare for on the fore-side there is this inscription 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And on the reverse this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * That is that the Promises were to be literally understood a We have here sufficient evidence that this Book concerning the Promises was written in answer to Nepos I wonder that Hieronymus in his Preface before the eighteenth Book of his comments upon Esaias should affirm that this Book was written against Irenaeus Bishop of Lions Indeed Irenaeus was one of them who believed that Christ should come and Reign on the Earth a 1000 years which opinion was grounded on Papias's Authority as Hieronymus himself affirms and also our Authour Eusebius in the end of the third Book But as well from this place as also from Hieronymus himself in his Book De Script Ecclesiastic we may gather that this Book was not written against Irenaeus but against Nepos Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we have here translated the Composition of Psalms and Hymns according to the custom of the Christians who used to compose Psalms and Hymns in honour of Christ as Eusebius in the end of the fifth Book attesteth We also find mention of these Hymns in the Epistle of the Council of Antioch against Paul of Samosata and in thâ— last Canon but one of the Council of Laodicea where there is an express prohibition that no Psalms which in Greek are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is composed by private or ignorant persons should be sang in Churches Vales. c Pliny in his 28 Book Chap. 2. asketh why we affirm when we mention any dead persons that we will not vex or disturb their memory Vales. d This word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies properly to promise a great while before any performance it is a Metaphor taken from the Mysteties of the Grecians who promised strange and great things to them who are initated and tormented them with a long expectation that by keeping their thoughts thus in suspence they might beget in them an opinion and a fear and reverence Vales. e The true reading of this place in the Greek we owe to the Maz. M. S. according to which reading we have here translated it Vales. f This Province was so called from Arsinoe who was Queen of it before it was a Roman Province Vales. g ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term in the original I have rendred it docilitatem aptness to be taught For auditours are properly said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when they apprehend the sense of words Vales. h The Greek phrase is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Valesius renders ad ea de quibus instituta erat disputatio eniti and we to keep close to the points of the Question in hand or the present question i This phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is truly translated thus expansis cordibus patefactis with hearts unfoulded and as it were spread abroad but some translate it puris simplicibus cordibus with pure and single hearts which sense though the words may bear yet it is not so good in this place as the other Version Vales. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not put in this place for dispensation but for the same as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. an union and reconciliation and so Dionysius uses the word a little before S t Paul also in his Epist. to the Colossians Chap. 2. v. 2. 19. useth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this sence Vales. * See B. 3. Chap. 28. pag. 44. note c. d. * Revelat. c. 22. v. 7 8. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a term proper to the Rhetoricians as plainly appears by the following word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I think that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has the same import with dispositio or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Suidas is the same as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to dispose or handle Or we may render it the form and manner of writing for first he proves the Revelation not to be John's the Apostle by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Genius or Nature of the writer Then by the stile and mode of writing that is by the Phrase and the sentences Vales. * Revelat. c. 1. v. 1 2. †Vers. 4. * 1 John c. 1. v. 1. †Matth. c. 16. v. 17. * Revalat c. 1. v. 9. †Revelat. c. 22. v. 7 8. b We ought to take special notice of this passage concerning
that Eusebius calls the Priests of the Christians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because their Priesthood was not yearly but Perpetual like the Priesthood of Christ who is a Priest for ever after the order of Meichisedech as saith the Prophet The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 our Authour uses frequently to signifie Priests see the third chapter of this book where we have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sacred Duties or performances of the Priests In our Version of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we follow Velleius Paterculus who calls those Magistrates Perpetui which the Athenians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Munatius Felix in Gestis Purgationis Caeciliani is call'd Flamen Perpetuus This Dignity for brevities sake was commonly noted by these Characters FL. PP i. e. Flamen Perpetuus a Perpetual Priest These Priests are mentioned in the second Law God Theod. Vales. e Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we should rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the old Maz. M. S. does that is adjudging or attributing to every one his place Mark what follows in the Chapter But should any desire to retain the common reading I would not resist it much for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Hesychius is explain'd by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dividere to divide Vales. * Esai c. 54. v. 11 12 13 14. f By 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to watch at the Gates and conduct those that come in Eusebius here meanes the Sub-Deacons who kept the Gates of the Church and conducted all that came in to their particular places viz. The Catechumens Penitents and Possessed with evil spirits into the Narthex or Church Porch or into the Catechumenium or place where they Catechised but the believers into the Quire See the 22 Canon of the Council of Laodicea and Zonaras's and Balsamo's notes upon it Vales. g We have before noted in note u. of this chapter that that void open place betwixt the Portico and the Church is call'd by the Latines Atrium the Court. The Greek's as here call the same place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 frequently occurrs in the Gospel and is always by the old Translatour render'd atrium Vales. h 'T is difficult to render this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here used by any Latine word Musculâ—â— renders it Propugnacula Bulwarks Christoph. Repagula Bars I have translated it Obices Bolts Vales. i The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be blotted out for it troubleth the sense it crept in here out of the upper line Vales. * See note â— k By these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not far removed from that clear inspection into the Mysteries which the believers enjoy I say by these words Eusebius means those who amongst the antient Christians were called Competentes These were certain holy Candidates of Baptism as it were Eusebius here makes three degrees or ranks of the Catechumeni The first were those who had learned the Creed i. e. the Principles of Christian Religion These he compares to the out wall of the Church The second were those to whom a short Exposition of the Gospels was delivered These he compares to the Pillars which were placed in the Court made like a Quadrangle The next are the Competentes who were next to the Perfect Believers But if any one by the first rank would rather understand the promiscuous multitude of the Laicks and by the second rank those of the Laity which were the more learned I will not be much averse to that Explication Vales. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the term used at this place may be render'd Gates as well as windows Vales. m At these words we have in the Maz. M. S. a long Scholion in the Margin inveighing against this Authour as being Heretical and against this passage aâ— being blasphemous in regard it makes the Son inferiour to the Father and attributes the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 first place to the Father and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 second to the Son In the Med. M. S. we meet with this short Scholioâ— at the Margin here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and this also is Blasphemy Vales. n This place is eminent for the commendation of the Chastity and Continency of the Clergy But its excellence lay heretofore undiscovered because of the erroneous Version of Translatours The cause of the mistake in them was the false punctation in Steph. Edit and in the Kings M. S. but the Maz. and Med. M. SS do with good reason reject that punctation Vales. †Acts c. 2. v. 3. o He means the Presbyters who had the second degree of the Priesthood Here he compares the Bishop and Presbyters to the Thrones of the Church and the Deacons to the Benches Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 supinis manibus so Valesius pronis manibus so Christophorson p Here Eusebius having spoken largely concerning the double Fabrick of the Church that is the material and spiritual and compared them together elegantly makes a transition to that heavenly Hierusalem which is the idea and original pattern of this Church on earth But the translatours through their inadvertency took no notice of this elegant Apostrophe Vales. * See Heb. 12. 22 23. †Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the reading should undoubtedly be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 no mortal c. Vales. * 1 Cor. c. 2. v. 9. †Psal 103. 3 4 5 10 12 13. a Because that first Rescript or Letter mentioned here by Constantine is lost we cannot easily resolve what Constantine meanes when he says that in that Edict were named many and several sorts of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sects for which reason many desisted from professing Christianity Christoph. translates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doubtful and controverted opinions as if the sense or meaning of this first Edict had been ambiguous So also Baronius understands Christoph. his words at the year of Christ 313. Langus and Musculus translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 opiniones haereses Heresies and opinions far better then Christoph. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cannot signifie the sense or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 meaning of a place but it signifies an Opinion or Sect. When the Emperour Constantine therefore had in that former Edict permitted this Liberty of Conscience to all he added that that priviledge was not granted to the Christians only but to all men of every Sect that is to Jews Samaritans Marcionists c. and to all Sects of all Religions This the Christians took to be no small injury to their Religion that it should be reckon'd amongst Schismaticks and unbelieving Jews Constantine being advertised hereof by the Catholicks corrected it in this latter Edict that clause which mention'd all Sects being taken out and this is that which is meant by these words a little further 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. that all those Sects which were in our former Rescript should be quite left out Vales. b
Epiphanius mentions in Hares Arian It was written by Constantine after the Nicene Synod and it contains the punishment of those that would not recede from Arius's wicked tenets For at the close of that Epistle the Emperour commands that if they be persons of the ordinary rank they shall pay tribute for ten heads besides their own Poll-money But if they be descendants of the Curiales or Noble-men they shall be delivered to the Court and made liable to bear the publick Offices of the Decurions This Letter therefore was like an Edict and so ought to be publickly read and promulged Vales. a The greatest part of this Epistle is extant in the first book of Theodorets Ecclesiastick History chap. 20. it is entire in Latin in Baronius at the year of Christ 329 as Justinian the Emperour sent it to Pope Vigilius Vales. a Sozomen relates the same story in his first book chap. 22. but in such a manner that 't is sufficiently apparent he had it out of Socrates's History For Socrates tells the whole story more fully and elegantly And after he has told it says he had it from a credible person who lived in the times of the Nicene Council But Sozomen begins this relation thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. It s reported that the Empeour c. Nor does he confirm it by any persons authority Besides Sozomen has in a manner stole the very words of Socrates making some small alterations and interpositions as Plagiaries usually do But this story seems to me very improbable upon many accounts First because it is founded on the autority of no ancient writer Secondly neither Socrates nor Sozomen do say of what City Acesius was Bishop which was very necessary to confirm the story Thirdly it is not at all likely that an Heretical Bishop should be summoned by Constantine to an Ecclesiastick Synod For if Constantine had sent for Acesius in order to the restoring of Peace and Agreement to the Church upon the same account he ought to have summoned the Bishops of other Heresies also to the Nicene Council Lastly what Socrates says to wit that he had this story from a very old man who was at the Synod seems to me altogether incredible This persons name was Auxano a Novatian Presbyter who was at the Synod with Acesius and lived untill the reign of Theodosius Junior as Socrates says chap. 13. of this book Now from the Nicene Synod to the beginning of Theodosius's reign there are 83 years To which if you adde 20 for so old Auxano must needs be when he was present at the Council Auxano must necessarily be above an hundred years old when he told Socrates this story Let the Reader judge therefore at what rate the testimony of a decrepid old Heretick is to be valued Vales. a The Florent M. S. addes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Sub-Deacons and so the reading is in Sozomen book 1. chap. 23 where he tells this story concerning Paphnutius where also what we said before is apparent to wit that Sozomen borrowed from Socrates For he that addes to anothers relation shews evidently that he wrote last Vales. b Rufinus out of whom Socrates had the former story which he tells in this chapter concerning Paphnutius says not a word of this speech of Paphnutius see his first book Eccles. Hist. chap. 4. But he relates that Paphnutius was one of the Bishops in the parts of Egypt and that he was present at the Nicene Council * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is in a place where the Ascetae lived concerning whom and their course of life see Euseb. Ecclesiast Hist. book 2. chap. 17. note a. book 7. chap. 32. note c. in the second Alphabet Vales. a By 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he means the Protectores Domestici or Guards of the Body which waited on the Emperours person They were Souldiers of a superiour order who also had greater pay then the others See Valesius's notes on Amm. Marcellin book 14. pag. 33. b We perfected this place by the assistance of the Florentine and Sfortian M. SS For in the common Editions of Socrates after these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hosius Bishop of Corduba followed these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vito and Vincentius But those incomparable M. SS exhibited this place entire to us after this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. i. e. Hosius Bishop of Corduba in Spain I do believe as it is before written Vito and Vincentius Presbyters of Rome c. This is the series of the Bishops who subscribed the Nicene Council which Socrates transcribed from Athanasius's Synodicon as he himself attests hereafter In the Greek collections of the Canons this series is wanting nor is it extant in Dionysius Exiguus's Version But in that ancient collection lately published at Paris which the Western Church heretofore made use of before Dionysius's Version and in Isidorus's collection this series occurs almost in the same words In that ancient collection the words are these Et subscripserunt Osius Episcoâ—us civitatis Cordubensis Provinciae Spaniae dixit ita credo sicut superius scriptum est Victor Vincentius Presbyteri urbis Romae Alexander Alexandriae magna Alphâ—cration c. i. e. And they subscribed Osius Bishop of the City Corduba in the Province of Spain said I believe so as it is above written Victor and Vincentius Presbyters of the City of Rome Alexander of Alexandria the great Alphocration c. The words in Isidorus's Collection are almost the same But in Athanasius's Synodicon Eustathius Bishop of Antioch and Macarius Bishop of Jerusalem are placed after Alexander Bishop of Alexandria Vales. c Athanasius makes mention of this Vito the Presbyter in His Apologetick against the Arians and attests that a Roman Synod consisting of fifty Bishops by whom he was received into communion was convened in his Church Vales. d In the Latine collections of the Canons Harpocration is stiled Bishop of Naucratis and next to him is set Adamantius Cynopolites or Cynensis as it is in that forementioned ancient collection Vales. e This book of Athanasius's is not now to my knowledge extant But 't is probable that the names of the Bishops who subscribed the Nicene Council were translated out of that book Vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the term that occurs here imports the notation or express declaration of the time usually prefixt before publick Acts. In the Greek collection of the Canons which Joannes Tilius first published the notation of the time is prefixt thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. The Canons of the 318. Holy Fathers convened at Nice in the Consulate of the most illustrious Paulinus and Julianus on the 636 th year from Alexander on the nineteenth day of the month Desius before the thirteenth of the Calends of July Vales. g It is otherwise in the Greek collection which Tictius published see the foregoing note For 't is said that the Synod was convened on the
Lycia Caria Insula The Provinces of the Pontick dioecesis XI Galatia Bithynia Honorias Cappadocia prima Cappadocia secunda Paphlagonia Pontus Polemaniacus Hellenopontus Armenia prima Armenia secunda Galatia Salutaris The Provinces of the Thracican Dioecesis VI. Europa Thracia Haemimontis Rhodope Moesia secunda Scythia In conformity to this model of Government in the Civil State the Regiment in the Church which before had been metropolitical when the Provinces were independent on each other in Ecclesiastical administrations was adapted This Dioecesan form of Governance might 't is probable privately creep into the Church in that interval of time between the Nicene and Constantinopolitan Councils which is the opinion of D r Barrow See note e. in this chapter But 't is certain it was confirmed by the Fathers convened in this second Oecumenical Synod which sanction they made upon this occasion A little before the summoning of this Synod Melitius Bishop of Antioch in the East took a journey to Constantinople where he together with some other Bishops promoted Gregorius of Nazianzum to the Constantinopolitan See So Sozomen tells us book 7. chap. 3 and 7. Soon after Melitius had done this Peter Bishop of Alexandria sent some Bishops from Egypt to Constantinople who ordained Maximus the Cynick Bishop of that City See Sozomen book 7. chap. 9. Now in the Political partition of the Roman Empire as you may see by that Draught we have here given you of the Oriental-Praetorian-Praefecture these three places were in three several Dioeceses For Antioch in Syria whence Melitius came was in the Oriental Dioecesis Alexandria from whence the Bishops weâ—â— sent by Peter was in the Egyptick Dioecesis and Constantinople where these Bishops had celebrated their Episcopal ordinations was Scituate in the Thracican Dioecesis In regard these proceedings had produced a great deal of disorder and confusion in the Church to remedy this in future the Fathers convened in this Synod make a Sanction See Conc. Constantinopol II. Can. 2. pag. 87 Edit Bevereg that the Ecclesiastick Dioecesis's should have the same Limits with those of the State and that it should be as unlawfull for Ecclesiastick persons to perform any Office or do any business belonging to them without that Dioecesis wherein they were placed as it was for the Civil Minister to intermeddle with any affair without the Limits of his Dioecesis That this had not been duly observed in the Church before this Synod but that Prelates made frequent Excursions out of one Dioecesis into another to ordain is evident not only from the instances we have mentioned just now where we find Melitius who belonged to the Oriental Dioecesis and other Bishops of the Egyptick Dioecesis ordaining a Bishop of Constantinople a City in the Thracican Dioecesis but also from the Testimony of our Socrates a person who lived soon after the convention of this Constantinopolitan Synod who speaking here concerning its Sanctions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. And they constituted Patriarchs having made a division of the Provinces that so those Bishops who make their abode without the bounds of their own Dioecesis should not invade the Churches without their Limits For this had been promiscuously done before by reason of the Persecutions But notwithstanding that this Dioecesan form in imitation of the Civil State of the Empire was brought into the Church and thereupon Patriarchical Sees were erected yet after this several Provincial Churches had their ancient priviledges confirmed to them which confirmation is grounded on the sixth Canon of the Nicene Council as D r Beveredge has fully proved in his notes on that Canon pag. 58 and remained Independent from the Patriarchical Sees For instance the Cyprian Church was adjudged to be such an one in the eighth Canon of the third General Council held at Ephesus in the year of Christ 431. In which Canon after the Ephesine Fathers had determined the Cyprian Church to be independent from the Bishop of Antioch they add this clause 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. The same shall be observed in other Dioeceses and in the Provinces every where that so none of the most Religious Bishops may invade another Province which has not been for many years before and from the beginning under his or his predecessours hand In like manner Armenia the Great was exempted from dependence on any Patriarchate as 't is apparent from That Order of the Presidency of the most holy Patriarchs which D r Beveredge has published at his notes on the 36 th Canon Concil Trullan pag. 135 c. from a very ancient Greek Manuscript in the Bodlcian Library In which Manuscript neither England Scotland nor Ireland are reckoned dependents on the Roman Patriarchate as the Learned Reader on perusall will find Though 't is as certain that there was a compleat and absolute Church setled in this Island long before this Manuscript Order was or can be supposed to have been drawn up as that there was one at Antioch or Rome it self For not to mention those unquestionable authorities which might be here produced to prove that the plantation of the Gospel in this our Province was as early as the close of Tiberius's Reign we have many witnesses of an undoubted authority to attest that before the times of the Nicene Council there was a compleat Church setled in this Island For first in the subscriptions to the first Council of Arles convened in France Before the Nicene Council that is before the year of Christ 325 as the Acts of the said Council publisht by Jacobus Sirmondus do attest we meet with the names of these persons who went thither from this our Island See Concilia Antiqua Gallia Tom. 1. pag. 9. Edit Sirmondi Paris 1629. Eborius Episcopus de civitate Eboracensi c. Eborius Bishop of the City of York in the Province of Britania Restitutus Bishop of the City London in the fore-written Province Adelfius Bishop of the City Colonia of the Londoners From the same Province Sacerdos a Presbyter Arminius a Deacon Secondly Athanasius in his second Apology against the Arians pag. 720. Edit Paris does attest that the Bishops of the Britannia's were present at the Sardican Council which Synod was convened in the Consulate of Rufinus and Eusebius see our Socrates book 2. chap. 20 note c. on the year of our Lord 347. Lastly to mention no more Hilarius Bishop of Poictiers in France in the beginning of his Book de Synodis pag. 318. Edit Paris 1631. which book was written about the year of our Lord 350. sends Greeting Britanniarum Episcopis to the Bishops of the Britannia's This is sufficient to prove we had a Church here in those times And that this Church was governed by its own Bishops till about the year of Christ 600 and subject neither to the Roman not to any other forreign Prelate is a thing evidently apparent from what Venerable Bede has recorded in his Ecclesiastick
made themselves unfit Guests for the Table of our Lord did seek direction for their better performance of that which should set them clear it was in this case the Penitentiarie's duty to take their confessions to advise them the best way he could for their souls good to admonish them to counsell them but not to lay upon them more than private pennance As for notorious wicked persons whose crimes were known to convict judge and punish them was the Office of the Ecclesiastical Consistory Penitentiaries had their institution to another end This Office of the Penitentiary was continued in the Greek Church for the space of above some hundred years till Nectarius and the Bishops of Churches under him begun a second alteration abolishing even that confession which their Penitentiaries took in private upon that occasion which Socrates mentions here in this chapter See M r Hooker's Eccles. Politie book 6. pag. 332. c. Edit Lond. 1666 also D r Cave's Primitive Christianity Part 3. Chap. 5. b In Rob. Stephens Edit the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Bishops added a Presbyter who was to have the charge of penitency to the Canon of the Churches In the Sfortian M. S. the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Ecclesiastick Canon which reading Epiphanius Scholasticus and Nicephorus found in their copies as appears by the Version of the first and the Greek Text of the second Which two Authours took Canon to signifie a Rule or Ecclesiastick Decree Petavius in his notes on Epiphanius pag. 242 took these words of Socrates in such a sense as if the import of them were that the Bishops by publishing of a Canon then newly found out added a Presbyter who should take charge of the penitents which opinion of his he confirms by these following words of Socrates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. this Canon is in force to this day amongst other Heresics where the term Canon is manifestly taken for a Rule and Decree But Valesius is not of Petavius's opinion His reasons are 1 The propriety of the Greek tongue admits not of this sense 2 If a new Canon were then made concerning the institution of a Penitentiary Presbyter he queries where and in what Councill it was published Valesius's Sentiment therefore is that the term Canon is here to be taken for the Matricula or Roll of Ecclesiastick Officers belonging to the Church In which sense he says t is taken in the 2 Can. Concil Chalccdon pag. 112 Edit Beveredg where t is true it must be taken in a more comprehensive sense than to signifie the Câ—crus only that is those who are ordained by imposition of hands because the Fathers in that Canon speak of all the Ecclesiastick Officers such as were the Occonomi the Defensores the Mansionarii c. concerning whom see D r Beveredge's Notes pag. 109. But whether it is to be used in this sense here I determine not let the Learned judge c What the course of discipline in relation to penitency was as it was practised by the Fathers during the first and purest times before Penitentiaries were instituted we have declared at note a. in this chapter mostly in M r Hookers own words Which incomparable Authour in the forecited book of his Eccles. Politie has by unexceptionable authorities made it evident whatever the Learned Reader may find said to the contrary by Baronius at the year of Christ 56 by Petavius in his Diatriba about this point which occurs at pag. 225 of his notes on Epiphanius or by Bellarmine that the ancient 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or confession which the Primitives use to speak of in the exercise of repentance was made openly in the hearing of the whole both Ecclesiastical Confistory and assembly After the institution of Penitentiary Presbyters in every Church this publick confession was abrogated and such as were guilty of crimes confessed them not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the presence of the people but as Socrates here says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before this Presbyter instituted for that purpose The same is confirmed by Sozomen book 7. chap. 16. where he tells us how a Presbyter Elected to the Office of a Penitentiary was to be qualified One of his qualifications was that he ought to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a person that could hold his tongue by which 't is plain that the confessions made to him were private and to be kept concealed * That is the Office of the Penitentiary For these Hereticks admitted no person to their communion upon any repentance who was once known to have sinned after Baptism see Euseb. Eccles. Hist. book 6. chap. 43. which practise of theirs how fair soever their pretence might seem made sinners not the fewer but the closer and the more obdurate †To wit from the Persecution under the Emperour Decius till after the Election of Nectarius to the Episcopate of Constantinople d Valesius in his note here starts this query whether the confession made by this Gentlewoman were publick or private In order to the answering whereof he remarks that she confest twice before the Penitentiary At her first confession she made known all her sins whereupon she is advised to continue in fasting and prayer At her second she discovered her having been debaucht by the Deacon These two confessions continues Valesius were different both in time and manner The first was of all her faults 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 particularly as Socrates words it the second was of one crime only All which may perhaps be true After this remark made Valesius concludes both these confessions to have been secret which says he is apparent from these two reasons 1 because publick confession was never in use in the Church 2 in regard Socrates says that this woman accused not her self before the people but before the Penitentiary Valesius's first reason appears evidently false not only from M r Hookers words quoted before and the unquestionable authorities he there produces to prove what he asserts but from a passage in Sozomen book 7. chap. 16. where that Ecclesiastick Historian giving reasons of the alteration which the Grecians made by abrogating publick confession and instituting Penitentiaries throughout all Churches to take the confessions and appoint the penances of secret offenders assignes this for one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. It did from the beginning deservedly seem burthensome to the Priests that sins should be declared before the whole congregation of the Church as witnesses in a Theatre as it were from which words 't is evident that publick confession was once in fashion in the Church Valesius's second reason we have before cleared and confirmed by the joynt Testimony of Socrates and Sozomen See note c. e Valesius says here he can't be induced to believe that this Gentlewoman did publick pennance His reasons for this are 1 Women were very rarely compelled to do publick pennance the Church being indulgent towards the modesty of Matrons 2
which he was upon to the Studious in sacred matters About the same time Eusebius comprized a Description of the Jerusalem-Church and of the sacred Gifts which had been consecrated there in a small Book and Dedicated it to the Emperour Constantine Which Book together with his Tricennalian Oration he had plac'd at the close of his Books concerning the Life of Constantine But this Book is not now extant At the same time also Five Books were written by Eusebius against Marcellus the last three whereof De Ecclesiasticâ Theologiâ he Dedicated to Flaccillus Bishop of Antioch Now Flaccillus entred upon that Bishoprick a little before the Synod of Tyre which was conven'd in the Consulate of Constantius and Albinus on the year of Our Lord's Nativity 335. 'T is certain Eusebius in his First Book against Marcellus De Ecclesiasticâ Theologiâ Chap. 14 writes in express words that Marcellus had been deservedly condemned by the Church Now Marcellus was first condemned in the Constantinopolitan Synod by those very Bishops who had consecrated Constantine ' s Church at Jerusalem that is on the year of Christ 335 or else 336 as Baronius will have it Indeed Socrates acknowledges but Three Books of Eusebius ' s against Marcellus those namely which are entituled De Ecclesiasticâ Theologiâ whereas nevertheless the whole Work against Marcellus was by Eusebius comprized in Five Books Farther of all Eusebius's Books the last seem to be those Four concerning the Life of Constantine For they were written after the death of that Emperour whom Eusebius did not long survive For he dyed about the beginning of Constantius Augustus ' s Reign a little before the death of Constantine Junior which hapned when Acindynus and Proculus were Consuls on the year of Christ 340 as may be gathered from Socrates's Second Book Now what Scaliger says in his Animadversions upon Eusebius pag. 250 of the last Edition that Eusebius's Books against Prophyrius were written under Constantius Son to Constantine the Great can't so easily be admitted of by us in regard 't is confirmed by the Testimony of no ancient Writer But what the same Scaliger adds in that very place that the three last Books of The Evangelick Demonstration the eighteenth namely ninteenth and twentieth were written by Eusebius against Prophyrius therein he does manifestly blunder Saint Jerome writes indeed that Eusebius answered Porphyrius in three Volumes that is in the eighteenth nineteenth and twentieth who in the twelfth and thirteenth of those Books which he published against the Christians had attempted to confute the Book of the Prophet Daniel But Saint Jerome does not mean Eusebius's Books concerning Evangelick Demonstration as Scaliger thought but the Books he wrote against Porphyrius which had this Title 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Books of Confutation and Apology as may be gathered from Photius's Bibliotheca Farther I am of Opinion that these Books were written by Eusebius after his Ecclesiastick History And this I conjecture from hence because Our Eusebius in the Sixth Book of his Ecclesiastick History where he produces a famous passage out of Porphyrius's Third Book against the Christians makes no mention of those Books wherein he had answered Porphyrius whenas nevertheless he is wont to be a diligent Quoter of his own works and does frequently referre the Studious to the reading of them But because a fit opportunity presents it self I have a mind to make some few Remarks here concerning his Books of Ecclesiastick History For on their account chiefly all this Labour hath been undertaken by us Indeed much hath been written by Our Eusebius for the profit and advantage of the Catholick Church and in confirmation of the truth of the Christian faith partly against the Jews and partly against the Heathens Nevertheless amongst all his Books his Ecclesiastick History does deservedly bear away the Bell. For before Eusebius many persons had written Books in defence of the Christian Faith and by most cogent Reasons had confuted the Jews Contumacy and the Errour of the Heathens But there was no person before Eusebius who would deliver to posterity an History of Ecclesiastick Affairs On which account Our Eusebius is the more to be commended who was both the first that found out this Subject and also after he had attempted it left it entire and perfect in every respect 'T is certain although many have been found after him who incited by his example have undertaken to commit to writing Ecclesiastick matters yet they have all begun their History from those times wherein Our Eusebius had closed his Work but the History of the foregoing times which he had set forth in Ten Books they have left to him entire and untoucht Wherefore should any one have a mind to term him the Father and Founder of Ecclesiastick History truly that person would seem to give him this surname not absurdly nor without cause Now what way Eusebius applied himself to this Subject 't is not hard to conjecture For whereas in the last part of his Chronical Canons he had accurately noted the Time of Our Lords Coming and of his passion the names also of the Bishops who had sate in the four chief Churches and of the famous men who had flourished in the Church and lastly in their own time and order had digested the Heresies and Persecutions wherewith the Church had been disquieted He was led by the hand as 't were by little and little to the writing an Ecclesiastick History that he might handle those matters more largely and copiously in his Ecclesiastick History which in his Chronical Canons he had comprized in a Summary as ' t were Indeed he himself in the Preface to his Ecclesiastick History does plainly shew that which I have said Where also he requests that Pardon may be granted him by candid Readers if peradventure he shall not so largely and copiously pursue and finish this Subject for he says that he was the first person who applied himself to this sort of writing and first began to walk in a way which had not before been worn by any one's footsteps But this may seem to some persons not so much an excuse and desire of Pardon as an endeavour to procure praise and glory Farther notwithstanding it appears evident from Eusebius ' s own Testimony that he wrote his Ecclesiastick History after his Chronological Canons yet 't is strange that Both those Works proceed to one and the same Limit namely to Constantine's twentieth year which was the year of Christ 325. That moreover may deservedly be wondred at that although the Nicene Synod was celebrated on Constantine's Vicennalia yet no mention is made of it either in his Chronicon or Ecclesiastick History For whereas in his Latine Chronicon at the Fifteenth year of Constantine these words occur Alexandrinae Ecclesiae 19. ordinatur Episcopus Alexander c Alexander is ordained the nineteenth Bishop of the Alexandrian Church by whom Arius the Presbyter being ejected out of that
