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A01333 T. Stapleton and Martiall (two popish heretikes) confuted, and of their particular heresies detected. By D. Fulke, Master of Pembrooke hall in Cambridge. Done and directed to all those that loue the truth, and hate superstitious vanities. Seene and allowed Fulke, William, 1538-1589. 1580 (1580) STC 11456; ESTC S102737 146,770 222

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a sacrifice but of thanks giuing as the same Augustine writeth De fide ad Pet. Cap. 19 Cont. aduers. leg Proph. lib. 1. Cap. 20. Wherefore his Popish bragg notwithstanding here is neuer an ancient father within the 600. yeares that acknowledgeth the propitiatorie sacrifice of the Masse The eight difference is intercession of saints which Protestants abhorre There is no man denyeth but that this errour preuailed within the time of the first 600. yeares and namely in the later 300. years For in the first 300. there is nothing to be found whereby it may be gathered Epiphanius accompteth inuocation of Angels an heresie of the Caiani Tom. 3. H. 38. And although some shewe of inuocation of saints in the later time may be excused by rethorical exornation as M. Grindall truely sayd some prayers for the dead as y t of Ambrose for Theodosius whome both he calleth a perfect seruant of god yet prayth fos his rest which agreeth not with popish prayers for them in Purgatory yet it is confessed y t this was one of y ● spots of that time which being not proued by scripture can be nothing else but a superstition of men What said I can it not be proued by scripture beholde the learned clerke M. Stapl. proueth it out of S. Peter Ep. 2. Ca. 1. I thinke it right as long as I am in this tabernacle to stirre you vp and admonish you being certeine that I shall shortly leaue this tabernacle according as our Lord Iesus Christ hath signified vnto me But I will endeuour also to haue you often after my death that you may remember these things Here is a strange kind of translation of these wordes of his owne Latine texte Dabo autem operam frequenter habere vos post obitū meū vt horum memoriam faciatis But I will endeuour also y t you may haue after my departure whereby to make remembrance of these things For I wil neither trouble him with the Greeke text which perhaps he regardeth not nor with Erasmus translation which are without all ambiguitie But I apeale to Grāmarians whether habere vos in this place may be reasonably construed to haue you or else be resolued by vt habeatis vos that you may haue His collection is more monstrous then his construction for thus he addeth immediatly after his translation I aske here How will S. Petter after his death endeuour and procure that the people may remember his sayings They will not I dare say say that he will come in a vision or by reuelation vnto them What remaineth then but that he will further them with his good prayers And so doe the auncient Greeke Scholies expound this place And I aske here Howe prooue you that S. Peter after his death will endeuor procure for them O shamelesse corruption S. Peter saith that bicause he hath not long to liue he will not only put them in remembrance liuing but also leaue his Epistle that it may be a perpetuall admonition of them euen after he is deade But the auncient Greeke Scholies as he saith doe so expound it Why are not those Scholies set downe and their antiquitie shewed to be within the compasse of the first sixe hundreth yeares In deede Occumenius which liued about fiue hundreth yeres last past reporteth that some did wrest that text vnto such a sense but they which did simplie handle y ● words of S. Peter did expound it as I haue done before The 9. difference is commemoration of Saintes at Masse time If you meane commemoration onely as I haue shewed before we make it in our Communion and therefore this is no difference but a lye of Master Stapleton for we say Therefore with Angels and Archangels and all the holy companie of heauen we laude and magnifie c. Likewise in the Collectes mention is made of the Apostles whose memorie our Church doth keepe In deede we vse no inuocation of Saints which was vsed within the latter 300. yeares but not to be proued in the first 300 yeares Neither do we thinke the honour of Saintes to be a dishonour to God but such honour as robbeth God of his glorie which he will not communicate with any creature But Augustine sheweth the memorie of Martyrs to be kept of the Christian people Ad excitandam imitationem vt merius eorum consocietur atque orationibus adi●uetur To stirre vp imitation and that they may be ioyned in fellowship of their merites and helped with their praiers The fellowship of their merites he meaneth to be made like them in good workes For he acknowledged no desert of our good workes but onely the mercy of God It is pitie that Iulian the Apostata had so great occasion to charge the Christians with superstition of sepulchres whereof they had no ground in the Scriptures Although Cyrillus defendeth no superstition but only a reuerent estimation of the tombes of the Martyrs for their vertues sake after the example of the heathen Againe he saith that the reliques of the dead were not seene bare and negligently cast vpon the earth but well laide vp and hidden in the bosome of their mother in the deapth of the earth wherein they differred not a little from the vsage of Papistes about their reliques Cyrill Contr. Iulian lib. 10. The pride of Eustachius in contemning the publike Churches ministring in corners we condemne with the Councel of Gangra Concerning the reading of the passions of Martyrs in the Church which he cauilleth that Master Iewell left out in his replie to Doctor Harding out of the seuen and fourtie Canon of the Councel of Carthage 3. Bartholmewe Garizon confesseth