in the honour of Saintes because some Churches of olde haue had the name of Saintes But Augustine saith of the Saintes Quare honoramus eos charitate non seruitute nec eis Templa construimus nolunt enim se sic honorari a nobis quia nos ipsos cùm boni simus templa summi Deiesse nouerunt Wherfore we honour them with loue not with seruice Neither doe we builde Churches to them for they will not be so honoured of vs because they knowe that we our selues when we are good are y e temples of the highest God De vera religion Ca. 55. Also Ep. 174. Pascentio He proueth the holy ghost to be God because he hath a temple Also Euch. ad Laurent Cap. 56. The like iudgement he hath de ciuis Dei li. 8. Cap. 27. li. 22. Ca. 10. shewing that it is a diuine honor proper to God to haue temples erected to his honor and declaring that y e Martyrs churches were places set vp in their memorie not temples in their honour But Martiall fynding nothing for the space of 500 yeares after Christ for his purpose at length stumbleth vpon a Canon of the prouinciall Councell of Orleans in Fraunce that No man should buyld a Church before the Bishop came set vp a crosse This canno made in those dayes sheweth y t churches before the making therof were builded without a crosse neither bindeth it any but such as build churches within the prouince of Orleans Beside that it may be doubted of the antiquitie of the Canon seeing it is not found in the recordes of y t councell but taken out of the Popes Canon lawe where is most counterfait stuffe Beside that it is not obserued among the Papists themselues that before any chuch chappel or Oratorie be buylded the bishop of the diocesse should come and make a crosse there The next Canon he citeth our of y e Councell of Toures the 2. Vt corpus domini in altari non in armario sed sub crucis titulo componatur that the Lords body be layde on the altar not in a chest or almery but vnder the title of the crosse But Martial doth english it thus That the body of our Lord consecrated vpon The Altar be not reposed and set in the reuestry but vnder the roode He braggeth y â— when he was Vsher of Winchester schoole he taught his Schollers y e true signification of the Latine words But beside that hee translateth Armarium a reuestrie which Tully vseth for a place wherein money was kept which could not wel be an open house also maketh a manifest difference betweene Armarium Sacrarâ—â—â— beside also that hee calleth titulum crucis the roode where findeth he in this sentence the Latine worde for his English worde consecrated But to the purpose of the crosse this Canon sheweth that in old time they vsed to lay it otherwise then vnder the title of the crosse whether they meant thereby the signe of the crosse or these wordes Iesus Naz. rex Iudaeorum which was the title of the crosse as they had in those dayes many ceremonies growne out of vse and therefore not vnderstood of vs. The third Councel is a Canon of the sixt generall Councell at Constantinople in Trullo which in the margent he calleth the Councell of Chalcedon in Trullo Can. 73. which M. Calfhil could not finde in y t Councel because it is certeine confessed by Geranza Martials author that the sixt Councel of Constantinople in Trullo made no ceremonies but of y e faith that these which he setteth forth were made priuatly by them long after in the dayes of Iustinian therfore they haue neither the authoritie of Canons nor be free from suspition of forgery And yet the Canon alledged proueth not this article for it only commaÌ„deth crosses that were made in the pauement to be put out Nay sayth Martiall the prohibition of the crosse to be made on the ground permitteth it to be made in all other places For a prohibition restrictiue of a thing to be done in one place is a lawfull permission for all other places which are not namely included in that prohibition And for this he referreth him selfe to y e iudgement of the lawyers But I thinke his lawe deceiueth him in this point as much as his diuinitie almost in euery point For if y e kings edict forbid swearing fighting brawling in his court I suppose he doeth not permit these things as lawfull in al other places The last Canon which forbad y e laying of y e lords body in y e vestri doth not lawfully permit it to be layd in the belfry The captains prohibition y t no man shal discharge his belly within y e precinct of y e camp is not a lawful permission y t a soldiar may defile a church without y e campe The lawe that forbiddeth the Princes image to be made on the pauement is not a lawfull permission that the same may be set vppon the high altar what Martials lawe is in these cases I knowe not but my reason serueth me not to allowe of those prohibitions for lawfull permission And where these Canon makers saye They did reuerence the liuely crosse with minde tongue and sense Martiall inferreth that this worde sense declareth that they had a sensible crosse to which they might shewe their reuerence with their externall senser Which senses Martiall their sight their hearing their smelling their tasting or their feeling Did you teache your schollers at Winchester thus to interpret was it the image of the crosse or the liuely crosse that shewed them that sauing health which they professe to reuerence in worde and minde And were you went to conster Cum seeing viuifica crux the liuing crosse ostenderit doth shewe For thus you giue mee example to play with you And if one of your boyes that learned Terence had so construed would you not haue streight way asked him Cuius modi temporis oftenderit if he had annswered the Preterperfect tense you woulde haue demaunded whether doth be the signe of that temps or haue If haue then haue not you rightly translated Cum crux viuifica illud sabâ—â— are nobis ostenderit Seeing the liuing crosse doeth shewe vnto vs that healthfull thing Wherefore to leaue this trifling the Canon is this Seeing the liuing crosse that is to say the passion of Christ hath shewed vnto vs that sauing health it behoueth vs to employ all our studie that we may giue vnto it by which we are saued from our olde fall that honour which is conuenient Wherefore giuing reuerence vnto it with minde speache and vnderstanding wee commaund that the figures of the crosse which are made of some in the ground and pauement be vtterly taken away lest the trophee of our victorie be iniuried by treading of those that passe ouer it It is not without fraude y t beside your false translation you haue omitted per quam ab antiquo lapsu
the Greeke and Easterne Churches from him which they count to be a schisme and heresie The third reason No heresie can continue and ouergrowe the true Church Papistrie hath continued Ergo Papistrie is no heresie The minor of this syllogisme is false for Papistrie hath not continued from the time of Christe but hath had her beginning long since and was not growne to a ripenesse of all her heresies in more then a thousand yeares after Christ as I haue shewed in the table of differences Therefore what so euer he saith to proue the maior is to no purpose when the minor is manifestly false CAP. XX. The third reason of the former chapter is fortified out of the aunicient and learned Fathers Nowe he taketh in hand a goodly piece of fortification and like a worthie surueior of the Popes buildings he bestoweth great cost out of Hilarius Chrysostome and Clemens Alexandrinus for defence of such a point as none of his aduersaries would euer offer to assaile Nameley the continuance of the Church and true religion which can not be ouercome not kept downe by any tyrannie or heresie but the more it is persecuted and oppressed the more it will flourish and increase And for this cause the true Church and faith of Christ although it haue bene long troden downe and afflicted by the tyrannie of Antichrist euen to such time as God had appointed that Antichrist shuld rage in the world for the sinnes thereof and especially for the contempt of the trueth 2. Thess. 2. yet hath it in the end preuailed encreased and flourished and by no craft or crueltie of Antichrist could any longer be suppressed or kept vnder Let not Papistes therefore bragge that they haue preuailed so long but let them nowe behold their ouerthrow by the increase of Gods Church and looke for their finall destruction at the glorious appearing of our Sauiour Christ. We doubt not therefore but determine with Augustine De vtilitate credendi to rest in y e bosome of that Church which from the seate of the Apostle by consent of mankind hath continued by succession of Bishops and hath obtained the height of authoritie all heretikes barking about it which partly by the iudgement of the people partly by the grauitie of Councels partly by the maiestie of miracles haue bene condemned But we vtterly denie the Popish Church to be this Church which hath had no continuance of succession from the Apostles seate in faith and doctrine though it claime neuer so much the succession of persons and places with the Donatistes Symon Magus Martion Eunomius and other heretikes we haue nothing to doe If trueth in Aerius and Vigilantius was condemned for errour not by the scriptures but by the tradition of men such condemnation can be no preiudice to them or their opinion when being called againe into iudgement they are found by sentence of Gods word the iudgement of the more ancient Fathers to haue ben wrongfully condemned To conclude Papistrie hath not preuailed against the church of God which hauing sought by all meanes so long time to roote her out of the earth yet was neuer able to bring to passe her wicked deuice but that the Church of Christ and the true religion thereof hath at last in the sight of al men gotten the vpper hand in despight of the Pope and Papistrie and all Papistes THE SECOND part of the Fortresse CAP. I. CErtaine demaundes to Protestantes putting the case that Papistes these many hundreth yeres haue liued in a wrong faith all which the case so put they ought of necessitie to satisfie WHat so euer the Protestantes can say for them selues as their credite is not great with him except they can proue one of his two demaūds he thinketh no godly or wise man will regard any thing they can say The first demaund is where or vnder what Pope or Emperour Papistrie beganne I aunswere Papistrie being antichristianitie the mysterie of that iniquitie began euen in the time of the Apostles 2. Thess. 2. Claudius being Emperour of Rome and so contiuned increasing in Apostasie vntill the time of Sigismund the Emperour who procured the Councel of Constance in which the lay people were robbed of the cup of the Lordes bloud Stapleton must beare with me if I can not name the Pope bicause at that time there were no lesse then three Popes at once and no man then liuing but as he was affectionate to one of those three could determine which of them was Pope This Stapleton though he haue a brasen face will not denie He requireth vs further to shewe the complaint of other Churches against Papistrie First for the beginning of the mysterie of iniquitie S. Paul complaineth 2. Thess. 2. And for the proceeding of that which was y e chiefe point therof namely the tyrannie of y e Bishop of Rome alwayes as it shewed it selfe some there were which complained of it Victor is the first Bishop of Rome which discouered the hid mysterie of iniquitie in vsurping against his fellowe Bishops in the time of the Emperour Seuerus against whome complained sharply reproued him Irenaeus Bishop of Lyons Polycrates and many other Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 25. Afterward in the dayes of Theodosius Honorius and Arcadius the Emperours when the Bishops of Rome Innocentius Bonifacius Zosimus Anastasius and Celestinus vsurped more openly in so much that they forged among them a decree of the Councel of Nice whereby they claimed their authoritie they were complained of by the Bishops and Church of Africa in open Councel the forgerie detected and decrees made that none in Africa should appeale to any Bishop ouer the Sea And that the Bishop of the first See should not be called prince of Priestes nor by any such name of pride but onely Bishop of the first See Conc Mileuit c. 22. Conc. Carth. 6. cap. 4. Conc. African c. 92. Ep. Concil ad Bonifac. Caelestinum Afterward in the dayes of the Emperour Mauritius when Iohn of Constantinople vsurped the title of vniuersall Bishop as the forerunner of Antichrist Gregorie him selfe Bishop of Rome complained of him and pronounced that he was the forerunner of Antichrist Wherefore Stapleton lyeth shamefully when he saith we make him the first Antichrist for as I haue testified before although there was in him a superstitious affection vnto ceremonies and that he was infected with certaine olde errours that had preuailed before his time yet bicause he helde the foundation of saluation by Christ onely and detested the vsurpation of that Antichristian title we account him for a member of the true Church of Christ. But after him when in the dayes of Phocas Bonifacius by pride and symonie had vsurped the same Antichristian authoritie and procured that the Church of Rome should be counted head of all Churches he was complayned of by the Church of Rauenna in Italie which would not acknowledge that Antichristian title neyther would submitte her selfe vnto the whore of
practise of the primitiue Church proueth it to be necessary as in the example of Serapion Euseb. lib 6. cap. 44. and of Satyrus Saint Ambroses brother In obitum Satyri c. And is it euen so Doeth the example of one man that was excommunicated and could not be quiet vntill he had receiued the communion and of an other that neuer receiued it nor was baptised prooue it necessary for all men Yea saith Stapleton who will reade onely but one Canon of the Nicene councell shal finde therein not only a generall commandement for al Christendome but also the auncient practise of the Church before that time And I say who so will reade not only the whole Canon but the very title thereof shall finde that it was a remission only for excommunicated persons Câ—no 12. De excommunicatis a saeculo exâ—untibus Of excoÌ„municated persoÌ„s departing this world De his verò qui recedunt ex corpore antiquae legis reguia obseruabitur etiâ— nunc ita vt si fortè quis recedat ex corpore necessario vitae suae viatico non defraudetur Quod si desperatus aliquis recepta Communione superuixerit siâ— inter eos qui sola oratione coÌ„municant De omnibus tamen his qui a corpore recedunt in tradendo eis Communionem cura probatio sit episcopi But concerning them which depart out of this bodye the rule of the auncient lawe shalbe obserued euen nowe also so that if perhaps any depart out of y e body he may not be defrauded of the necessary prouision of his life But if any being at the point of death after he haue receiued the Communion do recouer liue let him be among them that communicate in prayer onely Neuerthelesse concerning all those men that depart out of y e body in deliuering to them the communion let both the charge and the tryal be in the bishops discretion This Canon was not made for all Christian men that at times of publike administration of the sacraments might freely be partakers but onely of such as were excommunicated appointed a time of penance for their tryall before they should be admitted to the Lordes supper before which time if they were at the point of death and the bishop allowed of their repentance this Canon prouideth that they might be receiued to the Communion for their comfort but yet so that if any did recouer and liue they shuld accomplish their time among the penitentes that was before enioyned them This thing being so apparant what shall wee saye of these English Louanistes that either they neuer read the bookes out of which they cite their authorities or else without all shame they wrest them against their owne conscience The 19. difference is the reseruation of the sacrament wherein as I confesse in some erronious kinde of reseruation wee differ from some of the primitiue Church so they differed from Christ which coÌ„maunded it to be eaten and dronken And it is manifest y t their reseruation differed from the popish reseruation both in the manner and in the ende But concerning reseruation I referre the reader to mine answere to D. Heskins first booke Cap. 24. 