Stromata which are ten in Number in that City in the Reign of Alexander as his Annotations written with his own hand and prefixt before those books do manifest CHAP. XXV After what manner Origen has mentioned the Books of the Old and New Testament BUt in his Explication of the first Psalm he has exhibited a Catalogue of the holy Scriptures of the Old Testament writing on this manner word for word We must understand that as the Hebrew Traditions say there are twenty two bookes of the Old Testament just so many in number as they have letters A little after he adds saying These are the twenty two books according to the Hebrews That which we give the Title of Genesis to is by the Hebrews from the beginning of the book entitl'd Bresith that is in the beginning Exodus Vellesmoth that is these are the names Leviticus Vaicra that is and he hath called Numbers the Hebrews call Hammisphecodim Deuteronomie Helle-haddabarim that is these are the words Jesus the Son of Nave in Hebrew Jehosue Ben Nun. Judges Ruth are by them comprehended in one book and call'd Sophetim The first and second of Kings among them one book termed Samuel that is called of God The third and fourth of Kings amongst the Hebrews one book call'd Vammelech David that is the Kingdom of David The first and second book of Chronicles in one Volume call'd Dibre Hajamim that is The words of Days Esdras the first and second book by them made one book call'd Esra that is A helper The book of Psalms Sepher Tehillim in Hebrew Solomon's Proverbs in Hebrew Misâ—oth Ecclesiastes Coheleth The Song of Songs Sir Hâ—sirim Esaias Iesaâ—a Hierimas with his Lamentations and his Epistle all in one book call'd Jermia Daniel The Hebrews also call Daniel Ezechiel Jeezchel Job Job Ester Ester also among the Hebrews Besides these there are but not of their number the Maccabees which are intitl'd Sarbet Surbane-el These Origen has set forth in the aforesaid work But in the first book of his Comments upon Matthew's Gospel observing the Canon of the Church he attests there are onely four Gospels in these words As I have understood by Tradition there are four Gospels which and onely which are to be allow'd without contradiction by the Church of God under heaven As for the first 't was written by one Matthew formerly a Publican but afterwards an Apostle of Jesus Christ he publisht it being written in Hebrew for the sake of those Jews who believ'd The second is Mark 's Gospel who wrote it as Peter expounded to him whom also he confesses to be his Son in his Catholick Epistle and in these words The Church which is at Babylon elected together with you saluteth you and so doth Marcus my Son And the third is the Gospel according to Luke which is commended by Paul he wrote it for the sake of the Heathens Lastly S t John's Gospel And the same Writer in the fifth book of his Expositions upon John has these words concerning the Apostle's Epistles Paul being made a fit Minister of the New Testament not in the Letter but in the Spirit he who fully Preacht the Gospel from Jerusalem round about to Illyricum wrote not to all those Churches which he taught But to those to whom he wrote he sent Epistles that contained but a few verses But Peter on whom the Church of Christ was builded against which the gates of hell shall not prevail left but one Epistle which is acknowledg'd to be his But let us grant that the second is his too for it is question'd whether it be his or not But what must we say of John he who lay in Christ's bosome He left behind him but one Gospel though he professes he could have written so many books as the world could not have contain'd He also wrote the Revelation being commanded to be silent and not to write the voices of the Seven Thunders He also left to posterity a very short Epistle But let us grant that the second and third were his for all men do not allow them to be genuine both of them doe not contain above an hundred verses Besides he discourses thus concerning the Epistle to the Hebrews in his Homilies upon that Epistle For the stile of that Writing entitled The Epistle to the Hebrews has nothing of that plain homeliness of the Apostle Paul who confesses himself to be unlearn'd in his speech that is in his manner of Expression But this Epistle as to the composition of the stile favours much of the Grecian eloquence this every one will confess who knowes how to judge of Stiles which are different Again the sentences of this Epistle are admirable and nothing inferiour to those books which are acknowleg'd to be Apostolick And this every one will assent to as true who gives attention to the reading of the Apostles writings After the interposition of some words Origen addes these saying This is my Opinion that the sentences are the sentences of an Apostle but the Phrase and Composition is some ones else who committed to writing the words of the Apostle and as it were illustrated with Explications the words of his Master If any Church therefore accounts this to be Paul's Epistle let it be commended even for so doing for the Antients did not inconsiderately declare it to be Paul's Epistle But God alone truely knows who wrote this Epistle But of those written records which are come to our hands some ascribe the writing of this Epistle to Clemens who was Bishop of Rome others to Luke who wrote the Gospel and the Acts. But thus far concerning this CHAP. XXVI How Heraclas succeeded in the Bishoprick of Alexandria IT was now the Tenth year of the Reign of the afore-mention'd Emperour Alexander in which Origen departed from Alexandria to Caesarea and left the care of his Catechetick School to Heraclas and not long after dy'd Demetrius the Bishop of the Church of Alexandria having continu'd in that Office fourty three years compleat Heraclas succeeded him At this time Firmilianus Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia was very famous CHAP. XXVII How the Bishops had him in admiration HE had so great an esteem for Origen that he both invited him into the Countries of his Province for the good of the Churches and also at another time went into Judaea to visit him and to stay some time with him to improve himself in the knowledge of Divine matters Besides Alexander Bishop of Jerusalem and Theoctistus Bishop of Caesarea at all times as one may say were attentive to him as if he had been their Master and permitted onely him to expound the holy Scriptures and to perform all other things appertaining to Ecclesiastick doctrine CHAP. XXVIII Concerning the Persecution under Maximinus MOreover Maximinus Caesar succeeded Alexander the Roman Emperour after he had Reign'd thirteen years He because of his hatred to
ignorant for how could he be that there should be 46 Presbyters seven Deacons Seven sub-Deacons Clerks 42 Exorcists Readers together with Janitors 52. Widows and indigent persons which could not maintain themselves above a thousand and five hundred All these the grace and bounty of the Lord maintain'd But neither could so great multitude so necessary in the Church a congregation which by Gods providence is both rich and numerous together with a great and innumerable multitude of people make this man ashamed of this so desperate an attempt or deter him from proceeding in it or recall him into the Church And again after some other words which intervene he adjoyns these But come on let us in our following words declare in what works of his own or what good practices he was so confident as to aspire to a Bishoprick Was it upon this account that from the beginning he had been conversant in the Church and had fought many combats in defence of it and had been in many and great perils upon account of Religion No this is nothing so For the devil who had entered into him and for a long time dwelt in him was the occasion of his being a believer He being relieved thereof by the Exorcists fell into a grievous distemper and it being supposed that he would die immediately he received Baptism being besprinkled with water on the bed whereon he lay if that can be termed Baptism Neither when he had escaped that sickness did he afterwards receive the other things which the Canon of the Church injoyneth should be received nor was he sealed by the Bishops imposition of hands which if he never received how did he receive the holy Ghost And again a little after he saith This man in the time of Persecution through timerousness and a desire of life deny'd that he was a Presbyter For being desired and intreated by the Deacons that he would come out of his Chamber in which he had shut himself up and succour the Brethren as far as it was meet and possible for a Presbyter to succour the distressed Brethren who wanted assistance he was so far from complying with the Deacons who intreated him that with great indignation he went his way and departed For he said he would no longer be a Presbyter but was a favourer of another kind of Philosophy Having ran over some few passages he makes this addition hereto in these words For this excellent fellow has deserted the Church of God in which after he had received Baptism he was vouchsafed the degree of Presbyter by the favour of the Bishop who by imposition of hands Ordain'd him Priest Who being denyed Orders by all the Clergy and many of the Laity because it was not lawfull for one who had been baptized in his bed by reason of some infirmity as he was to be admitted into any sacred Order the Bishop intreated licence might be granted him to Ordain this person onely To these impious acts he afterwards subjoyneth this other the worst of all his wicked exploits saying thus For he made oblations and distributed to every one a part thereof which when he had delivered instead of blessing them he compelled the wretched men to swear holding the hands of him that received with both his hands and not letting them go till the persons had sworn pronouncing these words for I will here make use of his own words Sweat to me by the body and bloud of our Lord Jesus Christ that thou wilt never desert me and revolt to Cornelius So the miserable man was not permitted to taste before he had cursed himself And at the receiving of the bread instead of saying Amen he says I will never return to Cornelius Again after some other words he says thus Now you must understand he is stript naked of all his followers and leâ—t desolate The Brethren daily deserting him and returning to the Church And Moses a blessed Martyn who lately amongst us suffered a famous and admirable Martyrdom taking notice in his life time of this man's impudence and folly deprived him of communion together with the five Presbyters who with him had voluntarily separated themselves from the Church Now at the end of his Epistle he makes a catalogue of those Bishops who were present at Rome and condemn'd the folly of Novatus He also gives an account of their names and the name of every ones particular Church in which he Govern'd He does also expresly mention those who were not then present at Rome but by letters approved of the sentence of the foresaid Bishops together with their names and the names of the Cities from which each of them wrote Thus much Cornelius has recorded in his Epistle to Fabius Bishop of Antioch CHAP. XLIV Dionysius's story concerning Serapion DIonysius Bishop of Alexandria sent Letters to this same Fabius who was something inclining to this Schism and having discours'd severall things concerning repentance in his Letters to him and also related the combats of some who had undergone Martyrdom a little before at Alexandria amongst other stories he relates a miraculous thing which I thought necessary here to insert into this our History it runs thus I will here propose to you one example which happened amongst us There was amongst us one Serapion an old man a believer who for a long time had lived blameless but in the time of persecution he lapsed he often petitioned for pardon but no body gave attention to him because he had sacrificed Being taken with sickness he remained for the space of three days speechless and senseless being a little refreshed on the 4 th day he called his daughters son to him and said Child how long do you detain me I pray make hast and absolve me quickly call one of the Presbyters to me And when he had spoken these words he was again speechless The child ran to the Presbyter It was now night and the Presbyter also was sick and not able to come But because I had before given command that those people who were dying if they desired it and especially if they had before humbly requested it should be absolved that they might depart with a lively hope he gave to the Child a piece of the Sacrament bidding him to moisten it in water and put it into the old man's mouth the child 〈◊〉 with it And when he approached before he came in â— Serapion again recovered himself a little and said Child thou art come the Presbyter was not able to come but doe thou perform quickly what he injoyn'd thee and let me depart The boy moistned it in water and put it into his mouth immediately And when he had swallowed it by little and little he straightway gave up the Ghost Is it not plain that he was preserved and his life prolonged till he was absolv'd that his sin being quite blotted out he might
and praise God These are the words of Dionysius But Xystus succeeds Stephen after he had executed the Episcopal Office two years To him Dionysius wrote a second Epistle concerning Baptism and set forth to him the judgment and opinion of Stephen and the other Bishops Concerning Stephen thus he writes Indeed he before wrote letters concerning Helenus and Firmilianus and all the Bishops of Cilicia Cappadocia and Galatia And moreover concerning all the neighbouring Provinces that he would have no communion with them for this very reason because says he they rebaptize Hereticks And consider the weightiness of the affaire for truly I hear that there have been determinations made in the greatest Synods of Bishops concerning this business that Hereticks which were converted should be first Catechized and then should be washed and cleansed from the filth of their old and unclean leaven And I wrote to him making intercession for all these men And afterwards he says also to our well beloved and fellow-Presbyters Dionysius and Philemon who were formerly of Stephen's Opinion and wrote to me concerning the same things I before wrote in short but now I have written more at large But thus much concerning the said controversie CHAP. VI. Concerning the Heresie of Sabellius AFter this head of discourse he informs him of the Sabellian Hereticks who at that time abounded mightily and thus he writes For concerning the opinion which lately sprung up at Ptolemais a City of Pentapolis which is impious and full of blasphemies against God Almighty Father of our Lord Jesus Christ and contains much infidelity against his onely begotten Son the first begotten of every creature the Word that was conversant amongst men and is full of stupidity and senselessness about the holy Ghost when letters came to me from both parties and brethren to discourse with me I wrote some Epistles according to my ability with Gods assistance explaining those points more at large like an Instructour of which Epistles I have sent you copies CHAP. VII Concerning the most execrable Errour of the Hereticks and concerning the vision sent from God which appeared to Dionysius and the Ecclesiastick Canon he received THE same Dionysius in his third Epistle concerning Baptism written to Philemon Presbyter of the Church of Rome annexeth these words I have read over the books and traditions of the Hereticks defiling my mind for a little while with their most accursed inventions Indeed I received this advantage from them that I can the better confute them in my own thoughts and do grow to a greater detestation of them And when one of my brother Presbyters prohibited me fearing least I should be mixed and disordered with the filth of their wickedness for he said my mind would be defiled and truly I was sensible he said true a vision sent from God corroborated me And a voice came to me which gave me this express command saying Read all things that thou shalt take into thy hands for thou art able to search into and to examine every thing and this was the principal cause of thy becoming a Christian I gladly received the vision as being consonant with the Words of the Apostle who speaketh thus to those who are able Be ye skilful Examiners Afterwards having spoken something concerning all the Heresies he continues saying I received this Rule and Canon from Heraclas our blessed Pope For those who were Converts from Heresies although they were Apostates from the Church or rather not Apostates but seemingly assembled themselves and were privately discovered to frequent any of the Heterodox teachers he excommunicated and would not again admit them into the Church although they intreated him before they had made a publick confession of what they had heard from the â—dverse party And then he again admitted them to communion but thought no second Baptism was requisite for them because they had before received holy Baptism from him Again after a copious discourse upon this question he â—hus concludes This furthermore I understand that the Africans of this Age were not the onely introducers of this custom but this was establisht long before by Bishops who were before our Age in their most populous Assemblies and in the Synods of the Brethren at Iconium and at Synnada and amongst many other persons whose sentiments and determinations I will by no means overthrow nor excite them to contention and strife For it is written thou shall not remove thy neighbour's land-mark which thy fathers have set in thine inheritance His fourth Epistle concerning Baptism is written to Dionysius who was at that time Presbyter of the Church of Rome and a little while after obtained the Bishoprick there From which Epistle we may learn what a learned and admirable man this same Dionysius was by Dionysius Alexandrinus's testimonies of him After other things he writes to him in that Epistle concerning Novatus in these words CHAP. VIII Concerning Novatus's Heresie FOR we may with sufficient reason abominate Novatianus who stirr'd up Schism in the Church and seduced some of the Brethren to blasphemies and impieties and induced most profane Doctrine concerning God and calumniously accused our most gracious Lord Jesus Christ as unmercifull besides all these things he disalloweth of holy Baptism and utterly abolisheth Faith and the Confession of Faith before Baptism and he perfectly banisheth the holy Ghost from them although there were some hope that it still rested in them or would return to them again CHAP. IX Concerning the Baptism of Hereticks that it is impious DIonysius's fifth Epistle was written to Xystus Bishop of Rome In which after much discourse against Hereticks he relates this very accident which happened in his days For truly Brother I want your advice and desire your judgment Such a thing as this coming to my knowledge I fear least I should err in it For one of the congregation of the Brethren who was accounted an antient believer a person who had been a member of the congregation before my ordination yea and as I think before ever blessed Heraclas was constituted Bishop this man I say being present at the Baptism of some who were lately baptized and having heard the Questions and their Answers came to me weeping and lamenting his own case And falling down at my feet he made a confession of and renounced the Baptism which he had received from the Hereticks that it was not of this kind neither had it any likeness at all to this of ours but was full of impieties and blasphemies He also said that he was now most grievously pricked in mind and had not the confidence to lift up his eyes to God having been initiated by such impious words and ceremonies For this reason he prayed that he might partake of the most pure Baptism Adoption and Grace Which thing I durst not perform but told him that the daily communion with the Church he had so long enjoyed was sufficient for
God begotten not made of the same substance with the Father by whom all things were made that are in heaven and that are in earth Who for us men and for our salvation descended and was incarnate was made man suffered and rose again the third day he ascended into heaven He shall come to judge the quick and the dead We also believe in the Holy Ghost But those who hold that there was a time when he was not or that he was not before he was begotten or that he was made of nothing and those that affirm he is of any other substance or essence or that the Son of God is created or convertible or obnoxious to change all such God's Holy Catholick and Apostolick Church doth anathematize When this form of Faith was appointed by the Bishops we did not inconsiderately omit making an enquiry what their meaning was of those terms of the substance of the Father and of the same substance with the Father Hence therefore arose several Questions and Answers and the true import of those words was with great accuracy examined And it was acknowledged by them that these words To be of the substance did only signifie thus much that the Son is of the Father but not as a part of the Father It seem'd to us altogether reasonable and safe to give our assent to this meaning of this sacred Doctrine which asserteth that the Son is of the Father but is not a part of his substance Wherefore we our selves also gave our assent to this import of those words nor do we reject the terme Homoöusios having peace before our eyes as the marke at which we aime and being cautious lest we should fall from a right apprehension of the Faith For the same reasons also we have admitted of these words begotten not made For made said they is a common term attributed to all other creatures which were made by the Son of whom the Son hath no resemblance Wherefore he is no creature like to those which were created by him but he is of a far more excellent substance then any creature which substance as the sacred Oracles do instruct us is begotten of the Father but by such a manner of Generation as is ineffable and inexpressible by any created Being Thus also this proposition that the Son is of the same substance with the Father was discussed to wit that this is not to be understood according to the manner of bodies nor in a sense agreeable to mortal Creatures For this Consubstantiality cannot be either by Division of the Substance or by Abscision or Mutation of the Paternal Essence and Power For all these things are inconsistent with the uncreated nature of the Father But this proposition to be of the same substance with the Father doth expresly represent to us no more than this viz. that the Son of God hath no community with or resemblance to created Beings but that in every respect he is like to the Father onely who hath begotten him and that he does exist of no other substance or essence but of the Father To this Opinion therefore thus explain'd we thought good to give our assent more especially because we also knew that some of the Ancient Learned and eminent Bishops and Writers have made use of this term Homoöusios in their explications of the Divinity of the Father and of the Son Thus much therefore we have said concerning the Creed published at Nice to which we all agreed not inconsiderately and without examination but according to the senses given which were discussed in the presence of our most pious Emperour and for the forementioned reasons received with an unanimous consent Moreover as concerning the Anathematism published by the Fathers after the Creed we judged it not in the least troublesome in regard it does prohibit the use of terms that occur not in the Scriptures from the use of which terms came almost all the confusion and disturbance that hath been raised in the Church Since therefore no part of the Scripture given by divine inspiration hath made use of these terms to wit of things which exist not and there was a time when he was not it seem'd disagreeable to reason that these assertions should be either mentioned or taught To this good and sound Opinion we also have assented in as much as in former times we have never made use of such expressions These things beloved we thought requisite to send to you that we might most apparently evidence to you the considerateness as well of our examination and researches into all points as of our assent and that you might also know with what good reason we did at first make a resistance even to the last houre as long as some things written in a manner different from what they should have been offended us but at length without further contention we embraced those points which were not offensive when after a candid enquiry into the import of the terms we found them to be agreeable with what we our selves had made confession of in that form of the Creed we at first proposed Thus wrote Eusebius Pamphilus to Cesarea in Palestine Also by the common consent and approbation of the Council this following Synodicall Epistle was written to the Church of Alexandria and to the inhabitants of Aegypt Libya and Pentapolis CHAP. IX The Epistle of the Synod concerning those matters determined by it and how Arius was degraded together with them that embraced his sentiments TO the Holy by the Grace of God and great Church of the Alexandrians and to our beloved brethren the inhabitants of Aegypt Libya and Pentapolis The Bishops Assembled at Nice who fill up that great and holy Synod send Greeting in the Lord. For as much as by the Grace of God and the Summons of the most pious Emperour Constantine who hath call'd us together out of diverse Cities and Provinces a great and holy Synod has been convened at Nice it seem'd altogether necessary that a Letter should be written to you in the name of the sacred Synod whence you might understand what things were there propos'd and what taken into examination as also what were Decreed and established First of all therefore the impiety and iniquity of Arius and his complices was inquired into in the presence of the most pious Emperour Constantine and the Councils determination which was confirmed by the suffrages of all was that his impious Opinion and execrable terms and names should be anathematized which terms and names he blasphemously used affirming that the Son of God had his Being of nothing and that there was a time when he was not as also saying that the Son of God had à freedom of will whereby he was capable either of vertue or vice and calls him a Credture and a Work All these Tenets the holy Synod hath anathematized not enduring so much as patiently to hear this impious opinion or rather madness and these blasphemous expressions But what
before them but although this seems to be so yet he was forbid to enter Alexandria Which is evident from this to wit that he afterwards invented a way for his own return into the Church and the City Alexandria by having made use of a counterfeited repentance as we shall relate in its due place CHAP. XV. That Alexander dying after the Nicene Synod Athanasius was consecrated Bishop of the City Alexandria SOon after upon the death of Alexander Bishop of Alexandria Athanasius was promoted to the presidency over that Church Rufinus relates that this person when he was very young did together with those that were his equals in age play at a kind of an holy sport this play was an imitation of the sacerdotal function and of those persons order that were Clergy men In this sport therefore Athanasius was elected Bishop and every one of the rest of the children acted either a Presbyter or a Deacon This sport the children plaid at on that day whereon was celebrated the Memory of Peter the Martyr and Bishop Alexander Bishop of Alexandria accidentally passing by at that time saw all their play And having afterwards sent for the children he enquir'd of them what place had been allotted to every one of them in the play supposing that from what had been done some thing might be portended concerning each of them And he gave order that the children should be educated in the Church and instructed in learning but most especially Athanasius Afterwards when he was come to a maturity of age he ordain'd him Deacon and took him along with him to Nice that he might assist him in the disputations there at such time as that Synod was convened These things Rufinus has related concerning Athanasius in his books of Ecclesiastick History nor is it at all unlikely that these things hapned for many such like acts are frequently found to have been done Thus much we have hitherto said concerning Athanasius CHAP. XVI How the Emperour Constantine having enlarged the City heretofore call'd Byzantium named it Constantinople THe Emperour after the dissolution of the Council spent his time in delight and pleasure As soon therefore as he had finished the publick Festivities of his Vicennalia he forthwith imployed himself very diligently about reedifying and erecting of Churches This he did as well in other Cities as in that that bore his own name Which City being formerly call'd Byzantium he very much enlarged he encompassed it with magnificent walls and beautified with several Edifices and having made it equal to the Imperial City Rome he named it Constantinople and did by a Law establish that it should be call'd New Rome Which Law was engraven on a pillar of stone and exposed to the publick view being erected in the Strategium neer to the Emperours Statue on horseback He also founded two Churches in the same City the one of which he named Irêne and the other he called the Apostles nor did he only improve and enlarge the affaires of the Christians as I have said but did also subvert the superstition of the Gentiles For he took their images out of their Temples and set them up in the most publick places that they might serve to beautifie the City Constantinople he also expos'd the Delphick Tripods openly in the Hippodrome But it will perhaps seem superfluous to mention these things now For they are sooner beheld with the eyes than the relation of them can be heard But at that time the Christian Religion was mightily propagated and increased For the divine Providence did amongst other things reserve that more especially for the times of Constantine And thus has Eusebius Pamphilus in a magnifick stile recorded the praises of this Emperour But yet we judge it not unseasonable for us to speak briefly of them according to our ability CHAP. XVII How Helena the Emperours Mother came to Jerusalem and having there found Christs Cross which she had sought for a long time built a Church HElena the Emperours Mother from whose name Drepanum which was formerly only a Village but made a City by the Emperour was call'd Helenopolis being admonished by God in her dreames travell'd to Jerusalem And when she found that place which was formerly Jerusalem desolate as the Prophet predicted like a lodge set up to preserve apples she searched diligently for Christs Sepulchre wherein he was buried and whence he arose and though with great difficulty yet by God's assistance â—he found it out What was the reason of this difficulty I will in few words explain Those that embraced Christs Doctrine did after the time of his Passion pay an high respect to that monument But the Heathens who abhorred the Christian Religion having covered the place with an heap of earth erected thereon a Temple to Venus and set up her image there designing wholly to suppress the memory of that place And this plot of theirs had for a long time succeeded But the Emperours Mother had notice hereof Wherefore having thrown down the image remov'd the earth and wholly cleared the place she finds three Crosses in the monument one of them was that blessed Cross on which our Saviour had hung the other two were those on which the two thieves that were crucified with him had dyed There was also found with the Crosses Pilates Title whereon he had written in divers Languages and proclaim'd that that Christ who was crucified was the King of the Jews But in regard 't was dubious which of these was the Cross that was searched for the Emperours Mother was not a little troubled hereat This trouble the Bishop of Jerusalem by name Macarius soon eased her of and by the power of his faith cleared the doubt For he requested a sign of God and obtained it the sign was this A certain woman of that vicinage having been oppressed with a tedious and lasting distemper was now just at the point of death The Bishop therefore commanded every one of the Crosses to be appli'd to her now expiring being perswaded in himself that if the woman were toucht by the pretious Cross of the Lord she should recover Nor was his hope frustrated For the two Crosses which were not our Lords being applied the woman nevertheless continued in her dying condition but when the third the true and genuine Cross was applied the dying woman immediately recovered and was made whole After this manner was the Cross found out the Emperours Mother erected over the place where the Sepulchre was a most magnificent Church and call'd it New Jerusalem building it opposite to that old deserted Jerusalem she left there one half of the Cross inclosed in a silver case as a relique to be seen by those that should desire it The other half she sent to the Emperour which when he had receiv'd being fully perswaded that that City would be perfectly secure wherein such a relique as this was preserv'd he hid it within his own Statue
SCHOLASTICUS CHAP. I. The Preface wherein he gives an account why he made a new Edition of his First and Second Book Rufinus he that wrote an Ecclesiastick History in the Latine tongue has erred concerning the notation of the times For he supposes that what was done against Athanasius hapned after the death of Constantine the Emperour He was also ignorant of his banishment into the Gallia's and of several other things We having at first followed Rufinus as our authour wrote the first and second book of our History according to his authority But from the third to the seventh Book we have made a collection of some passages partly out of Rufinus and partly out of various other authours and related others from those which do yet survive and so have compleated our work But when we had afterwards procured Athanasius's Books wherein he laments his own calamitous sufferings and how he was banisht by the calumny of the Eusebian faction we thought it more expedient to credit him who had suffered these hardships and those who had been present at the transacting of these matters rather then such as have followed conjectures in their relations thereof and for that reason have been mistaken Besides having gotten several Letters of persons at that time very eminent to our utmost ability we have diligently traced out the truth Upon which account we have been necessitated entirely to dictate again the first and second Book of this work making use nevertheless of those passages in the relation whereof Rufinus hath not forsaken the truth Moreover notice is to be taken that in our former Edition we had not inserted Arius's Libel of deposition nor the Emperours Letters but had onely set forth a bare relation of the affairs transacted that we might not dull our Readers by a prolixe and tedious narration But in regard that this also was to be done in favour to you O sacred man of God Theodorus that you might not be ignorant of what the Emperours wrote in their Letters nor of what the Bishops changing that faith by little and little promulged in divers Synods wherefore in this latter Edition we have made such alterations and insertions as we judged to be necessary And having done this in the first Book we will also make it our business to do the same in that now under our hands we mean the second But we must now begin the following series of our History CHAP. II. How Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia with his accomplices earnestly indeavouring to introduce Arius's opinion again made disturbances in the Churches THe Emperour Constantine being dead Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia and Theognis Bishop of Nice supposing they had now gotten a very seasonable opportunity made use of their utmost diligence and attempts to expell the Homoüsian faith and introduce Arianism in its stead But they supposed it impossible for them to effect this if Athanasius should return to Alexandria Moreover in order to their forming and carrying on of their design in this matter they made use of that Presbyters assistance who had a little before been the cause of Arius's being recalled from banishment But how this was effected we must relate That Presbyter we have mentioned presented Constantines last will and commands which he had received from the Emperour at his death to the Emperours son Constantius He having found that written in the Will which he was very desirous of for by the Will the Empire of the East was committed to him had an honorary respect for the Presbyter allowed him a great liberty of speaking and ordered he should freely and with confidence come into the Palace This liberty therefore being allowed the Presbyter made him in a short time well known both to the Empress and also to her Eunuches The principal person of the Emperours Bed-chamber at that time was an Eunuch whose name was Eusebius The Presbyter perswaded this person to embrace Arius's opinion After which the rest of the Eunuches were prevailed with to be of the same opinion Moreover the Emperours wife also by the perswasion of the Eunuches and this Presbyter became a favourer of Arius's Tenets Not long after this question came to the hearing of the Emperour himself And by degrees it was spread abroad first amongst those that were of the milice in the Palace and afterwards it was divulged amongst the multitudes of the Imperial City Those of the Bed-chamber together with the women discoursed concerning this opinion in the Imperial Palace and in the City throughout every private family there was a logical war waged Moreover the mischief soon spread its self over other Provinces and Cities And like a spark this controversie taking its rise from a small beginning excited the hearers minds to a most pertinacious contention For every person that enquired the reason of the disturbance immediately had an occasion of disputing given him and at the very interim of his making an enquiry he resolved upon entring into a wrangling dispute By this contention all things were subverted These alterations were started in the Eastern Cities only For the Cities of Illyricum and those scituated in the Western parts of the Empire were in that interim at quiet for they would by no means disanull the determinations made at the Nicene Synod When therefore this mischief thus kindled increased and grew daily worse and worse Eusebius of Nicomedia and his faction began then to think the disturbance of the Vulgar to be their gain For they were in hopes of being enabled by this means only to constitute a Bishop of Alexandria that should be of the same opinion with them But Athanasius's return at that time to Alexandria prevented this their design who came thither fortified with one of the Augustus's Letters which Constantinus the younger who bore the same name with his Father sent from Triers a City in Gallia to the people of Alexandria A Copy of which Letter I have here subjoyned CHAP. III. How Athanasius confiding in the Letter of Constantine the Younger returned to Alexandria CONSTANTINUS CAESAR to the people of the Catholick Church of the Alexandrians IT has not We suppose escaped the knowledge of your sacred mind that Athanasius an interpreter of the venerable Law was therefore sent into the Gallia's for a time lest in regard the barbarity of his bloud-devouring Enemies and Adversaries continually menaced his sacred head with imminent danger he should undergo incurable mischiefs through the perverseness of wicked men In order therefore to his frustrating of this barbarity he was snatcht out of the Jaws of those persons that designed his ruine and enjoyned to live under our district in such a manner that in that City wherein he was ordered to make his residence he should abound with all manner of necessaries although his most eximious virtue having put its confidence in the divine assistances esteems as nothing the troubles of a rougher fortune Wherefore although Our Lord and Father Constantinus Augustus