that it is an addition and without all such addition the same that M. Iewell requireth that nothing be read in the Church but the canonicall bookes as the 59. Canon of the Councel of Laodicea The 10. difference is of confession and penance in which he maketh two kinds open confession priuate for the open confession vsed in the primitiue Church he bringeth many proofes out of Actes 19. Augustine Tertullian Cyprian the councel of Nice Which need not for we graunt that it was vsed we our selues according to such discipline as our Church of England hath doe vse it that publique and notorious offenders make publique confession of their faultes for satisfaction of the congregation But when this publique confession was abused he saith that this practise of the Church and the counsel of S. Iames willing Christians to confesse one before an other was restrained to the auricular confessiō of y ● priest only But neither he sheweth when nor by what authoritie the counsel of y ● the Apostle and practise of the Church was thus altered He citeth an Epistle of Innocentius ad Decentium cap. 7. to proue That particular confession was not first instituted in the Councel of Latarane as Caluine babbleth but that if a man were diseased he should not tarrie for the time
practise of the primitiue Church proueth it to be necessary as in the example of Serapion Euseb. lib 6. cap. 44. and of Satyrus Saint Ambroses brother In obitum Satyri c. And is it euen so Doeth the example of one man that was excommunicated and could not be quiet vntill he had receiued the communion and of an other that neuer receiued it nor was baptised prooue it necessary for all men Yea saith Stapleton who will reade onely but one Canon of the Nicene councell shal finde therein not only a generall commandement for al Christendome but also the auncient practise of the Church before that time And I say who so will reade not only the whole Canon but the very title thereof shall finde that it was a remission only for excommunicated persons C●no 12. De excommunicatis a saeculo ex●untibus Of excōmunicated persōs departing this world De his verò qui recedunt ex corpore antiquae legis reguia obseruabitur eti● nunc ita vt si fortè quis recedat ex corpore necessario vitae suae viatico non defraudetur Quod si desperatus aliquis recepta Communione superuixerit si● inter eos qui sola oratione cōmunicant De omnibus tamen his qui a corpore recedunt in tradendo eis Communionem cura probatio sit episcopi But concerning them which depart out of this bodye the rule of the auncient lawe shalbe obserued euen nowe also so that if perhaps any depart out of y e body he may not be defrauded of the necessary prouision of his life But if any being at the point of death after he haue receiued the Communion do recouer liue let him be among them that communicate in prayer onely Neuerthelesse concerning all those men that depart out of y e body in deliuering to them the communion let both the charge and the tryal be in the bishops discretion This Canon was not made for all Christian men that at times of publike administration of the sacraments might freely be partakers but onely of such as were excommunicated appointed a time of penance for their tryall before they should be admitted to the Lordes supper before which time if they were at the point of death and the bishop allowed of their repentance this Canon prouideth that they might be receiued to the Communion for their comfort but yet so that if any did recouer and liue they shuld accomplish their time among the penitentes that was before enioyned them This thing being so apparant what shall wee saye of these English Louanistes that either they neuer read the bookes out of which they cite their authorities or else without all shame they wrest them against their owne conscience The 19. difference is the reseruation of the sacrament wherein as I confesse in some erronious kinde of reseruation wee differ from some of the primitiue Church so they differed from Christ which cōmaunded it to be eaten and dronken And it is manifest y t their reseruation differed from the popish reseruation both in the manner and in the ende But concerning reseruation I referre the reader to mine answere to D. Heskins first booke Cap. 24. 25. 26. 27. where you shall finde all his authorities discussed except the 14. Canon of the Councell of Nice out of which hee alledgeth that the Deacons might absente Episcopo presbitero proferre communionem comedere In the absence of the Bishop and priest take out the communion and receiue it Whereby he sayeth it is euident that it was reserued in the Churches where the Deacons might come to receiue it But I must admonish the reader y t these wordes which he citeth are an addition of Gratian and the popish church and are not in the true copies in Greeke of that Councell nor in the right Latine translation as euen Peter Crabb the Papist confesseth nor yet in the edition of Ruffinus But such draffe and dregges of falsifications additions detractions mutations c. are good ynough for popishe swyne The 20. difference is blessing with the signe of the Crosse for fortification of which piece he referreth the reader to Martials treatise of the Crosse. And I to M. Calfhils Aunswere and my Reioynder The 21. difference is benediction of the bishop which he sayeth is mocked at and reuiled by Protestantes But he sayeth vntruely for although wee may iustly deride the vaine ceremoniall casting of crosses in the ayre of their bitesheepes rather then bishops with their two fingers which is nothing else but a ridiculous superstition yet wee contemne not the godly benediction of a Christian Bishop and pastour which vseth the same according to the word of God Therefore the examples of Nectarius which desired the benediction of his Bishop Diodorus at his