25. 26. 27. where you shall finde all his authorities discussed except the 14. Canon of the Councell of Nice out of which hee alledgeth that the Deacons might absente Episcopo presbitero proferre communionem comedere In the absence of the Bishop and priest take out the communion and receiue it Whereby he sayeth it is euident that it was reserued in the Churches where the Deacons might come to receiue it But I must admonish the reader y t these wordes which he citeth are an addition of Gratian and the popish church and are not in the true copies in Greeke of that Councell nor in the right Latine translation as euen Peter Crabb the Papist confesseth nor yet in the edition of Ruffinus But such draffe and dregges of falsifications additions detractions mutations c. are good ynough for popishe swyne The 20. difference is blessing with the signe of the Crosse for fortification of which piece he referreth the reader to Martials treatise of the Crosse. And I to M. Calfhils Aunswere and my Reioynder The 21. difference is benediction of the bishop which he sayeth is mocked at and reuiled by Protestantes But he sayeth vntruely for although wee may iustly deride the vaine ceremoniall casting of crosses in the ayre of their bitesheepes rather then bishops with their two fingers which is nothing else but a ridiculous superstition yet wee contemne not the godly benediction of a Christian Bishop and pastour which vseth the same according to the word of God Therefore the examples of Nectarius which desired the benediction of his Bishop Diodorus at his departure and Aurelius which blessed Augustine and his company after he had visited them shewe no difference of them from vs. And if Eudoâ—ia the Empresse desired Chrisostome to blesse her sonne Theodosius his godson What did Chrysostome but pray for him and with him well in the name of the Lorde And how did Diodorus blesse Nectarius And Aurelius blesse Augustine and the rest but by godly prayer made to God for them not with vaine dombe idle ceremonies after the Popish manner So that the manner of blessing of the auncient times doeth rather proue a difference of Papistes from them then of vs from them And moreouer you may consider how to make vp a number of differences what small matters he is fayne to flye vnto and euen such as he hath no shewe of holde at all in the writers of the auncient Church of 600. yeares after Christ for them But onely to set a face of the matter as though there were nothing newe amongest them when not onely their ceremonies but also many of the principall articles of their doctrine wherein they differ from vs were either not heard of in those ages or else were openly impugned by writers of those times Onely the dregges and refuse of the former age they retayne as prayer for the deade inuocation of Saintes and a fewe other such matters CAP. VII Of pilgrimage and reliques of Church seruice of Altars of Church ornaments holy vessels of the ecclesiasticall â—onsure and of holy water The 22. difference is pilgrimage to holy places especially to Rome In deede we finde that peregrination to Ierusalem was esteemed of many and great resort to Rome of the wiser sort not for the holinesse of the places but for the frequence of godly learned men then liuing in those places Otherwise for the holynesse of the place S. Hierom ad Paulinum whether M. Sapleton sendeth vs doth sufficiently declare what was to be esteemed of it Non Hierosolymis fuisse sed Hierosolymis bene vixisse laudandum est It is no praise to haue beene at Hierusalem but to haue liued well at Hierusalem And speaking euen of our owne countrye he addeth Et de Hierosolymis
See heere the fface of Romes renowned ffoe Graue larned Fulk whose worth his works best show T. STAPLETON and Martiall two Popish Heretikes confuted and of their particular heresies detected By. D. Fulke Master of Pembrooke hall in Cambridge Done and directed to all those that loue the truth and hate superstitious vanities Seene and allowed AT LONDON Printed by Henrie Middleton for George Bishop ANNO. 1580. A CATALOGVE OF ALL SVCH Popish Bookes either answered or to be aunswered which haue bene written in the Englishe tongue from beyond the Seas or secretly dispersed here in England haue come to our handes since the beginning of the Queenes Maiesties reigne 1 HArding against the Apology of the Englishe Church answered by M. Iewel Bishop of Sarum 2 Harding against M. Iewels challenge aunswered by M. Iewel 3 Hardings reioynder to M. Iewel answered by M. Edward Deering 4 Coles quarels against M. Iewell answered by M. Iewell 5 Rastels returne of vntruthes answered by M. Iewel 6 Rastell against M. Iewels challenge answered by William Fulke 7 Dorman against M. Iewel answered by M. Nowel 8 Dormans disproofe of M. Nowels reproofe answered by M. Nowel 9 The man of Chester aunswered by M. Pilkington Bishop of Duresme 10 Sanders on the Sacrament in part aunswered by M. Nowell 11 Fecknams Scruples answered by M. Horne B. of Winchester 12 Fecknams Apologie answered by W. Fulke 13 Fecknams obiections against M. Goughes sermon answered by M. Gough and M. Lawrence Tomson 14 Stapletons counterblast answered by M. Bridges 15 Marshall his defence of the crosse answered by M. Caulfehill 16 Fowlers Psalter aunswered by M. Sampson 17 An infamous libell or letter incerto authore against the teachers of Gods diuine prouidence and predestination answered by Maister Robert Crowley 18 Allens defence of Purgatory answered by W. Fulke 19 Heskins parleâ—â—ent repealed by W. Fulke 20 Ristons challâ—ng answered by W Fulke Oliuer Carter 21 Hosius of Gods expresse worde translated into English answered by W. Fulke 22 Sanders rocke of the Church vndermined by W. Fulke 23 Sanders defence of images answered by W. Fulke 24 Shaclockes Pearle answered by M. Hartwell 25 The hatchet of heresies answered by M. Bartlet 26 Maister Euans answered by himselfe 27 A defence of the priuate Masse answered by coniecture by M. Cooper Bishop of Lincolne 28 Certeine assertions tending to mainteine the Church of Rome to be the true and catholike church confuted by Iohn Knewstub 29. Sander vpon the Lordes supper fully answered by D. Fulke 30 Bristowes motiues demaâ—des answered by D. Fulk 31 Stapletons Differences Fortresse of the faith answered by D. Fulke 32 Allens defence of Priestes authoritie to remit sinnes of the Popish Churches meaning concerning Indulgences answered by D. Fulke 33 Martials Reply to M. Calfehill answered by D. Fulke 34 Frariâ—s rayling declamation answered by D. Fulke These Popish treatises ensuing are in answering If the Papistes know any not here reckoned let them be brought to light they shall be examined 1 Stapletons returne of vntrruthes 2 Rastels replye 3 Vaux his Catchisme 4 Canifius his Catechisme translated AN OVERTHROW BY W. Fulke Doctor of Diuinitie and Master of Pembroke hall in Cambridge to the feeble Fortresse of Popish faith receiued from ROME and lately aduaunced by THOMAS STAPLETON Student in Diuinitie THOMAS STAPLETON student in Diuinitie translated the 5. Bookes of Bedes historie of y â— English Church into the English toung before which historie it pleased him to set a table of 45. differences betweene the Primitiue faith of England continued almost a thousand yeares and the late pretended faith of the Protestants all which we will consider in order First are fiue Apostolicall markes found in their preachers and wanting as he saith in ours 1 Augustine whome he calleth their Apostle shewed the token of his Apostleship in all patience signes and wonders Bed 2. lib. 1. c. 30. 31. l. 2. c. 2. Miracles in confirmation of their doctrine Protestantes haue yet wrought none I aunswere Peter Paul Matthewe Iames Iohn c. are Apostles to vs sent not from Gregorie of Rome but by Christ him selfe out of Iewrie y â— signe of whose Apostleship being shewed in all patience signes and wonders and our doctrine being the same which we haue receiued of their writings needeth no other confirmation of miracles to be wrought by vs. If Augustine sent from Gregorie a man haue planted any humane traditions and confirmed them by liâ—ing signes and miracles as a forerunner of Antichrist which was euen immediatly after his time to be openly shewed or if by subtill practice miracles haue bene feigned to haue bene done by him and reported by a credulous man Bede it hurteth not our cause seeing other writers report him to haue bene both a proud and a cruell man And yet we receiue all that doctrine which he taught agreeable to the doctrine of the Apostles of Christ what so euer he taught beside we are not to receiue it of an Angell from heauen much lesse of Augustine from Rome 2 Their Apostles tendered vnitie labouring to reduce the Britaines to the vnitie of Christes Church Nothing is more notorious in Protestantes then their infamous dissention Augustine in deede laboured to bring the Britons in subiection to himselfe and to the Church of Rome which argueth no desire to Christian vnitie but fauoureth of Antichristian ambition and tyrannie as his cruell threatening executed vpon them did shewe sufficiently The dissention of the Protestants is not in articles of faith nor such but that they are all brethren that vnfeignedly professe the doctrine of saluation although they dissent in the matter of the sacrament in orders rytes and ceremonies 3 Their Apostles were sent by an ordinarie vocation Protestantes haue preached without vocation or sending at all such as the Church of Christ requireth They were sent by Pope Gregorie who had none ordinarie authoritie to send Apostles or preachers into foreigne countries Wherfore if they had any sending it was extraordinarie of charitie and not of office The Protestants that first preached in these last dayes had likewise extraordinaire calling But if the calling of the Papistes may be counted a lawfull calling they were called of the Popish Church to be preachers and teachers before they knewe or preached the trueth of the Gospell 4 Their preaching was of God by Gamaliels reason bicause their doctrine continued 900. yeares whereas the Protestantes faith is already chaunged from Lutherane to Sacramentarie in lesse then 20. yeares This reason of Gamaliel would proue Mahometes enterprise to be of God bicause it hath likewise continued 900. yeares yet it is false that the Popish faith hath had so long continuance For the Papistes are departed as from many other points of doctrine so euen from that of the Lords supper which Augustine planted among the Saxons vnto carnall presence and transubstantiation the contrarie of which were taught by Augustine as appeareth by the publique Saxon
is the vowe of virginitie in a great many which our sauiour Christ affirmeth to be a rare gift not in euery mans power As for the vowe of chastitie if any were made by Popishe priestes it was oftener broken before the restoring of true knowledge then since Whose incontinencie hath infected the world with whoredome and vncleannesse 15 Such Monkes and virgines liued in cloysters in obedience and pouertie which are ouerthrowne of Protestants as a damnable estate The horrible abuse of Cloystrall life hath caused the subuersion of them beside their errours superstition and idolatrie 16 Prayer for the dead Dirige ouer night and Requiem Masse in the morning was an accustomed manner lib. 3. cap. 2. lib. 4 cap. 21. which the Protestants count to be abhomination Praier for the dead is an older errour then Popish religion But Dirige and Requiem Masse had an other meaning lib. 3. cap. 2. then the Papistes haue now for there it is saide In the selfe same place the religious men of Hagustalden Church haue nowe of long time bene accustomed to come euery yeare the eue and the day that the same king Oswald was afterward slaine to keepe Diriges there for his soule and in the morning after Psalmes being saide solemnely to offer for him the sacrifice of holy oblation You must vnderstand that this Oswald was of them that so did taken for an holy martyr and therfore these Psalmodies and sacrifices were of thanksgiuing for the rest of his soul not of propitiation for his sinnes as the Papistes account them lib. 4. cap. 21. there is nothing to the matter in hand but in the next chapter following is the tale of him that was loosed from his fetters by saying of Masse by the relation whereof and not by the word of God many beganne to thinke the sacrifice of the Masse profitable for the dead 17 Reseruation of the sacrament thought no superstition lib. 4. cap. 24. nowe counted prophanation of the sacrament Reseruation was an older errour then Poperie yet contrarie to the commaundement of Christ Take ye and eate ye 18 Houseling before death vsed as necessarie for all true Christians lib. 4. cap. 3. 24. Protestants vnder pretence of a Communion doe nowe wickedly bereaue Christian folke of it These chapters shewe that it was vsed but not that it was vsed as necessarie The Communion of the ficke is also vsed of vs. Neither can M. Stapleton proue that it was then ministred to the sicke person alone as is vsed among them But in the 24. chapter of the 4. booke it may be gathered that as many as were present with the partie receiued with him bicause there was a mutuall demaund of his being in charitie with them and they with him 19 Consecrating of Monkes and Nunnes by the handes of the Bishop a practised solemnitie in their primitiue Church lib. 4. cap. 19. 23. which Protestantes by the libertie of their Gospell laugh and scorne at Chap. 19. it is saide that Wilfride gaue to Ethelrede the vaile and habite of a Nunne and cap. 23. that one Hein tooke the vowe habite of a Nunne being blessed and consecrated by Bishop Aidan In those elder times no virgine was suffered to professe virginitie but by the iudgement of the Bishop who was not onely a minister of the ceremonie of profession but also a iudge of the expedience and lawfulnesse of the vowe so that the vowe of virginitie was moderated and kept within more tollerable boūds then is vsed of the Papistes 20. Commemoration of Saints at Masse time lib. 4. cap. 14 18. such commemorations in the Protestants Communion are excluded as superstitious and vnlawfull Chap. 14. it it saide vpon the report of a boyes vision And therefore let them say Masses and giue thanks that their praier is heard and also for the memorie of the same king Oswald which somtime gouerned their nation Admitting this vision to be true here is but Masse and memorie of thankesgiuing in the 18. chap. is nothing to any such purpose In the Communion of our Church is a thankesgiuing with Angels Archangels and all the glorious companie of heauen although we make no speciall mention of any one Saint by name 21 Pilgrimage to holy places especially to Rome a much waitie matter of all estates lib. 4. cap. 3. 23. lib. 5. cap. 7. Nothing soundeth more prophane and barbarous in the eares of Protestants In the first of these places there is mention of pilgrimage into Ireland not for y ◠holinesse of the place but for the wholsome instruction that then was there For it seemeth by the storie in many places that Ireland although not subiect to y ◠See of Rome was thē replenished with godly learned men of whome men sought out of Britaine to be informed in religion Peregrination to Rome was vsed of superstition and opinion of great learning to be had from thence Yet was there no pilgrimage to images nor to Rome so filthie a sinke of all abhominations as it hath bene since those dayes 22 Of the reliques of holy men of reuerence vsed towards them and miracles wrought by them the historie is ful Nothing is more vile in the sight of Protestantes then such deuotion of Christians Such superstition and credulitie of the former age is iustly misliked of vs but the idolatrie and forging of reliques which is too common among the Papists is rightly detested of vs. 23 Blessing with the signe of the Crosse accounted no superstition lib. 4. cap. 24. lib. 5. cap. 2. In the deuotion of the Protestants is esteemed magike Signing with the signe of the Crosse which sometime against the Gentiles was an indifferent ceremonie vsed of the Papistes for an ordinarie forme of blessing is both superstitious and idolatrous 24 Solemnitie of buriall Protestantes despise whereas it was the deuotion of their primitiue Church to be buried in monasteries Churches and chappels Honourable buriall of the Saintes bodies which were the temples of the holy Ghost and are laide vp in hope of a glorious resurrection Protestantes despise not Yet were the first Archbishops of Canturburie buried in a Porch beside the Church lib. 2. cap. 3. There was no buriall place appointed in the Monasterie of Berking vntil by a light it was reuealed as the historie saith lib. 4. cap. 7. but with time superstition on of buriall grewe yet nothing comparable in that age to the superstition of Papists of these latter times There was no buriall in S. Frances Coule nor after the Popish solemnitie 25 Benediction of the Bishop as superiour to the people was vsed which Protestants scorne at lib. 4. cap. 11. The Protestantes allowe benediction of the Bishop in the name of God as the superiour although they iustly deride the Popish maner of blessing by cutting the aire with crosses neither is there any such blessing spoken of in the chapter by him cited 26 The seruice of the Church was at the first planting of their faith in