of blessed memory had determined to restore this Bishop to his own See and return him to your most amiable piety yet in regard being prevented by humane chance he died before the accomplishment of his desire We being his successour thought it agreeable to fulfill the mind of that Emperour of sacred memory Moreover how great a reverence and respect he has procured from us you shall know from himself as soon as he shall come into your presence Nor is it a wonder that We have done any thing in favour to him for both the representation of your love and also the aspect of so great a personage moved and exited Our mind hereto May the Divine Providence preserve you dearest brethren Upon the confidence of this Letter Athanasius comes to Alexandria and the people of Alexandria most willingly received him But as many as were followers of Arius's opinion entred into a combination and conspired against him hereupon continual Seditions arose which gave an occasion to the Eusebian faction of accusing him before the Emperour because upon his own inclination and award without the determination of a general Council of Bishops he had returned and taken possession of the Alexandrian Church And they made so great a proficiency in their calumnies that the Emperour being incensed expelled him out of Alexandria But how that was effected I will a little after this relate CHAP. IV. That upon Eusebius Pamphilus's death Acacius succeeded in the Bishoprick of Caesarea DUring this interval of time Eusebius who was Bishop of Caesarea in Palestine and had the sirname of Pamphilus departed this life and Acacius his Scholar succeeded him in that Bishoprick This Acacius published many other books and also wrote particularly concerning the Life of his Master Eusebius CHAP. V. Concerning the death of Constantine the Younger NOt long after this the Emperour Constantius's brother who bore the same name with his Father Constantine the younger invading those parts of the Empire that belonged to his younger brother Constans and ingaging with his Souldiers is slain by them in the Consulate of Acindynus and Proclus CHAP. VI. How Alexander Bishop of Constantinople at his death proposed Paulus and Macedonius to be elected into his Bishoprick AT the very same time the City Constantinople was involved in another tumult which followed on the neck of those disturbances we have before related raised upon this account Alexander who presided over the Churches in that City a Prelate that had couragiously opposed Arius departed out of this life after he had spent twenty three years in that Bishoprick and had lived ninety eight years compleat having ordained no body to succeed in his place But he commanded those to whom the power of electing belonged to make choice of one of those two whom he should name And if they were desirous of having one that should be both skillfull in teaching and also of an approved piety and uprightness of life he advised them to make choise of Paulus one that he had ordained Presbyter a person that was a young man indeed in respect of his age but old in understanding and prudence But if they would rather have one commendable for an external shew of piety only they might elect Macedonius who had long since been made a Deacon of that Church and was now grown aged Hereupon there hapned a great contest concerning the Ordination of a Bishop which very much disturbed that Church For the people were divided into two factions the one side adhered to the Arian opinion the other embraced the determinations made at the Nicene Synod And as long as Alexander continued alive the Homoöusian party prevailed the Arians disagreeing and contending daily amongst themselves concerning their own opinion But after Alexanders death the success of the peoples contest was dubious Therefore the Homoöusian party proposed Paulus to be ordained Bishop but those that embraced Arianism were very earnest to have Macedonius elected And in the Church called Irene which is near that Church now named The Great Church and the Church of Sophia Paulus is ordained Bishop in which election the suffrage of Alexander then dead seemed to have prevailed CHAP. VII How the Emperour Constantius ejected Paulus who had been Ordained Bishop and having sent for Eusebius from Nicomedia entrusted him with the Bishoprick of Constantinople BUt the Emperour arriving not long after at Constantinople was highly incensed at this Ordination of Paulus And having convened a Council of Bishops that embraced Arius's opinion he vacated Paulus's Bishoprick And he translated Eusebius from Nicomedia and constituted him Bishop of Constantinople When the Emperour had performed these things he went to Antioch CHAP. VIII How Eusebius assembled another Synod at Antioch of Syria and caused another form of Faith to be published BUt Eusebius could by no means be at quiet but as the common saying is moved every stone that he might effect what he had designed Therefore he procures a Synod to be assembled at Antioch in Syria under a pretence of dedicating a Church which Constantine the father of the Augusti had begun to build after whose death Constantius his son finished it in the tenth year after its foundation was laid but in reality that he might subvert and destroy the Homoöusian Faith At this Synod there met ninety Bishops who came out of divers Cities But Maximus Bishop of Jerusalem who had succeeded Macarius was not present at that Synod having considered with himself that he had been before induced by fraud to subscribe Athanasius's deposition Neither was Julius Bishop of Rome the Great present there nor did he send any body to supply his place Although the Ecclesiastick Canon doth order that the Churches ought not to make Sanctions contrary to the Bishop of Romes opinion This Synod therefore is convened at Antioch the Emperour Constantius himself being there present in the Consulate of Marcellus and Probinus This was the fifth year from the death of Constantine the father of the Augusti At that time Placitus successour to Euphronius presided over the Churches in Antioch The Eusebians therefore made it their principal business to calumniate Athanasius saying in the first place that he had done contrary to that Canon which they had then constituted because he had recovered his Episcopal dignity without the consent of a general Synod of Bishops For returning from his exile he had upon his own arbitrement and award rushed into the Church secondly that a tumult being raised at his entrance many had lost their lives in that Sedition and that some persons had been scourged by Athanasius and others brought before the seats of Judicature Moreover they produced what had been done against Athanasius in the City of Tyre CHAP. IX Concerning Eusebius Emisenus AFter the framing of these calumnies they proposed one to be made Bishop of Alexandria and in the first place they named Eusebius Emisenus Who this person was Georgius of
any other thing than what we have received let him be Anathema For we do truly and clearly believe and follow all things delivered by the Prophets and Apostles in the sacred Scriptures Such were the Expositions of the Faith published by those at that time convened at Antioch to which also Gregorius although he had not then made his entry into Alexandria yet subscribed as Bishop of that City The Synod at that time assembled in Antioch having done these things and made some other Canons was dissolved The state of the publick affairs in the Empire hapned to be disturbed at the very same time also A nation they are called The Franci made an incursion into the Roman territories in Gallia At the same time also there were terrible earth-quakes in the East especially at Antioch which City was shaken thereby continually for the space of one whole year CHAP. XI That upon Gregorius's arrival at Alexandria guarded with a Military force Athanasius fled WHen these things were done Syrianus the Captain with the armed Souldiers under his command being in number five thousand brought Gregorius to Alexandria Those in that City who were favourers of Arius's opinion assisted the Souldiers Moreover after what manner Athanasius being expelled out of the Church escaped being taken by them I think fit to relate It was now Evening and the people lodged in the Church all night a communion being expected The Captain came and having put his Souldiers into a fighting posture environed the Church on every side Athanasius seeing what was done made it his chiefest care that the people might in no wise be damnified upon his account And having commanded the Deacon to give the people notice of going to prayers after that he gave order for the recitation of a Psalm And when there was a sweet harmony made by reason of the peoples singing of the Psalm together all the congregation went out through one of the Church doors Whilst this was doing the Souldiers stood still without striking a stroak and so Athanasius escaped unhurt in the midst of those that sang the Psalm Having secretly made his escape after this manner he hastned to Rome Gregorius was then put into possession of the Alexandrian Church But the people of Alexandria unable to bear what had been done burnt that called Dionysius's Church Thus far concerning these things But Eusebius having done what he had a mind to do sent an Embassage to Julius Bishop of Rome entreating him to become Judge of those matters relating to Athanasius and that he would call for a disquisition of the controversie before himself in order to his taking cognizance thereof CHAP. XII How after Eusebius's death the people of Constantinople restored Paulus to his See again And that the Arians made choice of Macedonius BUt Eusebius could never understand what Julius had determined concerning Athanasius For having survived the Synod some small time he dyed Wherefore the people of Constantinople introduce Paulus into the Church again But at the same time the Arians ordain Macedonius in the Church dedicated to Paul And this was done by those who formerly had been assistants to Eusebius that disturber of all things but were then his successours in power and authority These are their names Theognis of Nice Maris of Chalcedon Theodorus of Heraclea in Thracia Ursacius of Singidunum in the Upper Mysia Valens of Mursa in the Upper Pannonia Indeed Ursacius and Valens changing their opinions afterwards delivered their penetentiary Libel to Julius the Bishop and having consented to the Homoöusian opinion were admitted to communion But at that time they were hot maintainers of the Arian Religion and framed no trivial commotions against the Churches One whereof was that made by Macedonius in the City of Constantinople For from this intestine war amongst the Christians there hapned continual Seditions in the City and many persons oppressed by the violence of what was done lost their lives CHAP. XIII Concerning the slaughter of Hermogenes the Lieutenant-General and how Paulus was for that reason turned out of the Church again BUt what was done came to the hearing of Constantius the Emperour who then made his residence at Antioch Therefore he orders Hermogenes the Lieutenant-General whom he had sent into the coasts of Thracia that he should incidently pass through Constantinople and turn Paulus out of that Church He arriving at Constantinople disturbed the whole City by endeavouring to cast out the Bishop by force For there immediately followed a Sedition amongst the people and all persons were ready to defend the Bishop But when Hermogenes with much earnestness endeavoured to expell Paulus by his Military forces the populace being exasperated as in such like cases it usually happens made a more inconsiderate and rash attack against him In the first place they set his house on fire Then having drawn him about by the heels they killed him These things were done in the Consulate of the Two Augusti Constantius being then the third and Constans the second time Consul At the same time Constans having vanquished the nation of the Franci made them enter into a league with the Romans But the Emperour Constantius being informed of Hermogenes's murder rode post on horse-back from Antioch and arrived at Constantihople out of which City he expelled Paulus He also punished that City taking away more than forty thousand bushels of that bread-corn daily dâ—stributed which was his fathers donation to those Ciâ—izens For before that time neer eighty thousand Bushells of wheat brought thither from the City of Alexandria were bestowed amongst the inhabitants of that City Moreover he differed the constituting of Macedonius Bishop of that City For he was incenfed against him not only because he had been ordained contrary to his will but also in regard upon account of the Seditions raised betwixt him and Paulus Hermogenes his Lieutenant and many other persons had been slain Having therefore given him permission to gather assemblies of the people in that Church wherein he was ordained he departed again to Antioch CHAP. XIV That the Arians having removed Gregorius from the See of Alexandria put Georgius into his place AT the same time the Arians removed Gregorius from the See of Alexandria as being a person odious both upon account of his burning the Church and also because he was not zealous enough in defending their opinion Into his See they sent Georgius a person born in Cappadocia who had gotten the repuâ—e of being a very skillfull maintainer of their tenets CHAP. XV. How Athanasius and Paulus going to Rome and being fortified with Bishop Julius's Letters recovered their own Sees again MOreover Athanasius with much difficulty at last gat over into Italy Constans the youngest of Constantin's sons had then the sole power in the Western parts of the Empire his brother Constantine having been killed by the Souldiers as we have before related At the same time also Paulus
Bishop of Constantinople Asclepas of Gaza Marcellus of Ancyra a City of Galatia the less and Lucius of Adrianople having been accused one for one thing another for another and driven from their Churches arrived at the Imperial City Rome They acquaint therefore Julius Bishop of Rome with their case He in regard the Church of Romes priviledge is such fortified them with his Letters wherein he made use of a great deal of liberty and sent them back into the East restoring to each of them his own â—â—e and sharply rebuking those who had inconsiderately deposed them They having left Rome and confiding in Bishop Julius's Letters possess themselves of their own Churches and send the Letters to those whom they were written to These persons having received Julius's Letters lookt upon his reprehension as an injury and reproach to them And having assembled themselves in a Synod called at Antioch they most severely rebuke Julius in a Letter written by the joynt consent of them all making it apparent that it ought not to be determined by him if they should have a mind to expell some Bishops from their Churches For they said that they did not make any opposition when Novatus was by them ejected out of the Church Thus wrote the Eastern Bishops in answer to Julius Bishop of Rome But in regard upon Athanasius's entry into Alexandria there hapned a disturbance caused by those who were adherents to Georgius the Arian upon which disturbance there followed as they say Seditions and slaughters of men and because the Arians ascribe the infamy and blame of all these mischiefs to Athanasius as being the authour thereof it is requisite that we speak briefly concerning these things Indeed God the Judge of truth it self only knows the true causes hereof But that such accidents do frequently and usually happen when the multitude is divided into intestine factions is a thing not unknown to prudent persons In vain therefore do Athanasius's slanderers attribute the cause hereof to him and especially Sabinus a Bishop of the Macedonian Heresie Who had he considered with himself how great mischiess Arians have wrought against Athanasius and the rest that embrace the Homoöusian Faith or how many complaints the Synods convened upon Athanasius's account have made thereof or what Maccdonius himself that Arch-heretick has practised throughout all the Churches would either have been wholly silent or if he had spoken any thing would instead of these reproaches have highly commended Athanasius But now having designedly passed all these things over in silence he falsly accuses the affairs done by Athanasius Nor has he made the least mention of that Arch-heretick Macedonius being desirous wholly to conceal his tragick and audacious villanies And which is much more wonderfull he has not spoken ill of the Arians whom notwithstanding he abhorred But the ordination of Macedonius whose heresie he was a follower of he has silently concealed For had he mentioned that he must necessarily have recorded his impieties which those things done at that ordination do sufficiently demonstrate But thus much concerning this person CHAP. XVI That the Emperour sent an order by Philippus Praefect of the Praetorium that Paulus should be ejected and banished and that Macedonius should be enstalled Bishop in his See MOreover the Emperour Constantius residing at Antioch being informed that Paulus had taken possession of his See again was highly incensed at what was done He therefore wrote an order and sends it to Philippus Praefect of the Praetorium who had a greater power than the other Governours of Provinces and was stiled the second person from the Emperour that he should eject Paulus out of the Church and introduce Macedonius into it in his room Philippus therefore the Praefect being afraid that the multitude would raise a tumult attempted to circumvent Paulus by subilety He keeps the Emperours Order concealed in his own possession and pretending to take care of some publick affaires he goes to the publick Bath called Zeuxippus Thither he sends for Paulus with a great shew of respect and honour acquainting him that he must necessarily come to him and he came After he was come upon his being sent for the Prefect immediately shews him the Emperours Order The Bishop patiently bore his being condemned without having his cause heard But the Prefect fearing the rage of the multitude that stood round for great numbers of persons had flocked together about the publick Bath whose meeting there was caused by the report of a suspicion orders one of the Bath doors to be opened through which Paulus was carried into the Imperial Palace put into a ship provided for that purpose and forthwith sent away into banishment The Prefect commanded him to go to Thessalonica the chief City of Macedonia wherein Paulus had had his original extract from his Ancestours in that City he ordered him to reside and gave him the liberty of going to other Cities also to wit those in Illyricum but he forbad his passage into the Eastern parts of the Empire Paulus therefore being contrary to expectation cast out of the Church and at the same time also driven from the City was immediately carried away But Philippus the Emperour's Prefect went forthwith from the publick Bath into the Church Macedonius was with him being thrown into his presence by an engin as it were he sate with the Prefect in his chariot and was exposed to the view of all men they were surrounded by a Military guard with their swords drawn Upon sight hereof a dread forthwith seized the multitude and all of them as well the Homoöusians as the Arians flockt to the Church every one earnestly endeavouring to get in thither When the Prefect together with Macedonius came neer the Church an irrational fear seized both the multitudes and also the Souldiers themselves For because the persons present were so numerous that there could be no passage made for the Prefect to bring in Macedonius the Souldiers began to thrust away the crowd of people by violence But when the multitude wedged together in a crowd could not possibly retire by reason of the places narrowness the Souldiers supposing that the multitude made a resistance and designedly stopped the passage made use of their naked swords as if they had been engaging an Enemy and began to cut those that stood in the way There were destroyed therefore as report says about three thousand one hundred and fifty persons some of whom the Souldiers slew others were killed by the crowd After such brave exploits as these Macedonius as if he had done no mischief at all but were clear and guiltless of what had happened was seated in the Episcopal Chair by the Prefect rather than by the Ecclesiastick Canon Thus therefore did Macedonius and the Arians take possession of Churches by so great and numerous slaughters of men At the same time also the Emperour built The great Church which is now
called Sophia It was joyned to that Church named Ireâ—â—â— which being before a little one the Emperours Father had very much beautified and enlarged And both of them are to be seen at this present time encompassed within one and the same wall and called by the name of one Church CHAP. XVII That Athanasius being afraid of the Emperours menaces returned to Rome again AT the same time there was another false accusation patcht together against Athanasius by the Arians who invented this occasion for it The Father of the Augusti had heretofore given a yearly allowance of Bread-corn to the Church of Alexandria for the relief of those that were indigent It was reported by the Arians that Athanasius had usually sold this Bread-corn for money and had converted the money to his own gain The Emperour therefore having given credit to this report threatned Athanasius with death He being made sensible of the Emperours menaces made his escape and absconded But when Julius Bishop of Rome understood what the Arians had done against Athanasius having also received Eusebius's Letter who was now dead he invites Athanasius to come to him being informed of the place where he lay concealed At the same time arrived the Letter which those Bishops that before that had been convened at Antioch wrote to him Another Letter also was sent to him by the Bishops in Egypt informing him that those things objected against Athanasius were false These Letters so directly contradicting one another having been sent to Julius he returned an answer to those Bishops convened at Antioch wherein he blamed them first for the bitterness of their Letter then he told them they had done contrary to the Canons because they had not called him to the Synod it being commanded by the Ecclesiastick Rule that the Churches ought not to make Sanctions contrary to the Bishop of Rome's Sentiment He complained also that they had clandestinely adulterated the faith And moreover that what was heretofore done at Tyre had been fraudulently and corruptly transacted in regard the memorials of the Acts done at Mareotes had been made up of one side only Further that what had been objected concerning Arsenius's murther was apparently demonstrated to have been a false accusation These and such like passages as these Julius wrote at large to the Bishops convened at Antioch Moreover we had inserted here the Letters to Julius and his answer also had not the prolixity thereof hindred that design of ours But Sabinus a follower of the Macedonian Heresie whom we have mentioned before has not put Julius's Letters into His collection of the Acts of Synods Although he has not left out that Epistle written from those convened at Antioch to Julius But this is usually done by Sabinus For such Letters as either make no mention at all of or reject the term Homoöusios those Epistles I say he carefully inserts But the contrary hereto he voluntarily and on set purpose omits Thus much concerning these things Not long after this Paulus pretending a journey to Corinth arrived in Italy Both the Bishops therefore make their condition known to the Emperour of those parts CHAP. XVIII How the Emperour of the Western parts requested of his brother that such persons might be sent as could give an account of the deposition of Athanasius and Paulus And that they who were sent published another form of the Creed BUt the Emperour of the Western parts being informed of their sufferings sympathized with them And he sends a Letter to his brother signifying his desire to have three Bishops sent to him who might give an account of Paulus's and Athanasius's deposition The persons sent were Narcissus the Cilician Theodorus the Thracian Maris the Chalcedonian and Marcus the Syrian Who being arrived would in no wise admit of a congress with Athanasius But having suppressed the Creed published at Antioch and patched up another form they presented it to the Emperour Constans the words whereof were these Another Exposition of the Faith We believe in one God the Father Almighty the Creatour and maker of all things Of whom the whole family in heaven and earth is named And in his only begotten Son our Lord Jesus Christ who was begotten of the Father before all worlds God of God Light of Light By whom all things in heaven and earth visible and invisible were made Who is the Word and the Wisdome and the Power and the Life and the true Light Who in the last days was for our sakes made man and was born of the holy Virgin He was crucified and died and was buried and arose from the dead on the third day and ascended into the heavens and was seated at the right hand of the Father and shall come at the end of the world to judge the quick and dead and shall render to every person according to his works whose Kingdom being perpetual shall continue unto infinite ages For He shall sit at the right hand of the Father not only in this present world but in that also which is to come And we believe in the holy Ghost that is in the Paraclete whom Christ having promised to the Apostles after his assent into the heavens he sent him That he might teach them and bring all things to their remembrance By whom also those souls who have sincerely believed in him shall be sanctified But those who say that the Son existed of things which are not or of another substance and not of God and that there was a time when he was not these persons the Catholick Church hath determined to be Aliens from it Having delivered these things and exhibited many other to the Emperour they departed without doing any thing further Moreover whilst there was hitherto an inseparable communion between the Western and Eastern Bishops another Heresie sprang up at Sirmium which is a City of Illyricum For Photinus who presided over the Churches there a person born in Galatia the Less a disciple of that Marcellus who had been deposed following his masters steps asserted the Son of God to be a meer man But we will speak concerning these things in their due place CHAP. XIX Concerning the large Explanation of the Faith THe space of three years being compleatly passed after these things the Eastern Bishops having again assembled a Synod and composed another form of Faith send it to those in Italy by Eudoxius at that time Bishop of Germanicia Martyrius and Macedonius who was Bishop of Mopsuestia in Cilicia This form of the Creed being written a great deal more at large and containing many more additions than those forms published before was set forth in these very words We believe in one God the Father Almighty the Creator and maker of all things Of whom the whole family in heaven and earth is named And in his only begotten Son Jesus Christ our Lord begotten of the Father before all ages God of God Light of
Ursacius Germinius and Caius have promised if any thing had been altered For how can peace be kept by those who subvert peace For all Regions and especially the Roman Church hath been involved in greater disturbances Upon which account we beseech Your Clemency that You would hear and look upon all our Legates with favourable ears and a serene countenance and that Your Clemency would not permit any thing to be reversed to the injury of the Ancients but that all things may continue which we have received from our Ancestours who we are confident were prudent persons and acted not without the holy Spirit of God Because not only the believing Populace are disquieted by that novelty but also Infidels are prohibited from making their approaches to a credulity We also entreat that You would give order that as many Bishops as are deteined at Ariminum amongst which there are many that are enfeebled with age and poverty may return to their Province lest the Populace of the Churches suffer dammage by being destitute of their Bishops But we do with more earnestness petition for this that no innovation may be made nothing may be diminished but that those things may remain uncorrupted which have continued in the times of the Father of Your holy Piety and in Your own Religious days And that Your holy Prudence would not suffer us to be wearied out and ravisht from our Secs but that the Bishops with their Laity free from disquietude may always attend the putting up their Petitions which they make for Your health for Your Empire and for peace which may the Divinity grant You to be profound and perpetual according to Your deserts Our Embassadours will bring both the subscriptions and also the names of the Bishops or Legates as they will inform Your holy and Religious Prudence by another writing Thus wrote the Synod and sent it by the Bishops But Ursacius and Valens having prevented their Arrival did before-hand calumniate the Synod shewing the Emperour the Draught of the Creed which they had brought along with them The Emperour whose mind had been long since wholly addicted to the Arian opinion was highly incensed against the Synod but had a great esteem and honour for Valens and Ursacius Wherefore the persons sent by the Synod staied a long while being unable to get an answer But at length the Emperour wrote back to the Synod by those that were present after this manner CONSTANTIUS VICTOR and TRIUMPHATOR AUGUSTUS to all the Bishops convened at Ariminum That our Chiefest care is always employed about the Divine and venerable Law even your goodness is not ignorant Notwithstanding We could not hitherto see the twenty Bishops sent from your Prudence who undertook the dispatch of the Embassie from you For we are wholly intent upon an expedition against the Barbarians And as you know 't is fit that a mind exercised about the Divine Law should be vacated from all care and sollicitude Wherefore We have ordered the Bishops to expect Our return to Adrianople that after the publick affairs shall be put into a good and settled posture we may at length hear and deliberate upon what they shall propose In the interim let it not seem troublesome to your gravity to wait for their return in regard when they shall come back and bring You our answer you will be enabled to bring to a conclusion such things as appertain to the utility of the Catholick Church When the Bishops had received this Letter they returned an answer after this manner We have received Your Clemencies Letter Lord Emperour Most dear to God! wherein is conteined that by reason of the pressing necessity of publick business You could not hitherto see our Embassadours And You order us to expect their return till such time as Your Piety shall understand from them what hath been determined by us agreeable to the tradition of our Ancestours But we do by this Letter profess and affirm that we do in no wise recede from our resolution And this we have given in charge to our Embassadours We desire therefore that with a serene countenance You would both order this present Letter of our Meanness to be read and also gratiously admit of those things which we have given in charge to our Embassadours Undoubtedly Your mildness as well as we doth perceive how great the grief and sadness at present is every where in regard so many Churches are destitute of their Bishops in these most blessed times of Yours And therefore we again beseech Your Clemency Lord Emperour Most dear to God! that before the sharpness of winter if it may please Your Piety You would command us to return to our Churches in order to our being enabled to put up our usual prayers together with the people to Almighty God and to our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ his only begotten Son in behalf of Your Empire in such manner as we have always done and now most earnestly desire to do After they had written this Letter and continued together some small time in regard the Emperour would not vouchsafe them an answer they departed every one to his own City But the Emperour had long before had a designe of disseminating the Arian opinion throughout the Churches Which he then earnestly endeavouring to effect made their departure a pretext of Contumely saying that he was despised by them in regard they had dissolved the Council contrary to his will Wherefore he gave Ursacius's party free liberty of doing what they pleased against the Churches He also commanded that that Draught of the Creed which had been read at Ariminum should be sent to the Churches throughout Italy giving order that such as would not subscribe it should be put out of the Churches and others substituted in their places And in the first place Liberius Bishop of Rome having refused to give his consent to that Creed is banished the Ursacians having substituted Felix in his place This Felix being a Deacon in the Church of Rome embraced the Arian opinion and was preferred to that Bishoprick But there are some who affirm that he was not addâ—cted to the Arian opinion but was by force necessitated to be ordained Bishop At that time therefore all places in the West were filled with innovations and disturbances some being ejected and banished and others put into their places And these things were transacted by force and the authority of the Imperial Edicts which were also sent into the Eastern parts Indeed not long after Liberius was recalled from banishment and recovered his own See the people of Rome having raised a Sedition and ejected Felix out of that Church at which time the Emperour gave them his consent thereto against his will But the Ursacians left Italy went into the Eastern parts and arrived at a City of Thracia the name whereof was Nice Wherein after they had continued some small time they made up another Synod there