departure and Aurelius which blessed Augustine and his company after he had visited them shewe no difference of them from vs. And if Eudo●ia the Empresse desired Chrisostome to blesse her sonne Theodosius his godson What did Chrysostome but pray for him and with him well in the name of the Lorde And how did Diodorus blesse Nectarius And Aurelius blesse Augustine and the rest but by godly prayer made to God for them not with vaine dombe idle ceremonies after the Popish manner So that the manner of blessing of the auncient times doeth rather proue a difference of Papistes from them then of vs from them And moreouer you may consider how to make vp a number of differences what small matters he is fayne to flye vnto and euen such as he hath no shewe of holde at all in the writers of the auncient Church of 600. yeares after Christ for them But onely to set a face of the matter as though there were nothing newe amongest them when not onely their ceremonies but also many of the principall articles of their doctrine wherein they differ from vs were either not heard of in those ages or else were openly impugned by writers of those times Onely the dregges and refuse of the former age they retayne as prayer for the deade inuocation of Saintes and a fewe other such matters CAP. VII Of pilgrimage and reliques of Church seruice of Altars of Church ornaments holy vessels of the ecclesiasticall ●onsure and of holy water The 22. difference is pilgrimage to holy places especially to Rome In deede we finde that peregrination to Ierusalem was esteemed of many and great resort to Rome of the wiser sort not for the holinesse of the places but for the frequence of godly learned men then liuing in those places Otherwise for the holynesse of the place S. Hierom ad Paulinum whether M. Sapleton sendeth vs doth sufficiently declare what was to be esteemed of it Non Hierosolymis fuisse sed Hierosolymis bene vixisse laudandum est It is no praise to haue beene at Hierusalem but to haue liued well at Hierusalem And speaking euen of our owne countrye he addeth Et de Hierosolymis
seruati sumus lest euery popish woman might see that the Canon speaketh not of honour giuen to the image of the crosse whereby we are not saued but to the passion of Christ. But Martiall reiecteth the Councell of Constantinople condemning images as M. Calfhill doth the 2. of Nice allowing them The best way then as Augustine conncelleth y e heretike Maximinus were to giue ouer the hold of Councels on both sides try y e matter by the word of God It is a fond quarrel y t he picketh to M. Calfhill of y e time when y e Eliberine councel was kept if it be auncienter then hee supposeth it is of greater credite for y e latter times were more corrupt And whereas he gi●deth at y e marriage of ministers because in the 27. Canon of y t Councel the bishop or priest was forbidden to haue any woman to dwell with him but either his sister or his daughter being a virgine professed to God he sheweth both his falshod his folly his falshod for y t he translateth extraneam which is a strange woman no other woman His folly in seeing y e priests daughter he cannot see his wife but the 33. Canon cōmandeth them abstinence as from their wiues begetting of children I answere if y e Canon were not to be vnderstood of a temporal abstinence the generall Councell of Nice decreed against it as appeareth in Socrat. lib. 1. Cap. 11. But touching the Canon against Images Placuit we decree that pictures ought not to be in the Church lest that which is worshipped adored should be painted on the walles First he repeteth his principle of law before set downe for prohibition y ● pictures are only forbidden not other images as though he y ● forbiddeth wounding permitteth murthering beside that they shuld be simple images in which were no picture or painting Secondly he saith that pictures on walles only are forbidden but therin he lyeth for they are generally forbidden in y e church ergo not in walles only Thirdly he saith here is an euident proofe that pictures were then worshipped For this argument followeth necessarily vpō these words That was worshipped that was forbidden to be paynted in the walles but pictures were forbidden to be painted vpon walles ergo pictures were worshipped Answere M. Calfhill Who would haue thought y ● an Vsher of Winchester student in Louaine that teacheth vs an old lawyers poynt would also teach vs a new Logike point to cōclude affirmatiuely in y e second figure y t all vpō particulers Answere M. Calf quod Martial Nay answere goose to such an argument And reason who will any longer with such an asse about this matter for I will harken to his law seeing his Logike is no better For the better vnderstanding of a statute or a Canon diuerse circumstances are to be considered This was lawe ynough to make him a bachiler Well the circumstances are these The authors of this Canon were Catholike wise bishops the place Granata a citie in Spain which had then many infidels that thought Christians to commit idolatrie by hauing of Images The time when they feared persecution as appeareth by the 59 60. Canon But if we beleeue Garanza your author it was about y e time of y e Nicene councel when no persecution could be feared therfore your cause which you make y e fourth circūstance is forged y t they feared lest those images should haue ben despitefully abused by y e Pagans when they were fled neither are you able to proue it therfore in y e end you cōclude it was but a synod of 19. Bishops whose decre was vndone by y e second Nicen general councel y e Councel at Frankford c. That y e councel of Frankfort y t cōdemned y e councel of Nice he only denyeth y t it did so but answereth not y e authoritie cited by M. Calfhill The booke of Carolus Magnus against images he condēneth for a forged tale although