the Latine and learned tongue lib. 1. cap. 29. lib. 4. cap. 18. which the Protestants haue altered There is no such thing to be proued in the first place nor any thing sounding the way but only this that Gregorie sent into England to Augustine many bookes of which it is a Popish consequence to gather that they were bookes of Latine seruice In the latter it is declared that Iohn y e Chaunter of Rome brought from thence the order of singing and reading and put many things in writing which pertained to the celebration of high feastes and holidayes for the whole compasse of the yeare But this being almost an hundreth yeres after the cōming of Augustine it appeareth the Church of England had no such Latine seruice before For Gregorie willed Augustine to gather out of euery Church what ceremonies he thought expedient for the English Church and bound him not to the orders or seruice of the Church of Rome And it may be gathered that long after there was no certain forme of administration of the sacramentes put in writing generally receiued but that the priestes which then were learned ordered the same according to their discretion for their chiefe labour was in preaching and instructing For Beda reporteth vpon the credite of one which liued in his time and was Abbot of Wye Herebald by name that he being in great extremitie and daunger of death by falling from an horse S. Iohn of Beuerlaye the Bishop that was his master asked him whether he knewe without all scruple or doubt that he was baptized or no to whome hee aunswered that he certainely knewe that he was baptized and tolde the priestes name that baptized him To whome the Bishop replied saying If you were baptized of him doubtlesse you were not well baptized for I knowe him well and am right well assured that when he was made priest he could not for his dulheaded wit learn neither to instruct nor to baptize And for that cause I haue streightly charged him not to presume to that ministerie which he could not do accordingly By this it may be gathered that the forme of baptisme was not set downe in writing which euery dulheaded dogbolt priest can reade but that it was referred to the learning of the minister which did instruct them that were of age and came to receiue baptisme But this ignorant priest whome S. Iohn of Beuerlay depriued of his ministerie could neither cathechise nor baptize for which cause the yong man being cathechised againe and after he recouered of his fall was baptized a newe as one that was not rightly baptized before Moreouer lib. 4. cap. 24. Beda sheweth of one Cednom in the Abbay of Hilda to whome was giuen miraculously the gift of Singing and making Hymnes for religion in his mother tongue of the creation of the world and all histories of the olde Testament of the incarnation passion resurrection and ascention of Christ c. which by all likelihoode were vsed in the Churches And when Latine seruice was first vsed it is not incredible but that the people did meetely well vnderstand it for the Latine tongue was in those days vnderstood in most places of the Westerne Church And Beda noteth some especially which vnderstoode no language but the Saxon. The interpreters which Augustine brought out of Fraunce do confirme this coniecture For the rude Latine tongue spoken in France was better vnderstood of the vulgar people then that was spoken at Rome and in Italie for which cause there was a Canon made in the third Councel at Toures that the Homilies should be turned in rusticam Romanam linguam into the rude Latin tongue that they might more easily be vnderstoode of all men Againe the Britaines and Pictes which conuerted the greatest part of the Saxons howe could they haue been vnderstood preaching in Welsh but that the vulgare Latine tongue was a common language to them both Finally the manifolde vses of diuers Churches as Sarum Yorke c. declare that the Latine seruice was but lately in comparison set downe when knowledge decayed both in the Priestes and the people 27 Protestants haue plucked downe altars which they had of olde time They had altars but standing in the middest of the Church as y ◠tables stood in the Primitiue Church 28 Altar clothes and vestments vsed of them Protestants admit not A sorie ceremonie in which no part of Christianitie consisteth The like I say of the 29. holy vessels 30. holy water and 31. Ecclesiasticall censure about which there was no small adoe 32 Their primitiue Church was gouerned by Synodes of the Clergie only in determining controuersies of religion which Protestants haue called from thence vnto the Lay court onely The latter part is a slaunder vpon the Protestantes the former part a lye vpon the auncient Saxons for at the Synode holden at Strenshalch not only the kings Oswine Alfride were present but also king Oswine did order the Synode and in the end concluded the matter in controuersie lib. 3. cap. 25. 33 The spirituall rulers of the primitiue Church were Bishops and pastours duely consecrated protestants haue no consecration no true Bishops at all This is an other lewd slander against y e Protestants for they haue true Bishops though not cōsecrated after the Popish manner Laurence the second Archbishop of Canterburie acknowledgeth the Ministers of y e Scots and Britaines for Bishops although they were not subiect to the Church and See of Rome lib. 2. cap. 4. Aidanus Finanus Colmanus are iudged of Beda for true Bishops although they were deuided from the Church of Rome and so are such Bishops as were ordeined by them for they conuerted the greatest part of the Saxons vnto Christian faith As Northumbrians Mertians and East Saxons 34 Protestants haue brought the supreme gouernement of the Church to the Lay authoritie in the primitiue faith of our countrie the Lay was subiect to the Bishop in spirituall causes And so are they nowe in suche causes as they were subiecte then But that the supreame authoritie was in the ciuill Magistrate at that time it may appeare by these reasons First Pope Gregorie him self calleth the Emperour Mauritius his souereigne Lord lib. 1. cap. 23. 28. 29. 30. and after him Pope Honorius called Heraclius his souereigne Lord lib. 2. 18. King Sonwalch Preferred Agilbert and Wini to be Bishops afterward he deposed Wini which for mony bought for Wulfher king of Mercia the See of London lib. 3. cap. 7. Earcombert king of Kent of his princely authoritie purged his realme of idolatrie and commaunded that the fast of 40. dayes should be kept lib. 3. cap. 8. King Oswine ordered the Synod at Strenshalch li. 3. cap. 25. Oswine and Ecgbert kings deliberate touching the peacable gouernement of the Church and by the choice and consent of the Cleargie did nominate Wighard Archbishop of Canturburie lib. 3. cap. 29. King Ecgfride deposed Bishop Wilfride li. 4. ca. 12. Ost for
holde Aelf Serm. Pasc Ep. 3 The Church of English Saxons did giue the communion vnder both kinds vnto the people which the Papistes doe not Aelf Serm. Pasc Beda lib 1. cap. 27. lib. 5. cap. 22. 4 The Priestes of that time said no priuate Masse on working dayes but onely on holy dayes which therefore were called Masse dayes Aelfr Ser. Pasc. Popish priestes euery day 5 The people did then communicate with the priest Beda lib. 2. cap. 5. The Popish priest eateth and drinketh all alone 6 The English Saxon Church did celebrate Easter with the olde Iewes in one faith although they differ from them in the kind of external sacraments whereby they affirmed the substance of the sacraments of both the testaments to be all one which the Papistes denie Aelfr Serm. Pasc. Epist. Bed lib. 5. ca. 22. 7 The sacrament of the Lordes Supper was not then hanged vp to be worshipped nos caried in procession bicause they had not the opinion of carnal presence which the Papistes haue c. 8 The English Saxons Church denied that wicked men receiued the body and bloud of Christ. Aelfr Serm. Pasc. The Papistes holde that not onely wicked men but also brute beasts eate the body of Christ if they eate the externall sacrament thereof 9 The English Saxons allowed the Scriptures to be read of the people in the Saxon tong whereof Canutus made a lawe that all Christian men should diligently search the lawe of God The Papistes denie the search of Gods lawe to all Christian men that are not of the Cleargie or learned in the Latine tong 10 The English Saxons decreed in Synode after Latine seruice preuailed and the knowledge of Latine decaied that the priestes shuld say vnto the people on Sundayes and holy dayes the interpretation of that Gospel in English Aelfr lib. Can. which the Papistes neither do nor will suffer to be done 11 The English Saxons commaunded that al men should be instructed by the Priestes to say the Lordes praier the Creede the ten Commaundements in the English tong Will. Mal. li. 1. de part Aelfr in lib. Can. Canut in leg which the Papistes haue taught to be hereticall 12 The English Saxons decreed in Synode and king Canutus made a lawe that the priestes should instruct the people in the vnderstanding of the Lordes praier the Creede c. vbi supra which the Papistes altogether neglect affirming ignorance to be the mother of deuotion 13 The worshipping of images and the second Councel of Nice that decreed the same was accursed of the Church of God in England and France written against by Alcuinus in the name of the Church of England and Fraunce Math. West Symeon Dunel Rog. Houed c. The Papistes defend both that idolatrous Councel and their wicked decree 14 The Priestes in the primitiue Saxon Church were married for three or foure hundreth yeares witnesse all histories of England which the Papistes doe not allowe 15 The vowe of chastitie was not exacted of them that were made Priests for the space of more then 400. yeares after the ariuall of Augustine into Kent which decree was made by Lanfrancus in a Synode at Winchester Anno 1076. 16 Notwithstanding this decree and many other both Priestes refused to make that vow and kept their wiues by the kings leaue Gerard. Ebor Ep. ad Anselm Histor. Petroburg Papistes permit neither of both 17 Lanfrancus decreed that such priestes as had wiues should not be compelled to put them away the Papistes enforce Priestes to put away their wiues 18 The Popes y t were founders of y e English Saxon church acknowledged the Emperors to be their souereigne Lordes Bed li. 1. cap. 23. lib. 2. cap. 18 19 Pope Honorius toke order y t the Archb. of Canturb might be cōsecrated in England w tout trauelling to Rome Bed l. 2. ca. 18. The latter Popes denied this 20 Pope Gregorie exhorteth king Ethelbert to set forth the faith of Christ to his subiectes to forbid the worship of idols c. Bed lib. 1. cap 32. The Papistes would not haue the ciuill magistrate gouerne in Ecclesiasticall causes 21 And least you should say as M. Sander doth that the king was herein the Bishops Commissarie Earcombert king of Kent of his princely authoritie purged his realme of idolatrie and commaunded the fast of 40. dayes to be kept Bed lib. 3. cap. 8. The Papistes denie that a king may doe such things of his princely authoritie 22 Kings in those times preferred men to Bishoprikes Bed lib. 3 cap. 7. which the Papistes affirme to be vnlawfull 23 Kings in those dayes deposed Bishops as Senwalch did Wini Bed li. 3. cap. 7. Ecgfrid deposed Wilfride lib. 4. ca. 12. which the Papists do not admit 24 King Ecgfride would not receiue Wilfrid being restored by the Pope Bed lib. 4. cap. 13. lib. 5. cap. 10. The Papistes count it blasphemie not to obey the Popes decree 25 The same Wilfride being againe depriued by means of king Aldfride and being the second time absolued by y e Pope could not be restored to his Bishoprike but by a Synode of his owne Cleargie Bed lib. 5. cap. 20. By which it appeareth the Cleargie were not then in perfect slauerie to the Pope 26 Kings in those dayes were present at Synodes and ordered them and concluded in them as Oswine did at Strenshalch lib. 3. cap. 25. 27 Archbishops were commaunded by Kings to consecrate Bishops as Wilfride was to consecrate Ostfor at the commaundement of king Edilred Bed li. 4. cap. 23. Papistes denie Kings to haue souereigne authoritie in ecclesiasticall causes 28 Priuileges of Monasteries sought at Rome had first the consent of the king vnto them Bed lib. 4. cap. 18. Papistes of later times seeke priuileges against the kings will 29 Monkes in y t time were called to serue y e Cōmon wealth as Sighard a Monke was made king of y e East Saxons lib. 4. ca. 11. Papistes call such Apostataes 30 Monasteries were thē Colleges of learned mē to furnish the Church with Ministers and Bishops li. 4 ca. 23. Among Papists they be stals to feed idle bellies y t serue neither the Church nor the Common wealth 31 Studie of the Scriptures and hand labour was the exercise of Monkes in those first and better times Bed lib. 4. cap. 3. Idlenesse and vaine ceremonies is the exercise of Popish Monkes 32 Monasteries were founded that men might in them heare the word of God and pray Bed li. 3. ca. 23. Popish Monasteries in latter times were builded only to pray for mens soules and to say Masses in them c. 33 Vpon Sundayes the people vsed ordinarily to flocke to Churches and Monasteries to heare the word of God Bed lib. 3. cap. 26. In popish Monasteries there neither was nor is any ordinarie resort to heare the word of God nor any ordinarie preaching 34 The Monkes of that time were all learned preachers Bed lib. 3. cap. 26. The Popish