raised by the different opinion of the Emperour For his Letter was produced in one passage whereof he gave order for the debating of this matter in the first place in another for that A disagreement therefore hapning concerning this matter a Schism was made amongst the persons present And this was the original cause of the Seleucian-Synods being divided into two parties The one faction was headed by Acacius Bishop of Caesarea in Palestine Georgius of Alexandria Uranius of Tyre and Eudoxius of Antioch of the same mind with whom there were only two and thirty other Bishops The principal persons of the other faction were Georgius of Laodicea in Syria Sophronius of Pompeiopolis in Paphlagonia and Eleusius of Cyzicum who were followed by the major part When therefore that side prevailed which was for debating in the first place concerning the Faith Acacius's party manifestly rejected the Nicene Creed and intimated the publication of another But those of the other faction who were superiour in number approved of all other matters determined in the Nicene Synod excepting only the term Homoöusios which they found fault with Therefore after a very sharp contest amongst one another untill Evening at length Silvanus who presided over the Church at Tarsus spake a loud saying there was no necessity of publishing a new Draught of the Creed but that they ought rather to confirm that set forth at Antioch at the consecration of the Church When he had said this Acacius's party secretly withdrew out of the Council but the other faction produced the Creed composed at Antioch after the reading whereof the Council broke up for that day On the next day they met in a Church in Seleucia and having shut the doors they read that Creed and confirmed it by their subscriptions Instead of some Bishops who were absent the Readers and Deacons there present subscribed by whom the absent persons had professed that they would acquiess in that Draught of the Creed CHAP. XL. That Acacius Bishop of Caesarea dictated another Draught of the Creed in the Synod at Seleucia BUt Acacius and those of his party found fault with what was done because they had subscribed covertly when the Church-doors were shut For matters said he transacted in secret were naught and to be suspected He made these objections because he was desirous of publishing another Draught of the Creed instead of that subscribed by them which form he had about him ready drawn up and had before recited it to Lauricius and Leonas the Governours and he made it his whole business to get that Draught only established and confirmed These were the transactions of the second day when nothing else was done On the third day Leonas was again very earnest to procuâ—e a meeting of both parties At which time neither Macedonius of Constantinople nor Basilius of Ancyra were absent When therefore both these persons had joyned themselves to one and the same faction the Acacians were again unwilling to meet saying that as well those who had before been deposed as them at present accused ought in the first place to be put out of the assembly After a great contest on both sides at length this opinion was prevalent the persons charged with an accusation went out and the Acacians came in Then Leonas said that Acacius had delivered a Libell to him Leonas not discovering it to be a Draught of the Creed which in some passages secretly in others openly contradicted the former When silence was made amongst those that were present they supposing the Libel to contain any thing else rather than a form of the Creed Acacius's composure of the Creed with a Preface thereto was then recited the Contents whereof are these We having met together at Seleucia a City of Isauria according to the Emperours Command yesterday which was before the fifth of the Calends of October used our utmost endeavour with all modesly to preserve the peace of the Church stedfastly to determine concerning the Faith as our Emperour Constantius most dear to God hath ordered according to the Prophetick and Evangelick expressions and to introduce nothing into the Ecclesiastick Faith contrary to the Divine Scriptures But in regard certain persons in the Synod have injured some of us have stopt the mouths of others not permitting them to speak have excluded othersome against their wills have brought along with them out of divers Provinces persons deposed and have in their company such as have been ordained contrary to the Canon of the Church in so much that the Synod is on all sides filled with tumult of which the most eminent Lauricius president of the Province and the most Illustrious Leonas the Comes have been eye-witnesses upon this account we interpose these things Not that we forsake the Authentick Faith published at the Consecration at Antioch but we give that the preference especially in regard our Fathers concurred about the proposition at that time in controversie But whereas the terms Homoöusion and Homoiöusion have in times past disturbed very many and do still disquiet them and moreover whereas 't is said that there is an innovation lately coyned by some who assert a dissimilitude of the Son to the Father Upon this account we reject Homoöusion and Homoiöusion as being terms not to be met with in the Scriptures but we anathematize the term Anomoion and do look upon all such as are assertours thereof to be persons alienated from the Church But we do manifestly profess the likeness of the Son to the Father agreeable to the Apostle that hath said concerning the Son Who is the image of the invisible God We acknowledge therefore and believe in one God the Father Almighty the maker of heaven and earth of things visible and invisible Moreover We believe in our Lord Jesus Christ his Son begotten of him without any passion before all ages God the Word the only begotten of God the Light the Life the Truth the Wisedom by whom all things were made which are in the heavens and which are on the earth whether visible or invisible We believe him to have assumed flesh from the holy Virgin Mary at the consummation of ages in order to the abolition of sin and that he was made man that he suffered for our sins and rose again and was taken up into the Heavens and sitteth at the right hand of the Father and that he shall come again in Glory to judge the quick and dead We believe also in the holy Ghost whom our Lord and Saviour hath termed The Paraclete having promised after his departure to send him to his disciples and he sent him By whom also he sanctifies all Believers in the Church who are Baptized in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the holy Ghost But those who Preach any thing contrary to this Creed we look upon to be alienated from the Catholick Church This is the Draught of the Creed published by Acacius The persons who subscribed it
these sorts of Life and discontinuing their studies of eloquence embraced a Monastick life Having therefore had a taste of the precepts of Philosophy from him who at that time taught Philosophy at Antioch not long after they procured Origen's Works and from them got an insight into the interpretation of the sacred Scriptures For the great fame of Origen did at that time fill the whole world When they had with great studiousness exercised themselves in the perusal of those Books they powerfully opposed the Assertours of Arianism And although the Arians cited Origen's Books in confirmation as they supposed of their own opinion yet these two persons confuted them and evidently demonstrated that they understood not the meaning of Origen Indeed the Arians and their then Abettor Eunomius although they were at that time accounted persons of great eloquence yet as often as they engaged in a discourse with Gregorius and Basilius 't was made evidently apparent that they were men altogether ignorant and unlearned Basilius was first promoted to a Diaconate by Meletius Bishop of Antioch after that he was preferred to the Bishoprick of his own Country I mean Caesarea in Cappadocia and undertook the care of the Churches For being afraid least the novelty of the Arian opinion should prey upon and devour the Provinces of Pontus he went with great hast into those parts Where he constituted Monasteries instructed the inhabitants in his own doctrines and confirmed the minds of those that wavered Gregorius being constituted Bishop of Nazianzum a small City in Cappadocia over which Church his own father had before presided took the same course that Basilius did For he also went up and down to the Cities and corroborated those that were feeble and dispirited as to the faith But more especially he made frequent journeys to Constantinople and confirmed the Orthodox in that City by his Preaching and Discourses Upon which account he was soon after constituted Bishop over the people at Constantinople by the suffrage of many Bishops When therefore what both these persons did came to the Emperour Valens's ears he forthwith ordered Basilius to be brought from Caesarea to Antioch Immediately therefore he was conveyed thither and by the Emperours order was set before the Tribunal of the Praefects when the Praefect put this question to him why he would not embrace the Emperours Faith Basilius with a great deal of confidence found fault with the Emperours Religion and commended the Homoöusian Faith But when the Praefect threatned him with death would to God said Basilius it might happen to me to be delivered from the bonds of the body upon account of the truth Then upon the Praefects admonishing him to inspect and consider the matter more seriously with himself 't is reported that Basilius said I am the same this day that I shall be to morrow I wish that you would not have changed your self After this Basilius continued that day in custody Not long after it hapned that Valens's son a young child whose name was Galates was seized with a sore distemper in so much that his recovery was despaired of by the Physitians The Empress Dominica his mother did positively affirm to the Emperour that she had been sorely disquieted with fearfull and horrid visions in her dreams and that the child was visited with sickness because of the Bishops injurious usage The Emperour taking these things into consideration sends for Basilius And to make tryal of him expresses himself to him after this manner If your Opinion be true pray that my son may not dye If you will believe O Emperour replied Basilius as I doe and if you will assent that the Church shall be united the child shall live When the Emperour would not consent to that the will of God therefore be done said Basilius concerning the child After Basilius had spoken these words the Emperour ordered he should be dismist But the child died not long after Let thus much be compendiously said concerning these persons Moreover each of them wrote and published many and those incomparable Books Some of which Rufinus says were by him translated into Latine Basilius had two brothers Petrus and Gregorius Petrus imitated Basilius's monastick course of life but Gregorius followed his eloquent way of teaching He also finished that Book concerning the Six days-work which Basilius had taken pains about and left imperfect after his Brother's death And recited a Funeral Oration in praise of Meletius Bishop of Antioch at Constantinople There are also several other Orations of his extant CHAP. XXVII Concerning Gregorius Thaumaturgus BUt in regard some are apt to mistake because of the likeness of the name and by reason of the Books which in their title are ascribed to Gregorius you are to know that there was another Gregorius of Pontus who had his original extract at Neocaesarea in Pontus and was ancienter than these Gregorius's For he was Origen's Scholar This Gregorius's fame is very great at Athens at Berytus over the whole Pontick Dioecesis and I had almost said over the whole world For having left the Schools at Athens he went to Berytus and studied the Civill Law Where being informed that Origen did interpret the sacred Scriptures at Caesarea he went in great hast to that City And having been an hearer of the Magnifick exposition of the sacred Scriptures he bad far-well to his study of the Roman Laws and in future became wholly addicted to Origen By whom he was instructed in the true Philosophy and after that his Parents recalling him he returned into his own country Where first of all whilst he was a Laïck He did many miracles sometimes healing the diseased at others driving away devills by Letters in fine he brought over the professours of Gentilism to the faith not only by his words but much more by the works he did He is mentioned also by Pamphilus the Martyr in the Books he wrote concerning Origen Whereto is annexed Gregorius's Oration wherein he returned thanks to Origen at his departure from him There were therefore that I may speak briefly many Gregorius's The first is this ancient Origens Scholar the second Nazianzenus the third Basilius's Brother There was also another Gregorius at Alexandria whom the Arians constituted Bishop of that City during the time of Athanasius's exile Thus much concerning these persons CHAP. XXVIII Concerning Novatus and those from him termed Novatians And that those Novatians who inhabited Phrygia altered the time of celebrating the Festival of Easter and kept it on the same day the Jews did ABout this very time the Novatians who inhabited Phrygia altered the day of celebrating the Feast of Easter How this was done I will declare having first of all told you upon what account the accurate and exact Canon of their Church does at this present flourish in the Provinces of Phrygia and Paphlagonia Novatus a Presbyter of the Roman Church
depended upon them and the greatest Synods have been and at this present are convened by their determination and appointment Moreover we have made mention of the Arian Heresie because it has disquieted the Churches Let this be sufficient to have been said by way of Preface We will now begin our History CHAP. I. How after the death of Valens when the Goths laid Siege to Constantinople the Citizens sallied out of the City against them having those Saracens who were under Mavia's Command to be their Auxiliaries AFter the Emperour Valens had ended his life by an unknown sort of death the Barbarians made their approaches again to the very walls of Constantinople and ruined the Suburbs on every side of it The Citizens sorely vexed thereat on their own accord sallied out against the Barbarians every one taking what came next to hand for Arms. Dominica the Emperours Wife gave every one that went out upon this piece of service such pay out of the Imperial Treasury as was usually allowed to Souldiers Some few Saracens their Confederates assisted them being sent from Mavia whom we have mentioned before When the Citizens had after this manner made a resistance against them at that time the Barbarians retreated farther off from the City CHAP. II. That the Emperour Gratianus having recalled the Orthodox Bishops from their Exile drove the Hereticks out of the Churches and took Theodosius to be his Colleague in the Empire GRratianus being together with Valentinianus Junior in possession of the Empire and detesting his Unkle Valen's cruelty towards the Christians recalled those who had been Exiled by him Moreover he made a Law that persons of all Sects might without any distinction securely meet together in their Oratories only the Eunomians Photinians and Manichaeans were extruded out of the Churches Being also sensible of the languishing condition of the Roman Empire and of the growth of the Barbarians and perceiving also that the State was in want of a valiant and couragious man he chuses Theodosius a person descended of a noble family in Spain who had performed many a brave piece of service in the Wars and upon that account had by all men been long since judged worthy of the Empire even before Gratianus's Election of him to be his Colleague in the Empire Having therefore proclaimed him Emperour in Sirmium a City of Illyricum in the Consulate of Ausonius and Olybrius on the sixteenth of January he divides with him the care of managing the War against the Barbarians CHAP. III. What Bishops were in possession of the Presidency over the greater Churches at that time AT this time Damasus Presided over the Church at Rome who had succeeded Liberius Cyrillus was as yet in possession of the Church at Jerusalem The Antiochian Church as I have said was divided into three parts For Dorotheus the Arian successour to Euzoius was possest of the Churches Of the rest one part paid obedience to Paulinus the other to Melitius who was recalled from Banishment Lucius although living in Exile Presided over the Arians at Alexandria the professours of the Homoöusian opinion in that City were headed by Timotheus successour to Peter Demophilus was in possession of the Churches at Constantinople who succeeded Eudoxius in the Presidency over the Arian Faction Those that abominated communion with him celebrated their assemblies apart by themselves CHAP. IV. How the Macedoniani who had sent an Embassy to Damasus Bishop of Rome in defence of the Homoöusian Creed returned again to their old Heresie THe Macedoniani after their Embassy sent to Liberius for some time held a perfect and entire communion with the Churches throughout every City intermixing themselves with those who from the beginning had embraced that Draught of the Creed publish 't at Nicaea But when the Emperour Gratianus's Law was promulged which allowed a Liberty to several Sects they made it their business to hold separate assemblies again Being met together at Antioch in Syria they determined again that the term Homoöusios was to be abominated and that a communion was not in any wise to be held with those who embraced the Nicene Creed â—ut they proceeded not in their attempt For many of their own party finding fault with their inconstancy because sometimes they Decreed one thing at others another left them and in future became firm Adherents to those that embraced the Homoöusian Creed CHAP. V. Concerning what hapned at that time at Antioch upon Paulinus's and Melitius's account MOreover at the same time arose a great difference at Antioch in Syria upon Meletius's account We have told you already that Paulinus Bishop of Antioch by reason of his eminent piety was not banished and that Melitius after he had been restored by Julianus was again banished by Valens and at length recalled in Gratianus's Reign At his return to Antioch he found Paulinus very much decayed by reason of his great age Immediately therefore all those who were Meletius's favourers used their utmost endeavours to make Melitius Paulinus's Coadjutor But upon Paulinus's saying that it was contrary to the Canons to admit of a Coadjutor who had been Ordained by the Arians the people make use of force and cause him to be Consecrated in one of the Churches without the City Hereupon a great difference arose But afterwards the people came to an agreement upon these terms Having assembled those persons that were reputed fit to be entrusted with the Bishoprick they find them to be in all six of which number Flavianus was one They bound these men by an Oath that none of them should make an interest for the Bishoprick after the death of one of the Prelates but that they should permit the Surviver to continue possest of the See of the person deceased Having given them an Oath after this manner the people came to an agreement nor was there any further dissention amongst them But the Luciferiani made a separation from the rest for this reason because Melitius who had been Ordained by the Arians was admitted to the Bishoprick Whilst affairs at Antioch were in this posture a very urgent occasion oblieged Melitius to take a journey to Constantinople CHAP. VI. That Gregorius of Nazianzum was by a general suffrage of the Orthodox constituted Bishop of the Constantinopolitan Church at which time the Emperour Theodosius after his Victory over the Barbarians fell sick at Thessalonica and was Baptized by Ascholius the Bishop AT which time Gregorius was translated from the Bishoprick of Nazianzum to that of Constantinople by the common suffrage of many Prelates And this was done in such a manner as I have declared About the same time the Emperours Gratianus and Theodosius got each of them a Victory over the Barbarians Gratianus returned immediately into the Gallia's because the Alamanni overran those Provinces But Theodosius after he had erected his Trophies hastned to Constantinople and arrives at Thessalonica There he fell
they forced to work in the Bake-houses In which places many continued till they were grown old being not permitted to go out and their relations taking it for granted that they were dead One of the Emperour Theodosius's Souldiers fell into this snare But after the Souldier was shut up in the Bake-house and not suffered to go out he drew a Dagger that he had and killed those that opposed his escape The rest of them affrighted at what had happened let the Souldier go out The Emperour having had notice hereof punished the Mancipes and gave order that those houses which were Receptacles for Thieves should be pulled down This was one of the ignominious practises from which the Emperour freed the Imperial City Another was of this sort If a woman were taken in adultery they punished the delinquent not with such a sort of punishment as might make her better but in such a manner rather as should aggravate her offence For they shut her up in a narrow Brothel-house and forced her to play the whore in a most impudent manner And during the time of performing that most unclean act they caused little Bells to be rung to the end that what was done within might not be concealed from those who passed by but that that ignominious punishment should be made known to all people by the sound of the Bells rung When the Emperour had information of this impudent usage he would by no means tollerate it but commanded those Sistra for by that name these Stews were called to be pulled down and gave order that women taken in adultery should be punished by other Laws From these two most wicked and reproachfull usages the Emperour Theodosius freed the City of Rome Who after he had well settled all other affairs left Valentinianus Junior Emperour at Rome But he himself together with his Son Honorius returned to Constantinople and entred that City in the Consulate of Tatianus and Symmachus on the tenth of November CHAP. XIX Concerning the Penitentiary Presbyters how these Officers in the Church were at that time put down ABout the same time it was judged requisite to extinguish the Office of those Presbyters in the Churches whose charge it was to oversee Penitents which was done upon this account From such time as the Novatians made a separation of themselves from the Church because they were unwilling to communicate with those that had Lapsed in the Persecution under Decius the Bishops added a Presbyter who was to have the charge of penitency to the Canon of the Churches to the intent that such persons as had sinned after Baptism might make a confession of their crimes before this Presbyter instituted for that purpose This Canon is in force to this day amongst other Heresies Only the Homoöusians and who embraced the same Sentiments with them as to the Faith the Novatians have refused making use of the Penitentiary Presbyter For the Novatians admitted not of this additional Function at its first institution But the Homoöusians who are at this present in possession of the Churches after they had retained the Office of the Penitentiaries for a long time abrogated it in the times of Nectarius the Bishop on account of this accident which hapned in the Constantinopolitan Church There came a Gentlewoman to the Penitentiarie of the Church of Constantinople to whom she made particular confession of those sins which she had committed after Baptism The Presbyter advised the woman to fast and pray continually that together with her confession she might have some work also worthy of Repentance to shew Some time after this the woman detected her self of another crime For she confessed that a Deacon of that Church had lain with her Upon her discovery hereof the Deacon was ejected out of the Church and the people were in a kind of tumult disturbed For they were not only offended at what was done but also because that fact had brought an infamy and disgrace upon the Church When therefore Ecclesiastick persons were reproacht upon this account one Eudaemon a Presbyter of that Church by birth an Alexandrian advised Nectarius the Bishop to abolish the Penitentiary Persbyters Office and to leave every person to his own conscience for the participation of the Holy Mysteries For this in his judgment was the only way of freeing the Church from obloquie and disgrace I my self having heard these words from Eudaemon have taken the boldness to insert them into this my History For as I have often said I have used my utmost care and industry to procure an account of affairs from those that knew them best and to make accurate researches into them lest I should record any passage which is untrue But my answer to Eudaemon when he told me hereof first was this Whether your advice O Presbyter hath been for the Churches good or otherwise God knoweth But I see that it has given an occasion of our not reprehending one anothers faults any more nor of our observing that Apostolick Precept which saith have no fellowship with the unfruitfull works of darkness but rather reprove them But let thus much be sufficient to have been said concerning these things CHAP. XX. That there were at that time many Schisms amongst the Arians and other Hereticks BUt I think it fit not to leave unmentioned those things also which hapned amongst others I mean the Arians Novatians and those who had their denominations from Macedonius and Eunomius For the Church being divided rested not in that division once made But turning again came to an engagement one with another and taking hold of a small and frivolous pretence raised mutual separations and divisions Now in what manner when and for what reasons each party were the Authours of dissentions amongst themselves we will manifest in the procedure of our History But this you must know that the Emperour Theodosius persecuted none of them except Eunomius who holding his meetings in private houses at Constantinople and reciting the books he had written was by the Emperours order sent into banishment in regard he corrupted many persons with his doctrine But the Emperour molested none of the other Hereticks nor did he force them to a communion with himself But permitted every one of them to meet at their private Conventicles and to entertain such Sentiments concerning the Christian Faith as every of them could attain to in their conceptions thereof He gave the other Hereticks a Licence of building themselves Oratories without the Cities But ordered that the Novatians in regard they embraced the same Sentiments with himself as to the Faith should without any fear continue in their Churches within the Cities as I have said before Concerning whom I judge it opportune to relate some passages and shall make a short repetition of what has been said before CHAP. XXI That the Novatians also disagreed amongst themselves A Gelius Presided over the
Church of the Novatians at Constantinople during the space of fourty years from the times of Constantine untill the sixth year of the Emperour Theodosius as I have somewhere related before Being near his death he ordains Sisinnius to succeed him in his Bishoprick He was a Presbyter of that Church over which Agelius Presided a person of great eloquence and had been instructed in Philosophy by Maximus the Philosopher at the same time that he read to the Emperour Julian But when the Novatian Congregation found fault with this Ordination because Agelius had not rather ordained Marcianus a person of an eminent piety by whose interest the Novatians had continued unmolested during Valens's Reign Agelius desirous to appease the people's discontent ordained Marcianus also and being somewhat recovered from his distemper he went into the Church and spake these words to the people on his own account After my decease saies he take Marcianus for your Bishop and after Marcianus Sisinnius Having survived these words a small time he ended his life Marcianus therefore being constituted Bishop over the Novatians there arose a division in their Church also upon this account One Sabbatius a person that had turned Christian from being a Jew being by Marcianus promoted to the dignity of a Presbyter continued notwithstanding a zealous promoter of Judaism wherewith he had been leavened before Moreover he was extreamly ambitious of being made a Bishop Having therefore procured two Presbyters Theoctistus and Macarius who were privy to his ambitious design to be his Assistants he took a resolution of defending that innovation made by the Novatians in Valens's Reign concerning the Festival of Eaester at Pazum a Village in Phrygia which I have mentioned before And first of all under pretence of following an Ascetick and more austere course of life he secretly withdrew from the Church saying that he was aggrieved upon the account of some persons in regard he had a suspicion that they were unworthy of a participation of the Mysteries But in process of time his design was discovered to wit that his desire was to hold private and separate meetings When Marcianus understood this he himself complained of his own mistake in ordaining to wit because he had promoted persons so ambitious of vain-glory to the Presbyterate And being grieved did frequently use to say that it had been better he had laid his hands on thorns than when he preferred Sabbatius to the dignity of a Presbyter Moreover he procured a Synod of Novatian Bishops to be convened at Sangarum which is a Mart-Town in Bithynia lying near Helenopolis The Bishops being convened there sent for Sabbatius and ordered him to set forth before the Synod the reasons of his grief Upon his affirming that the dissention about the observation of the Feast of Easter was the cause of his being troubled for it ought as he said to be kept in the same manner that the Jews observed it and agreeable to that Sanction which those convened at Pazum promulged the Bishops present at the Synod having a suspition that Sabbatius pretended all this on account of his being desirous of a Bishoprick bound him with an oath that he should never accept of a Bishoprick When he had sworn to this they published a Rule concerning the Feast of Easter to which Canon they gave this Title Adiaphoros affirming that a disagreement about the Festival of Easter was not a sufficient reason for a separation from the Church and that those convened at Pazum did no prejudice to the Catholick and universal Rule For the Ancients they said and those who lived nearest the Apostles times although they differed in the observation of this Festival yet communicated one with another and in no wise raised any dissention on that account Besides the Novations they added who inhabit the Imperial City Rome never followed the Jewish usage but always kept Easter after the Aequinox and yet they separated not from those of their own Faith who observed not the Feast of Easter after the same manner that they themselves did Upon these and many such like mature considerations they made that Indifferent Canon which I have mentioned concerning Easter whereby it was left to every ones arbitrement to celebrate Easter according to that usage which by a prejudicate opinion he had embraced and that there should be no dissention in relation to communion but that those who celebrated that Festival after a different manner should notwithstanding continue in the unity and agreement of the Church This Rule therefore concerning the Feast of Easter having at that time been constituted and confirmed by them Sabbatius being bound by his oath if at any time there hapned any discrepancy in the celebration of the Feast of Easter himself anticipated the Fast by keeping it in private by himself and having watched all night he celebrated the solemn day of the Sabbath of the Passover And again on the day following he came to the Church at such time as the whole congregation were assembled there and together with them partook of the Mysteries This he did for many years and therefore could not avoid being taken notice of by the multitude Upon which account some of the simpler sort of people more especially the Phrygians and Galatians thinking they should be justified by this fact imitated Sabbatius and kept the Passover in secret agreeable to his fashion But some time after this Sabbatius disregarding his oath held Schismatical Meetings by himself and was constituted Bishop over those that were his own followers as we shall manifest in the procedure of our History CHAP. XXII This Historian's Sentiment concerning the disagreements which appear in some places in relation to the Feast of Easter Baptisms Fasts Marriages the order of celebrating the Eucharist and other Ecclesiastick Rites and Observances But I think it not unseasonable to declare in short what comes into my mind concerning Easter Neither the Ancients nor the Moderns who have studiously followed the Jews had in my judgment any just or rational cause of contending so much about this Festival For they considered not with themselves that when the Jewish Religion was changed into Christianity those accurate observances of the Masaick Law and the Types of things future wholly ceased And this carries along with it its own demonstration For no one of Christ's Laws has permitted the Christians to observe the Rites of the Jews Moreover on the contrary the Apostle has expresly forbid this and does not only reject Circumcision but also advises against contending about Festival days Wherefore in his Epistle to the Galatians his words are these Tell me ye that desire to be under the Law do ye not hear the Law And having spent some few words in his discourse hereof he demonstrates that the people of the Jews are servants but that those who have followed Christ are called to Liberty Moreover 't is his admonition that days and
one towards another Such was the occasion of Johannes's grudge against Severianus CHAP. XII That Epiphanius coming to Constantinople held Assemblies and performed Ordinations contrary to Johannes's mind that he might gratifie Theophilus NOt long after this Epiphanius the Bishop comes again out of Cyprus to Constantinople induced thereto by Theophilus's perswasives he brought along with him a copy of a Sentence of a Synod wherein he had not declared Origen to be Excommunicate but had condemned his Books only Arriving therefore at Saint John's Church which is distant from the City seven miles and coming ashoar he celebrated an Assembly and ordained a Deacon after which he entred into the City That he might gratifie Theophilus he declined Johannes's invitation and lodged in a little private house And having called together those Bishops who were then at Constantinople he produced a copy of the Sentence of condemnation against Origen's Books and recited it to them having nothing to say against those Books only he and Theophilus were pleased to reject them Some of the Bishops out of that reverential respect they bore Epiphanius subscribed this Decree of the Synod but very many of them refused to do it Amongst which number was Theotimus Bishop of Scythia who made this answer to Epiphanius I said he will neither be injurious O Epiphanius to a person who has long since ended his life piously nor dare I attempt so impious a fact as to condemn what our Predecessours have in no wise rejected especially when I do not know of any ill doctrine in the Books of Origen After this he produced a Book of Origen's which he began to read and shewed the Ecclesiastick expositions of Scripture which occur'd therein And then he subjoyned these words They who are injurious towards these writings perceive not that they fix a reproach upon those very Books concerning which these are written This was the return which Theotimus a person eminent for his piety and rectitude of life made to Epiphanius CHAP. XIII What this Writer can say in defence of Origen BUt in regard such as delight in reproaching have imposed upon many persons and disswaded them from reading Origen as being a blasphemous Authour I judge it not unseasonable to discourse a little concerning them Vile and despicable men who of themselves cannot arrive at an eminency are desirous of getting a name from discommending those who are better than themselves The first person affected with this distemper was Methodius Bishop of a City in Lycia named Olympus Then Eustathius who for some small time Presided over the Church in Antioch After him Appollinaris and lastly Theophilus This Mess of Revilers have calumniated Origen but proceeded not in one and the same method For one has broke out into an accusation against him upon one account another upon another whereby each of them hath sufficiently demonstrated that he has fully approved of whatever he has not found fault with For whereas one has blamed him in particular for one opinion another for another 't is manifest that each of them has wholly admitted as true what he hath not cavilled at his silence approving of that which he has not found fault with Methodius indeed when in his books he had in many passages severely inveighed against Origen does notwithstanding afterwards unsay as it were what he had written and admires the man in the Dialogue to which he gave the Title of Xenωn But I do affirm that an addition is made to Origen's commendation from his being accused by these persons For they who have gotten together whatever they supposed blame-worthy in Origen and notwithstanding have not in the least found fault with him in these their Collections for entertaining ill Sentiments concerning the Holy Trinity these men I say do most evidently demonstrate and bear witness to his true and Orthodox piety And by their not blaming him in this particular they commend him by their own testimony But Athanasius a couragious defender of the Homoöusian Faith in his Orations against the Arians does with a loud voice cite this Authour as a witness of his own faith interweaving his words with his own after this manner The most Admirable and Laborious Origen says he does by his own testimony confirm our Sentiment concerning the Son of God affirming him to be coëternall to the Father They therefore who reproach Origen have forgot themselves and consider not that they speak calumniously of Athanasius Origen's praiser But let thus much be said concerning Origen We will now return to the Sequell of our History CHAP. XIV How Johannes having invited Epiphanius to come to his Pallace and he refusing and continuing his holding of separate Assemblies in the Church of the Apostles admonished and reproved him because he did many things contrary to the Canons Wherâ—at Epiphanius was terrified and returned into his own Country JOhannes was in no wise angry because Epiphanius had made an Ordination in his Church contrary to the Canon but invited him to come and lodge with him in the Bishops Pallace But his answer was that he would neither abide nor pray with him unless he would expell Dioscorus and his Brethren out of the City and with his own hand subscribe the condemnation of Origen's Books Upon Johannes's deferring to do these things and saying that nothing ought rashly to be done before a determination of a Generall Councill those that hated Johannes put Epiphanius upon another design For they contrive that at the next Religious meeting which was to be held in that Church named The Apostles Epiphanius should come forth publickly condemn Origen's Books in the presence of all the people Excommunicate Dioscorus with his followers and reproach Johannes as being their favourer These things were declared to Johannes and on the day following he sends this message to Epiphanius who was then come into the Church by Serapion Epiphanius You do many things contrary to the Canons first you have made an Ordination in the Churches under my jurisdiction then without any order from me you have made use of your own authority and ministred in the said Churches Further when heretofore I invited you hither you refused to come and now you allow your self that liberty Take heed therefore least a tumult being raised amongst the people even you your self incur danger therefrom Epiphanius having heard this was fearfull and went from the Church and after he had very much blamed Johannes he began his voyage to Cyprus Some persons report that at his going a-board he spake these words to Johannes I hope you will not die a Bishop And that Johannes made him this return I hope you will not arrive in your own Country I cannot positively affirm whether they who told me these things spake true Notwithstanding the event was agreeable to both their wishes For Epiphanius arrived not at Cyprus but after his departure died on Shipboard And within a