ancient writers make mention of it the style of the book doth argue y e it was written in that time if not by the Emperour yet by his appointment But seeing he referreth vs to the confutation of the Apologie fol. 328. I wil referre the readers to the defence of the Apologie for the same matter After this he spendeth certaine leaues in defending the credite of Irenee the idolatrous Empresse and in defacing those Emperours that were enimies to images wherein he hath the idolatrous historians fauourable not sparing to report what so euer their malicious enimies could inuent to slaunder them But hereof I haue written somewhat in myne aunswere to D. Sanders booke of images cap. 4. or 3. cap. 15. or 14. Nowe commeth in S. Ambrose extolling the crosse Ser. 56. As a Church cannot stand without a crosse so a ship is weake without a mast For by and by the diuell doth disquiet it and the wind doth squat it but when y e signe of the crosse is set vp by and by both the iniquitie of the diuell is beaten backe and the tempest of wind is appeased Here Martial triumpheth against M. Calfhil that the author speaketh not of a crosse beame in the Church but of the signe of the crosse But he lyeth shamefully for this writer speaketh not of a materiall Church Chappel or Oratorie but of the congregation of Christe in which the crosse and passion of Christ hath y e same force that the mast in a ship which is made after the figure of the crosse and the plough beame in tillage c. His other sentence Serm. 55. is yet more plaine against him Arbor enim quaedam in naui est crux in ecclesia quae inter totius saeculi blāda perniciosa naufragia incolumis sola seruatur In hac ergo naui quisquis aut arbori crucis se religauerie aut aures suas scripturit diuinis clauserit dulcem procellam luxuriae non timebit For the crosse in the Church is as it were a certaine tree in a ship which among y e flattring pernitious shipwracks of y e whole world alone is preserued in safetie In this ship therefore who so euer shal either bind him selfe to y ● tree of the crosse or stop his eares with the holy Scriptures he shall not feare the sweete storme of luxuriousnesse c. He alludeth to the fable of Vlysses which tyed him selfe to the mast and stopped his eares with waxe that he might not heare the song of the Mermaydes This sentence whereof Martial durst cite but three or foure wordes declareth that his authour maketh nothing for the title of this Article of erecting the crosse in Churches Chappels c. And yet when all is done I must confesse with the learned that these Sermons were not written by S. Ambrose but by one Maximus of latter time Bishop either of Taurinum or of Millain Concerning the tale that you father vpon syr Ambrose
world was without thes doctrine I wil hold that faith an olde man in which I was borne a childe A worthie saying of Hierome which may be rightly applied against the Papistes which teach such doctrine as neither Peter nor Paul would euer teach nor the Christian world knewe for 600. yeares after Christe yea for almost a thousand yeares after Christ in many pointes The like force is in the saying of Gregorie Nazianzen against the Arrian Ep. 2. ad Clidon Si ante hos triginti c. If our faith beganne but 30. yeares agoe when there are almost 400. yeares since Christe was shewed and the Gospell hath for so long space bene in vaine our faith also hath bene in vaine and they which haue giuen witnesse thereto haue testifid in vaine so many and so worthie prelates in vaine haue gouerned the people This saying is verified of Christian faith which had cōtinued in the world sixe seuen or eight hundreth yeares before Papistrie in many pointes began Christ hath bene preached and yet Papistrie neuer heard of yea what so euer doctrine had a latter beginning then Christ and his Apostles this father condemneth of error Euen as the same man writeth in the other place by M. Stapl. cited De Theod. li. 2. Vt haec praesidia omittam c. To omit these helpes yet it should satisfie vs that none of those which haue bene inspired with the spirite of God hath hitherto either pronounced this sentence or allowed it being vttered by any other and the doctrine of our church doth abhor it He braggeth not vpon the present opinion of y e Church but as the same hath alwayes bene allowed of al the Apostles and their successors and y e contrarie neuer receiued Therfore wheras Theodoret reporteth y t that confession of the faith was admitted in y e Councel of Nice which preuailed was published throughout y e world he meaneth not y t the Fathers folowed either y e multitude or the cōmon opinion of men which were reputed for the Church in that time but bicause y e same confession had alwaies euen from the beginning bene receiued and continued in y e Church as consonant agreeable to y e word of God by which the Church must be tried to be y e true Church wheras articles of faith are not proued true bicause they be helde by thē y ● are commonly taken to be of y e Church To conclude The prescription of Tertullian against Hermogenes we do willingly admit offer to be tried therby y t whether of our religion or theirs is y e more auncient y t vndoubtedly must be truth But thē y e prescriptiō of 900. yeres wherof Stapl. so often so much doth cackle will not serue y e Papists as they cannot prescribe scarse halfe so long for many of their opinions For except we be able to proue our religion as auncient as the time of Christ and his Apostles we refuse not to be accounted heretikes If we teach nothing but that we can iustifie by manifest demonstration out of the holy Scriptures y ● same also in the most principall points being confirmed with the testimonie of the auncient fathers of the primitiue Church the Papistes which accuse vs of heresie shall be found not onely to be heretikes but