Monkes are most vnlearned and fewe preachers out of their dens 35 In those dayes euery Priest and Clearke was a preacher so that when any came to any towne y e people would resort to them to be taught of them Bed lib. 4. cap. 16. The greatest number of Popish Priestes in these latter dayes are most ignorant Asses and void of all spirituall vnderstanding 36 Vnlearned Priestes were forbidden to serue in the Church Bed lib. 5. cap. 6. in so much that S. Iohn of Beuerley baptized againe a young man which was baptized of an vnlearned Priest The Papistes allowe vnlearned Priestes to baptise and say Masse that can not cathechise and instruct their hearers 37 Songes and Hymnes out of the holy Scriptures were made meete for religion in the mother tongue Bed lib. 4. cap. 24. Papistes can abide no songs of scripture in the English tongue 38 Anchorets of that time laboured with their handes Bed lib. 4. cap. 28. Popish Anchorets liue idly and labour not with their hands 39 Dirige and Masse was saide for Saint Oswaldes soule by which it is manifest that they esteemed the Masse to be a sacrifice of thankesgiuing lib. 3. cap. 2. 40 Bega a Nunne after she sawe the soule of the Abbesse Hilda carried into heauen exhorted her sisters to be occupied in prayers and Psalmes for her soule Whereby it appeareth that the doctrine of purgatory was not yet confirmed among them Lib. 4. ca. 23. Nothing is so certainly defended among Papistes as purgatorie 41 Holy men fasted then with eating of milke as Egbert Bed lib. 3. ca. 27. and Cedda fasted lent with egges and milk lib. 3. ca. 23. Papists of later times haue vtterly forbidden all white meates in Lent and fasting dayes 42 There was a Church of Christ in Britaine before the comming of Augustine not subiect to the see of Rome which continued long after his comming lib. 2. cap. 4. The Papistes account none Christians but such as be bondslaues to the see of Rome 43 Laurence the 2. Archbishop of Canter accompteth the Bishops of the Scottes and Britaines for Bishops although they were not subiect to the see nor Church of Rome Bed lib. 3 cap. 4. The Papistes take none for Bishops that be not vnder the see of Rome 44 The Churches of the Britaines were builded after another forme then the Churches of the Romish obedience Bed lib. 3. cap. 4. The Papistes affirme there were no Churches euer builded but in fashion and vse of poperie 45 The Schottish Churche instructed from Ireland obserued all such workes of deuotion as they could finde in the Prophetes Gospels and Apostles writings and therefore of Bede and the Englishe Church were acknowledged for Christians although they would not become members of the Churche of Rome Bed li. 3. ca. 4. The Papistes hold that there is no saluation out of the Church of Rome which is a newe Church in England in comparison of the elder that was before Augustines time 46 Aidanus a preaching Bishop hauing no possessions labouring to fulfill all that was written in the holy scriptures the prophets and Apostles shining in miracles both in his life time and after his death was neuer subiect to the Church of Rome yet accounted a Saint of the Church in those dayes Bed lib. 3. cap. 16. The Papistes allowe no saintes but canonized by their Pope 47 The exercise of Aidanus company both shorne and lay men was reading of the Scriptures and learning of the Psalmes Bed lib. 3. cap. 5. The exercise of Popish Bishops servants is nothing lesse 48 The greatest parte of the English Saxons were converted to Christianitie by the Britaines Scottes that were no members of the Church of Rome As all the kingdome of Northumberland both Bernicians Deires were conuerted by Aidanus except a fewe persons whom Paulmus the Romaine in long time had gained The whole kingdome of Mercia which was the greatest part of England receiued the faith and baptisme of Finanus the Scot the successour of Aidanus Bed lib. 3. cap. 21. The East Saxons by Cedda that was also of the Scottishe ordering lib. 3. cap. 22. The Papistes affirme that all our religion came from Rome 49 Ceadda was consecrated by Wini bishop of the West Saxons assisted by two Britain Bishops that were not subiect to the see of Rome was neuerthelesse accompted for a lawfull bishop Bed lib 3. 28. 50 Beda accounted Gregorie for the Apostle of the Englishmen lib. 2. cap. 1. The Papistes nowe take Augustine for their Apostle I omit many other opinions and ordinances of that age as Augustine would haue none forced to religion that Wednesday should be fasting day The bishop of London should haue a pall as well as Yorke c. wherein the Papistes differ from them that bragge of nothing but antiquity vniuersalitie and consent AN OVERTHROW of Stapletons Fortresse or as he calleth it himselfe the piller of Papistrie The first Booke CAP. I. AN introduction declaring the necessitie of the matter to be treated vpon and the order which the auothour wil take in treating thereof OMitting the necessitie of the mater his order which he promiseth to keepe is this First he wil proue if he can that Papistrie is the only true Christianitie This proposition he will followe by two principall partes In the former he will proue by authority of Scriptures and answering of the aduersaries obiections that the Church cannot possibly erre Secondly that this Church must be a knowne Church that no malignant Church can preuaile against it that Papistrie can be no schisme nor heresie In the latter part after a fewe reasonable demandes that protestantes must not refuse to answere putting the case that the knowne Church of 900. yeares is a kinde of papistry he will proue that the faith of protestants is differing from that was first planted among Englishe men in more then fortie pointes and that in all those pointes of difference he wil shew they agree with the first 600. yeares which he saith but falsely that protestants offer to be tried by For although the Bishop of Sarum made challenge of many articles nowe holden of the Papistes not to be founde within the compasse of the first 600. yeares and therefore to be newe and false doctrines yet neither he nor any protestant liuing or dead did euer agree to receiue what doctrine so euer was taught within the first sixe hundreth yeares But this I dare avowe that what article of doctrine so euer we do affirme that same hath bene affirmed of the godly fathers of the primitiue Church what so euer we denie the same can not be proued to haue ben vniuersally affirmed and receiued of all the godly fathers by the space of the 600. yeares together CAP. II. That protestantes doe condemne the vuiuersal Church of Christ of these many hundreth yeares and the reason of the whole disputation following grounded therevpon To prooue that the Protestants condemne the uniuersall Church of
of the East Church haue been and are stil at vtter defyance with the Pope of Rome You see therefore by plaine demonstration that this reason holdeth no further then Augustines authoritie extendeth who in other places appealeth onely to the Scriptures and euen against the Manichees confesseth that the playne demonstration of the trueth which is to be founde in the holye Scriptures is to be preferred before the consent of nations authoritie of miracles succession of Bishops vniuersalitie consent name of the Catholike Church and whatsoeuer can be taught beside Contra Epist. Manich. quam vocant fundamenti Cap. 4. The thirde reason why the Church must alwayes be a known multitude is for keeping out of wolues and heretikes which must be y t they which are tryed may be made manifest which cannot bee in a secrete congregation Yes M. Stapleton very well The Church was neuer so secrete but it was knowne to the members of it which might vse the authoritie thereof for trying auoyding and excommunicating of heretikes according to the holye scriptures But euermore you do wilfully deceiue your selfe when you affirme that there was no Christians knowen in the worlde by the space of 900. yeares but Papistes You cannot denye but Brytannie Scotlande Irelande had Christians at and since the comming of Augustine which were no Papistes as by the history of Beda is manifest What should I here name so many nations of Europe Asia and Africa which yet to this day continue in profession of Christianitie neuer were subiect to the tyrannye of the Romishe byshop and from whome the Romish byshop with his sect of Papistes hath clearely departed many hundreth yeares agoe Wherefore according to Augustines sentence the Catholike church is not a particuler sect in Europe but an vniuersall gathering of y e dispersed ouer all the world where God hath his elect in all places Or if you vnderstande the Church for a visible multitude professing Christ there is no reason why the churches of the East so many so large so ancient should be excluded and the multitude of Papists holding of one citie in Italy only to be receiued CAP. XV. A number of shamelesse shiftes and seely surmises which Protestants haue inuented to establish their variable doctrine and to confounde the authoritie of the Church In deede a number of these which he rehearseth as shamelesse shiftes are shamelesse lies and impudent slaunders deuised by the diuell to bring the trueth in disdaine but yet so openly proued to be false that they neede no confutation First he sayeth that Luther condemned all councels and fathers yea al learning of Philosophy and humanitie so that bookes were burned and common schooles ceased for certein yeares in Germany with other like monstrous lyes alledging for his author that beastly Apostata Staphylus This slaunder deserueth no aunswere being raysed by one shamelesse lyer against an hundreth thousand witnesses The seconde shift is that Luther did afterwarde receiue Philosophy and bookes of humanitie yea diuines of 500. or 600. yeares and some Councels also with this perilous condition so farre as they repugned not to holy Scripture This seemeth an vnreasonable condition to Stapleton who belike would haue all gentylitie and many heresies absolutely receyed The thirde The fathers should not be admitted when they taught any thing beside the expresse scripture As worshipping of Images praying to Saints c. which they had by tradition If such things came from the Apostles why were they not written by them as well as such fathers of later time yea why did the Apostles write that which is contrary to such traditions The fourth The first 600. yeares they did admit because they knewe there was litle in them against them cleare open because fewe bookes were writen in that time and many lost that were written And yet there remaine more writen in that time then a man can well reade ouer in seuen yeares Agayne cities being stuffed with heathen Iewes and heretikes euery mystery was not opened in pulpit nor committed to writing These belike were greater mysteries then the Apostles and Euangelistes haue committed to writing But I marueile howe they were taught if neither in pulpit nor in writing belike in secrete confession but our Sauiour Christe woulde haue his mysteries preached in the house toppes Last of all for that many controuersies nowe in hand were neuer heard of in those dayes Therefore M. Iewell made his challenge of the first 600. yeres which Stapleton thinketh he was not able to abyde by and that M. Nowel suspected no lesse because he accounted it a very large scope But howe he hath abyden by it is sufficiently proued to the glory of the trueth and the confusion of Papistrie The fifth They reiect the latter 900. yeares because Paynims yelding to the faith and heretikes to the Church the mysteries of our faith were more openly published in Pulpits writings It appeareth and that in recordes of the latter 900. yeares that many old heretiks still remained in the cities beside the Iewes remaining vntil this day of which he made the fathers of the first 600 years so much afraide for vttering the mysteries a◠of Paynims and heretikes The sixt Some holde that all the Church might erre for a time None euer helde that all the Church might erre so farre as that they fell away from Christ. The seuenth Other said there was a Church all this 900 yeares but oppressed by the miscreants being priuie and vnknowen This he sayth is vaine blasphemous being against holy Scripture and good reason as he hath proued What he hath proued you haue seene and howe the Scripture must be fulfilled which prophecyeth of the comming of Antichrist and the apostasie of men from the faith which cannot be if the Church should alwayes florish in multitude externall appearing of visible glory The eyght That Protestants bookes haue beene lost The ninth Bookes of holy fathers haue beene corrupted The tenth False writings haue beene deuised and fathered vpon the first Popes of Rome All these he compteth to be but suspitions surmises which are yet so manifest truthes that euen Thomas the vnbeleeuing Apostle without the iudgement of his senses might feale them with both his hands and be satisfyed although Thomas the Apostata from God and traytour to his Prince countrey will neither see nor handle them But all these surmises he will ouerthrow with supposing one case If a man haue continued in possession and coulde bring recordes of his right from William the Conquerour and all his neighbours to say for his quiet possession without checke or nay as the Papistes can deduct the possession of their religiō from 800. yeares c. were it a good plee against such a man to say his recordes are false his euidences forged his possession iniurious c. without bringing in any affirmatiue proofes recordes euidence or witnesse c. I answere it were no good plee But firste I
Babylon before the time of Donus the Pope which was almoste seuentie yeres after that Maister Stapleton misnameth Martianus in steede of Mauritius I will impute it to no ignorance although if such a faulte escape any of vs we are by and by cried out vpon to be ignorant in all antiquity c. Thus haue I aunswered Maister Stapletons demaunde concerning the principall foundation and rocke of Papistrie although no necessitie suche as hee supposeth doeth moue mee For albeit the precise time of the entring of any heresie can not be named yet it followeth not that the same heresie is a trueth therefore The second demaunde is when and by whome Luther was called when he begunne to preache the Gospell I aunswere if calling of the Popishe Churche be lawfull as the Papistes will not denye Luther had suche ordinary calling as the Churche where he liued did allowe for he was called to be a publike teacher before the Popes pardoner came into Saxony against whose moste impudent blasphemies and shamelesse errours he first inueyghed in his publike sermons Wherefore concerning his vocation the mouthes of Papistes ought to be stopped But Stapleton will not be so satisfied for he sayeth that the Popish Churche would neuer call him to preache against her selfe that is not materiall the Popishe Churche gaue him such authority as she had to preache whiche he vsed first to seeke her reformation if she had bene reformable but when he sawe her oppose her selfe against the manifest trueth he had iust cause to departe from her vnto the Catholike Churche of CHRISTE It sufficeth not Stapleton that hee learned by the Scriptures that the Churche erred bycause all heretikes abuse the Scriptures as thoughe there were no certainty of trueth to be founde in the Scriptures which blasphemie derogateth all authoritie from the holy Scriptures inspired of GOD whiche the Apostle sayeth to bee able to reprooue all errours that the man of GOD may be perfecte prepared to all good workes 2. Tim. 3. ver 16. Againe where hee affirmeth that he had the interpretation of the Scriptures from heauen Stapleton vrgeth that then he must shewe some miracle as if the ordinary inspiration of Gods spirite without the which no man can vnderstand any of Gods mysteries of necessitie requireth confirmation of miracles But Luther him selfe he sayeth requireth miracles of Muncer whiche boasted of Reuelation and so ought we to doe of Luther No sir Muncer boasted of an extraordinary Reuelation and taught a doctrine directly contrary to the worde of GOD written and therefore the case is nothing lyke After this hee telleth a slaunderous fable out of that runnagate Baldwine of the conference at Poissie that Beza and Martyr could not agree whether their calling was ordinary or extraordinary the conclusion whereof was this that Beza was ordeined of Caluine and Caluine as Beza sayde of none Which how impudent and shamelesse a lye it is that Beza should reprote of Caluine it is manifest to all men that knowe the storie of that Churche and citie of Geneua that Caluine was called and ordeyned by the Churche there when he was altogether vnwilling to remaine in that Citie but in a manner compelled by the earnest obtestation of Farellus Cal. in Praefa in Psalm Beza in vita Caluini And yet more monstruous is that lye that Beza should grant the rebellion that followed to be a signe of his vocation when the worlde knoweth that the beginning of these ciuill warres came altogether from the Papistes the Duke of Guise giuing the occasion by the Diuelishe slaughter and buchery of Vassie But to the principall matter in question that Luther and some other hauing an extraordinary calling from God to teach and reforme the Church need not to conâ—irme their calling by miracles when they teach nothing but that is confirmed by manifest authoritie of holy Scriptures in the consciences of all men that wilfully oppose not themselues against the trueth either y â— they will not knowe it or that they will not obey it It is euident by so many prophets as God stirred vp in the olde time which had no extraordinary calling of the Church being not of the tribe of Leui yet being only interpreters of the lawe needed no signes or miracle to confirme their calling Our Sauiour Christ himselfe confirmeth the extraordinary calling of the Scribes and Pharisees when he willeth them to be heard sitting in Moses chaire of which yet a great number and almost all were no Leuites nor Priestes therefore had no ordinary calling Yet Gregory himselfe in the history of Bede at the first planting of the particular Church in Englande alloweth extraordinary ordeyning of Bishops Lib. 1. Cap. 27. Wherefore if Luthers calling were altogether extraordinary as Papistes can not say except they deny the calling of their owne Churche he is not bound to approue his calling by miracles when his doctrine and all things in which hee departeth from the Church of Rome is proued true and agreeable to the word of God The third demaunde is that we must shewe a succession from the Apostles as the Scripture witnesseth the Churche to haue and the auncient fathers exacted of Heretikes The Scripture requireth no succession of names persons or places but of faith and doctrine and that wee prooue when we approue our faith and doctrine by the doctrine of the Apostles Neither had the fathers any other meaning in calling vpon newe vpstart heresies for their succession but of a succession of doctrine as well as of persons Which is manifest by Tertullian De praescript Ita per successiones c. So comming downe by successions from the beginning that their first bishop haue for his authors and antecessours one of the Apostles or Apostolike men but yet such a one as hath continued with the Apostles These wordes of Tertullian are manifest that succession of Bishoppes euen to the Apostles helpeth not excepte there be a continuance in the doctrine of the Apostles whiche when the Papistes can shewe we will gladly yeld vnto them In the meane time it is not the continual succession of persons in any place which teach contrary to their antecessours which haue taught in that place that can carry away the credite of the whole doctrine and religion of Christe CAP. II. An Introduction to the proofes which followe in the seconde part of this fortresse Repeating what he fantasieth he hath fortified before which howe weake it is I haue sufficiently discouered in this Chapter hee promiseth first to declare by diuerse sure and necessary tokens whiche protestantes doe lacke that the faith then planted was a right faith which in many principall pointes we doe not denye but that it was a right faith Secondly repeating the difference in doctrine gouernement ceremonies course and consequence of both the religions he will prooue all that they had differring from vs partly by Scripture and partly by the faith of the first sixe hundreth yeares To which I replye