moreover being constrained thereto he Preached a Sermon to them This thing gave Johannes's adversaries an occasion of raising another calumnious accusation against him But concerning that they spake not one word then CHAP. XVII That upon Theophilus's desiring to discuss Heraclides's case then absent and Johannes's refusing to permit him an engagement hapned between the Constantinopolitans and Alexandrians wherein many were slain on both sides At which Theophilus and some other of the Bishops were terrified and fled from the City BUt in the first place Theophilus made an attempt to call in question Heraclides's Ordination that so if possible he might make that an occasion of deposing Johannes again Heraclides was not present but was judged in his absence as if he had unjustly beaten some persons bound them with chains and caused them to be led thorow the midst of the City Ephesus And when Johannes and his favourers affirmed that judgment ought not to be passed upon those that were absent the Alexandrians on the contrary stifly maintained that Heraclides's accusers ought to be admitted although they accused him in his absence A tumult therefore and a sharp conflict was forthwith raised between the Constantinopolitans and Alexandrians And a Fight hapned wherein many persons received wounds and some few were slain Upon sight hereof Theophilus fled forthwith to Alexandria the same was done by the other Bishops excepting a few who were of Johannes's side And all of them made their escape and went to their own Sees These things hapning thus Theophilus was condemned in the judgment of all men Moreover the Odium against him was increased by his being in no wise ashamed of reading Origen's Books constantly after this Being asked therefore by one why he would again embrace those Books which he had condemned his answer was this Origen ' s Books are like a Medow adorned with all manner of flowers If therefore I find any thing that is good amongst them I gather it But if any thing appears thorny to me that in regard it pricks I let alone This was Theophilus's answer but he considered not this saying of wise Solomon that †the words of the wise are as goads and they ought not to kick against them who are pricked by the precepts contained therein For these reasons Theophilus was condemned in all mens judgments Moreover Dioscorus one of those termed The Long Monks Bishop of Hermopolis died a little after Theophilus's flight and was honoured with a splendid Funerall being buried in the Church at The Oak wherein the Synod upon Johannes's account had been convened But Johannes imployed himself about Preaching And ordains Serapion for whose sake the Odium against him had been raised Bishop of Heraclea in Thracia Not long after these things also hapned CHAP. XVIII Concerning Eudoxia's Silver Statue and how Johannes was ejected out of his Church again on account of that and conveyed into banishment A Silver Statue of the Empress Eudoxia clothed in a womans stole had been erected upon a pillar of Porphyry It stood upon an high Basis not very near nor yet at any great distance from that Church named Sophia but there was the distance of half the breadth of the street between them both At that Statue publick sports were usually celebrated Johannes supposing what was performed at those sports to be done in contempt to the Church reassumed his usuall freedom and boldness of speech and armed his tongue against those who did these things And whereas he ought to have perswaded the Emperours by an Exhortatory Oration to abstain from such sports he did not doe that but made use of his sharp tongue and reproach't those who had ordered these sports to be performed The Empress did again apply these expressions to her self And supposing Johannes's words to be spoken in contempt to her she makes it her business to have another Synod of Bishops convened against him Johannes made sensible hereof Preach't that famous Sermon of his in the Church the beginning whereof is this Herodias rages again she is again disturbed she dances again she again desires to receive John ' s head in a Charger Hereby the Empress was more highly exasperated And not long after the Bishops arrived to wit Leontius Bishop of Ancyra in Galatia the Less Ammonius of Laodicea which is in Pisidia Briso of Philippi in Thracia Acacius of Beroea in Syria and some others After these Prelates were come those who had accused Johannes before were set up again Johannes was emboldened with a greater degree of confidence before these Judges and desired that the Crimes he was accused of might be inquired into In the interim the Feast of Our Saviour's Nativity approached and the Emperour as he had usually done before went not to the Church but gave Johannes notice that he would not communicate with him till such time as he should clear himself of the Crimes he stood charged with Farther in regard Johannes's accusers shewed a despondency and fearfulness of mind by reason of his great confidence the Bishops that were present superseded their researches into any thing else and affirmed that a scrutiny was to be made concerning this only to wit that after his deposition he had thrust himself into his Episcopall Chair without having had it adjudged to him by the authority of a Synod When Johannes made answer that sixty Bishops who held communion with him had decreed that Leontius rejoyned in these words But they were the more in number O Johannes who condemned you in the Synod Again when Johannes urged that that was not a Canon of the Catholick Church but of the Arians making For the Bishops heretofore convened at Antioch in order to the subversion of the Homoöusian Faith out of their hatred to Athanasius made that Canon Leontius and his party rejected his defence and pronounced sentence against him not considering that by making use of that Canon they deposed Athanasius also These things were transacted at the approach of the Feast of Easter The Emperour therefore gives Johannes notice that he could not come to the Church because two Synods had condemned him Wherefore Johannes desisted in future and went not any more to the Church On which account those of his party left the Church immediately and celebrated Easter in the publick Baths termed Constantianae There were with them many Bishops Presbyters and others of the Ecclesiastick Function who were termed Johannitae because from that time they held Meetings in severall places apart by themselves Johannes appeared not at all in publick for the space of two months till such time as the Emperour issued out an Order for his being carried away into Exile By virtue whereof he was drawn out of the Church and conveyed into banishment On which very day some of the Johannitae set the Church on fire Whilest that was burning an Easterly wind blew which conveyed the fire to the Senate-house whereby that was burnt
most detestable fact perpetrated in the Church For the servants of one of the Great men fellows that were Barbarians having by experience found their Master to be cruell fled to the Church and with their swords drawn leapt upon the Altar Being intreated to go out they could by no means be prevailed upon but hindred the divine Services And holding their naked swords in their hands for the space of many days they stood in a posture to make resistance against any one that approached them Moreover when they had killed one of the Ecclesiasticks and wounded another at last they slew themselves Whereupon one of those then present said that the prophanation of the Church was no good sign in proof whereof he added two Iambicks of a certain old Poet For such Prognosticks happen in that while When horrid Crimes the Churches do defile Nor was he who spake these words mistaken in his Sentiment For as it was conjectured a division amongst the people and his deposition who had been the Occasioner of this division was hereby portended CHAP. XXXIV Concerning the former Synod at Ephesus convened against Nestorius FOr within a small intervall of time the Bishops in all places were by the Emperour's Edict ordered to meet together at Ephesus Immediately after the Feast of Easter therefore Nestorius went to Ephesus accompanied with a great and promiscuous multitude where he finds many Bishops met together But Cyrillus Bishop of Alexandria made some delaies and came not till about Pentecost On the fifth day after Pentecost Juvenalis Bishop of Jerusalem arrived Whilest Johannes Bishop of Antioch was slow in coming the Prelates that were present began to debate the Question And Cyrillus of Alexandria made some onseâ—s of dispute being desirous to disturb and terrifie Nestorius for he had conceived an hatred against him Moreover when many asserted the Deity of Christ Nestorius exprest himself thus I cannot term him God who was two months and three months old And therefore I am clear from your bloud nor will I in future come to you any more Having said this he afterwards held conventions with the other Bishops who were followers of his opinion So that the persons present were divided into two factions Those of Cyrillus's party staid in the Councill and cited in Nestorius But he refused to come in and deferred his appearance till the arrivall of Johannes Bishop of Antioch Whereupon those of Cyrillus's party after they had severall times read over Nestorius's Discourses about this Question which he had made to the people and from the reading thereof had given in their judgment that he had constantly spoken blasphemy against the Son of God deposed him When this was done Nestorius's party made up another Synod apart by themselves and depose Cyrillus and together with him Memnon Bishop of Ephesus Not long after these transactions Johannes Bishop of Antioch arrived And being informed of what had been done was highly displeased with Cyrillus as being the occasioner of the disturbance which had hapned in regard he had with so much rashness and precipitancy proceeded to the deposition of Nestorius But Cyrillus and together with him Juvenalis to revenge themselves upon Johannes depose him also These affairs being after this manner confused and disturbed Nestorius perceiving this contention had arrived to such an height as to ruine communion retracted and termed Mary Theotocos saying Let Mary be styled Theotocos and let all animosities cease But though he made this retractation yet no body admitted of it For at this present he continues deposed and lives in exile at Oäsis And this was the conclusion of the Synod held at that time These things were done in the Consulate of Bassus and Antiochus on the twenty eighth of June But Johannes after his return to Antioch assembled many Bishops and deposed Cyrillus who was then gone home to Alexandria However they laid aside their enmity soon after came to a reconciliation and restored one another to their Episcopall Chairs But after Nestorius's deposition a most violent disturbance seized the Churches of Constantinople For the people were divided by reason of his frigid and empty babling as I have said already But all the Clergy by a generall consent Anathematized him For so we Christians do usually term the sentence against a blasphemer when we propose it to publick view on a Pillar as it were and render it visible to all persons CHAP. XXXV How after Nestorius's Deposition when some were desirous of placing Proclus in the Episcopall Chair other Bishops elected Maximianus Bishop of Constantinople AFter this there was another debate about the Election of a Bishop And many were for choosing Philippus whom we have mentioned a little before but more nominated Proclus And the opinion of those who voted for Proclus had carried it had not some of the most powerfull persons hindred it who said 't was forbidden by the Ecclesiastick Canon that he who had been nominated Bishop of any City should be translated to another See This having been said and believed compelled the people to be quiet After an intervall therefore of four months from Nestorius's Deposition a person by name Maximianus is Elected to the Bishoprick as to his course of life he was an Ascetick but had himself also been made one of the Presbyters He had long before gotten the repute of a pious and holy person because at his own charge he had built Monuments wherein Religious persons might be buried after their decease He was a man of mean accomplishments in speaking and desirous of leading a life void of business CHAP. XXXVI Instances whereby this Writer does as he supposes evince that a Translation from one See to another is not prohibited BUt in regard some persons by alledging the Ecclesiastick Canon have hindred Proclus who had then been nominated Bishop of Cyzicum from being seated in the Episcopall Chair of Constantinople my desire is to say something briefly concerning this matter Those persons who undertook to speak these things at that time in my judgment spake not true but either feigned them out of an Odium they had conceived against Proclus or else were wholly ignorant of the Canons and of severall other things of great use to and frequently practised in the Churches For Eusebius Pamphilus in the sixth Book of his Ecclesiastick History relates that Alexander Bishop of one of the Cities in Cappadocia coming to Jerusalem on account of prayer was detained by the Inhabitants of that City and consecrated Bishop in the room of Narcissus and in future presided over the Churches there as long as he lived So indifferent a thing it was amongst our Ancestours for a Bishop to be translated from one City to another as often as necessity required And if it be requisite to annex the Canon to this our History it will be demonstrated in what a manner they have belyed that Canon who have quoted it in order to their hindring Proclus's Ordination
The Canon therefore runs thus If any person who has been Ordained Bishop of a Church goes not to that Church over which he has been Ordained Bishop not by reason of his own fault but either because of the peoples refusall of him or for any other necessary Cause not proceeding from himself this person shall be partaker of the Honour and Ministration provided he molests not the affairs of that Church wherein he shall celebrate Assemblies But he ought to embrace whatever the Synod of the Province having had Cognizance of his Case shall think good to determine This is the Canon Now to make it evident that many Bishops have been translated from some Cities to others by reason of the Churches necessities now and then intervening I will here annex the names of such Bishops as have been translated Perigenes had been ordained Bishop of Patrae But in regard the Inhabitants of the foresaid City refused to admit him the Bishop of Rome ordered he should be constituted Bishop in the Metropolitane See of Corinth the Bishop of that Church being dead Over which Church Perigenes presided as long as he lived Gregorius of Nazianzum was first of all Bishop of Sasimi one of the Cities in Cappadocia afterwards he was made Bishop of Nazianzum Melitius had formerly presided over the Church in Sebastia and afterwards he Governed that in Antioch Alexander Bishop of Antioch translated Dositheus Bishop of Seleucia to Tarsus in Cilicia Reverentius was removed from Arci a City of Phaenice and afterwards translated to Tyre Johannes was translated from Gordum a City of Lydia to Proconnesus and presided over the Church there Palladius was translated from Helenopolis to Aspuna Alexander was translated from Helenopolis to Adriani Theophilus was translated from Apamea a City of Asia to Eudoxipolis anciently termed Salambria Polycarpus was translated from Sexantapristi a City of Moesia to Nicopolis of Thracia Hierophilus was translated from Trapezopolis a City of Phrygia to Plotinopolis in Thracia Optimus was removed from Agdamia in Phrygia to Antioch a City of Pisdia Silvanus was translated from Philippopolis in Thracia to Troas Let thus many be sufficient to have been named at present who were removed from their own Cities to other Sees But I judge it usefull to speak something in short concerning Silvanus who was translated from Philippopolis in Thracia to Troas CHAP. XXXVII Concerning Silvanus who was translated from Philippopolis to Troas SIlvanus had formerly been a Rhetorician in the School of Troïlus the Sophista But in regard he proposed to himself an accuracy in the profession of the Christian Religion as his chief design and exercised himself in the severities of an Ascetick life on account hereof he refused to wear the Rhetoricians Pallium But afterwards Atticus the Bishop laid hold of him and ordained him Bishop of Philippopolis After he had lived three years in Thracia and found himself unable to endure the cold for he had a very thin lean and infirm body he entreated Atticus that he would ordain another in his stead affirming that he refused to live in Thracia upon no other account than because of the cold Another person therefore having for this very reason been ordained in his room Silvanus continued at Constantinople and with a most exquisite diligence followed an Ascetick course of life He was so great a stranger to delicateness and fineness that he would frequently appear in publick amongst so numerous a concourse of people as were in that populous City shod only with Sandalls made of Spartum After some intervall of time the Bishop of the Church of Troas departed this life On which account the Inhabitants of Troas came to Constantinople to desire a Bishop Whilest Atticus was considering whom he should ordain it hapned that Silvanus came to give him a visit As soon as Atticus saw him he laid aside his care about that affair immediately and spoke to Silvanus on this wise You have no further excuse for your avoiding the care and government of this Church For Troas is not a cold place Behold God has provided you a convenient place for the infirmness of your body Delay not therefore Brother but go to Troas Wherefore Silvanus removed to that City where he did a Miracle which I will now relate A vast Ship for carrying of burthens made for the conveyance of great pillars such a vessell they term Plate had been newly built on the Shore of Troas This Vessell was to be Launched But though many ropes were fastned to the Ship and a great number of persons did their utmost to hale it Seaward yet it was not in any wise to be moved After this had been done for many days then they thought that a devil detained the Vessell Wherefore they went to Bishop Silvanus and entreated him to make a prayer in that place For they believed that by that means only the Ship was to be drawn into the Sea But he entertaining modest thoughts of himself stiled himself a sinner and said that was a work to be done by some righteous person not by him When they continued their Suit with a greater earnestness he went to the Shore Where after he had prayed he took hold of one of the ropes and bad them set close to the business And when they had haled the Ship on a little she ran swiftly into the Sea This Miracle performed by Silvanus's hands stirred up those of that Province to piety But Silvanus was a good man as to other things also For perceiving that the Ecclesiasticks made a gain of their contentions who were engaged in Suits at Law he would never make any one of the Clergy a Judge But received the Libells of the Litigants himself and called one of the faithfull Laicks to him whom he knew to be a Lover of justice to whom he committed the hearing of the cause by which means he freed the Litigants from contentiousness For these reasons Silvanus got himself a great name amongst all men Thus much concerning Silvanus which although declared by way of digression yet in my judgment the mention hereof is not unusefull But let us return to that place from whence we have digressed After Maximianus therefore was ordained Bishop of Constantinople in the Consulate of Bassus and Antiochus about the twenty fifth of October the affairs of the Church were in a sedate and quiet posture CHAP. XXXVIII Concerning the Jews in Creet how many of them turned Christians at that time ABout the same time many of the Jews who dwelt in Creet turned Christians on account of this calamitous accident A certain Jew who was an Impostor feigned himself to be Moses and affirmed himself to have been sent from heaven that he might lead out the Jews who inhabited that Island and conduct them through the Sea For he was as he said the same person who preserved the Israelites heretofore
expression opened a way to Blasphemy Nestorius the Authour of this Blasphemy did not only not curb Anastasius nor undertake the patronage of such Sentiments as were Orthodox and true But also openly and manifestly added strength to what Anastasius had said and pertinaciously maintained disputes about these points And sometimes he would insert and intermix his own opinions and by belching forth the poyson of his own mind attempted to teach such doctrines as were far more blasphemous In so much that to his own destruction he uttered these words I cannot term him God who was two months and three months old as 't is plainly related by Socrates in his account hereof and in the Acts of the Former Ephesine Synod CHAP. III. What Cyrillus the Great wrote to Nestorius and how the third Synod at Ephesus was convened to which Johannes Bishop of Antioch and Theodoret came late WHich assertions when Cyrillus Bishop of Alexandria a Prelate of famous memory had reproved by his own Letters and Nestorius had defended them in his answers thereto nor could be prevailed upon either by those Letters written to him by Cyrillus or them sent him by Celestinus Bishop of the Senior Rome but fearlessly vomited forth his own poyson against the whole Church Cyrillus for which he had just cause made his request to Theodosius Junior who at that time swayed the Sceptre of the Eastern Empire that by his Order the first Synod at Ephesus might be convened The Imperiall Letters therefore were dispatcht away both to Cyrillus and also to the Bishops that presided over the holy Churches in all places Theodosius appointed the day of the Synod's convention to be on the day of the Holy Pentecost whereon the life-giving spirit of God descended upon us Nestorius in regard Ephesus is not far distant from Constantinople came thither first Also Cyrillus and the Bishops about him arrived before the day appointed But Johannes Bishop of Antioch together with the Bishops about him was absent at the set day not willingly as it seems to many persons from the Apology he made in excuse for his not coming at the time appointed but because he could not gather together the Bishops of his Province sooner For the Cities belonging to the Bishops under him are twelve days journey distant from that City heretofore called Antioch but now termed Theopolis to a man that is an expedite and nimble Traveller but to others who are not so good at travelling they are more than twelve days journey distant And Ephesus is at least thirty days journey distant from Antioch Wherefore Johannes affirmed that he could in no wise meet at the appointed day if he should set out when the Bishops whom he had about him had celebrated that termed the New Sunday within their own Sees CHAP. IV. How Nestorius was deposed by the Synod before the arrivall of the Bishop of Antioch VVHen therefore fifteen days were past beyond the day prefixt the Bishops who had been called together for that reason supposing that the Eastern Bishops would not come at all or if they did that much time would be spent before they could be got together meet together in one place the divine Cyrillus administring and the place of Caelestinus who as it has been said governed the Bishoprick of the Elder Rome they summon in Nestorius therefore entreating him that he would give in his answer to the accusations brought against him Who on the day before promised to come if there should be an occasion for it but afterwards neglected to fullfill his promise and having been thrice called after that he appeared not whereupon the Bishops convened undertook the examination of the matter And when Memnon Bishop of Ephesus had reckoned up the days which had passed after the set day they were in number sixteen days and when the Letters of the divine Cyrillus which had been written by him to Nestorius and also Nestorius's Letters to Cyrillus had been read moreover when that sacred Letter of the famous Caelestinus which he sent to the same Nestorius had been annexed further when Theodotus Bishop of Ancyra and Acacius who presided over the See of Melitina had declared those blasphemous Expressions which Nestorius had manifestly and openly belched forth at Ephesus lastly when many sayings of the holy and most approved Fathers who have expounded the right and sincere Faith had been joyned together and also when the various blasphemies foolishly and madly uttered by the impious Nestorius had been reduced into an Order I say after all these things had been done the Holy Synod pronounced sentence against Nestorius in these express words Moreover in regard the most Reverend Nestorius would neither obey our Summons nor admit the most Holy and most Religious Bishops sent by Us We have been forced to proceed to an examination of his impious expressions And having found both from his Letters and Writings which have been recited and also from his own words which he hath lately spoken in this Metropolis which expressions of his have been confirmed by the testimony of many persons that his Sentiments and Doctrines are impious being necessarily induced thereto both by the authority of the Canons and also by the Letter of our most Holy Father and Fellow-Minister Caelestinus Bishop of the Roman Church after many tears we have proceeded to the pronunciation of this sad sentence Therefore Our Lord Jesus Christ who has been blasphemed by him hath determined by this present Holy Synod that the same Nestorius is divested of the Episcopall dignity and excluded from all manner of sacerdotall convention CHAP. V. That Johannes Bishop of Antioch coming to Ephesus after five days deposes Cyrillus Bishop of Alexandria and Memnon Bishop of Ephesus whom the Synod pronounced innocent soon after and deposed Johannes and his party And how by the interposition of the Emperour Theodosius Cyrillus and Johannes were reconciled and confirmed Nestorius's deposition AFter this most legall and just Sentence Johannes Bishop of Antioch comes to Ephesus together with the Prelates about him arriving there five days after Nestorius's deposition And having convened those Bishops of his party deposes Cyrillus and Memnon But when Cyrillus and Memnon had presented Libells to that Synod which had been convened with them although Socrates through ignorance has related this matter otherwise Johannes is summoned to give an account of that deposition which he had made Who not appearing after he had been thrice called Cyrillus and Memnon are absolved from their deposition but Johannes and the Bishops of his party are separated from holy communion and from all sacerdotall authority Further Theodosius at first approved not of Nestorius's deposition but having afterwards been informed of his Blasphemy when he had written very pious Letters to the Bishops Cyrillus and Johannes they come to a mutuall agreement and confirmed Nestorius's deposition CHAP. VI. Concerning Paulus Bishop of Emisa's journey to Alexandria and Cyrillus's
against and reproach't the said Emperour and impudently Anathematizing the Holy and Oecumenicall Synod at Chalcedon he draws after him a multitude of Mercenary and disorderly fellows with whom he has made war contrary to the Divine Canons and to the Ecclesiastick Constitution in opposition to the Republick and to the Laws and has violently thrust himself into the Holy Church of God which at that time had its Pastour and Teacher Our most Holy Father and Arch-Bishop Proterius who then Celebrated the usuall Religious and solemn Assemblies and poured forth his prayers to Christ the Saviour of us all for Your Religious Empire and for Your Christ-loving Palace And after the interposition of a few words Then after the space of one day when as 't was customary the most pious Proterius continued in the Bishops Pallace Timotheus taking with him two Bishops who had been legally deposed and some Ecclesiasticks who as we have said had in like manner been condemned to dwell in Exile as if he could have received Ordination from two Bishops not so much as one of the Orthodox Bishops throughout the Egyptick-Dioecesis being there who are always wont to be present at such Ordinations of the Bishop of the Alexandrians takes possession as he supposed of the Archiepiscopal Chair audaciously attempting manifestly to commit adultery upon that Church which had its own Bridegroome who performed the divine offices therein and canonically administred his own See And after some other words That Blessed person Proterius could do nothing else than as 't is written Give place unto wrath and make his escape to the adorable Baptistery that he might avoid their incursion who ran in upon him to murder him in which place most especially a dread and terrour is usually infused into the minds even of Barbarians and all other Savage and cruell persons who are ignorant of the adorableness of that place and of the Grace flowing therefrom Nevertheless these Ruffians who used their utmost endeavour to bring that designe to effect which from the beginning they had laid with Timotheus these Butchers who would not suffer Proterius to be preserved even within those immaculate Rails who revered neither the sanctity of the place nor the time it self for it was the Festival day of the Salutary Easter who dreaded not the dignity of the Sacerdotall Function to which it appertains to mediate between God and men kill that guiltless person and together with him commit a barbarous murder upon six others And after they had carried about his Body which was wounds all over and likewise barbarously drag'd it almost throughout every place of the City and further in a most lamentable manner insulted over it without any thing of compassion they Scourged the Corps insensible of its stripes cutting it limb from limb Nor did they abstain according to the usage of Savage beasts from tasting of his Entrails whom a little before they were supposed to have as an Intercessour between God and men In fine having cast the remains of his Body into a fire they threw the ashes thereof into the winds by the commission of these Barbarities far exceeding the utmost Savageness of wild-beasts the Occasioner and crafty Contriver of all which Nefarious facts was Timotheus Moreover Zacharias giving a Narrative of these matters in his History is of opinion that most of these things were done in such a manner as I have related them but says they were occasioned by Proterius's fault who had raised most grievous Seditions at Alexandria he affirms likewise that these Facts were audaciously perpetrated not by the people but by some of the Souldiers which affirmation he grounds on the Letter written by Timotheus to the Emperour Leo. Further in order to the punishing these enormities Stilas is sent by the Emperour Leo. CHAP. IX Concerning the Emperour Leo's Circular Letters ALso Leo wrote Circular Letters to the Bishops throughout the whole Roman Empire and to those persons eminent for their leading a Monastick life asking their opinion both concerning the Synod at Chalcedon and also about Timotheus surnamed Aelurus's Ordination he sent to them likewise Copies of the Supplicatory-Libells presented to him as well by Proterius's Party as by that of Timotheus Aelurus The Contents of the Circular Letters of Leo are these A Copy of the most Pious Emperour Leo's Sacred Letter sent to Anatolius Bishop of Constantinople and to the Metropolitanes and other Bishops over the whole world Emperour Caesar Leo Pius Victor Triumphator Maximus always Augustus to Anatolius the Bishop It was the desire and Prayer of Our Piety that the most Holy Orthodox Churches and also all the Cities of the Roman Empire should enjoy the greatest Peace imaginable nor that any thing should happen which might disturb their Constitution and Tranquillity But what disturbances have lately hapned at Alexandria are we are fully perswaded already made known to Your Sanctity Nevertheless that you may have a more perfect account concerning all things what the Causes were of so great a Tumult and Confusion We have transmitted to Your Piety the Copies of the Supplicatory-Libells which the most Pious Bishops and Ecclesiasticks coming from the foresaid City Alexandria and from the Aegyptick Dioecesis to the Imperial City Constantinople have brought to Our Piety against Timotheus and moreover the Copies of the Supplicatory-Libells which some persons coming from Alexandria to Our Divine Court on Timotheus's account have presented to Our Serenity so that Your Sanctity may apparently know what hath been done by the foresaid Timotheus whom the populacy of Alexandria the Honorati the Decuriones and the Navicularii desire to have for their Bishop and that you may have an account concerning other matters contained in The Text of the Supplicatory-Libells and moreover concerning the Chalcedon Synod to which the forementioned persons do in no wise agree as their Supplicatory-Libells here underplaced do demonstrate Let therefore Your Piety cause all the Orthodox and Holy Bishops who at present are resident in this Imperial City as likewise the most Pious Ecclesiasticks forthwith to come together unto You. And having with great care treated of and enquired into all things for as much as the City Alexandria hath already been disturbed the State and repose whereof is our greatest care acquaint us with Your Sentiment concerning the foresaid Timotheus and concerning the Chalcedon Synod without any humane fear and without affection or hatred placing before your eyes the only fear of the Omnipotent God in regard you well know that you shall give an account concerning this affair to the incorrupt Deity That so We having been perfectly informed of all things by Your Letters may be enabled to promulge an accommodate Edict This was the Letter sent to Anatolius The Emperour wrote Letters like this to other Bishops also and to those eminent persons who as I have said at that time lead a life void of the furniture of