blasphemers of God and slaunderers of his Saints CAP. XIX It is proued by three reasons or arguments deducted out of holy Scripture that all the time of Papistrie can be no schisme on heresie and therefore was true Christianitie The first reason is this No heresie or schisme is vniuersall The faith of England these 900. yeares was vniuersall ergo it was no schisme or heresie The minor which is false he would proue by this reason The faith of England was the faith of France Spaine Italie Germanie and of all other Christian countries therefore it was vniuersall This antecedent is false for beside y t in England Fraunce Spaine Italie c. since the Church of Rome ceased to be the Church of Christ there were alwayes true Christians which yelded not to Papistrie as many regions as he hath named of the East countrie helde not the faith which was then openly receiued in England in many principall articles namely in that which they make to be y e chiefe of all y e article of the Popes supremacie and subiection to the Church of Rome therfore al Christened coūtries were not of y e same faith of Papistrie these 900. yeres He laboreth like a wise man to proue y t no sect is vniuersal but that Poperie was vniuersall it is sufficient for Papistes to say bicause they are neuer able to proue it The second reason is that no heresie is of long continuance to preuaile ouer true beleeuers to oppresse the trueth c. Papistrie hath continued these 900. yeares therefore Papistrie is no heresie Although the minor be not simply true yet y e maior is vtterly false But he would proue the maior out of S. Paul 2. Tim. 3. saying of such as should withstand the trueth like Iannes and Iambres that they should not further preuaile for their foolishnesse shall be made knowne to all men euen as theirs was Admit that this were spoken of those which should forbid marriage and meates which he would haue to be the Manichees 1. Tim. 4. as it is spoken of hypocrites which shall be in the Church to the end of the world yet here is no shortnesse of time prescribed for the continuance of their errour for he saide before 2. Tim. 2. vers 16. That they shall increase vnto more vngodlinesse and their word shall fret as a canker He meaneth therefore that they shall not long continue vnknowne not to all men but to all faithfull and godly men as the follie of Iannes and Iambres was not made manifest to all the Egyptians but vnto the Israelites Likewise whereas Peter saith 2 Peter 2. That the destruction of false Prophetes sleepeth not he meaneth not but that they may haue by succession a long continuance in the world for he him selfe admonisheth vs that we may not count the Lordes delaying of iudgement to be slacknesse as Stapleton doth if it should be deferred 900. yeares for one day with the Lord is as a thousand yeares and a thousand yeares as one day Heretikes therfore shal haue a quicke iudgement heresie shall shortly haue an end for that neither of both shal cōtinue alway vncondemned But that his maior proposition is vtterly false which is No heresie is of long continuance I shewe by these instances The heresie of them that ioyned Circumcision with the Gospell is more then 1500. yeares olde and yet it continueth in Affrica among Aethiopians as witnesseth Munster and other writers of Geographie as also the heresie of the Nestorians which is 1200. yeares olde and yet continueth among the Georgians Finally so auncient as the full tyrannie of the Pope is so auncient is the departure of
in the honour of Saintes because some Churches of olde haue had the name of Saintes But Augustine saith of the Saintes Quare honoramus eos charitate non seruitute nec eis Templa construimus nolunt enim se sic honorari a nobis quia nos ipsos cùm boni simus templa summi Deiesse nouerunt Wherfore we honour them with loue not with seruice Neither doe we builde Churches to them for they will not be so honoured of vs because they knowe that we our selues when we are good are y e temples of the highest God De vera religion Ca. 55. Also Ep. 174. Pascentio He proueth the holy ghost to be God because he hath a temple Also Euch. ad Laurent Cap. 56. The like iudgement he hath de ciuis Dei li. 8. Cap. 27. li. 22. Ca. 10. shewing that it is a diuine honor proper to God to haue temples erected to his honor and declaring that y e Martyrs churches were places set vp in their memorie not temples in their honour But Martiall fynding nothing for the space of 500 yeares after Christ for his purpose at length stumbleth vpon a Canon of the prouinciall Councell of Orleans in Fraunce that No man should buyld a Church before the Bishop came set vp a crosse This canno made in those dayes sheweth y t churches before the making therof were builded without a crosse neither bindeth it any but such as build churches within the prouince of Orleans Beside that it may be doubted of the antiquitie of the Canon seeing it is not found in the recordes of y t councell but taken out of the Popes Canon lawe where is most counterfait stuffe Beside that it is not obserued among the Papists themselues that before any chuch chappel or Oratorie be buylded the bishop of the diocesse should come and make a crosse there The next Canon he citeth our of y e Councell of Toures the 2. Vt corpus domini in altari non in armario sed sub crucis titulo componatur that the Lords body be layde on the altar not in a chest or almery but vnder the title of the crosse But Martial doth english it thus That the body of our Lord consecrated vpon The Altar be not reposed and set in the reuestry but vnder the roode He braggeth y ● when he was Vsher of Winchester schoole he taught his Schollers y e true signification of the Latine words But beside that hee translateth Armarium a reuestrie which Tully vseth for a place wherein money was kept which could not