First that what so euer was then taught contrary to that we teache for matter of faith can not be prooued by Scripture Secondly that although some errours which then were taught may be prooued to haue bene helde within the sixe hundreth yeares yet they can not bee prooued to haue bene helde alwayes especially in the oldest times and therefore can make no preiudice against our cause which take not vppon vs to allowe all thinges that were helde in sixe hundreth yeares no more then the Papistes themselues doe Finally I haue shewed as many differences of that time from the Papistes as he is able to shewe of vs from them and yet some of his differences are impudent forgeries CAP. III. Fiue apostolicall markes found in our Apostles and wanting in Protestantes who must be our Apostles if the other were not The Protestantes take not vppon them to be Apostles but professours and teachers of the Apostolike doctrine And therefore they boast of no miracles which is with him the first note of Augustines Apostleship which miracles if they were testified to vs by an Euangelist we might well beleeue them but seeing they are written by a credulous man y t recordeth euery fable that was tolde him we haue small cause to credite them Bedes history is no Gospell Beside that y e bryttish histories vtterly deny those supposed miracles reporting Augustine to be a minister of Sathan rather then of God But admit that he did some of those things as are reported of him it might please GOD in respecte of Christian faith which he planted among the English nation to woorke some miracles by him and yet not to allowe all thinges that he taught Shall not the very workers of iniquitie saye in that daye Lorde wee haue wrought miracles in thy name Matth. 7. vers 22. As for the miracle supposed to bee done by Master Lane of Westchester whiche hee scorneth at I see not but it is as good as the best done by Augustine and yet for mine owne parte I thinke it was no miracle but a naturall worke the mayde perhaps being affected with the mother or some such like disease The lyes he telleth of Luther and Caluine out of that vngodly rascall Staphylus I thinke not worthy to be spoken of although he make him selfe witnesse of the one and the other is a monstrous inuention of Sathan which being reported to be done in a noble citie and before so manye witnesses can finde none that had the brasen face like Staphylus to saye he sawe it Which making and louing of lyes sheweth Papistes to be the right begotten children of the diuell the father of lyes The miracles reported by Master Foxe the shamelesse beast when he cannot denye being testified by witnesses aboue all exception he can make affirmeth to be esteemed of his owne fellowes but as ciuile things and such as may happen by course of reason I saye not this as though I woulde haue our doctrine the rather to be credited one iotte more for anye such miracle but to shewe the shamelesse dogged stomacke of this Popishe slaunderer which when hee had none other aunswere to make as concerning such miracles forgeth that wee our selues denye all such to haue beene miracles which he is not able to prooue although he woulde burst for malice against the trueth The seconde marke and difference is that there was one heart of the beleeuers Augustine his company neuer disagreed The Protestants are at great variance among them selues not for learnings sake as the Concurrents in Italye nor vppon quirkes and subtilties in matters indifferent as the schoolemen that holde positions but vpon the weightiest articles of our beleefe as heretikes are wont to holde opinions I answere among them that haue departed from y e Church of Rome vnto y ◠Church of Christ there hath beene some variance about the Lordes supper but yet in no greater matters then hath beene betweene two godly martyrs of the primitiue Church Cornelius of Rome and Cyprian of Carthage about baptisme although not handled with like modestie on the one part as was then of both yea no greater then as yet remaineth vndecided among the Papistes touching y ◠authoritie of the Pope and the Popish generall Councell although they all like Pilate and Herode the Pharisees Saducees can agree together to put Christ to death and to persecute the trueth Finally if in the first restoring of the truth some matters to some men were not so apparant what marueile when your Augustine and ours also as farre as he was Christes was doubtfull and ignorant euen in very small trifling matters which argued some dissention of opinion in him and his monkes or else those questions might haue beene determined without sending to Rome li. 1. Cap. 27. c. The thirde marke is an ordinarie vocation which Luther lacked I denye that Augustine had an ordinarie vocation to preach in Englande or that the Bishop of Rome hath any ordinary authoritie to sende Apostles into the countries of any Infidels which if he had they should be the Bishop of Romes apostles and not the Apostles of Christ. For they be his apostles which hath authoritie to send them But if Augustine had ordinary vocation by the Bishop of Rome why had not Luther ordinary vocatiō of that church which authorized him to preach If you say he could haue no ordinarye vocation because he was an heretike I aunswere It followeth not for euen heretikes haue had ordinary vocatiō namely so many bishops and priestes of Rome Alexandria and other places as after their calling haue fallen into heresies Wherfore leaue his vocation which against you is good ynough and trye his doctrine If his doctrine be found true and agreeable to the worde of God who hath stirred him vp to discouer openly the heresies of Antichrist let not his doctrine be refused for his extraordinarie calling The slaunders and vnlearned conclusions against Luther I omit as vnworthie any aunswer being either false lyes of Staphylus or inconsequent collections of Stapleton The fourth Apostolicall marke is the continuance of 900. yeares whereas the Protestants doctrine hath continued but 30. yeares or as the blockheaded Papist scorneth at M. Haddon 30. yeeres except 6. with Gamaliels counsell vpon the matter which with this Popish priest is good diuinitie If this Councell or worke be of men it will come to nought c. whose antecedent being true the conclusion is stark naught To this I aunswere I haue shewed by many differences that the religion brought in by Augustine hath not continued without alteration in many pointes these 900. yeares And albeit it had yet it is not therby proued true because diuerse heresies haue continued much longer time which are not thereby iustified as of the circumcisers Nestorians c. yea Mahometisme hath continued 900. yeares begon with fained miracles commended by Sergius a monke which had ordinary vocation to teache continued with great cōsent these 900. yeres which
to the Bishop toward his hospitality the other to the Cleargie the third to the poore the fourth to the reparation of the Churches So that there is no rule for the Cleargie of other Bishops y t were no Monkes but that they might marrie if they could not liue chaste as wel within holy orders as without so was the practise of the Churche of England more then 400. yeares after vntil the decree of Lanfrancus Anno 1076. who yet was more fauourable to them that had wiues then Stapleton which would haue them put away Decretū est vt nullus Canonicus vxorē habeat Sacerdotū verò in Castellis vel in vicis habitantium habentes vxores non cogantur ut dimittant non habentes interdicantur ut habeant Et deinceps caueant Episcopi vt sacerdotes vel diacones non praesumant ordinare nisi prius profiteantur vt vxores non habeant It is decreed y t no Canon may haue a wife But of Priestes dwelling in townes and villages suche as haue wiues let them not be compelled to put them away But such as haue not let them be forbidden to haue And from hencefoorth let Bishops take heede that they presume not to ordeine priestes or deacons excepte they doe first professe to haue no wiues This decree prooueth that before this time not onely married men were ordeined priests but also that priestes after they were ordeined did take wiues The same is prooued by the woordes of the Epistle of Gerardus which was afterward Archb. of Yorke vnto Anselm Archb. of Canterbury Cum ad ordines aliquos inuito dura ceruice renituntur ne in ordinando castitatē profiteantur When I call any to orders they resist with a stiffe necke that in taking order they doe not professe chastitie But nowe when this iolye fortifier should proue the single life of all the Cleargie in the first sixe hundreth yeares he can bring nothing but certaine decrees that such as were promoted to priesthoode vnmarried should not after marrie yet he confesseth that there were many married men taken vnto the order of priesthoode but seldome he saith in the Latine Church Yet let vs see his authorities first Augustine lib. 2. cap. vlt. de adulter in coniugis sayth that they were wont to bring example of the continencye of Clearkes to perswade men to absteine from adulterous marriages Solemus eis proponere etiam continentiam clericorum qui plerumque ad eandem sarcinam subcundam capiuntur inviti eamque susceptam vsque ad debitum finem Domino iuuante producunt We are wont to set before them the continencie of Clearkes which are oftentimes taken against their willes to beare the same burthen when they haue taken it vppon them doe bring it to the due end the Lord assisting them Of this he gathereth that the Cleargie in Saint Augustines dayes refrained from wiues all the dayes of their life which as it is true of some so it is vtterly false of all Againe the compulsion which he speaketh of was not vnto continencie but vnto the ministerie and in the ministery not of necessitie of greater estimation As the words immediately following do declare Dicimus ergo eis quid si vos ad hoc subeundum populorum violentia caperemini nonne susceptum castè custodiretis officium repentè conuersi ad impetrandas vires a Domino de quibus nunquam anteà cogitastis Sed illos inquiunt honor consolatur Respondemu◠vobis aempliùs limor moderetur Si enim hoc multi Dei ministri repentè atque inopinatè impositum susceperunt sperantes se illustriùs in Christi haereditate fulgere quanto magia vos adulteria cauendo vivere debetis metuentes non in regno Dei minus lucere sed in Gehennae ignibus ardere We say therefore vnto them What if you also were taken by the violence of the people to beare the same Would you not keepe chastely the office taken vpon you being sodenly turned to obtaine of the Lorde suche strength as before you neuer thought of But the honour say they doth comfort them We answere And feare should more restraine you For if many ministers of God haue taken vpon them this thing beeing layde vpon them sodenly and vnlooked for hoping that they shal shine more notably in the inheritaunce of Christ howe much more ought you to liue so as you beware of adulterie fearing not to shine lesse in the kingdome of God but to burne in the fiers of hell Next he citeth a Canon ascribed to the Apostles out of Iustinian confirmed in the sixt generall councell of Constantinople in Trullo Ex coniugatis c. Of suche as come to the cleargie vnmarried and after wil marrie we permit that onely to the readers and singers Neuerthelesse he confesseth that Zonoras expoundeth this so that if any refuse to liue chaste beeing asked at his orders taken he is permitted first to marrie and then admitted to the ministery And the councell of Constantinople in the same sixt Canon Si quis autem eorum qui in Clerum accedunt velit lege matrimonii mutieri coniungi antequam Hypodiaconus vel Diaconus vel presbyter ordinetur hoc faciat But if any of them whiche come into the Cleargie will be ioyned to a woman by the lawe of matrimony let him doe it before he be ordeyned Subdeacon Deacon or Priest Where is nowe the necessitie of single life in the Cleargie After this he citeth the councell of Ancyra Can. 10. which is cleane contrary to his purpose if he had recited it whole as he only taketh the tayle The Canon is this Diaconi quicunque cùm ordinantur si in ipsa ordinatione protestati sunt dicentes velle se habere vxores nec posse se continere hi postea si ad nuptias venerint maneant in ministerio proptereà quod his Episcopus licentiā dederit Quicunque sanè tacuerunt susceperum manu◠impositionem professi continentiam si postea ad nuptia◠venerint a ministeria cessare debebunt Whoso euer when they are ordeyned Deacons if in the very time of their ordeyning they make protestation and say that they will haue wiues that they can not conteyne if these afterward come to be married let them remaine in the ministery because the Bishop hath giuen them licence But truely whosoeuer hath helde their peace and receiued imposition of handes professing continence if after they marrie ought to ceasse from the ministery This Canon sheweth that it was lawfull for the Cleargie beeing in holy orders to marrie if they professed not continence to which profession none was bound as they are in Poperie Againe if after profession they married they were not deuorced as Papistes vsed in Queene Maries time but commaunded to absteine from the ministerie The last authoritie he citeth is out of the Synode of Neocaesaria presbiter c. A priest if he marrie a wife ought to be deposed from his order It followeth in the same Canon