he might instruct all men in the Laws of Temperance Wherefore he accounted it not a thing below himself to Preach even to these persons by his own Letter and to exhort them to hasten to the knowledge of God And in that place he added works consonant to his words erecting even amongst them a most spacious Church with the Edifices belonging thereto In so much that what had no where been heard of by any preceding age whatever was then first of all really compleated and a City of men addicted to the superstitious worship of Daemons was vouchsafed a Church of God and Presbyters and Deacons and a Bishop consecrated to the supream God presided over the inhabitants of that place Moreover the Emperour taking great care that many persons might come over to the Faith of Christ made large distributions there in order to the relief of the poor and in this wise he perswaded and invited men to the salutary Doctrine in a manner uttering those very words spoken by Saint Paul whether in pretence or in truth Christ is preached CHAP. LIX Concerning the disturbance raised at Antioch on Eustathius's account BUt whilst all persons passed their lives in the greatest joy imaginable on account of these Blessings and the Church of God was all manner of ways exalted amongst all Nations every where the envy of the Devil who is always contriving Plots against the Good began again to make an insurrection against this so great a prosperity of our affairs supposing that the Emperour exasperated at our disturbances and indecencies would in future have his affection towards us alienated Having therefore kindled a great fire he filled the Church of Antioch with Tragical Calamities in so much that there wanted but little of the whole Citie 's being utterly subverted For the people of the Church were divided into two Factions and the Commonalty of the City in an hostile manner were so highly enraged against the Magistrates themselves and the Milice that they were just upon the point of drawing their Swords had not the providence of God and the fear of the Emperour represt the violence of the multitude And here the clemency of the Emperour like a Saviour and Physitian of souls did again by discourse administer a Cure to those distempered For he dispatcht away thither one of those about him whom he had had tryal of a person honoured with the dignity of a Comes a man eminently trusty and faithfull by whom he spake to those people in a most gracious manner And by Letter after Letter he exhorted them to entertain thoughts of Peace and taught them to practise such things as were agreeable to the divine Religion And at length he prevailed with them and excused them in those Letters he wrote to them affirming that he himself had publickly heard him who had been the occasioner of that Tumult And these Letters of his which were filled with no ordinary Learning and Utility I had inserted at this place had they not set a Brand of infamy on the persons guilty Wherefore I will at present omit them being resolved not to renew the memory of mischiefs and will only annex those Letters to this Work which he wrote to express the joy and satisfaction of his own mind in reference to the Peace and agreement of others In which Letters he entreats them that they would not in any wise challenge to themselves the Prelate of another place by whose intervention they had made up a Peace amongst themselves but that agreeable to the Canon of the Church they should rather choose him Bishop whom our Lord himself the Common Saviour of all should design for that office He writes therefore both to the people and also to the Bishops severally these following Letters CHAP. LX. Constantine's Letter to the Antiochians that they should not draw away Eusebius from Caesarea but should seek another Bishop VICTOR CONSTANTINUS MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS To the people of Antioch HOw gratefull and pleasing is the Concord amongst You to all the prudent and wise men of this Age Even I my Self Brethren have determined to embrace You with an everlasting affection being invited thereto both by the Rule of Religion and by your way of Life and also by your love and favour This is most certainly the genuine product of Blessings to act with an understanding that is right and sound For what can so much become you Wonder not therefore if I shall affirm the Truth to have been to you a cause of safety rather than of hatred Indeed amongst Brethren to whom one and the same affection of mind and a progress in the way that is right and just doth by Gods assistance promise an enrollment into the pure and holy family what can be more goodly and valuable than with a joy and unanimity of mind to rest contented at their beholding the Blessings of all men Especially in regard the instruction of the divine Law incites your purpose of mind to a greater perfection and because 't is our desire that your judgment should be confirmed by the best determinations This will perhaps seem strange to you what namely this preface of our Letter should mean Truly I will neither avoid nor refuse to declare the reason of this matter For I confess that I have perused the Acts wherein both from your honourable commendations and Testimonies in reference to Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea whom I my Self also have long since very well known on account as well of his Learning as his Modesty I perceive you have an inclination towards him and are desirous of making him your own What think you came into my mind who am earnestly hastning to an accurate disquisition of what is right and true What a care and solicitude do you believe me to have taken on account of that your desire O Holy Faith which by the Words and Precepts of our Saviour dost exhibite to us as 't were an express representation of Life with what trouble wouldest even Thou thy self resist Sinners unless Thou shouldest wholly refuse to serve in order to gain and favour Indeed to Me he seemes to have conquered even Victory her self who makes Peace his more earnest study and endeavour For where that which is decent is lawfull to any one no body can be found who is not highly pleased with it I beseech you therefore Brethren on what account should we so determine as thereby to procure others an injury For what reason do we follow those things which will certainly overthrow the Faith of Our Opinion Indeed I do highly praise that person who by you also is approved of as worthy of honour and affection Nevertheless that which amongst all should remain firm and ratified ought not in such a manner to have been enervated as that all persons should not be contented with their own
Limits nor all enjoy their domestick Blessings and that in a search after those who might equally seem worthy of the Bishoprick not only one but many persons should not be produced comparatively of equall worth with this person For when neither Terrour nor Roughness gives any disturbance to Ecclesiastick Honours it happens that those Honours are alike in themselves and are in all things equally desireable Nor is it agreeable to reason that a deliberation concerning this matter should be made to the injury of others in regard the minds of all men whether they may seem to be meaner or more illustrious do equally admit of and keep the divine Dogmata so that as to what relate◠to the Common Faith one sort of persons are in nothing inferiour to another But should we plainly declare the Truth any one might with good reason affirm that this is not to detain a man but rather to take him away by force and that what is done is an act of Violence not of Justice And whether the generality of the people think thus or otherwise I my self do plainly and boldly affirm that this business gives occasion for an accusation and does raise the disturbance of no small tumult For even lambs do shew the force and strength of their teeth as often as the usual care and Concern of their Shepherd for them growing more remiss they perceive themselves deprived of their former guidance and looking to Now if these things be thus and if we are not mistaken in the first place Brethren consider this For many and those great advantages will offer themselves to you even at the very beginning First of all I say consider this whether the affection and love you have one towards another will not be sensible of some abatement of it self Then weigh this also that that person who came to you on account of good advice does from the divine Judgment reap to himself the due fruit of Honour in regard he has received no mean favour from that Honourable Testimony which you by a general consent have given of His Virtue Lastly consider that 't is agreeable to your usage to make use of a care and diligence which becometh good judgment in your looking out for such a man as you stand in need of so as that you may avoid all manner of tumultuous and disorderly Clamour For such sort of Clamour is always noxious and from the collision of several men one against the other sparks and fires are usually raised May I therefore so please God and you and may I so leade a Life agreeable to your desires and wishes as I Love you and the Calm Port of your Mildness since you have cast out that silth and instead thereof have brought in Concord with good Morals and have put up A-boord your Ship the firm Flag of the Cross Steering a prosperous course to the Light it self with Rudders of Iron as one may say Wherefore convey on Boord your Ship the incorruptible Cargo For whatever could any way defile the Vessel is drawn out by the Pump as ' t were Now therefore use your utmost endeavours that your enjoyment of all these Blessings may be such as you may not a second time seem either to have determined any thing at all with an inconsiderate and unprofitable desire or from the beginning to have attempted what is disagreeable God keep you Beloved Brethren CHAP. LXI Constantine's Letter to Eusebius wherein he commends Him for His Refusal of the See of Antioch The Emperour's Letter to Us after our Refusal of the Bishoprick of Antioch VICTOR CONSTANTINUS MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS To Eusebius I Have perused your Letter very often and have found that you do most exactly observe the Rule of Ecclesiastick discipline For to persist in those Sentiments which appear both acceptable to God and agreeable to Apostolick Tradition is an eminent degree of Piety You may account your self blessed even in this very thing because by the testimony of the whole world as I may say you have been judged worthy to be Bishop over the whole Church For whereas all persons desire you to be Bishop amongst them without question they increase this your felicity But Your prudence which hath resolved to observe the commands of God and the Apostolick Canon and that of the Church has acquitted it self incomparably well in regard it hath refused the Bishoprick of the Church at Antioch and hath endeavoured to continue in that See rather the presidency over which by the will of God it had at first undertaken Further concerning this matter I have written a Letter to the people and to those other persons your Colleagues who also themselves wrote to me in relation to the same affairs Which Letters when Your Holiness shall have perused it will easily understand that because Justice seemed to Resist them I have written unto them by the impulse of the Deity It will behove Your prudence also to be present at their Council to the end this very thing may be constituted in the Church of Antioch God keep you Beloved Brother CHAP. LXII Constantine's Letter to the Synod that Eusebius should not be drawn away from Caesarea VICTOR CONSTANTINUS MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS To Theodotus Theodorus Narcissus Aëtius Alpheus and to the rest of the Bishops which are at Antioch I Have read the Letter written by Your prudence and do highly commend the wise resolution of Your Colleague Eusebius And when I had perfectly understood all transactions partly from Your Letter and partly from that of the Most Perfect Acacius and Strategius the Comites and had made a due inspection into the thing I wrote to the people of Antioch what was well pleasing to God and besitting the Church A Copy of which Letter I have ordered to be annext hereto to the end You also might know what I invited thereto by the way of Right had ordered to be written to the people of Antioch in as much as this was contained in Your Letter that according to the suffrage of the people and the desire of Your prudence Eusebius the Most Holy Bishop of the Church of Caesarea might preside over the Antiochian Church and undertake the care thereof Indeed Eusebius's Letter appeared highly observant of the Ecclesiastick Canon but 't is meet that Our Sentiment also should be made known to Your prudence For it has been related to me that Euphronius a Presbyter who is a Citizen of Caesarea in Cappadocia and Georgius a Citizen of Arethusa a Presbyter also whom Alexander preferred to this dignity in the City Alexandria are most approved persons in reference to the Faith It seemed good therefore to give Your prudence notice of these men that having proposed them and some others whom You shall judge fit for the dignity of the
Episcopate You may determine such things as may be agreeable to the Tradition of the Apostles For such matters as these having been well prepared and ordered Your Prudence will be able so to direct this Election according to the Canon of the Church and Apostolick Tradition as the Rule of Ecclesiastick discipline does require God keep you Beloved Brethren CHAP. LXIII In what manner He endeavoured to destroy Heresies SUch were the admonitions which the Emperour gave to the Prelates of the Churches advising them to do all things in order to the glory and commendation of the divine Religion But after he had made a riddance of all dissentions and had reduced the Church of God to an agreement and Harmony of doctrine He past from thence and was of opinion that another sort of impious persons were to be supprest and destroyed in regard they were the poyson of Mankind These were a sort of pernicious men who under the specious disguise of Modesty and Gravity ruined the Cities Whom Our Saviour somewhere terms false Prophets or ravenous Wolves in these words Beware of false prophets which come to you in sheeps clothing but inwardly they are ravening wolves Ye shall know them by their fruits By the transmission of a precept therefore to the Presidents of Provinces He put to flight the whole Tribe of these sort of persons But besides this Law the Emperour composed an enlivening Exhortation directed to them by name wherein he incited those men to hasten their repentance For he told them that the Church of God would be to them a Port of safety But hear in what manner He discoursed even to these persons in his Letter to them CHAP. LXIV Constantine's Constitution against the Hereticks VICTOR CONSTANTINUS MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS To the Hereticks ACknowledge now by the benefit of this Law O ye Novatianists Valentinians Marcionists Pauliani and you who are termed Cataphrygae in a word all of you who by your private Meetings breed and compleat Heresies in how many Lyes the vanity of your Opinions is wrapt up and in what manner your Doctrine is compounded of certain pernicious poysons in so much that by you the healthy are reduced to weakness and the living to a perpetual death Ye Enemies of Truth ye Adversaries of Life and ye Councellours of destruction All things amongst you are contrary to Truth agreeable to filthy impieties stuft with absurdities and fictions whereby you compose Lyes afflict the Innocent and deny Believers the light And sinning continually under a Mask of Divinity you defile all things Ye wound the innocent and pure consciences of men with blows that are mortal and deadly and ye ravish even the day it self I had almost said from the eyes of men But what necessity is there of recounting every particular Especially since neither the shortness of the time nor the urgency of Our Affairs will suffer Us to speak concerning your Crimes according as they deserve For your impieties are so large and immense so filthy and full of all manner of outragiousness that a whole day would not be sufficient for a description of them And besides 't is fit we should remove our ears and turn away our eyes from things of this nature least by a particular declaration of them the pure and sincere alacrity of Our Faith sâ—ould be defiled What reason is there then that We should any longer tolerate such Mischiefs Especially since Our long forbearance is the cause that even those who are sound become infected with this pestilential distemper as ' t were Why therefore do we not immediately cut off the roots as we may so term them of such a mischief by a publick animadversion CHAP. LXV Concerning the taking away the Meeting-places of hereticks WHerefore in as much as this perniciousness of your improbity is not any longer to be born with We declare by this Law that no one of you shall in future dare to hold Assemblies And therefore We have given order that all those your houses wherein you hold such Assemblies shall be taken away and this Care of Our Majesty does extend so far as that the congregations of your superstitious madness shall not meet together not only in publick but neither in a private house nor in any places whereto the Right or Title is peculiar Therefore what ever persons amongst you are studious of the true and pure Religion which is a thing far more commendable and better let them come over to the Catholick Church and hold communion with its sanctity by the assistance whereof they may arrive at the Truth But let the Errour of your perverted mindes I mean the execrable and pernicious dissent of Hereticks and Schismaticks be wholly separated from the felicity of Our Times For it becomes Our Blessedness which by God's assistance We enjoy that they who lead their lives buoy'd up with good hopes should be reduced from all manner of Extravagant Errour to the right way from darkness to the light from Vanity to the Truth Lastly from Death to Salvation And to the end that the force and power of this Remedy may be effectual and prevalent We have given order that all the Conventicles of your Superstition as We have said above I mean the Oratories of all sorts of Hereticks if it be fit to term them Oratories shall without any contradiction be taken away and without any delay delivered to the Catholick Church but that the rest of the places shall be adjudged to the publick and that no Licence shall be left to you of holding Meetings there in future So that from this present day your illegal Congregations shall not dare to meet either in any publick or private place Let it be published CHAP. LXVI That impious and prohibited Books having been found amongst the Hereticks very many of them returned to the Catholick Church IN this manner therefore the Dens of the Heterodox were by the Imperial Order laid open and the wild Beasts themselves that is the Ring-leaders of their impiety were put to flight Now some of those persons who had been deceived by them being put into a fear by the Emperour's Menaces crept into the Church with a mind and meaning that was false and counterfeit and for a time play'd the Hypocrites And because the Law commanded that a search should be made after the Books of those men they who made evill and forbidden Arts their business were apprehended On which account they practised dissimulation and did all things to the end they might purchase themselves safety But others of them betook themselves to a better hope with a purpose of mind that was hearty true and sincere Further the Prelates of the Churches made an accurate inspection into both these sorts of persons and such as they found coming over to the Church under a disguise who were hid under the skins of Sheep them they drove away
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Nauses as Eusebius does thrice in his Demonstrat Evangel B. 5. Chap. 17. in Hebrew he is Named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Joshua Numb 11. v. 28. Vales. * Lament 4. 20. * Psal. 2. 1 2 7 8. * Hep. 7. 14. It is evident that our Lord sprang out of Judah of which tribe Moses spake nothing concerning Priesthood c Or by the Spirit But all the M. SS Copies agree with our translation of it Vales. * Isai. 61. 1. * Psal. 45. 6 7. †Psal. 110. 1 2 3. †Gen. 14. 18. Heb. 7. 1. d Or Chief-Priest For so the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savil. M. SS read it Vales. e Or Anâ—inting for some copies have it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. f That is From all eternity Vales. a At these words the Maz. and Fuk. M. SS and the Kings M. S. and the Old sheets begin the 4 th Chapter * Isai. 66. 8. * Isai. 62. 2 b Some Translatours as Musculus and D r Hanmer as appears by his Version and marginal Note thereat supposed that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. atar which is the word here used in the Original and is a Greek adverb was a proper name and a corruption of Terah the name of the father of Abraham of whom mention is made Gen. 11. But this is a great mistake For Terah the father of Abraham was not one of those whom God loved as it may be plainly collected from Sacred Scripture neither did our Eusebius think so as appears by his own words when he says a little after this in this Chapter concerning Abraham that he left the superstition of his fathers We have therefore translated these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And moreover Vales. * Psal. 105. 15. †Christs that is anointed * Gen. 15. 6. Rom. 4. 3. * Gen. 11. 3. Gen. 18. 18. 22. 18. a The first year of Augustus according to Eusebius's computation is that wherein Hirtius and Pansa were Consuls Therefore the fourty second year of Augustus falâ— on his thirteenth Consulship Thus much concerning the year wherein Christ was born Eusebius does no where expresly mention the day It was the common opinion of the Western Church that he was born on the 7. Kalend. January but the Eastern Church thought otherwise that he was born on the 8. Id. January i. e. on the 6 th day Jan. Vales. The learned have found so great difficulty in assigning the day of our Saviours Birth that Scaliger said Uniâ—â— Dei est non hominis deâ—inire i. e. God onely not man was able expressely to declare it It had been much better for these men to content themselves with the tradition of the Church rather than by such an elaborate unfruitful search to entangle the truth For the celebration of this festival many testimonies may be produced out of Origen Cyprian and Chrysostom each of these fathers deducing it from the practise of the first antiquity and S t Augustine makes it a Character of a son of the Church to solemnize the Festivals of it and this principally and by name of the Nativity To which may be added that of the Author of the Constitutions Constit. B. 5. c. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Keep the days of the feasts and first the day of Christs Birth So that the Religion of this day non est nupera neque novitia is not modern nor newly begun though Scaliger said so And for the particular day the 25 th of December whereon this Festival is by us solemnized not to mention other testimonies which might be produced to this purpose In Joseph the Egyptian's Arabick Codex of the Counsels a M. S. in the Archives of the publick Library of Oxford of the gift of S t Thomas Roe this day as well as this Feast is affirmed to stand by Apostolical Canon The words of which as it is Transcribed by M r Gregory are in English these Also that you constitute an anniversary Feast at the Nativity of the Lord Christ on the Day on which he was Born and that was the five and twentieth of the first Canon i. e. of December For this is the principal of all the Feasts c. See M r Gregories Works Chap. 34. D r Hammond on the Festivals of the Church and the Learned Seldens Tract of Christmas-Day for further satisfaction b It is by learned men affirmed particularly by Js. Casaubon in Bar. p. 105. and is most probable that this decree of Taxing or inrolling every Person according to their Families and Estates was an effect of Augustus his curiosity and neither of his desire to enrich his Treasure nor to reform the excesses of those before him and this over-ruled by Gods special providence that this Emperour might serve to be instrumental to the conserving the record of the Birth of Christ whose Name and his mothers as well as Josephs were now inrolled And this is an evidence of the nature of this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that it was not a Tax for that would not have belonged to women and infants but to the possessours onely See D r Hammond on Luk. 2. v. 1. c There is a great disagreement amongst the Learned about this enrolment and valuation of mens Persons and Estates whether it was done once or twice Some say there were two both made by the same Cyrenius or Quirinius and both mentioned by St Luke the first he speaks of Chap. 2. 2. of his Gospel which was made a little before our Saviours Birth about the latter end of the Reign of Herod the great Sentius Saturninus being then president of Syria this say these men St Luke calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the first Taxing to difference it from that other mentioned by him Acts 5. 37. And whereas St Luke says Cyrenius at that time had the rule over Syria these words are to be taken in a loofer not stricter sense not that Cyrenius was then the standing Governour there 〈◊〉 the Romans but was sent by the Emperour particularly on this â—â—â—â—sion to take an Inventory of this part of the Empire forâ—iss confest that Sentius Saturninus was then the president of Syria The other Taxing mentioned in the Acts was made ten years after this after the banishment of Archelaus and about the insurrection of Judas of Galilee or Gaulanites This is the opinion of Scaliger Petavius Casaubon and Hammond On the other hand Valâ—â—iuâ— and with him as he thinks agrees our Eusebius in this Chapt. says there was but one Taxing which may be supposed to have been begun at the latter end of Herod the great his Reign about the time of Christs Birth and was not perhaps finished till ten years after when Cyrenius was president of Syria after the banishment of Archelaus his reasons are these Josephus mentions but one after this Enrolment once made why should it be repeated and that by the same person For if he had done it equally and exactly
is the Catechumen of whom mention is made in the Menologie on the fifth of September the third Heraïs the Egyptian Virgin born at a place called Tamma whose fathers name was Peter a Presbyter she suffered Martyrdom when she was twelve years old as 't is in the Mâ—nâ—um at the 23 d of September where she is called Hieraïs in the Roman Martyrologic she is termed Iraïs Vales. a This Aquila was Governour of Aegypt as Euscbius before relates in the 3 d Chapter at which time Origen was in the eighteenth year of his age Vales. b The Gladiators were commonly noted to be lascivious wicked men therefore Aquila threatned to deliver her to them thinking she who had such special care of her chastity would rather revolt from her faith then hazard the purity of her body by being put into their power c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 properly signifies to fright birds away but here as also in Demosthenes it signifies to thrust aside out of the way 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Demost. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eusebius means Baptism e Rufinus translates this place so as to make Potamiaena Origen's scholar neither dare we contradict him in that For although Eusebius does not mention it particularly yet we may gather so much from this his narration for reckoning up the Martyrs which were of Origen's School he adds to them Basilides and Potamiaena whence 't is collected these two also were his disciples and though we cannot for certain say Basilides was yet 't is probable Potamiaena might be one of them Vales. a There is little connexion betwixt this and what he said before Clemens was not then the Catechist at Alexandria but Origen Clemens's Scholar Moreover concerning Clemens and his books Eusebius writes in the foregoing book And Caius in his little Labyrinth reckons him among the Ecclesiastick Writers which writ in the time of Victor the words of Caius are at the end of the 5 th Book therefore Rufinus rightly places this and the following chapter in the 3 d Chapter of this book where he speaks of Demetrius the Bishops committing the office of Catechizing to Origen Vales. * Matth. Chap. 19. v. 12. a Eusebius here laies open the the reason why Demetrius who was formerly so much Origen's friend should now so persecute him by his letters which was because the Bishops of Caesarea and Jerusalem had ordain'd him Priest In which thing no small injury was done to Demetrius both by the Bishops and Origen by Origen because he had yielded to be ordain'd by forreign Bishops and by the Bishops because by doing this they had translated the Catechist of Alexandria into their Church Moreover there arises a difficulty not to be pass'd by viz. why two Bishops together should ordain Origen By this means he had power to sit in two Churches and to communicate with other Priests See the 23. and 27. chapters following where this conjecture is confirm'd 'T was the â—â—der when either Deacons or Priests were ordain'd some Bishops should be present that the ordination might be more solemn saies Innocentius in his Epistle to Marcianus the Bishop Photius in Biblioth Chap. 118. says that Theoctistus solemniz'd the ordination but Alexander gave his approbation Christophorson also says these were the names of the Bishops Theoctistus was Bishop of Caesarea and Alexander of Jerusalem Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the word here has several significations Rufinus explains it thus when a man has free power to do a thing all impediments being remov'd which explanation seems best for before Origen made himself an Eunuch for fear of a scandalous report he had reason to be cautious of conversing with women and teaching them but when he had unman'd himself as he did he might do it freely without suspicion Vales. c Rufinus's old book which was in the Church at Paris begins a new Chapter here and so does Christophorson Vales. d Concerning this Alexander Eusebius in his Chronicle in the 12 year of Severus's Reign which was the second year of this Persecution writes thus Alexander was accounted famous for his confession of the Name of the Lord. Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into the nature or quality of oil we should rather read it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the fatness of oil Rufinus translates it thus aquae naturâ in olei pinguedinem versâ and in Moraeus's book 't is so corrected in the margin the Fuk. M. S. also reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rufinus renders thus Regio morbo But Langus calls it morbus sonticus the falling sickness Christophorson morbus scevus faedus an unfortunate or cruel and filthy disease which comes nearest to Rufinus's Version for by this morbus Regius he means the Leprosie as appears by what follows For in the 10 Book and 25 chapter he speaks thus of Eunomius vir corpore anima Leprosus interiùs exteriúsque morbo Regio corruptus Gregorius Nyssenus also in his first Book against Eunomius certainly affirms he was a Leper pag. 307. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He who goes into another mans house not invited and keeps not the filthiness under his own Roof considers not what natural abhorrence they who are sound have towards those who are infected Hieronymus in the Life of Hilario speaks thus of his Scholar Adrianus post aliquantum temporis computruit morbo Regio Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The interpreters seem not to have rightly understood this place Eusebius's meaning is this those perjur'd men did not forswear themselves against Narcissus but against themselves alluding without doubt to that of the Psalmist he ly'd mischief to himself For craft often falls upon the Author 's own head though he intends it for another Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nicephorus thinks 't was the snuff or spark which fell from a candle Christophorson and Musculus render the place as if fire had fell from heaven upon this perjur'd man's house but Eusebius confutes that saying it came 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 makes a publick confession So the Kings M. S. reads but the Med. and Fuk. M. SS read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which tense the following word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 confirms Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christophorson and Musculus alter the reading thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which also Nicephorus follows but the reading ought not to be alter'd Rufinus very well corrects this story of Eusebius's which he makes something obscure thus He sales that that Revelation concerning Alexander was sent by God to Narcissus and other holy men but the voice was heard by all men here Rufinus like a good interpreter lightly corrects what the Authour saies amiss Vales. b Nicephorus and Hieronymus write that Narcissus also consented which without doubt he did Here are two things contrary to the Canon of the Church committed in the Election of Alexander first his translation
from one Bishoprick to another secondly that he was joyn'd as an assistant to another Bishop while he was yet alive which was afterwards forbid in the Council of Sardis Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rufinus and Christophorson doe not translate this place well but Hieronymus renders it truly according to the sense though not word for word he translates it thus Narcissus salutes you who before me govern'd this Bishoprick and now governs the same in prayers with me Alexander's meaning was undoubtedly this that Narcissus onely assisted him in prayers but in no other part of the Office of Bishop Which makes him adde that he was an hundred and sixteen years old signifying thereby that he perform'd the Office and Narcissus being very old had onely the Title and name of Bishop Vales. d Alexander wrote this Epistle in the heat of Persecution while he was 〈◊〉 prison before he was elected to the Bishoprick of Jerusalem as appears by these words calling himself the prisoner of Christ. Hence Eusebius does not well by reckoning in his Chronicon Asclepiades's Consecration in the first year of Antoninus Caracalla for Asclepiades was Consecrated when Alexander was in Prison which Eusebius in his Chronicle saies happen'd in Severus's Reign Vales. e Hieronymus in Catalogo conjectures this to be Clemens Alexandrinus Clemens Alexandrinus certainly liv'd till the times of Severus and travelled into these Countreys as he witnesses in the first book of his Stromatewn he was also a familiar friend of Alexander the Bishop for to him he dedicates his work concerning the Canon of the Church as Eusebius writes in the 13 Chapter of this book Vales. a The Greeks write this name Serapion with an ◠thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but the Latines with an e. So the Greeks write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but the Latines Serapin This name is always writ thus in the Med. Maz. and Fuk. M. SS Vales. b This Rhosse is a City of Cilicia it lyes upon the right hand to them who sail into the Gulf of Issus Some write this Cities name with a single s So Stephanus in his tract De Urbibus and Theodoret in his Religious History Chap. 10 and 11. The name of this place in Plutark is corrupted for he calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Orossus Vales. c The Maz. Med Fuk. and Savill's M. SS read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. in his name So Rufinus seems to have read it Serapion also a little lower saies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Origen in his Commentaries upon the 13 th Chapter of Matthew makes mention of this Gospel of Peter Vales. d Here Serapion saies he borrow'd this Gospel from the successours of some of those Hereticks who were call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Doceti of which Hereticks Marcianus was one the Translatours take no notice in this place of that Hereticall Sect called the Doceti They held that Christ was not really incarnate nor did truely suffer but in opinion onely Clemens Alexandrinus in his 7 th book Stromat and also Theodores in his book Divinorum Decretorum mentions them The Ring-leader of this Sect was one Julius Cassianus as Clemens tells as in his third book Vales. a Rufinus very well translates this Title 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus Opus varie contextum Plutark calls some books of his which are part History and part Poetry 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eusebius takes the books to be so call'd from the divers sorts of matter which they treat of and so says Baronius in his Annals and Suidas in his History 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek signifies Carpets or Hangings which were woven of divers colours hence these books are metaphorically entitl'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the mixture of things they treat of for he intermixes Grecian Barbarian and Latine Opinions confutes Hereticks and composes a kind of a various History Photius Biblioth b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the term here are such writings as contain onely the heads and some particulars of some special things or as Cicero in Verrem says sunt scripta quae domi continentur nec in vulgus efferuntur but now the word has got a larger signification c Langus renders this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dictates Musculus verbally Excerptions Rufinus expositions and Christophorson Commentaries upon the Scriptures but none of them sufficiently explain the propriety of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the sence and meanings of Scripture So Origen uses is in his 4 th book de principiis Chap. 2. speaking of the double sence of Scripture that is the literal and the spiritual sence and so also does Methodius Epiphanius and Dionysius Alexandrinus use the term Vales. d These words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made Rufinus believe that the preceding person Tatianus wrote a Chronographie as well as Cassianus but we must in no-wise think that true Vales. e Some Copies read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but in all our M. SS and in Nicephorus 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This Aristobulus here is that same Aristobulus the Peripatetick who wrote books of the Explications of the Mosaical Law to Ptolomy Philometor as Eusebius records in his Chronicle and he produces a fragment of these books in his 8 th book Praeparationis Origen also mentions something of these books in his 4 th book against Celsus pag. 204. Vales. a For the explication of the title of this book See the note a upon the 11 th chap. of the 5 th book where 't is prov'd by several quotations that the true rendring of this title is Institutions or Informations b This phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Langus translates compendiosam enumerationem Musculus contractas explicationes And so Christophorson also but Rufinus calls them compendiosas dissertiones 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore is the same as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which words Photius uses in that sence that is explications interpretations though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies narrations onely Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to Hesychius's interpretation is rendered the written word aliquid Scripto constans Hesych d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are Scriptures whose authority is question'd disputed of and by some contradicted we must not therefore call them Apocrypha as Rufinus does for Apocrypha are those which are certainly false and compos'd by Hereticks but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are those which some approve of others not of which here Eusebius gives us a Catalogue some of which in S t Hieromes Catalogue are accounted Apocryphal as the Revelation of Peter which is concluded to be undoubtedly false Vales. e Catholick Epistles are those which were not written to certain persons particular Cities or Provinces but to whole Nations and the Universal Church Thus Themison one of Montanus's disciples impudently wrote a Catholick Epistle like an Apostle to the Universal Church as Apollonius testifies book 5. chap. 16. Eusebius also mentions