wel be an open house also maketh a manifest difference betweene Armarium Sacrar●●● beside also that hee calleth titulum crucis the roode where findeth he in this sentence the Latine worde for his English worde consecrated But to the purpose of the crosse this Canon sheweth that in old time they vsed to lay it otherwise then vnder the title of the crosse whether they meant thereby the signe of the crosse or these wordes Iesus Naz. rex Iudaeorum which was the title of the crosse as they had in those dayes many ceremonies growne out of vse and therefore not vnderstood of vs. The third Councel is a Canon of the sixt generall Councell at Constantinople in Trullo which in the margent he calleth the Councell of Chalcedon in Trullo Can. 73. which M. Calfhil could not finde in y t Councel because it is certeine confessed by Geranza Martials author that the sixt Councel of Constantinople in Trullo made no ceremonies but of y e faith that these which he setteth forth were made priuatly by them long after in the dayes of Iustinian therfore they haue neither the authoritie of Canons nor be free from suspition of forgery And yet the Canon alledged proueth not this article for it only commādeth crosses that were made in the pauement to be put out Nay sayth Martiall the prohibition of the crosse to be made on the ground permitteth it to be made in all other places For a prohibition restrictiue of a thing to be done in one place is a lawfull permission for all other places which are not namely included in that prohibition And for this he referreth him selfe to y e iudgement of the lawyers But I thinke his lawe deceiueth him in this point as much as his diuinitie almost in euery point For if y e kings edict forbid swearing fighting brawling in his court I suppose he doeth not permit these things as lawfull in al other places The last Canon which forbad y e laying of y e lords body in y e vestri doth not lawfully permit it to be layd in the belfry The captains prohibition y t no man shal discharge his belly within y e precinct of y e camp is not a lawful permission y t a soldiar may defile a church without y e campe The lawe that forbiddeth the Princes image to be made on the pauement is not a lawfull permission that the same may be set vppon the high altar what Martials lawe is in these cases I knowe not but my reason serueth me not to allowe of those prohibitions for lawfull permission And where these Canon makers saye They did reuerence the liuely crosse with minde tongue and sense Martiall inferreth that this worde sense declareth that they had a sensible crosse to which they might shewe their reuerence with their externall senser Which senses Martiall their sight their hearing their smelling their tasting or their feeling Did you teache your schollers at Winchester thus to interpret was it the image of the crosse or the liuely crosse that shewed them that sauing health which they professe to reuerence in worde and minde And were you went to conster Cum seeing viuifica crux the liuing crosse ostenderit doth shewe For thus you giue mee example to play with you And if one of your boyes that learned Terence had so construed would you not haue streight way asked him Cuius modi temporis oftenderit if he had annswered the Preterperfect tense you woulde haue demaunded whether doth be the signe of that temps or haue If haue then haue not you rightly translated Cum crux viuifica illud sab●● are nobis ostenderit Seeing the liuing crosse doeth shewe vnto vs that healthfull thing Wherefore to leaue this trifling the Canon is this Seeing the liuing crosse that is to say the passion of Christ hath shewed vnto vs that sauing health it behoueth vs to employ all our studie that we may giue vnto it by which we are saued from our olde fall that honour which is conuenient Wherefore giuing reuerence vnto it with minde speache and vnderstanding wee commaund that the figures of the crosse which are made of some in the ground and pauement be vtterly taken away lest the trophee of our victorie be iniuried by treading of those that passe ouer it It is not without fraude y t beside your false translation you haue omitted per quam ab antiquo lapsu
But if he committe fornication or adulterie he must be moreouer cast out of the Church and driuen to doe penance among lay men This was a decree of 17. Bishops in the prouince of Paulus Polemoniaca and is to be vnderstoode of such a priest as professed continencie Whose marriage yet was not made voide but he put out of his office whereas he that had committed fornication was put both out of the ministerie and of the Church which seeing the Papistes obserue not in their lecherous priestes they haue small right to vse this Canon which yet bindeth none but that prouince that made it Nowe where he saith it was a rare thing for the Cleargie of the Latine Church to be married Hierome no friende to marriage shall testifie the contrary who speaketh of it as of an ordinary matter Eliguntur mariti in sacerdotium non nego quia non sunt tanti virgines quanti necessarii sunt Sacerdotes Married men are chosen vnto the Priesthood I denye not because there are not so many virgines as it is necessary there should be priestes And Oceano he confesseth that by the doctrine of the Apostles priestes might haue wiues complayning that in his time all other qualities of a minister described by the Apostle were neglected onely the libertie of marriage looked vnto Qui dixit vnius vxoris virum c. He that saide the husbande of one wife euen he commaunded that he should be vnreproueable sober wise comely harberous a teacher modest not giuen to wine no fighter no quareller not couetous no young nouice in the faith Ad haec omnia claudimus oculos solas videmus vxores At all these thinges we shut our eyes we see nothing but their wiues Likewise