But if he committe fornication or adulterie he must be moreouer cast out of the Church and driuen to doe penance among lay men This was a decree of 17. Bishops in the prouince of Paulus Polemoniaca and is to be vnderstoode of such a priest as professed continencie Whose marriage yet was not made voide but he put out of his office whereas he that had committed fornication was put both out of the ministerie and of the Church which seeing the Papistes obserue not in their lecherous priestes they haue small right to vse this Canon which yet bindeth none but that prouince that made it Nowe where he saith it was a rare thing for the Cleargie of the Latine Church to be married Hierome no friende to marriage shall testifie the contrary who speaketh of it as of an ordinary matter Eliguntur mariti in sacerdotium non nego quia non sunt tanti virgines quanti necessarii sunt Sacerdotes Married men are chosen vnto the Priesthood I denye not because there are not so many virgines as it is necessary there should be priestes And Oceano he confesseth that by the doctrine of the Apostles priestes might haue wiues complayning that in his time all other qualities of a minister described by the Apostle were neglected onely the libertie of marriage looked vnto Qui dixit vnius vxoris virum c. He that saide the husbande of one wife euen he commaunded that he should be vnreproueable sober wise comely harberous a teacher modest not giuen to wine no fighter no quareller not couetous no young nouice in the faith Ad haec omnia claudimus oculos solas videmus vxores At all these thinges we shut our eyes we see nothing but their wiues Likewise in Aggeum Cap. 1. He inueygheth against the rulers of the Churche which building their carnal house prouiding for their children possessions neglected the building of the temple of God Againe in Epi. ad Eph. li. 3. Ca 6. He inueygheth against Bishops and priests of his time that broughtvp their children in secular and prophane learning peraduenture at the charges of the Church Yea diuers Popes haue ben married men for Pope Siluerius was sonne of Pope Hormisda as the very pontifical witnesseth and Beda sheweth lib. 2. cap. 1. that Pope Felix was great grandfather to Pope Gregory I will spende no more time in so cleare a matter Wherefore the single life required of necessitie in the Cleargie is not prooued within the 600. yeares so often named The thirteenth difference is of the state of virginitie in men and women Such state protestantes acknowledge not but rather abhorre it and persecute it It is a mere slander for we honour virginitie that is not counterfet in theÌ„ that had made them selues chaste for the kingdome of heauen But when Master Stapleton will make virginitie impossible to no man he is directly contrary to our Sauiour Christ. Non omnes c. all men can not receiue this saying but they to whome it is giuen Mat. 19. and to Saint Paule 1. Cor. 7. Qui non conunet he that can not conteine let him marrie I confesse also that within the sixe hundreth yeares there were some Colleges of virgines which differed as muche from Popishe Nunnes as many Popish Nunnes from honest women They liued not idly as Popish Nunnes of their landes and reuenewes but with spinning and making of cloth they mainteined themselues August De moribus Eccl. Catholiâ—ae Cap. 31. They liued continently or else they married Popish Nunnes though they liue neuer so incontinently yet will they neuer marrie Epiph. lib. 2. Tom. 1. Her 61. Popishe Nunnes are for the moste part like those Monkes and Nunnes of the heretikes Originiani Turpes Non student Castitati sed simulatae castitati nomen salâ—eÌ„ habenti They study not for chastity but such as is fayned chastity and hath only a name of chastitie Volentes esse in honore propter putatam apud ipsos castitatis exercitationem Willing to be in honour for the supposed exercise of chastitie among them when there is nothing lesse then chastitie Concerning the rule of Augustine Ep. 109. praescribed to the virgines that tumultuously and seditiously would haue chaunged their gouernesse if we doe admitte it to be written by Saint Augustine yet it is not sufficient to authorize the superstitious orders of Popish Nunnes Among whom their habite is not the least part of their superstition which Augustine in his virgines forbiddeth to be notable or differing from other women Non sit notabilis habitus vester nec affectetis vestibus placere sed moribus Let not your apparell be such as may be noted or marked neither desire ye to please with garments but with manners The like writeth Hierome concerning the apparell of virgines of his time Againe Saint Augustines virgines were not bound to their Cloyster but might departe if they liked not the seueritie of their rule or else were expulsed from thence Conuicta secundum praeposuae vel praesbyteri arbitrium debet emandatoriam sustinere vindictam quam si fortè recusauerit siipsa non abscesserit de vestra societate proijciatur She that is conuicted but of wanton lookes according to the decree of the Gouernesse or priest ought to sustaine a punishment for her amendment which if she refuse to beare and if she her selfe depart not away let her be caste cleane out of your societie If this rule were obserued fewe Popish Nunnes should be left in their Cloysters Moreouer Saint Augustines virgins were commanded to vnderstand what they did pray or sing not one among fortie of Popish Nunnes vnderstand their Popishe seruice which they sing Psalmis Hymnis cùm oratis DeuÌ„ hoc versetur in corde quod profertur in voce When you pray to God with Psalmes and Hymnes let that be in your heart which is pronounced in your voyce These and many other differences may be obserued whiche are sufficient to confute Stapleton which would make his Popish Nunnes al one with y e virgins of the ancient purer Church But Eusebius out of Philo sheweth y e euen in the Apostles time there were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Oratories and Monasteries of men women lib. 2. cap. 16. It is true y e Eusebius so iudgeth but who so readeth Philo his own writing shall plainly see y â— he speaketh rather of a sect of Iewes at Alexandria giuen to conteÌ„platioÌ„ not of Christians Beside this y e monasteryes which he speaketh of were not Abbies wherin they liued but only solitary places of study for a time For in them they had neither meate nor drink as Philo expressely affirmeth To conclude seing that in the scripture we haue no commandement for virgins we commend them y â— haue the gift exhort them so to continue But seeing the gift is rare in our dayes and the examples of them that haue professed virginitie and liued abhominably are too many we thinke it neither needful nor expedient to
de Britannia aequaliter patet aula coelestis The court of heauen is open equally from Ierusalem and from Britain Againe Beatus Hilarion cùm Palestinus esset in Palestina viueret vno tantùm die vidit Hierosolimam vt nec contemnere loca sancta propter vicinitatem nec rursus dominum loco claudere videretur Blessed Hilarion when he was a Palestine borne and liued in Palestine sawe Ierusalem but one day only that neither he might seeme to contemne the holy places because of neerenesse nor againe to shut vp the Lorde in a place And because Master Stapleton maketh pilgrimage a matter of faith he sayth further After hee hath shewed how many excellent men neuer came at Ierusalem c. Quorsum inquies haec tam longo repetita principio Videlicet ne quicquam fidei tuae deesse putes quia Hierosolymam non vidisti Thou wilt say to what ende are these thinges fetched from so long a beginning verely that thou shouldest not thinke any thing to be wanting to thy faith because thou hast not seene Ierusalem Thus Hierome albeit it was much vsed yet iudged peregrination vnto Ierusalem to be a matter of small importance By Chrysostom sayeth Hom. 5. de beato Iob that if strength of body did serue that he were not letted with the charge of his Church he would haue trauelled to Rome to see the cheines wherewith Saint Paul was bound And this Stapleton wil warrant to haue beene done without superstition I would faine knowe howe he will discharge this saying of his in the same homely eyther of superstition or of an excessiue commendation Si quis me coelo condonet omni vel ea qua pauli manus vinciebatur catena illam ego honore praeponerem If any man coulde giue mee all heauen or else that chayne wherewith Saint Paules hande was bounde I woulde preferre that chaine in honour Excuse this if you can so it be not with a rethoricall exornation for y e you cannot abyde Neuerthelesse the same Chrisostom sheweth y t it was not needefull for obtaining remissiō of finnes to take in hande any pilgrimage In Epist. ad Phil. Hom. Non opus est in longinqua peregrinando transire nec ad remotissimas ire nationes non pericula non labores tolerare sed velle tantummodo There is no neede to go a pilgrimage into farre countryes nor to go to the furthest nations nor to suffer perils nor trauels but onely to be willing Now let the wisedome of the Papistes take heede as he admonisheth the wisdome of the Protestantes that they charge not Chrysostome with the heresie of sola fides or licentious libertie more then wee checke him for superstition The like of remission of sinnes without pilgrimage he sayeth Hom. de Anima educatione Samuelis which is as contrary to y ◠draffe of popish pilgrimage as the peregrination vsed in this day is out of vse with vs. For Papists were wont to make pilgrimage a meritorious worke and many had it in penance persuaded by their ghostly father they could not otherwise haue remission of their sinnes except perhaps by a Popes pardon with a commutation of penance Concerning the place of Augustine which he citeth Ep. 137. It proueth no ordinary pilgrimage then in vse but onely sheweth Augustines deuise in a case of such doubt as he coulde not finde out the trueth betweene one that was accused and his accuser that it was not amisse they shuld both trauell to some such place where miracles are sayed to be wrought if happely there in such place the trueth might be reuealed by miracle And yet I confesse not vrged by any thing Stapleton sayth that Augustine else where speaketh of peregrination to Rome in Psal. 85. Quales isti principes venerunt de Babylone Principes credentes de saeculo principes venerunt ad vrbem Roman quasi caput Babylonis non ierunt ad templum imperatoris sed ad memoriam piscatoris What are these princes that came from Babylon Princes of the world that beleeue the princes came to Rome as to the head of Babylon they went not to the temple of the Emperour but to the memorie of a Fisher To conclude as there was vsed Peregrination to Ierusalem and other places to the memories of Martyrs so was there neuer any pilgrimage to images which is the greatest pilgrimage of Papistes within the 600. yeres mentioned wherein Papists differ as much from their practise as we and more also The 23. difference is the reuerence of reliques vsed within the 600. yeres as witnesseth Basil Chrysostome and other The reliques or bodyes of the Saints we reuerence so farre as we haue any warrant out of the holy Scriptures Neither did those auncient fathers although immoderate in that kinde of reuerence yet make idols of them nor set them bare to be seene or handled and worshipped but laide vp in the earth as I haue before shewed out of Cyrillus Lib. 10. Contra Iulianum But what inconuenience grewe by that excessiue esteeming of the dead bodyes of the Saints Sozomenus sheweth Li. 7. ca. 10. Pauli Constantinopolitani Episcopi corpus in Ecclesia repositum est id quod multos veritatis ignaros praesertim mulieres ac plures è plebe in eam opinionem induxit vt Apostolum Paulum ibi conditum esse putent The body of Paul Bishop of Constantinople was buried in the Church which thing brought many ignorant of the trueth especially women and many of the common people into this opinion that they thinke the Apostle Paul to be buried there But whereas in the end he wold haue vs restore so many holy reliques of Abbeyes and Churches as haue bene spoiled and prophaned it is needlesse seeing the Papistes can make as many when they list Euen by the same cunning that they make some of the Apostles to haue two or three bodyes a piece beside heades armes ribbes and other partes in infinite places whereof he that will heare more let him reade Caluines booke of reliques and credite him but as a reporter of that which all the world is able to reproue him of if he would wilfully feigne any thing The 24. difference is Alters for proofe whereof he bringeth Chrysostome and Augustine which speake of Alters whome also he confesseth to call the same tables but that neither in matter nor fourme they were like Popish Alters but tables in deede made of boordes and remoueable and standing in the middest of the Church I haue shewed sufficiently in mine aunswere to Doctor Heskins lib. 3. cap. 31. by which it is proued that the Papistes and not we differ from the primitiue Church in this point The 25. difference is Latine seruice which he would proue out of Bede by the bookes that Gregorie sent to Augustine which could be none other but Latine But howe proue you that those bookes were seruice bookes or that if they were seruice bookes thei were not translated into the vulgare tongue As for the
fortification of this piece by the elder times he referreth vs to Doctor Hardings proofe against Master Iewels challenge And to the same Bishops learned replie doe I referre the reader for ouerthrowe of the same feeble fortresse of Harding The 26. difference is of Alter clothes Church vestments c. Such Alter clothes and such vestments as Christ vsed in the celebration of the holy sacrament we thinke not onely to be sufficient but also most conuenient for the administration of the same Neuertheles if any other vestments without superstitiō be appointed by lawful authoritie we thinke no strife or contention is to be raised for so small matters But let vs see of what antiquitie he will make the holy vestments First Tertullian Lib. de Monogam maketh mention of Infulas the vpper garment of the Priest But he might vnderstand Tertullian if he were disposed to vse that terme but in derision of them that when they would be proude against the Cleargie they alledged that we are all Priestes c. but when we are called saide he to the same seueritie of discipline with the Cleargie deponimus infulas pares sumus we put off our Rochets and we be priuate men This infula was the apparell of the Heathen Priestes to which he alludeth when he scoffeth at them that in dignitie would be Priestes but in discipline Lay men The Albe which is spoken of Con. Carthag 4. Can. 41. was nothing like your Popish Albe but a white garment which was vsed in signe of dignitie and was forbidden of the Deacons to be worne but onely in time of the oblation and reading Saint Iohns Petalum if he could tell what to make of it he would not call it generally a pontificall vestment Saint Iohn was a poore Pontifex to goe in pontificalibus The rich garment which Constantine gaue to the Church of Ierusalem if it had bene a cope as he saith it had bene an vnhandsome garment to daunce in as the storie saith it came into the handes of one that daunced in it The admonition that he giueth to such as sleepe in Church goodes meaning belike such as haue their beddes garnished with olde copes were more meete to be made to some of his benefactours that sleepe in Abbeyes and yet will not awake out of them To conclude although there is some mention of garmentes applied specially for the vse of diuine seruice yet the Popish tragicall trumperie of this time differeth as much from them in forme and vse as they doe in time and age The 27. difference is of holy vessels such vessels as are comely and decent for the ministration of the sacraments we haue without superstition which beginning to growe in the auncient times the Fathers did rather reproue then foster Gregorie Nazianzen whome he citeth in his Oration aduers. Arrianos de se ipso speaking of the ministring vessels that might not be touched of many meaneth Allegorically of prophaning the mysteries of Christian religion alluding to the prophanation of the vessels of the Iewish temple by Nabuzardan and Balthasar as his words doe plainely shewe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. What ministring vessels not be touched of many haue I deliuered to the handes of the wicked either to Nabuzardan or to Balthasar which rioted wickedly in holy things and suffred punishment worthie of his madnesse Chrysostome reproued the preposterous superstition of the people which durst not touch the holy vessels but yet feared not to defile them selues with sinne In ep ad Eph. H. 14. Non vides c. Doest thou not see those holy vessels Be they not alwaies vsed to one purpose Dare any man vse them to any other purpose Nowe art thou thy selfe more holy then these vessels