imperfect and ineffectual Ordination because it was solemniz'd by Bishops of another Diocess and not by those Bishops who had the right and power of Ordaining the Bishops of Rome which were the Bishops of Ostia Tâ—buâ— and others 't was also ineffectual and vain because it was done by men who were drunk by force at the tenth hour of the day none of the Clergy or people being present and lastly because another Bishop was before regularly Ordain'd Cornelius both here and in his Epistle to Cyprian says Novatianus was Ordain'd by thrâ—â— Bishops whereas Pâ—â—iaâ—â—s says in his a d Epistle to 〈◊〉 he was Ordain'd by the letters commendatory of the Confessours but these differences we may thus reconcile Novatianus was named to be the Bishop by the Epistle of the Confessours but was afterwards Consecrated by three Bishops Vales. h Hence we may gather that Cornelius degraded the Bishops which assisted in the Consecration of Novatianus and also excommunicated them all except one who by the mediation of the people obtain'd the Priviledge of the communion which the Laicks have Which was to kiss the Bishop after they had taken the Eucharist of him as Hieronymus and Paulus Diaconus affirm Vales. i This is spoken Ironically of Novatianus because he himself as Cyprian in his first Epistle to Cornelius witnesseth boasted he was a Defender of the Gospel of Christ. Vales. k The same words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are in the Epistle of Cornelius to Cyprian where the Confessours who deserted Novatianus use these words as a renunciation of their former Principles by this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is here meant the Church of Rome Vales. l Hence we may gather how many Churches there were then at Rome for every Presbyter had his particular Church so that if there were 46 Presbyters there were also 46 Churches See Baronius in the year of Christ 57. Vales. m Some Editions read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but without doubt the true reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is as Rufinus renders it indigent persons or as the Roman Clergy explain it persons who could not maintain themselves Chrysostome in his 67 th Homilie upon Matthew saith that the Church of Antioch in his days though it had but small revenues yet reliev'd above 3000 widows and virgins daily besides strangers Lepers and Prisoners and besides Clerks whom it supplied with meat and cloathing Vales. This word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rufinus very well renders pâ—â—â—uâ—us be sprinkled for people which were sick and baptiz'd in their beds could not be dipped in water by the Priest but were sprinkled with water by him this Baptism was thought imperfect and not solemn for several reasons Also they who were thus baptiz'd were called ever afterwards Cliâ—iâ—i and by the 12 th Canon of the Council of Neoâ—â—sâ—reâ— these Cliâ—iâ—i were prohibited Priesthood Chrysostome describes this sort of Baptism in his 60 th Homily Tome the 2 â— to the Catechumenâ— Cyprian In his 76 th Epistle â—oldâ— this Baptism to be lawfull and perfect Vales. o The Canon was this that they who were baptized in their beds if they recovered again should afterwards go to the Bishop that be might supply what was wanting in that Baptism Novatianus is here accused by Cornelius because after his recovery he never 〈◊〉 to the Bishop for the completion of Baptism as the Canon of the Church injoyneth for it is expresly commanded in the 47 th Canon of the Council of Laodicea and in Chap. 38. of the Council of Eliberis Vales. p Rufinus thinketh that by this phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is meant the Chrism but I rather think he means the imposition of hands by which the Bishops gave the holy Ghost to them who were baptiz'd Cyprian to Jubaianus confirms our Interpretation 'T is true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies to sign or mark it also signifies to lay hands on as Innocentius uses it in his 3 d and 6 th Chap. to Decentius and Marcus in his life of Porphyrius Bishop of Gaza and Ambrose or whosoever it is who is the Authour of those books upon the 4 th Chap. of Paul's Epistle to the Ephesians This sealing of the baptized was sometimes perform'd with the Chrism that is when the Person in case of approaching death had been baptiz'd by some of the inferiour Clergy and not anointed but if he had been perfectly baptized before onely imposition of hands by the Bishop was required as the Canon Arausicanus tells us Hence I conjecture arose the custom of not using the Chrism in Baptism amongst the Novatians as Theodoret tells us they did noâ— in his third book Haeret Fabul because their Ringleader Novatianus received Baptism without the Chrism Vales. q Hence we may gather that Novatianus immediately received Priests Orders being never Ordained Deacon or Subdeacon which thing was at that time customary in the Church as we may see in Origen and others Vales. r Formerly Bishops could not Ordain Priests without the consent of the Clergy and People Now concerning the requiring of the peoples votes in the Election of Presbyters the Nicene Fathers themselves do evidence that in their Synodical Epistle to the Bishops of Aegypt Out of several places of that Epistle we may gather that the consent of the people was required in the Ordination of Clergy men The holy Fathers also in that same Epistle deprive those Bishops who adhered to Meletius the Schismatick of all authority of proposing their names to the people who were to be admitted into holy Orders and onely granted it to those Bishops who were pure from all Schism For in those days the Bishops gave up the names of them who were to be Ordain'd to the people that if they had any thing to object against any of them they might attest it openly as we may read in the Sacramentarium of Gregory the great There is also an excellent passage in S t Chrysostoâ—â— â—pon this same thing in his 18 th Homily upon the 2 d Epistle of Paul to the Corinthians We have the whole solemnity excellently describ'd in the Sacramentarium of Gregory the Great pag. 236 upon which place consult the Annotations of that most learned man Hugo Menardus Vales. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies a Degree or Order of them who have any Office in the Church So Cornelius calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Presbytership Eusebius and 〈◊〉 very often use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the Dignitie of a Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies any degree whatsoever Vales. t It was the proper duty of the Priest to deliver the Eucharist and the Cup into the hands of the Receivers See Chrysostom's 46 Homily upon Matthew in the 2 â— Council of Orleans Chap. 15. the Deacons are forbid to presume to deliver the body of Christ to the believers when the Priest is present Vales. u Every oath has a curse annexed to it which though it is not always
Bishops as they are now called These sort of Assistants were first instituted for the ease of Aged Bishops but afterwards they grew customary and were chosen not out of necessity but ambition and pride but the Fathers of the Council of Sardis put a stop here to Vales. f Eusebius relates the same thing concerning Eusebius Alexandrinus in the beginning of this chapter viz. that he went to the Synod of Antioch which was called upon Paul's account and in his return was stopped by the Laodiceans and made Bishop of that place Now again we find the same concerning Anatolius which cannot possibly be defended except we should say that Eusebius died some few days after his Ordination but in opposition to that we will produce Hieronymus's authority who in the second year of Aurelianus writes thus Eusebius is now famous at Laodicea Vales. t That is he was not so well affected to the Christian faith as he was to Philosophy and Grecian learning some will have the Greek phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to have reference to some thing else but thus I understand it Vales. u Musculus and Christophorson because of the false punctation of this place translate it otherwise than we have done They mistook 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for a passive and thus point it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. all things were restored to their former state by God the preserver c. But after a diligent inspection into this place I think the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ought to be referred to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and then the sence will be agreeable to our translation to wit Theodotus who was elected Bishop by God himself the preserver of all things restored the affaires of the Church to their former splendour Vales. †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Some translate these words thus concerning the School in which he was educated but I understand them spoken of the School which Pamphilus founded at Caesarea concerning the Library which he erected at Caesarea see Hieronymus's Catalogue where he speaks concerning Matthew see also his Epistle to Marcella Vales. x Christoph takes these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to signifie one book onely But Eusebius wrote three books of the Life of Pamphilus Which Hieronymus attesteth in his book De Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis and in his Apology against Rufinus Vales. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. that is as we have translated it amongst those men who lived nearest to our times c. Some will have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be referred to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most eminent mâ—â— but that I cannot approve of Pierius and Meletius of whom Eusebius afterwards speaks lived even till Constantine's time concerning Pierius see Photius and Hieronymus Rufinus does not call him Pierius but Hierius So does the old Roman Martyrology at the fourth day of November But this Martyrology I think is neither the old one nor the Roman For had it been the Roman Martyrology we should have had mention of none but Roman Martyrs But in it we have a Catalogue of the Martyrs of all Countreys That I think if any desire to know which it is is the old Roman Martyrology which Bucherius published with the Canon of Victorius Aquitanus although that looks more like a Calender then a Martyrology There is indeed none which is properly the Roman Martyrology for that which Gregory the Great mentions in his Epistle to Eulogius is S t Hierom's Martyrology which the Western Church then used as we shall hereafter at another place demonstrate Vales. z This is the man whom Athanasius in his Speech against the Arrians calls Meletius the great pag. 291. Where in his Catalogue of the Orthodox Bishops he reckons Meletius Bishop of Pontus for one Philostorgius in his first book calls him Bishop of Sebastopolis in Pontus He says he was at the Council of Nice with Basilius Bishop of Amasia and that he sided with the Arrians but Athanasius in the place above quoted proves that to be false Vales. a Therefore the name of Meletius is derived 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from honey Gregory Nazianz in his Iambicks calls Meletius the Bishop of Antioch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. b By these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he means that the throne of James the brother of the Lord was preserved at Jerusalem till that time as 't is recorded Chap. 19. book 7. So also at Alexandria the Chair or Throne of Saint Mark the Evangelist who first founded the Church of Alexandria was preserved there for a long time Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 literally the School of the divine faith c There is nothing more frequent in Eusebius then the use of these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which terms the Christians borrowed from the Philosophers as I noted Chap. 17. book 2. Note a. The Philosophers called those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who professed a stricter kind of life Hence it is that Artemidorus in his fourth book chap. 35. calls Alexander the Philosopher 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ascetick Philosophy is opposed to Philosophy which consists in bare words When the Christians first made use of this name Ascetae they bestowed it on the Clergy A long time after that the Monks laid claim to this name But at the first it was used as was before shown see Chap. 17. book 2. note a. which may be proved by the instance here of Peter Bishop of Alexandria and Pierius the Presbyter both whom Eusebius in this Chapter calls Ascetaâ— Eusebius also Chap. 11. concerning the Martyrs of Palestine calls Pamphilus the Presbyter Asceta Vales. d This place ought particularly to be taken notice of in regard Eusebius here summeth up the time which he hath comprehended in his Ecclefiastick History He saith that from our Saviour's Birth to the demolishing of the Churches which was in the nineteenth year of Diocletian there were 305 years Also in Eusebius's Chronicle the 305 year of Christ is set opposite to the 19 year of Diocletian But in Scaliger's Edition the year in which the Persecution under Diocletian began is reckoned the 304 year of Christ. Hence arises this difference Scaliger in his Edition of Eusebius's Chronicle reckons not that to be the first year of Christ in which he was born but the year following But Eusebius reckons that to be the first of Christ in which he was born as I before noted Chap. 5. book 1. note a. For Eusebius places his birth on the 8 th of the Ides of January Indeed in all the M. SS of Eusebius's Chronicle which have the years of Christ annext particularly in that of Millaine which is ancienter then any other that is noted for the first year of Christ in which he was born in Bethlehem of Judea Vales. a In the most ancient Maz. M. S. and in the Editions of Rufinus the first chap. is begun at these words How great c. Vales. b The Maz. and
Vâ—les k Constantine the Great l ◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So Rob. Stephens Valesius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Galerius m Chap. 17. Book 8. n Who were Constantinus and Licinius or Licinianus See chap. 17. book â— a Before I had lookt into any of the M. SS I thought these words were added by Rob. Stephens who in some copies had found these two Supplements of the 8 th Book But when I had perceived that the same words occurred in all the M. SS I was easily induced to believe that all those M. SS were transcribed from one and the same Copy Moreover this 2 d Supplement is nothing else but Eusebius's Book concerning the Martyrs of Palestine which appears from the words at the end of this Supplement For in the Maz and Med. M. SS these words occur there ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. the End of Eusebius Pamphilus's book concerning tho Martyrs of Palestine Vales. a The same Relation is in the Acts of the passion of Procopius the Martyr which begin thus The first of the Martyrs that appeared in Palestine was Procopius c. From whence 't is evident that those Acts were translated out of the Greek Copy of Eusebius into Latine To make this more manifestly apparent it will in no wise be unusefull to insert here the entire Acts. For many things worth our knowledge are contained in them which neither Baronius nor Molanus happened to have a sight of We have transcribed them from a most ancient M. S. belonging to the Musciacensian Monastery which is now in the hands of that learned person Claudius Joly Canon of the Church at Paris Their Contents are these The Passion of S. Procopius the Martyr who suffered under Fabianus the President on the fourth of the Nones of August The first of the Martyrs that appeared in Palestine was Procopius a person full of celestial grace who before his Martyrdom ordered his life so as that from his very childhood he applied his mind to chastity and a virtuous converse He so macerated his body that 't was judged to be almost dead But he comforted his mind with such divine words that he infused strength and courage into his body by this refection of his mind Bread and water was his food and drink he fed onely on these which he would forsake for two or three sometimes for seven days together and then return to that his food again Also a meditation on divine expressions had bound up his mind so fast that he continued indefatigable in it night and day He made himself an high example of courtesie and meekness looking on himself to be inferiour to others so great was his studiousness in divine matters he had also attained to a competency in external accomplishments His original extract he had at Aelia i. e. Jerusalem but by converse and habitation he was a Scythopolitan He served in three Offices in that Church one was that of a Reader another consisted in his interpretation of the Syrian Tongue and the third was an imposition of hands to cast out devils And when he together with his companions was sent from Scythopolis to Caesarea he was led from the very Gates to the President and before he had experienced the miseries of imprisonment and bonds he was upon his very first Arrival commanded by Flavianus the President to offer sacrifice to the Gods But with a loud voice he attested that there was not a multiplicity of Gods but one Maker and Framer of all things The President smitten with that expression of his and being wounded in his own conscience assented to what he said And betaking himself to other arguments perswaded him to sacrifice at least but to the Emperours But the holy Martyr of God despising what he said repeated that passage of Homer It is not good to have many Lords let there be one Lord one King Which words being heard it being supposed that he spoke something that was of ill consequence to the Emperours by the Presidents command he was led to execution and being beheaded had an entrance into a celestial life or found a compendious way into heaven on the seventh day of Desius that is the moneth July which amongst the Romans is called the Nones of July in the first year of the Persecution against us This was the first Martyrdom that was consummated in Caesarea our Lord Jesus Christ Reigning to whom be honour and glory for ever and ever Amen These Acts are also extant in two M. SS belonging to the Library of Saint Germans Vales. b The foregoing Acts of the passion of Saint Procopius render this passage almost word for word thus Priusquam carceris vel vinculorum experiretur angustias before he had experienced the miseries of imprisonment and bonds By which words the cruelty of the Judge is signified For the Roman Presidents were wont first to imprison those offenders that were apprehended and brought before them and to interrogate them afterwards at their leisure Vales. c The foregoing Acts word this passage thus in ipso ingressu suo â— Judice Flaviano ut Diis sacrificaret impellitur i. e. he was upon his very first arrival commanded by Flavianus the President to offer sacrifice to the Gods Many things are here omitted in the Greek Text of Eusebius which must be made prefect by those Acts in Latine the translation whereof we have before inserted For when Eusebius had here said expresly that Procopius upon his first arrival was brought before the Judge he adds nothing concerning the place from whence he came where he was apprehended or to what place he was brought nothing of which ought to have been omitted Besides Eusebius does accurately relate the descent and country of other Martyrs mentioned in this book and if any of them had attained any degree of Ecclesiastick honour he does usually take notice of that also But of this person who was the chief and Leader of all the Palestine Martyrs we see no such remarks made This 't is probable was not the fault of Eusebius but of his Excribers For in the Latine Acts which as we before evidenced were translated out of Eusebius all these circumstances are manifestly declared See the translation of the Latine Acts in note a. in this chapter Vales. d The Latine Copies of these Acts doe vary a little here in Claudius Joly's Copy the translation of which you have in note a. in this chapter the words are Defii Septima Julii mensiâ— quae nonas Julias dicitur apud Latinos i. e. on the seventh day of Desius that is the moneth July which amongst the Romans is called the Nones of July in the two M. S. Copies belonging to the Library of S. Germans the reading is thus Dies erat Septima Julii mensis quae 7. Idus Julii dicitur apud Latinos i. e. it was the seventh day of the Month July which amongst the Romans is called the seventh of the Ides of July In the greek Text of
Musculus renders it in virtute scientiae in the virtue of knowledge Grynaeus disciplinae causâ c. upon account of their discipline c. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will wish or desire d In my Annotations at the second book of Eusebius's Life of Constantine instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after the occasion of the enmity is laid aside I have noted that the reading should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after the removing of the enmity as it is in some Copies But in as much as our M. SS to wit the Florent Sfortian and Allatian change not the reading here we may bear with the common reading which is also confirmed by Epiph. Scholasticus's Version for thus he translates this passage suaviores crebrò sunt amicitiae post inimicitiarum causas ad concordiam restitutae Vales. * These words of Eusebius occur at the third Book of his Life of Constantine Chap. 7. Socrates has not quoted them word for word as they are there we following herein Valesius Musculus and Grynaeus have rendred them as they are in the forecited place of Eusebius †Gelasius Cyzicenus supposed that by these words the Bishop of Constantinople was meant With whom agrees Nicetas in Thesauro Arthodoxae fidei book 5. chap. 6. and Epiphanius Scholasticus in book 2. Histor. Tripart Musculus as 't is apparent from his rendition of these words thought the Bishop of Rome was hereby meant for he renders this place thus Romanae autem civitatis Episcopus propter senium decrat i. e. The Bishop of Rome by reason of his age was absent Valesius is of the same opinion with Musculus For in his Annotations on Chap. 7. of the third Book of Eusebius's Life of Constantine he says that at such time as this Council was convened Constantinople was not adorned with the name of The Imperial City See Sozomen book 1. chap. 16. and Theodoret book 1. chap. ◠* See Acts 2. 5. a The Ancients are not agreed concerning the number of Bishops that were at the Nicene Council Eusebius in his third book chap. 8. concerning the life of Constantine says they were Two hundred and fifty Eustathius Bishop of Antioch in his Homily on those words of Solomon The Lord created me c. affirms they were about 270 but says he had not cast up their number exactly The more constant account which is confirmed by the consent of all modern Authours is that there sate in that Synod 318 Bishops which is confirmed by these Ancients viz. Athanasius in his Epistle to the African Bishops neer the beginning Hilarius in his book against Constantius Jerome in his Chronicon and Rufinus See Valesius's notes on Chap. 8. of Book 3. of Eusebius de Vitâ Constant. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Followers or Attendants b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Many senses may be given of these words For first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be taken for modesty and a curteous behaviour supposing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be put for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this sense we have followed in our Version Secondly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be meant concerning them who were not the eminentest persons amongst the Bishops for Learning or Piety of Life but did not come much behind them So the Ancients called those medios principes ac duces middle Princes or Captains who were neither the best nor the worst but between both Lastly this phrase may be used concerning them who deserved to be praised on both accounts to wit for their learning and sanctity and thus Sozomen interprets this place of Eusebius as may be seen from his words in his first book chap. 16. See Valesius's notes on chap. 9. of the third book of Eusebius de Vitâ Constant. †In the Allat M. S. there are some words added here in which Copy the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concerning those there assembled Eusebius Pamphilus has thus at large discoursed which reading has a greater Emphasis Vales. c I prefer the reading in the Allat M. S in which instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a plain Opinion it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. plain knowledge c. Epiph. Scholasticus followed this latter reading as appears from his Version of this place Socrates seems to have had this narration out of Rufinus's tenth book where he treats concerning the Nicene-Council But Socrates on set purpose altered some things Gelasius treating on this Subject enlarges upon it relating the questions of each of the Philosophers and the Bishops answers thereto All which passages of his look more like fables than an History of what was done Vales. * Eusebius concerning the Life of Constantine book 3. chap. 13. and 14. Edit Vales. d This Sabinus was Bishop of the Macedonians in Heraclea a City of Thrace he made a Collection of the Synodical Acts a very usefull work the testimony whereof Socrates does frequently make use of in this his History But Socrates reproves him in many places both because he was unfaithfull in his Collection of those Acts studiously relating what conduced to the strengthening of his own Heresie and omitting the contrary and also in regard he always shews himself incensed against the Orthodox Bishops An instance whereof is this relation of Socrates's here where he says that Sabinus termed the Fathers of the Nicene-Council ignorant and simple fellows But 't is usual for Hereticks to calumniate the holy Fathers and Doctors of the Church Vales. e In the Allat M. S. the reading here is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. now the agreement in the faith with loud acclamations approved of by the great Synod at Nice and by Eusebius c. Epiphan Scholast followed the same reading Vales. f This following Creed is wanting in all our M. SS viz. the Kings Sfortian and Florent but Christophorson did very well in placing it here for 't is plain both from Epiphanius Scholast as also by those following words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. this Creed three hundred c. That it was placed here by the Historian himself But all the M. SS did omit it in this place because 't is repeated a little after in Eusebius Pamphilus's Epistle Vales. g There were only two Bishops Secundus and Theonas which refus'd to subscribe to the Nicene Creed as Theodoret does very well testifie in the first book of his Ecclesiastick History and before him Hieronymus in his Dialogue against the Luciferiani The Synodical Epistle also of the Council of Nice which is here related by Socrates does plainly confirm this Vales. * That is of the same substance * That is of the same substance * That is of the same substance * Matt. 28. 19. h Eusebius seems to affirm that the Emperour Constantine was the occasion of adding the word Homoousios to the Creed But this is very improbable For Constantine was not so learned being as yet but a Catechumen Eusebius's relation therefore must be thus
ninteenth day of the month Desius which the Romans call June on the thirteenth of the Calends of July Which is confirmed by the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle by the Chalcedon Council and by that Latine collection which Baronius calls Cresconiana which account I think is the truest For should we suppose that the Council of Nice was assembled on the twentieth day of May there would be too narrow a space of time left for the transacting of those affairs which Constantine did after his vanquishing of Licinius Licinius was subdued in the last Engagement at Chalcedon in the year of Christ 324 on the 15 th of the Calends of October as 't is recorded in Fastis Idatii and in the Alexandrian Chronicle on the day following Licinius who made his escape to Nicomedia yielded himself to Constantine the conquerour After this Constantine made his entry into Nicomedia whilst he continued there and hastned to make his Progress into the Eastern parts a messenger arrived declaring to him the dissention of the Alexandrian Church and of all Egypt upon account of Arius's Opinion and the disturbances of the Melitians as himself attests in his Epistle to Alexander and Arius And first he sends Hosius with his Letters to Alexandria that he might compose those differences by his authority But Hosius after he had staied a little while at Alexandria returns to Constantine without effecting his business All this could in no wise have been done in a shorter space of time than three months Moreover Constantine perceiving the mischief to increase daily resolves upon calling a general Council of Bishops that he might thereby restore peace to the Church Upon this account he dispatcht away Couriers throughout all the Provinces to convene the Bishops at Nice in Bythinia Suppose therefore that the Couriers delivered the Emperours Letters to every one of the Bishops in the month of March it is scarce credible that the Bishops could come from the remotest regions as well of the East as of the West to Bithynia before the month July especially since they came by land and not by water as Eusebius attests book 3. chap. 6. De Vitâ Constant. See Vales. notes on Euseb. Life of Constant. book 3. chap. 14. h After these words the Six hundredth thirty six year from the reign of Alexander the Macedonian Leo Allat M. S. adds these and it was the nineteenth year from the beginning of the reign of Constantine the Emperour which is very true For when Paulinus and Iulianus were Consuls which was on the 325 th year of Christ the Nicen◠Synod was according to Socrates's Opinion assembled in May. it being then the nineteenth year of Constantines reign His twentieth year began the same year about the end of July following Vales. a Socrates has observed no order here For he says that Eusebius and Theognis were recalled from banishment almost before he had told us they were exiled Sozomen therefore did better who in this particular corrected Socrates's relation For in the first book of his History chap. 21 he relates that Eusebius and Theognis were banisht by the Emperour Constantine a little after the Synod and that other Bishops were put into their Sees Then in his second book chap. 16. he declares how they were recalled from their banishment From which passage that I may make this remark by the by it may be concluded that Sozomen wrote his History after Socrates in as much as he corrects and amends Socrates's narration in many places Further Eusebius and Theognis were banisht three months after the Nicene Synod as Philostorgius attests and returned from their exil◠as the said Philostorgius relates in the third year after that Synod that is in the year of Christ 328. which account agrees exactly with the History of affaires transacted in that time For all Historians agree that Eusebius upon his return from banishment entertained thoughts of confirming Arius's Opinion and of thrusting out those that asserted the Nicene Faith And that his first attack was made against Eustathius Bishop of Antioch whom he caused to be expell'd from his See by seigned calumnies in the year of Christ 329 or 330. Baronius therefore did ill to place Eusebius Nicomediensis's return from exile on the year of Christ 330. Vales. b Baronius at the year of Christ 325. reproves Socrates and Sozomen for saying that Eusebius and Theognis were banisht a little after the Nicene Synod ◠and that some few years after having sent a Libell of satisfaction to the most eminent Bishops they were recalled from their exile Baronius endeavours to prove that this Libell was presented by Eusebius to the Bishops in the Nicene Synod For he asserts that the rule of Faith was first written which Eusebius Nicomediensis with four other Bishops refused to subscribe but that the said Eusebius having afterwards presented a Libell of satisfaction did subscribe what had been determined in the Synod But after this when the Synod had Anathematized Arius Eusebius and Theognius says he would not subscribe this Anathematism and for that reason they were condemned and deposed by the Synod and Amphion and Chrestus were put into their Sees But the Emperour Constantine continues he interceded that the sentence might not be put in execution and perswaded the Synod that they should admit of Eusebius and Theognius upon their presenting a Libell of Repentane This is Baronius's opinion But he is out first in saying that there were two Libells presented by Eusebius for of the former Libell no body has ever made mention Secondly he cites no authour for what he says concerning Eusebius's and Theognius's deprivation and condemnation done in the Nicene Council Constantine in his Epistle to the Nicomedians the latter part of which Epistle in Greek the reader may meet in Theodoret Eccles. Hist. book 1. chap. 20 it occurs entire at the close of Gelasius Cyzicenus's 3 d book pag. 217. says not that it was then done but only says that Eusebius was afraid it would be done Lastly his saying that a Libell of Repentance was presented by Eusebius in the Nicene Synod is manifestly refuted from the Libell it self For this Libell was presented by Eusebius when he was in banishment as is attested by these words of it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. i. e. and by this Libell do fully declare and confirm our consent which we are induced to do not because we look upon our exile to be tedious c. Besides this Libell was sent when Arius was recalled from banishment which is apparent from these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. i. e. But it would be absurd since he that seemed to be guilty is recalled and has made his defence in reference to c. Moreover Arius was recalled from banishment by Constantine long enough after the Nicene Synod c. Vales. c In as much as Eusebius and Theognius do say in the beginning of this Epistle that they were condemned by the Bishops it is worth our making