in Aggeum Cap. 1. He inueygheth against the rulers of the Churche which building their carnal house prouiding for their children possessions neglected the building of the temple of God Againe in Epi. ad Eph. li. 3. Ca 6. He inueygheth against Bishops and priests of his time that broughtvp their children in secular and prophane learning peraduenture at the charges of the Church Yea diuers Popes haue ben married men for Pope Siluerius was sonne of Pope Hormisda as the very pontifical witnesseth and Beda sheweth lib. 2. cap. 1. that Pope Felix was great grandfather to Pope Gregory I will spende no more time in so cleare a matter Wherefore the single life required of necessitie in the Cleargie is not prooued within the 600. yeares so often named The thirteenth difference is of the state of virginitie in men and women Such state protestantes acknowledge not but rather abhorre it and persecute it It is a mere slander for we honour virginitie that is not counterfet in thē that had made them selues chaste for the kingdome of heauen But when Master Stapleton will make virginitie impossible to no man he is directly contrary to our Sauiour Christ. Non omnes c. all men can not receiue this saying but they to whome it is giuen Mat. 19. and to Saint Paule 1. Cor. 7. Qui non conunet he that can not conteine let him marrie I confesse also that within the sixe hundreth yeares there were some Colleges of virgines which differed as muche from Popishe Nunnes as many Popish Nunnes from honest women They liued not idly as Popish Nunnes of their landes and reuenewes but with spinning and making of cloth they mainteined themselues August De moribus Eccl. Catholi●ae Cap. 31. They liued continently or else they married Popish Nunnes though they liue neuer so incontinently yet will they neuer marrie Epiph. lib. 2. Tom. 1. Her 61. Popishe Nunnes are for the moste part like those Monkes and Nunnes of the heretikes Originiani Turpes Non student Castitati sed simulatae castitati nomen sal●ē habenti They study not for chastity but such as is fayned chastity and hath only a name of chastitie Volentes esse in honore propter putatam apud ipsos castitatis exercitationem Willing to be in honour for the supposed exercise of chastitie among them when there is nothing lesse then chastitie Concerning the rule of Augustine Ep. 109. praescribed to the virgines that tumultuously and seditiously would haue chaunged their gouernesse if we doe admitte it to be written by Saint Augustine yet it is not sufficient to authorize the superstitious orders of Popish Nunnes Among whom their habite is not the least part of their superstition which Augustine in his virgines forbiddeth to be notable or differing from other women Non sit notabilis habitus vester nec affectetis vestibus placere sed moribus Let not your apparell be such as may be noted or marked neither desire ye to please with garments but with manners The like writeth Hierome concerning the apparell of virgines of his time Againe Saint Augustines virgines were not bound to their Cloyster but might departe if they liked not the seueritie of their rule or else were expulsed from thence Conuicta secundum praeposuae vel praesbyteri arbitrium debet emandatoriam sustinere vindictam quam si fortè recusauerit siipsa non abscesserit de vestra societate proijciatur She that is conuicted but of wanton lookes according to the decree of the Gouernesse or priest ought to sustaine a punishment for her amendment which if she refuse to beare and if she her selfe depart not away let her be caste cleane out of your societie If this rule were obserued fewe Popish Nunnes should be left in their Cloysters Moreouer Saint Augustines virgins were commanded to vnderstand what they did pray or sing not one among fortie of Popish Nunnes vnderstand their Popishe seruice which they sing Psalmis Hymnis cùm oratis Deū hoc versetur in corde quod profertur in voce When you pray to God with Psalmes and Hymnes let that be in your heart which is pronounced in your voyce These and many other differences may be obserued whiche are sufficient to confute Stapleton which would make his Popish Nunnes al one with y e virgins of the ancient purer Church But Eusebius out of Philo sheweth y e euen in the Apostles time there were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Oratories and Monasteries of men women lib. 2. cap. 16. It is true y e Eusebius so iudgeth but who so readeth Philo his own writing shall plainly see y ● he speaketh rather of a sect of Iewes at Alexandria giuen to contēplatiō not of Christians Beside this y e monasteryes which he speaketh of were not Abbies wherin they liued but only solitary places of study for a time For in them they had neither meate nor drink as Philo expressely affirmeth To conclude seing that in the scripture we haue no commandement for virgins we commend them y ● haue the gift exhort them so to continue But seeing the gift is rare in our dayes and the examples of them that haue professed virginitie and liued abhominably are too many we thinke it neither needful nor expedient to