and that by much Why then doest thou pollute and defile thy selfe He hath forgotten Exuperius Bishop of Tholosse which caried the Lordes body in a wicker basket and his bloud in a glasse when he maketh so much adoe about holy vessels Hier. ad Rusticum Acacius Bishop of Amida is commended for melting the vessels of the Church of golde and siluer to redeeme prisoners from the Persians The 28. difference is the shauen crown◠of Priestes for antiquitie whereof he citeth Eusebius in Panegyric Vos amici Dei sacerdotes lōgae talari veste corona insignes Ye friends of God ye Priests seemly by your long side garment and crowne Verily he is worthy to be shorne on his poll with a number of crownes that vnderstandeth this of a shauen crowne If nothing else could haue driuen him from this dreame at least he should haue remēbred the solemne disputation whereof he spake immediately before in Beda li. 5. ca. 22. by which it appeareth that y ◠Greekes were shorne square and not round and therefore Eusebius speaking to Greeke Priestes would neuer haue called their square tonsure a crowne But the wordes of Eusebius put all out of doubt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. O ye friendes and Priestes of God which are clothed with the holy long garment and the heauenly crowne of glorie and with the diuine vnction and the priestly robe of the holy Ghost c. Is there any blocke so senselesse to thinke that he called a shauen head the heauenly crowne of glorie Who seeth not that in commendation of the spirituall dignitie of the Ministers of the Church he alludeth to the Aaronicall attire of the Priestes of the lawe The next testimonie is out of the tripartite historie that Iulian the Apostata to counterfet religion shore him selfe to the hard eares therefore religious men were then shorne There is no doubt but the Cleargie and such as professed sobrietie and modestie vsed to poll their heades whereas the licentious multitude delighted in long haires which shearing or polling after grewe to a ceremonie from a ceremonie to a superstition but small mention of the ceremonie there is within the 600. yeares and that toward the latter end of them But where he compareth the scoffing that the Turke might make at the blessed passion of Christe with such pleasant railing as Protestantes vse against their Friers coules and shauen crownes he sheweth in what blasphemous estimation he hath such vile dung of mens inuention to compare it with the onely price of our saluation The 29. differēce is holy water for antiquitie wherof he alledgeth two myracles the one out of Bede li. 1. cap. 17. of Germanus which with casting a fewe sprinkles of water into the sea in the name of the Trinitie assuaged a tempest The other of Marcellus Bishop of Apamea which when the temple of Iupiter could not be burned with fire after praiers made commaunded water signed with the crosse to be sprinkled on the Alter which done the diuels departed and the temple was set on fire burned But these miracles wrought by water proue not an ordinarie vse of holy water in the Church in those times as for the counterfet decree of Alexander the fift Bishop of Rome
is a worthie witnesse of such a worshipfull ceremonie In the end of this chapter he inueigheth against a newe tricke which he saith y â— preachers haue to make their audience cry Amen CoÌ„paring it with the applause and clapping of handes vsed in the olde time but misliked of godly fathers Chrysostome and Hierome So that for the preacher to pray to God anâ— to giue God thankes whereto the people aunswereth â—â—en it is counted of Stapleton a newe tricke and yet it is an auncient as S. Paul 1. Cor. 14. vers 16. But to make such a loude lye that Sathan him selfe the father of lyes I suppose for his credites sake would be ashamed to make in his owne person Videlicet that To teares to lamenting or to bewayling of their sinnes no Protestant yet moueth his audience It is an olde trickes of a cankared stomaked Papist CAP. VIII Differences betweene the former faith of Catholikes and the late newes of Protestants concerning the gouernement and rulers of the Church The 30. difference is Synodes of the Cleargie which is a lewd and impudent slaunder for we allowe them and vse them as all the world knoweth but saith he no conclusion is made in them but such as pleaseth the Parleament This is a false lye for although no constitution made in the conuocation hath the force of a lawe except it be confirmed by Parleament yet many constitutions and Canons haue bene made that were neuer confirmed by Parleament The 31. difference is imposition of handes which is a meere slaunder for that cerimonie is vsed of vs in ordeining of Ministers likewise where he saith that wheÌ„ all the Popish Bishops were deposed there was none to lay handes on the Bishops that should be newely consecrated it is vtterly false For there was one of the Popish Bishops that continued in his place there were also diuers that were consecrated Bishops in King Edwardes time and although there had bene but one in that time of reformation it had been sufficient by his owne Gregories resolution Bed lib. 1. cap. 27. An other example is Lib. 3. cap. 28. of Ceadda Archbishop of Yorke consecrated by Wini Bishop of the West Saxons assisted by two Bryton Bishops that were not subiect to the see of Rome Bicause at that time there was neuer a Bishop of the Romish faction in England but this Wini who was also a Simoniake and bought the Bishoprike of London for money I speake not this as though in planting of the Church where it hath bene long time exiled an extraordinarie forme of ordaining were not sufficient but to shewe that the Papistes doe picke quarels contrarie to their owne pretended recordes of antiquitie and Catholike religion Where he inueigheth against the vnsufficiencie of a number of our Ministers which are come out of the shop into the Cleargie without giftes sufficient for that calling as I can not excuse them nor their ordeiners so I dare be bolde to affirme they are no worse either in knowledge or conuersation then the huge rable of hedge Priestes of Poperie The 32. difference that such Bishops as were created by the Archbishops of Canterburie and Yorke were created by the appointment of the Pope This is a shamelesse lye for which he can bring no colour either out of the first sixe hundreth yeares or out of Bedes historie Where he saith If it can be shewed by any historie that at any time by the meere temporall authoritie euer any Catholike Bishops were created he dâ—re yelde and graunt that ours are lawfull Bishops For aunswere that Catholike Bishops of olde by as meere temporall authoritie were created as any are created among vs I referre him to Bede lib. 3. cap. 7. 29. lib. 4. cap. 23. of Agilbert and Wini by authoritie of Sonwalch Wighard nominated by authoritie of Oswine and Egbert Ostfor consecrated at the commaundement of king Edilred beside Wini made Bishop of London for money by Wulfher king of Mercia which authoritie he could not haue abused except it had bene in him lawfully to vse The 33. difference is that Princes had not the supreme gouernement in ecclesiastical causes For proofe whereof he alledgeth Gregorie Nazianzen and Saint Ambrose both which speake not of chiefe authoritie but of knowledge of spirituall matters which is not to be sought ordinarily in Princes but in the Cleargie Secondly he citeth Caluine and Illyricus which do write against such ciuill Magistrates as thinke by their supremacie they haue absolute authoritie to decree what they wil in y e Church wheras we in England neuer attribute so much to the Princes authoritie but that we alwayes acknowledge it to be subiect to God and his word The Papistes right well vnderstand this distinction but it pleaseth them to vse this ambiguitie of supreme authoritie to abuse the ignorance of the simple The 34. difference is that the Bishops and godly men in matters of doubt counselled with the Pope of Rome so did the Pope of Rome with them while there was any modestie in him so did Pope Sergius aske counsel of poore Beda Math. West Nay but Saint Hierome so well learned consulted with Pope Damasus which entred his See with the slaughter of sixtie persons I might aunswere that Damasus also asked counsell of Saint Hierome So that in him which is consulted there is rather opinion of knowledge then of authoritie But Hierome confesseth that he will not separate him selfe from the Church of Rome c. Ep. ad Dam. 2. So long as the Church of Rome was the Church of Christ there was great cause he should ioyne with it But nowe is it ceased to be the spouse of Christ and is become an adulteresse as the prophete saith of Ierusalem yea it is become Babylon the mother of all abhominations and therefore that heauenly voice commaundeth all Christians to depart out of her But concerning the Popes authoritie I haue aunswered at large to D. Sanders rocke of the Popish Church The 35. difference but I knowe not howe it differeth is the Popes authoritie abolished by whom Christianitie was first in this land receiued It is wel known that there was Christianitie before Gregorie sent Augustine not of Popelike authoritie but of godly zeale as it seemeth to winne the English nation to Christe After followeth a large complaint for abolishing the Popes authoritie a Canon inuectiue against discentions among vs and slight fortification of the Popes authoritie for vnities sake out of Hierome Cont. Iouinian Cyprian de simpl prael aunswered at large in the discouerie of D. Sanders Rocke The 36. difference Augustine came first in presence of the king with a crosse of siluer and an image of Christ painted in a table The Protestants beganne with taking away the crosse and altering the Letanie But this part is left vnfortified except it be with a marginall note that Chrysostome vsed in Letanies crosses of siluer and burning tapers In deede I reade Chrysostome had certaine candlestickes or cressets
needefull nor profitable The memory of that godly learned man Maister Doctor Calfhill whome he abuseth is written in the Booke of the righteous and shall not be afraide of any slaunderers reporte Omitting therefore all friuolous quarels I will onely endeuour to answere that whiche hath in it any shewe of reason or argument to defende the idolatry of the Papistes In which matter also as many thinges are the same which are already satisfied in my confutation of Doctor Sanders Booke of Images so I will referre the reader to those Chapters of that treatise where he shal finde y â— which I hope shal suffice for the ouerthrowe of Idolatry This reply as the first treatise is diuided into ten articles all which in order I will set downe with such titles as he giueth vnto them But first I must say a fewe wordes concerning his request made to the Bishop of London and the rest of the superintendentes of the newe Church as it pleaseth him to call them and his preface to the reader His request is that the Bishops should certifie him by some pamphlete in printe whether 61. articles which he hath gathered out of Maister Calfhils booke be the receyued and approoued doctrine of the newe Churche of England able to be iustified by the worde of God and the Fathers and Councels within sixe hundreth yeares after Christ How wise a man he is in making this request I leaue to reasonable men to iudge And touching the articles themselues I aunswere that some of them be such as the Church of England doth holde and openly professe as that Latine seruice Monkish vowes the communion in one kinde c. are contrary to Gods worde the other be particular affirmatioÌ„s of Maister Calfhil which in such sense as he vttered them may be iustified for true and yet perteyne not to the whole Church to mainteine and defende as whether Helaena were superstitious in seeking y e crosse at Ierusalem whether Dionyse and Fabian were the one suspected the other infamed c. beside that a great number of them be so rent from the whole sentences whereof they were partes that they reteyne not the meaning of the author but serue to shewe the impudencie of the cauiller As that the counsels of Christe in his Gospel be ordinances of the Deuill the prayers of Christians a sacrifice of the deuill the councell of Elibeus was a generall councell c. Wherfore I will leaue this fond request with all the rayling that followeth there vppon and come to the preface to the Reader First he findeth himselfe greatly greeued that not only ancient fathers are by M. Calfhil discredited but also the holy crosse is likened to a gallowes c. which moued him to follow Salomons counsell to answer a foole according to his folly After this he taketh vpon him to coÌ„fute M. Calfhils preface in which he proueth y t no images should be in churches to any vse of religion because God forbiddeth them Exo. 20. Leuit. 19 in y e first table of religion His reply standeth only vpon those common foolishe distinctions of Idols Images of Latria Doulia which are handled more at large with greater shewe of learning by D Sander in his booke of Images Cap. 5. 6. 7. 8. whither I refer y e reader for answer Likewise y t discourse which he maketh to proue y t an image of Christ is not a lying image is answered in y e same booke Cap. 7. The authoritie of Epiphanius he deferreth to aunswer vnto y e 5. article To Irenaeus he answereth y t he only reporteth y t the Gnostike heretikes had y e image of Iesus but reproueth not y t fact But he reproued them only because they placed the image of Christ w t the images of Plato Pithagoras c. vsed them as y e Gentyles do This were in deed a pretie exception for a brabling lawyer to take but a student in diuinitie should vnderstand that Irenaeus in y t book Chapter li. 1. Ca. 24. declareth no fact of y e heretiks y t was good but his declaration is a reproof And so it is throughout that whole booke conteining 35. Chapters But he chargeth M. Calfhill for falsifying Augustine in sayng that he alloweth M. Varro affirming that religion is moste pure without images first quarreling at the quotation which by errour of the Printer is de ciuitate Dei lib. 4. Cap. 3. where it should be Cap. 31. a meete quarrell for such a lawyer secondly shewing that the Latine is Castius obseruari sine simulachris religionem that religion woulde haue beene more purely kept without Idols or fayned Images as though there be anye Images but fayned and the worde Imago euen in their owne Latine translation of the Bible is indifferently taken for Idolum and simulachrum and that in many places Deut. 4. ver 16. 4. Reg. 11. ver 18 Sapient Cap. 13. 14. Esai 40. ver 18. 44. ver 13. Ezec. 7. vers 20 where imagines simulachra are both placed together Ezech. 16. Ca. 17. Amos. 5. ver 23. wher he sayeth Imaginem idolorum the image of your Idols and many other places declare that this counterfait distinction was not obserued no not of the Latine interpreter As for his other logicall quiddity wherin he pleaseth him selfe not a little that religio non suscipit magis minus sheweth that eyther his lawe is better then his Logike or else both are not worth a strawe Further he chargeth M. Calfehill for adding words which are not founde in Augustine where images are placed in temples in honourable sublimitie c. These wordes are founde in the Ep. 49 ad Deogratias Cum hiis locantur sedibus honorabili sublimitate vt a praecantibus atque immolantibê° attendantur when they are placed in these seates in honourable sublimitie that they are looked vpon by them that praye and offer c. But Martiall looked onely to the quotation Ps. 36. 113. Yet doeth not M. Calfhill rehearse the wordes but the iudgement of Augustine from which he doth nothing varie except Martiall will cauill at the wordes images in temples where Augustine sayeth Idola hiis sedibus Idoles in these seates speaking of temples in which images were placed But he speaketh saith Martiall in the Psalmes against the images of the heathen and not of the Christians Then reade what he writeth De moribus ecclesiae Catholicae lib. 1. Cap. 34. de consensu Euangelist lib. 1. Cap. 10. where you shall finde his iudgement of such images as were made of Christians to be all one with those of the Gentiles The iudgement of other doctours whome he nameth you shall finde aunswered in the 14. or 13. Chapter of Master Sanders booke of Images That the Iewes had no images in their temple he sayth it is a Iewish and Turkish reason to proue that we should haue none Much like y e priest that would not beleeue in Christe if he