History For when Gregory Bishop of Rome supposing the Inhabitants of this Island to be still intangled in the errours of Paganism had sent hither Augustine the Monk to convert them to Christianity he unexpectedly found not only the Christian Religion disseminated amongst them long before his arrival but Bishops also rightly and duely constituted which Prelates could not in my simple judgment be supposed the Subjects of the Roman Bishop because he was so far from having any knowledge of them that he did not believe there was one single Christian in this Island But though Augustine at his arrival found not the British Bishops dependants on the Roman See yet he resolves to use his utmost endeavour to make them such In order to which by the assistance of â—thelbert King of Kent as Bede tells us book 2. chap. 2. Eccles. Histor. he summons together the Prelates of the adjacent Province of the Britons advises them to alter their ancient usages and to accept of him for their Arch-bishop But they having an Arch-bishop of their own already to wit the Bishop of Kaerleon and looking upon it to be a strange and unheard-of thing that they should become Subjects to a Forreigner wholly refused him and his monstrous proposal telling him that they would not own him for their Arch-bishop and as to their ancient customs and usages that they could not relinquish them without the consent and licence of their own Nation Whereupon they desired a second Synod might be convened At which there met seaven Brittish Bishops whose names you may see in Sir Henry Spelmans Councils Tom. â— pag. 106 and many other Learned men who by Dionothus or as Bedâ— calls him Dinoâ—th Abbot of Bangor gave Augustine the Monk this answer See Sir Henry Spelman as before pag. 108 109 Be it known to you and without doubt that we are and every one of us obedient and subject to the Church of God and Pope of Rome and to every true and pious Christian to love every one in his degree with perfect charity and to help every one of them by word and deed to be the sons of God As for any other obedience I do not know that I owe it to him whom â—e call the Pope or that he hath right to challenge or require to be the Father of Fathers This obedience we are ready to give and pay to him and to every Christian continually Besides we are placed under the Government of the Bishop of Kaerleon upon Uske who is to supervise under God over us to make us keep the spiritual way What treatment the Brittish Prelates found from Augustines hand after they had given him this answer the Reader may see in Bedâ— at the book and chapter now quoted Where we find this Augustine their pretended convertour threatning them with a War Which by his instigation see M r Wheelocks notes on Bed Eccles. Hist. book 2. chap. 2. Ethelâ—ridus King of the Northanhumbrians waged against them wherein no less than 1200 Brittish Ecclesiasticks were slain at one time After this the Romish Bishop for upwards of nine Centuries exercised a supream Ecclesiastick power in this Nation though several of our Kings promulged severe Laws against it But now at length his Tyrannick yoak is broken off and our Church enjoys its ancient priviledges which may that God continue to it by the most pretious bloud of whose eternal Son it was purchased Amen g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They are the words of the second Canon of the Constantinopolitan Synod which Dionysius Exiguus renders thus qui sunt super Dioecesim Episcopi c. the Bishops who are over a Dioecesis There may be a twofold sence of these words For first They may be termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who are over a dioecesis or preside over a whole Dioecesis of which sort is the Bishop of Alexandria or the Bishop of Antioch who is constituted not over a Province but over a Dioecesis Or secondly they may be termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who are without their own Dioecesis So Zonaras explains these words in his Comment on this Canon Lucas Holstenius has embraced the former sense of these words For at the Margin of his copy he had made a remark that this passage in Socrates is to be explained thus ne Episcopi c. Least the Bishops set over their own Dioecesis's should invade the Churches situate without their limits But the latter sense is the truer which the Canon it self declares in the following words for the Fathers add 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the uncalled Bishops come not beyond their Dioecesis Wherefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Prelates without their bounds which title Socrates has given Gregory Nazianzen at chap. 7. of this book because of his removal from the Bishoprick of Sasimi which was in the Pontick Dioecesis to Constantinople Further it is to be noted that Dioecesis in this Canon does not signifie a Diocese as that word is commonly used or a Province as the Greek Interpreters Zonaras and Balsamon supposed but it imports many Provinces joyned together which are subject to one Governour Whence the title of this Canon is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concerning Dioeceses For its express words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. the fore written Canon concerning Dioecesises being observed 't is manifest that a Provincial Synod will govern affairs throughout every Province You see what the title of this Canon is and how it distinguishes a Province from a Dioecesis For 't is not forbidden by this Canon that Bishops should goe out of one Province into another to celebrate Ordinations that being not to be done otherwise To instance in the Asian Dioecesis see note f. the Fathers prohibit not a removal out of Lycia into Pamphilia nor out of Caria into Lycia on account of Ecclesiastick business but they only forbid them to pass out of one Dioecesis into another Vales. * That is Constantinople h The term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not here used in such a sense as to signifie a Patriarchate strictly so taken Nor must we think that these Prelates here mentioned by Socrates were constituted Patriarchs properly so called because as Valesius well remarks there are more than one named here to be superintendents over one Dioecesis for instance Helladius Gregorius and Otreïus are assigned for the Pontick Dioecesis Now what that power was which is here given to these Prelates by the Synod or rather by the Emperour Theodosius himself will appear from an inspection into the occasion of their being intrusted with this power The Emperour Theodosius perceiving the Churches to be notoriously pestred with Arianisme took a resolution to extirpate it In order whereto he published an Edict which is mentioned by Sozomen book 7. chap. 9 and is still extant being the third Law in the Theodosian Code Tit. de fide Catholicâ to this effect that in all places the
Socrates is mistaken who attributes that to Dioscorus which was rather to have been said concerning his brother Ammonius For at such time as the Synod ad Quercum that is the Synod at the Oak was summoned Ammonius fell into a distemper And having passed over to The Oak he died soon after and was honoured with a splendid funerall in the Monastery of that place as Sozomen tells us book 8. chap. 17. Vales. a Marcellinus in his Chronicon reports this Statue to have been made in the Consulate of Theodosius Junior and Rumoridus which was the year of Christ 403 his words are these Eudoxiae Arcadii uxoris super porphyreticam Columnam argentea Statua suxta Ecclesiam posita hactenus fistit a Silver Statue of Eudoxia wise to Arcadius placed upon a Porphyry-pillar near the Church still stands Theophanes relates the same who says that that Statue was erected in that place called Pittacia neer the Church of S t Irene and that at the dedication thereof the Praefect of the City who was a Manichaean and a Semipagan excited the people to shout and daunce in such a manner that the divine Service could not quietly be performed in the Church because of the noyse made by the multitude of Dauncers Notwithstanding Baronius places the dedication of this Statue on the year of Christ 404 But in regard Marcellinus Comes in his Chronicon does in express words place it on the Consulate of Theodosius Junior and Rumoridus I judge it more safe to follow his opinion provided it be said to have been made after the Synod ad Quercum and after Chrysostome's first condemnation that is about the close of the year 403. And this is confirmed by Socrates For he adds a little after that when the Nativity of our Lord drew neer Arcadius gave Johannes notice that he could not come to the Church Now John was deposed a little before Easter in the year of Christ 404. Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. This Homily occurs at Tom. 7. pag. 545. of S r Hen. Savils Edition of Chrysostome b This Briso seems to be a different person from Briso the Bishop who as Cedrenus tells us was one of John Chrysostome's Scholars And Socrates seems to have put Philippi instead of Philippopolis For Philippopolis is an eminent City of Thracia But Philippi is a City of Macedonia Vales. c Baronius at the year of Christ 404 charges Socrates with a lie here For in the Synod at the Oak thirty six Bishops only had condemned Johannes of which twenty nine were Egyptians the rest were of divers Provinces as Theodorus in Palladius in his Dialogue concerning the Life of Chrysostome relates from the Acts of the Synod at the Oak But when he was afterwards recalled to Constantinople he had been admitted to communion by sixty five Bishops Either therefore Socrates must necessarily be mistaken who has said that Chrysostome was condemned by more Bishops than those by whom he had been admitted to communion and restored or else it must be said that Palladius is out Unless any one will reconcile these things by saying thus viz. That Leontius the Bishop has here reckoned the suffrages of the Bishops together who had condemned John Chrysostome in both Synods as well that held at the Oak as the other assembled at Constantinople For although at such time as Leontius spake these words the Bishops present in the Constantinopolitane Synod had not pronounced sentence against Chrysostome yet Leontius who knew they were incensed against Chrysostome made not the least doubt of their suffrages Vales. d Palladius tells us that this very answer was given by John Chrysostome's defenders against the Canon of the Antiochian Synod to wit that that Canon was made by the Arian Bishops But Chrysostome's adversaries rejected this defence asserting that Canon to have been made by the Catholick Bishops And when Elpidius a Bishop of Chrysostome's party urged them to subscribe that draught of the Creed then promulged by those Bishops they answered in presence of the Emperour that they were ready to subscribe it but they put off that business to another time Therefore what must we determine concerning this question Athanasius indeed in his book de Synodis does wholly reject that Antiochian Synod together with its draught of the Creed as having been held by the Arians with a design to subvert the Nicene Creed But to Athanasius who cannot be a sufficient witness in his own case we in the first place oppose Hilarius then Pope Julius and lastly all the Eastern and Western Bishops who have now at length by a generall consent admitted of that Synod Hilarius 't is certain in his book de Synodis does fully admit of it and commends that form of the Creed drawn up there as being usefull and necessary on account of the Heresies which sprang up after the Nicene Councill Moreover Pope Julius wrote a Synodick Epistle to all the Bishops who had been convened in that Synod amongst whom were Eusebius Narcissus Theodorus and Maris Which Synodick Epistle Athanasius does record intire at pag. 739. c. Tom. 1. Edit Paris 1626. In the title and body of that Letter Julius terms them Beloved Brethren which undoubtedly he would never have done had he lookt upon them to have been Arians Now what reason had he to look upon them to be Arians who as yet had not been condemned by the sentence of any Synod and amongst whom there were very many stiff maintainers of the Nicene Creed which Baronius himself does not deny Of which sort was Dianius Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia whom Julius names in the first place concerning whose praises Basil the Great has a peculiar Epistle extant Lastly all the Easterns have acknowledged that Synod to be Catholick and inserted its Sanctions into the book of Canons soon after John Chrysostome's times as appears from the Chalcedon-Councill And at length the Western Church has by degrees admitted of those Canons rendred into Latine by Dionysius Exiguus Notwithstanding in John Chrysostome's times they might be rejected in regard they were not received by a generall consent of the whole Church nor as yet admitted by the Romish Church Pope Innocentius in his Epistle to the Constantinopolitan Church which Sozomen has recorded book 8. chap. 26. does in no wise admit of these Canons Vales. * See Socrat book 2. chap. 10. e Christophorson supposed that these words were spoken by Socrates concerning the Bishops convened in the Antiochian-Synod But I think they are to be understood concerning the Bishops then assembled at Constantinople against John Chrysostome And in this sense Epiphanius Scholasticus and Musculus took this place for Epiphanius has rendred it thus non intelligentes quod dum hâc regulâ uterentur Athanasium quoque deponerent not understanding that whilest they made use of this Canon they deposed Athanasius also and Musculus has translated it happily after this manner nec cogitantes non Johannem se modò sed
ipsum Athanasium hoc Canone utentes deponere nor thinking that by using of this Canon they deposed not only Johannes but even Athanasius himself Vales. f Christophorson thought these words were spoken concerning John who after this was withheld from entring the Church But I had rather they should be understood of the Emperour himself in which sense Epiphanius and Musculus takes them Our sentiment is confirmed by that passage in Socrates which occurs a little before in this chapter where he relates that Arcadius at the approach of Christmas gave John notice that he could not come into the Church unless John who had been condemned by the sentence of a Synod should first clear himself After the same manner therefore at the approach of Easter Arcadius gives John notice that he could not go to the Church as long as John condemned now by two Synods resided therein Vales. g This Edifice was called the Senate-house The Author of the Alexandrian Chronicle at the sixth Consulate of Honorius which he bore with Aristaenetus has these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And on a sudden the Great Church was burns together with the Senate-house fired by those who held it termed the Xylocercetae on the second day at the sixth hour See Chronic. Alexandr pag. 714. Edit Monach. 1615. Zosimus describes this Structure about the middle of his fifth book It was in the Second Ward of the City Constantinople as we are informed from the Old description of that City published before the Notitia Imperii Romani Vales. h This if I mistake not is the Manichaean and Semipagan Praefect of the City who at the dedication of Eudoxia's Statue had mocked the Christians as we have related before see note a. in this chapter from Theophanes Palladius in the Life of Chrysostome speaks concerning the same Optatus that when he was Praefect of the City he compelled the Noble Matrons either to communicate with Arsacius who had been put into John Chrysostome's Bishoprick or else to pay two hundred pounds of Gold into the Exchequer Vales. * See chap. 15. †Or the destemper * Chap. 15. †See the close of the foregoing chapter a Instead of November it must be September as it is in the Sfortian M. S. and in Epiphanius Scholasticus's Version Nor did Nicephorus read otherwise who adds that the day whereon John Chrysostome died was dedicated to the Exaltation of the Holy Cross. For so it was agreeable that he who had passed his whole life under the Cross and had gloried in nothing but in the Cross of his Lord should be loosed from the Frame of his body on that Festivall as the same Nicephorus does elegantly write Vales. * chap. 3. b In what Homily this was said by Chrysostome I cannot find And yet we have little reason to question Socrates's authority because he lived in the same times and could have heard the Sermons as well of Chrysostome as of Sisinnius Bishop of the Novatians Moreover it may be more certainly concluded from this passage than from any other that Socrates was a Novatianist For he does both put an ill interpretation upon Chrysostome's saying and also openly favours Sisinrius Bishop of the Novatian party against John Chrysostome You must know further that this saying was objected to Chrysostome by Bishop Isaacius in the Synod ad Quercum because he gave sinners a liberty in regard he taught if you have sinned again repent again And as often as you sin come to me and I will heal you Vales. * Eccles. 9. 8. †Luke 9. 29. a In Suidas at the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this whole passage in Socrates is transcribed where the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—e answered is wanting Which word must either be expunged here as superfluous which we have done in our Version or else the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 subjoyned which went before must be blotted out Vales. * Or he hunts after words c. * That is a nutt-tree †Or the Space * This Appendix is part of the eleventh chapter of this book worded in a different manner only Musculus Grynaeus and D r Hanmer have omitted it in their Versions Christophorson Curterius and Valesius have inserted it in their translations The Greek Text of it occurs in Stephens's Edition and in Valesius's from which latter we have rendred it into English * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a narrowness of mind †Or gave not a He means the oath mentioned before at the 11 th chapter to wit if Serapion dies a Christian Christ hath not been incarnate Further these words condemns and excommunicates denote Severianus's menaces rather than the thing it self For Severianus Bishop of Gabali had no power of condemning or deposing a Deacon of another Diocess but he only threatned to do this and committed his complaint to the judgment of the Bishops Vales. * Or the honour †Or was not obedient to what c. ‖ See chap. 11 at the latter end of it * That is Arcadius's Son * See Socrates book 2. chap. 1â— a Nicephorus book 14. chap. 1. relates that this Anthemius enlarged the Pomoerium that is a space about the walls of a City or Town as well within as without which was not to be built upon of the City Constantinople demolished the old walls and built new onâ—â— towards the Continent which says he are now standing and that he finished the work with an incredible swiftness to wit within the space of two months For so I render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is walls to the Landward and not as Langus does Brick-walls But Nicephorus seems to be mistaken who attributes that to Anthemius which was done long after by Cyrus Praefect of Constantinople as Cedrenus relates in his Chronicon on the 26 th year of Theodosius Junior Further I would very willingly expunge this whole clause in our Socrates For it disturbs the sense and seems to have crept from the Margin into the Text. Vales. b This Troïlus the Sophista was one of Anthemius's chiefest friends as besides Socrates Synesius informs us in his Epistle to Troïlus Socrates mentions the same Troïlus at chap. 6. book 6. where he speaks concerning Eusebius Scholasticus who wrote Gaina's war in verse Suidas has mentioned the same person in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where he affirms that he wrote Politick Orations and Books of Epistles Vales. c Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 friendship the reading in the Florentine M. S. is truer thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wisdom Which emendation is confirmed by Nicephorus Vales. Valesius in his account of the Life and Writings of Socrates and Sozomen reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Philosophy which alteration in the reading he makes in his Appendix to his Notes on Socrates and Sozomen * Book 6. chap. 20. * 1 Cor. 9. 22. †Or without prâ—meditation a It would be more truly written Synnada with a double n. For so the
punish the disturbers of Sepulchers 'T is certain Victor Tunonensis in his Chronicon writes thus concerning Mongus Post Consulatum Zenonis tertium c. After Zeno's third Consulate He condemns the Chalcedon Synod out of the Pulpit before the people He takes the names of Proterius and Timotheus Salophaciolus out of the Ecclesiastick Dypticks and writes therein those of Dioscorus and Aelurus who had murdered Proterius and having cast Timotheus Salophaciolus's body out of the Church he threw it into a desert place without the City Liberatus also attests the same in his Breviary chap. 18 in these words Sed Petrum Alexandrinum c. Moreover Petrus Alexandrinus anathematizing the Chalcedon Synod and Pope Leo's Tome who having expunged the names of Proterius and Timotheus Catholicus out of the Dypticks inserted those of Dioscorus and Aelurus who took the body of the same Timotheus Catholicus out of the earth and cast it forth who had been buried amongst the Catholick Bishops Acacius has in a strange manner praised him concerning whom he had remembred before that himself had related so great crimes Lastly Pope Felix in the Sentence of condemnation against Acacius does expresly confirm this very thing So that now there can be no further doubt of the truth of this fact Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Translatours have rendred this place variously For Musculus translates it thus Libellum consideratè concinnavimus we have with consideration composed a Libell Christophorson in this manner Literas hasce excogitavimus quae huic malo remedio sint We have found out these Letters which may be a remedy for this mischief But Johannes Langus Nicephorus's Translatour has rendred it thus Re deliberatâ rationem quae mederi malo imminenti posset invenimus having considered the business we found out a way which might cure the imminent evill Of these three Renditions the second is wholly to be rejected but the first and third are tolerable Nevertheless it seems to me more fit to render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Oration or Speech to the people which Petrus made in the Church at such time as he ordered the Ecclesiastick Acts to be made up before Acacius's Legates concerning which Acts Evagrius has spoken before at the close of the foregoing chapter Vales. * Or Defence e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Johannes Langus renders this place thus Fecimus ut ab iis qui nobiscum conventus agunt ista dicerentur We have caused that these things should be said by those who hold Assemblies with us Musculus interprets it in this manner Eos qui ad nos venerunt hoc ipsum dicere fecimus We have made those who have come to us say the same thing Christophorson's Translation runs thus Tum ut illi qui nobiscum unà accersebantur pro defensione idem ipsum dicerent effecimus And also we have procured that they who were sent for together with us should for a defence say the very same thing They thought therefore that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signified no other thing than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But by the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 't is my judgment that the Ecclesiasticks and Laicks of Timotheus Salophaciolus's party are understood who by the order of Zeno Augustus were associated and joyned to Petrus Mongus For the Emperour Zeno by the perswasion and advice of Acacius had written to Apollonius the Augustalis and Pergamius the Dux that they should Eject Johannes Talaia and install Petrus Provided he would admit of the Henoticon and receive to Communion the Clergy of Timotheus Catholicus as Liberatus relates in his Breviarie chap. 18. Zeno had likewise written Letters to Petrus Mongus wherein he ordered him that he should give reception to the Clergy of Timotheus's party who were of the same opinion with himself as the same Liberatus affirms in these words Et quidem Petrus inthronizatur ab omnibus c And Petrus is Installed by all persons 'T is written from the Emperour that he should receive those that agreed with him who had been of Timotheus Catholicus's party That is as well the Clergy as Laity who were willing to agree to Zeno's Edict When therefore Petrus Mongus made up his Ecclesiastick Acts wherewith he would prove to Acacius that he had never condemned the Chalcedon-Synod he made use of these persons as witnesses and caused them to confirm this with their own Testimony that the Chalcedon-Synod had never been condemned by Peirus Further their Testimony seemed worthy to be credited because they had been of Timotheus Catholicus's party who had always defended the Chalcedon-Synod See the close of the sixteenth Chapter Pope Felix speaks concerning these very persons in the Sentence of Condemnation against Acacius where his words are these Quid enim sunt aliud qui post obitum sanctae memoriae Timothei ad Ecclesiam sub Petro redeunt c. For what are they else who after the death of Timotheus of holy memory return to the Church under Petrus c. Vales. f That is that Crime which by some ill-minded persons was objected against me to wit that the Chalcedon-Synod is rejected and condemned by me Vales. * Or Darnell g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Learned have long since made it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the reading in Nicephorus Vales. †Or Against the Ecclesiastick Peace of Christ. * Or They desire to do a In the Condemnation and Deposition of Acacius the Greeks found fault chiefly with two things First because he had not been condemned and deposed in a Synod but only Pope Felix had prefixt his own name before the sentence of Deposition The other thing was because Acacius having been neither convicted nor examined according to the Ecclesiastick Canons had received a Sentence of Condemnation To the former Objection those of the Church of Rome returned this answer that there was no need of a new Synod for the condemning of Acacius For all Followers and Communicators that is those that held Communion with Hereticks who had heretofore been condemned by a special sentence are to be understood as condemned together with the same Hereticks So says Pope Gelasius in his Epistle to the Orientalls which was first published by Jacobus Syrmondus in the Gesta de nomine Acacii I know what answer is given by Baronius at the year of Christ 484 chap. 21 to wit that Gelasius speaks concerning an Oecumenicall Synod But by Baronius's favour this answer is not satisfactory For the Greeks in this affair made no difference between a Generall and a particular Councill But in generall they affirmed that Acacius had been condemned in no Synod particularly convened upon his account For thus Pope Gelasius writes in the forementioned Epistle speaking to the Orientalls in these words An de uno dolet Acacio quod speciall Synodo non fuerit confutatus c. Are you troubled about one Acacius because he has not been confuted in a speciall Synod whenas he himself in his own
were Learned young men Thus Proclus is said to have been Atticus's Notary as Socrates attests book 7. chap. 41. And long before that Athanasius was Notary to Alexander Bishop of Alexandria as Sozomen relates book 2. chap. 17. In Pope Gelasius's Decrees cap. 2. amongst the first Ecclesiastick degrees the Lectores Notarii and Defensores are reckoned In Caesarius Arâ—latensis's Life chap. 22. are these words Lector aut Notarius coram illo non câ—ssabat clamare that is the Reader or Notary ceased not to cry before him In the First Action of the Ephesine Synod Epaphroditus is termed the Reader and Notary of Hellanicus Bishop of the Rhodii From all which authorities 't is apparent that the Notarie's and Reader 's Office was in a manner the same to wit to read the Psalms or other books of the Sacred Scripture either in the Church or in the Bishops presence And this Simeon Metaphrastes confirms in the Acts of the Notaries Marcianus and Martyrius which occur in Surius at the twenty fifth day of October These Notaries registred the Acts which were made in the Church on which account they seem to have had this name given them In the Gesta Collationis inter Catholicos ac Donatistas we meet with this Title Excipientibus quoque Januario Vitale Notariis Ecclesiae Catholicâ— Victore Cresconio Notariis Ecclesiae Donatistarum c. that is also Januarius and Vitales Notaries of the Catholick Church Victor and Cresconius Notaries of the Church of the Donatists registring the Acts c. There was over these a Primicerius Notariorum or the Chief of the Notaries who was usually chosen out of the Presbyters as we are informed from the first Action of the Ephesine Council wherein Petrus Presbyter of Alexandria and Primicerius of the Notaries recites the Emperour Theodosius's Edict to Cyrillus and the other Metropolitanes But the chief duty of the Notaries was to carry the Virge or Staff before the Bishop as 't is related in the second book concerning the Life and Miracles of Caesarius Arâ—latensis Vales. q In Rob. Stephens's Edition this place is pointed thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I 〈◊〉 self knew another custome also in Thessaly being made a Clergy-man there If this punctation were true it would follow that Socrates was a Clergy-man in Thessaly But this is in no wise probable in regard Socrates does every where stile himself Scholasticus that is an Advocate Wherefore I doubt not but this place must be otherwise pointed to wit after this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. I my self when I was in Thessaly knew another custom also A Clergy-man in that Country c. Notwithstanding Musculus and Christophorson have followed another punctation here to wit this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. I my self knew another custom also in Thessaly One being made a Clergy-man there c. Which distinction I can't approve of For the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would be superfluous and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would be too often repeated in the same period Further that Socrates had been conversant in Thessaly is apparent from his following words For a little after this he adds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also I have seen or known another custom in Thessaly Although the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is ambiguous and may be meant as well of an absent as a present person Vales. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Nicephorus the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 put out of his orders or made no Clergy-man which displeases me not Notwithstanding the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to denote something that is heavier to wit his being excommunicated Vales. s We owe the amendment of this place to the Floretine M. S. For whereas in the common Editions the reading here was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereas all the most illustrious persons in the East do abstaine in that M. S. the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereas in the East all Clergymen of their own accord do abstain c. Which emendation is confirmed by Nicephorus Vales. t Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I had rather read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 composed in Nicephorus 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But what Nicephorus adds to wit that Heliodorus was ordered in a Synod either to burn his Love-Books or else to relinquish his Bishoprick seems to me to be fabulous For there is no sufficient evidence whether those books concerning the Amours of Theagenes and Chariclea were written by Heliodorus the Bishop or by some body else Vales. * Or looks not u This Office the Greek Church terms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Latine Lucernarium as Jacobus Syrmondus has observed in his notes on Ennodius See Meursius's Glossary in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the notes on Cassianus at the words Luccernaris Hora. Vales. vv I doubt not but instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Socrates wrote 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but they are in most things conform and so Nicephorus has worded it Musculus and Christophorson read thus also For Musculus has rendred it thus Sed in multis se imperiali conformant Ecclesiae but in many things they conform themselves to the Imperial Church Christophorson translates it after this manner Sed tamen ex multo majore parte primariae apud illos Ecclesia consuetudinem sequuntur but yet by much the greater part they follow the Custom of the Primary Church amongst them Neither of these Translatours understood what was meant by these words here to wit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Socrates usually gives this appellation to the Catholick Church because at that time it had gotten the chief power and authority So in chap. 19. of this book to the Novatians he opposes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 those who are in possession of the Churches that is the Catholicks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. For the Novatians admitted not of this additional Function at its first institution But the Homoöusians who are at this present in possession of the Churches c. Vales. x Except those Saturdays in Lent and in the Ember-weeks For in Lent the Romans fasted not on Saturdays as we have shown before at note g. in this chapter from Pope Leo's Sermon concerning Lent Nor did the Romans fast on Saturdays in the Fast of the Ember-weeks but only on Wednesdays and Frydays on Saturdays they watched at S t Peters Church as the same Leo informs us in his Sermons concerning the Fast of the tenth month concerning the Fast of Pentecost and concerning the Fast of the seventh month Wherefore Baronius Petavius and Halloixius do undeservedly reprove our Socrates because he has said that the Romans fasted not on Saturdays in Lent Vales. y Petavius in his notes on Epiphanius at the Heresie of the Quartodecimani does affirm that Socrates is here mistaken and says that the Penitential Canons of Basilius the Great are sufficient to
confute this errour But it may be answered that after Basilius's death there was perhaps another usage observed in the Church of Caesarea For Socrates speaks of a Rite then in use when he wrote this History Vales. * That is those who have had two wives successively one after another †Or admitted that is to Communion * Or form of good life * Acts 15. 23 24 25 26 27 28 29. * Or were rather Jewish z The reading here is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The accidents in which what sense there can be I see not I am of opinion it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Symbolls which term Socrates makes use of a little above where he says to the end that the Symbolls might be fulfilled By Symbolls Socrates means the Legal ceremonies and commands for instance Circumcision which the Jews kept in their bodies but not in their hearts Nicephorus has worded this passage in Socrates thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which words Langus renders thus Siquidem Judai ea quae sic in corporibus accidunt majore studio quà m si animabus eveniant observare contendunt for the Jews also with a greater industry strive to observe those things which so happen to their bodies than if they hapned to their Souls You see that neither Nicephorus nor his Translatour apprehended Socrates's meaning Socrates speaks concerning the Jews who observed the law of works in their bodies rather than their hearts whom the Apostle Rom. 2. 28. terms Jews outwardly Vales. * See chap. 20 at the beginning †Chap. 21. * Or things which are not †See chap. 12. of this book a Theodoret gives an account of these Hereticks book 4. Haeret. Fabul Vales. * That is a Cakeseller †Selenas * Or Precedency b It must be twenty five years and accordingly Epiphanius Scholasticus read it For from Arcadius's third and Honorius's second Consulate in which year these things were done which Socrates does here relate to the Consulate of Monaxtius and Plinta or Plintha there are twenty five years Vales. c Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Consulate it must undoubtedly be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 under the Reign For the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 crept into this place from the following line Vales. * See book 4. chap. 13. †See book 4. chap. 7. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 grosly and rudely †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 absurd or frigid ‖ Or I am larger a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which I have rendred thus Magister Scriniorum Imperatoris Master of the Emperours Desks for the Greeks call those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whom the Latins term Magistros Scriniorum Masters of the Desks as Cujacius has truly remark't But Salmasius in his notes on Vopiscus pag. 481 affirms that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were the Proximi of the sacred Desks not the Masters For his opinion is that there was only one Master of all the Desks who had under him four Antigraphei or Proximi that is Clerks to wit one in each Desk But Salmasius is disproved first by the Theodofian Code and secondly by the Notitia Imperii Romani For in the Notitia Imperii Romani there are four Masters of the Desks of the Roman Emperours reckoned to wit the Master of the Memory the Master of the Letters the Master of the Libells and the Master of the Greek Letters And in the Theodosian Code in the sixth Book there is a particular Title de Magistris sacrorum Scriniorum whom the Emperours will have preferred before the Vicarii But concerning the Proximi there follows another Title at a great distance from this wherein the Emperours give order only that the Proximi after two years space should leave the Scrinia and be followed by the Vicarii From whence 't is evident that the Proximi of the Desks are distinguished from the Masters for the Masters were chosen by the Emperours Codecill or Letters Patents as were the rest of the Officers of the Pallace But the Proximi came to that place by degrees and order of promotion and they were more than one in every Desk whereas there was but one Master in each Desk The Proximi therefore are not the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in regard there were only four 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as we are informed from the Glosses of Julianus Antecessor See Petrus Patricius in Excerpt Legationum Philostorgius relates that Eugenius was preferred to the dignity of a Master before he broke out into his Tyranny Vales. b Instead of Gallia the Less the reading in the Florentine M. S. is truer thus Galatia Although Arbogastes was not born in Gallia but in Francia as all Historians agree Vales. c Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 introduced we read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hired Vales. d Valentinianus Junior was murthered at Vienna in Arcadius's second Consulate which he bore with Rufinus as Idatius rightly informs us in his Fasti. But Marcellinus says that fact was perpetrated in the Consulate of Tatianus and Symmachus on the Ides of March. Notwithstanding this appears to be false from the fourth and fifth Law in the Theodosian Code de Apostatis Vales. e Zosimus in his fourth book says that only Arcadius was left by Theodosius at Constantinople and that Honorius followed his Father in his Expedition against Eugenius The same is asserted by Marcellinus in his Chronicon But Philostorgius agrees with Socrates Vales. * Or made preparations f Here there is a defect in the Greek Text these words from Aquileia thirty six miles being wanting Which Valesius says he perfected from Antoninus's Itinerary and from Sigonius in his ninth book de Imperio Occidentali * Or routed * Or running of horses * Or the Western parts †Or the sight * Or as seems indeed to be plainer and more perspicuous but is notwithstanding lower and more mean a This whole clause either because according to the proverb truth is bitter is in my judgment to be expunged in regard it disturbs the sense Or if it has a place here it must be put at the close of the period after these words extoll not their actions If this displeases any one 't will be sufficient to expunge the parcticle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 either and put this clause to the head of that following Vales. b To wit in the Comoedies of Menander and others You may see the same in Plautus's and Terentius's Latine Comoedies wherein the Servants do usually call their Masters barely by their names Vales. a Zozimus book 5. relates that Alaricus and the Goths not the Hunni were sollicited by Rufinus to invade the Roman Provinces The same is assertâ—d by Marcellinus in his Chronicon But Sozomen book 8. chap. 1. agrees with Socrates Not is there any disagreement between the forecited Authors For Rufinus called in both those Nations against the Romans the Goths first under their Chief Alaricus after the Goths were routed by Stilichon