to the Bishop toward his hospitality the other to the Cleargie the third to the poore the fourth to the reparation of the Churches So that there is no rule for the Cleargie of other Bishops y t were no Monkes but that they might marrie if they could not liue chaste as wel within holy orders as without so was the practise of the Churche of England more then 400. yeares after vntil the decree of Lanfrancus Anno 1076. who yet was more fauourable to them that had wiues then Stapleton which would haue them put away Decretū est vt nullus Canonicus vxorē habeat Sacerdotū verò in Castellis vel in vicis habitantium habentes vxores non cogantur ut dimittant non habentes interdicantur ut habeant Et deinceps caueant Episcopi vt sacerdotes vel diacones non praesumant ordinare nisi prius profiteantur vt vxores non habeant It is decreed y t no Canon may haue a wife But of Priestes dwelling in townes and villages suche as haue wiues let them not be compelled to put them away But such as haue not let them be forbidden to haue And from hencefoorth let Bishops take heede that they presume not to ordeine priestes or deacons excepte they doe first professe to haue no wiues This decree prooueth that before this time not onely married men were ordeined priests but also that priestes after they were ordeined did take wiues The same is prooued by the woordes of the Epistle of Gerardus which was afterward Archb. of Yorke vnto Anselm Archb. of Canterbury Cum ad ordines aliquos inuito dura ceruice renituntur ne in ordinando castitatē profiteantur When I call any to orders they resist with a stiffe necke that in taking order they doe not professe chastitie But nowe when this iolye fortifier should proue the single life of all the Cleargie in the first sixe hundreth yeares he can bring nothing but certaine decrees that such as were promoted to priesthoode vnmarried should not after marrie yet he confesseth that there were many married men taken vnto the order of priesthoode but seldome he saith in the Latine Church Yet let vs see his authorities first Augustine lib. 2. cap. vlt. de adulter in coniugis sayth that they were wont to bring example of the continencye of Clearkes to perswade men to absteine from adulterous marriages Solemus eis proponere etiam continentiam clericorum qui plerumque ad eandem sarcinam subcundam capiuntur inviti eamque susceptam vsque ad debitum finem Domino iuuante producunt We are wont to set before them the continencie of Clearkes which are oftentimes taken against their willes to beare the same burthen when they haue taken it vppon them doe bring it to the due end the Lord assisting them Of this he gathereth that the Cleargie in Saint Augustines dayes refrained from wiues all the dayes of their life which as it is true of some so it is vtterly false of all Againe the compulsion which he speaketh of was not vnto continencie but vnto the ministerie and in the ministery not of necessitie of greater estimation As the words immediately following do declare Dicimus ergo eis quid si vos ad hoc subeundum populorum violentia caperemini nonne susceptum castè custodiretis officium repentè conuersi ad impetrandas vires a Domino de quibus nunquam anteà cogitastis Sed illos inquiunt honor consolatur Respondemu● vobis aempliùs limor moderetur Si enim hoc multi Dei ministri repentè atque inopinatè impositum susceperunt sperantes se illustriùs in Christi haereditate fulgere quanto magia vos adulteria cauendo vivere debetis metuentes non in regno Dei minus lucere sed in Gehennae ignibus ardere We say therefore vnto them What if you also were taken by the violence of the people to beare the same Would you not keepe chastely the office taken vpon you being sodenly turned to obtaine of the Lorde suche strength as before you neuer thought of But the honour say they doth comfort them We answere And feare should more restraine you For if many ministers of God haue taken vpon them this thing beeing layde vpon them sodenly and vnlooked for hoping that they shal shine more notably in the inheritaunce of Christ howe much more ought you to liue so as you beware of adulterie fearing not to shine lesse in the kingdome of God but to burne in the fiers of hell Next he citeth a Canon ascribed to the Apostles out of Iustinian confirmed in the sixt generall councell of Constantinople in Trullo Ex coniugatis c. Of suche as come to the cleargie vnmarried and after wil marrie we permit that onely to the readers and singers Neuerthelesse he confesseth that Zonoras expoundeth this so that if any refuse to liue chaste beeing asked at his orders taken he is permitted first to marrie and then admitted to the ministery And the councell of Constantinople in the same sixt Canon Si quis autem eorum qui in Clerum accedunt velit lege matrimonii mutieri coniungi antequam Hypodiaconus vel Diaconus vel presbyter ordinetur hoc faciat But if any of them whiche come into the Cleargie will be ioyned to a woman by the lawe of matrimony let him doe it before he be ordeyned Subdeacon Deacon or Priest Where is nowe the necessitie of single life in the Cleargie After this he citeth the councell of Ancyra Can. 10. which is cleane contrary to his purpose if he had recited it whole as he only taketh the tayle The Canon is this Diaconi quicunque cùm ordinantur si in ipsa ordinatione protestati sunt dicentes velle se habere vxores nec posse se continere hi postea si ad nuptias venerint maneant in ministerio proptereà quod his Episcopus licentiā dederit Quicunque sanè tacuerunt susceperum manu● impositionem professi continentiam si postea ad nuptia● venerint a ministeria cessare debebunt Whoso euer when they are ordeyned Deacons if in the very time of their ordeyning they make protestation and say that they will haue wiues that they can not conteyne if these afterward come to be married let them remaine in the ministery because the Bishop hath giuen them licence But truely whosoeuer hath helde their peace and receiued imposition of handes professing continence if after they marrie ought to ceasse from the ministery This Canon sheweth that it was lawfull for the Cleargie beeing in holy orders to marrie if they professed not continence to which profession none was bound as they are in Poperie Againe if after profession they married they were not deuorced as Papistes vsed in Queene Maries time but commaunded to absteine from the ministerie The last authoritie he citeth is out of the Synode of Neocaesaria presbiter c. A priest if he marrie a wife ought to be deposed from his order It followeth in the same Canon