prefigured in the law of nature foreshewen by the figures of Moses lawe denounced by the prophetes and shewed from heauen in the time of grace Maister Calfhil saide that the signe of the crosse was neither prefigured in the lawe of nature nor foreshewed by the figures of Moses law nor denounced by the prophetes nor shewed from heauen in the time of grace but the passion of Christ manner of his death Against whom commeth forth Martiall and offereth to prooue that the crosse whereon Christe died was prefigured c. which is no contradiction of M. Calfhils assertion Although the fathers rather dallie in trifling allegories then soundly to prooue that the crosse was prefigured in those places which he alledgeth as August Contra Faust. lib. 12. cap. 34. that the two stickes which the widowe of Sarepta gathered did prefigure the crosse whereon Christ died not only by the name of wood but by the number of the stickes Et de 5. heres ad quod vult de cap. 2. that Moses lifting vp his handes to heauen did prefigure the crosse whereby Christ should redeeme the worlde So saith Tertullian and Augustine in diuers places All which proue not that the image or signe of the crosse but that y e crosse it selfe whereon Christ died was prefigured whereof we make no question but it might be seeing it was in Gods determination that Christe should die on the crosse although we would wish sounder proofes then these for such prefiguration Here would Martiall excuse his ridiculous argument because it is not in mode and figure but in deede it fayleth both in forme and matter for his minor is false y t the signe of y e crosse was prefigured by y e hands of Moses As though there were no difference between the crosse on which Christ suffered a superstitious signe of the crosse y t a Papist maketh Concerning the signe Thau in Ezechiel cap. 9. I haue spoken sufficiently in the first article that it was not the figure of any letter like a crosse but a marke vnnamed or described as Apo. 7. And wheras Hierome saith that the Samaritanes had a letter somewhat like a crosse it is not to be throught y t the Samaritanes had the true forme of letters and the Iewes lost it Chrysostome draweth it to the Greeke letter and trifleth of the number which the letter Tau signifieth Tertulliā is indifferent betweene the Latine latter and y e Greeke setteth this T for the marke of his forehead differing somewhat from our Popishe ✚ for which cause Martiall calleth the character of the Latine letter Tau saying Our Tau is a signe of the crosse But of this marke more Art 1. and in my answere to D. Sanders booke of Images Cap. 13. or 12. Concerning the figure of y e crosse that was in the olde time in the idol Serapis wherunto he thinketh scorne to be sent for the antiquity of that signe he answereth out of Socrates that it was there set by the prouidence of God as the inscription of the altar in Athens and among the Hyeroglyphical letters of the Aegyptian priestes signified life to come But this proueth no more y e superstitious vse therof then y e alter in Athens proueth that we should set vp such altars and dedicate them to the vnknowen God Next followeth the brawle about the story of Constantines crosse which should be the figure of the crosse shewed from heauen in the time of grace wherein Martial noteth no lesse then sixe contradictions foure lyes in in M. Calfhil but of them let the reader iudge The signe shewed I haue prooued before not to haue bene Martials crosse but the Character of the name of Christ and so doth Constantinus himselfe cal it speaking to Christe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Holding forth thy Character I haue ouercome c. meaning the standerd in which that Character was imbrodered But of this I haue spoken sufficient Art 1. and against D. Sanders booke of images cap. 13. Ar. or after the errour of his print After much wrangling and brabbling about M. Calfhils principles wherein it were easie to displaye Martials follie but that I haue professed to omit such by matters he cōmeth to the signe of the crosse shewed to Iulian marked in his souldiers apparell which if it were true as Sozomenus reporteth it yet proueth it not y t the signe of the crosse was shewed from heauen that it should be vsed of Christians and the lesse because it was shewed to none but Iewes and forsakers of Christian religion as Maister Calfhill noteth which might probably be thought to be the marke of persecuters rather then of Christians But seeing the Signe of the crosse hath very often times appeared not onely in cloudes but also on mennes apparell with diuers other sightes as Conradus Lycosthenes in his booke De Prodigijs obserueth whether the cause of those apparitions be naturall or supernaturall or sometime perhaps artificiall the appearing of that signe from heauen doeth no more argue an allowance of the Popish ceremonie of crossing in religion then the appearing of other shapes and sightes in heauen doe teache vs to frame ceremonies of armour of horsemen of beastes of trees of pillers of circles and such like because the figures of them haue ben shewed from heauē So that hitherto the signe of the crosse hath not bene prooued to haue bene prefigured in the lawe of nature nor of Moses neither denounced by the prophetes nor vsed by the Apostles nor shewed from heauen to be a pattern of y e allowance of superstitious crossing among y e Papistes The thirde Article That euery Church Chappell and Oratorie erected to the honour and seruice of God should haue the signe of the crosse First it is to be remembred that for this position he hath no shewe of the authoritie of the holy scriptures nor yet the testimony of any auncient writer that any Church Chappell or Oratory should haue any crosse grauen or painted within it or vpon it for 500. yeares after Christ. Eusebius describing diuerse Churches builded in his time sheweth no such necessary furniture of a Christian Church although he set foorth euen the fashion of the stalles or stooles where the ministers should sit lib. 10. cap. 4. But Martial to haue shewe of antiquitie beginneth with a newe found olde doctour called Abdias whose authoritie seeing Maister Calfhill reiecteth as a meere countefet Martial spendeth certaine leaues in quarrelling at some of his reasons and the rest he passeth ouer because he can say nothing against them But touching the credite of this Abdias if any man be not satisfied with M. Calfhils reasons I referre him further to the Bishop of Sarums booke against Harding Art 1. Diu. 5. p. 8. To speake of the vowe of virginitie supposed to be made by the virgine Marie it is impertinent to the cause It commeth somewhat nearer that he defendeth building of Churches
honestie or shame For he feigneth that the fault is alledged for want of consent of her husband whereas such separation as he coÌ„mendeth w tout consent is directly contrarie to the doctrine of y e holy Ghost 1. Cor. 7. v. 5. Likewise where M. Calfhil nameth a booke that the Apostles wrote Martial saith it was but of Pauls Epistles where he saith it was laide vnto diseases M. Martial saith it saued a man from drowning but of these quarels too much Martiall coÌ„fesseth that were a Doctor swarueth froÌ„ scripture no man ought to followe him But if Paulinus swerued not from Scripture when he brought images into the Church we neede not doubt that any man swerued from Scripture seeing nothing is more plaine in all the Scriptures then forbidding of images and similitudes of any thing to be made or had in any vse of religion Where M. Chlfhil aunswereth to the decree of Iustinian that no Church should be builded before the place were consecrated and a crosse set vp by the Bishop that this was a constitution of the externall pollicie Martial laboureth to proue that it was religious and yet at length graunteth that it was a matter of externall policie wherevpon I inferre that it was not of necessitie and so the article is not proued thereby that euery church should c. But it commeth of great wisdome that he will defend the time of Iustinian from ignorance and barbaritie bicause the ciuill lawe was then gathered and a fewe learned men were found in the whole world All this notwithstanding the Barbarians had ouercome a great part of the Empire and filled the world with ignorance and barbarousnesse Against the decree of Valentinian and Theodosius cited out of Crinitus he hath many quarells First against Petrus Crinitus who was as good a cleark as Martial Then at the Homily against images where the Printer calleth him Petrus Erinilus yet againe y e Valentinian not being writteÌ„ at large is mistakeÌ„ for Valens where it should be Valentinianus And if Valens and Theodosius had made such a lâ—â—e what an ouersight was it of Eusebius to suppresse it When Eusebius was deade before any of them were borne it was a great ouerfight in Martials iudgement to suppresse in his storie a lawe made by them which liued neare an hundreth yeare after him so that belike he would haue Eusebius to write stories of thinges to come But concerning that lawe of Valentinianus and Theodosius you shall see more in mine aunswere to D. Sanders booke of images cap. 13. or 12. The rest of this chapter is spent in commending the Church of Rome whose custome it hath bene saith Martial these twelue hundreth yeares to set the signe of the crosse in the Church and Pope Pius the fourth did it him selfe of late c. Concerning the Church of Rome so long as she continued in true religion and so far foorth as she mainteined the trueth as she was greatly commended of auncient writers whome Martiall nameth so nowe it is to her greater reproch and shame earum laudum gloriae degenerem esse that she is growen out of kinde and desert of all such prayses as the Cleargie of Rome writing to Cyprian lib. 2. Epist. 7. To conclude therefore there is nothing shewed to proue that euery Church Chappel or Oratorie should haue a crosse although in the latter and more corrupt times of the Church it is declared that some Churches had a crosse and at length grewe to a custome in those parts of the world that euerie church had one and was thought necessarie that it should haue one The fourth Article That the signe of the crosse was vsed in all sacraments c. That it hath bene vsed in the later declining times we will not stande with Martiall but that in the best and purest age of the Church by the Apostles and their imediate successors it was vsed or allowed before the Valentinian heretikes I affirme that Martiall can not proue by any auncient authenticall writer betweene the Apostles and Irenaeus Wherefore Master Calfhil aunswereth well that the ceremonie once taken vppe of good intent being growen into so horrible abuse is iustly refused of vs. Martiall will knowe what our vocation is as though we were not able to proue our calling both before God and men Our Synodes he refuseth bicause no Councel can be kept without the consent of the Bishop of Rome in which point as many of Papistes are against him which holde that euen a generall Councel may be kept to depose an euill Pope against his will so he mistaketh the Tripartite historie and Iulian Bishop of Rome where they speake of generall Councels and Synodes to determine of matters of faith from which the Bishop of Rome while he was a Bishop was not to be excluded bicause those cases touch all Bishops dreaming that they speake of all Councels But long after their times it was practised as lawfull for Kinges and Bishops of seuerall prouinces to gather and holde prouincial synods for the state of their seueral Churches without the consent or knowledge of the Bishop of Rome In which some things haue bene determined against the will of the Bishop of Rome as in the councels of Carthage and Affrike and in generall Councels also as in that of Calcedon Constantinople the 5. 6. the Councels of Constans and Basil. But signing with the crosse is a tradition of the Apostles and so accounted by S. Basil therefore we ought not to forsake it for any abuse saith Martial But howe will S. Basil persuade vs of that when we finde it not in their writings it is more safe therefore to followe his counsell in his short definitioÌ„s q. 1. where he affirmeth y t it is not lawfull for any man to permit him selfe to doe or say any thing without the testimonie of the holy scriptures And this we will hold euen with Basils good leaue against all pretended traditions of the Apostles what so euer We Knowe the Apostle willeth vs to hold the traditions either learned by his Epistles or by his SermoÌ„s But what he deliuered in his sermons we can not tell but by his Epistles Yes saith Martial the church telleth you of y e signe of the crosse but seeing y e church telleth vs of other things which are left and forsaken auouching them likewise to be traditions of the Apostles which ought not to haue ben so giueÌ„ ouer if they had ben Apostolike traditions in deed we see no cause why we may not refuse these aswel as those hauing no ground of certaintie for apostolike traditions but only y e Apostolike writings Tertullian couÌ„teth y e tasting of milke hony after baptisme for an Apostolike tradition bicause it was a ceremonie in his time as wel as crossing y e one was left long ago why may not y e other be forsakeÌ„ y t hath no better ground hath ben worse abused Concerning the tale of Probianus which foloweth next
foorth after her childbirth and therfore no procession after the crosse And if Agapetus did not deuise processions first as M. Calfhil saith your owne Canon law lyeth and not he de cond d. 1. Agapitus as your author Garanza citeth it But to come neare vnto the article Sozomenus lib. ◠ca. 8. sheweth y t the Arrians at Constantinople began a kind of processiō with singing of Psalmes by course which Iohn Chrysostome fearing least any godly men should be seduced by them tooke vp the same fashion so pasted the Arrians in number processu going forward For siluer standards of the crosse with burning waxe 〈◊〉 went before them This place sheweth how godly men tooke vpfond ceremonies in emulation of heretikes But nowe concerning these siluer standards in forme of y e crosse which Socrates li. 6. ca. 8. sheweth did serue to carie waxe candles or torches burning vpon them to giue the people light in the night season for then their processions were in the night Martiall is as madde as a marche hare that they should be counted no better then candlestickes or cresset staues and yet when he hath prated what he can for that principall vse they serued although it may be that Chrysostome had some superstitious fantasie in the fourmes also of the crosse which he deuised to be as y e standerds for the Catholike armie to followe so the same crosse staues serued both for candlestickes and standerdes how soeuer it was this procession differed much from our Popish processions in whiche idols are carried about and not as candlestickes but candlesticks before them with candels light in the day time not in the night His surmise that the siluer crosses were set in the Church because no place is mentioned where they left them when they came home is foolish They had common theaters and meeting places more meete for seting vp of such candlebearing crosses then y e Churches The quarrell of the foure lyes I passe ouer let the Reader compare both their Bookes and iudge whether Martiall haue handeled that storie with sinceritie The councell Elibertine forbadde candels to be lighted in the day time in the Churchyards Ergo they forbadde them not on the Lordes table quod Martial But why then go you with torches and tapers into the Churchyarde both in procession and at burialles And seeing it was an Heathenishe custome to light them in Churches as well as in Churchyardes they which forbad the one would not haue alowed the other But you light them not as Heathē men of whom Lactantius speaketh thinking God to be in darkenes and to haue neede of light But Ad signu◠latriae demonstrandum to declare a signe of the high seruice that you owe to God If it be so why light you them to saintes yea to images the Gentils had as good excuses as you Neuer thelesse you are determined to kepe your lightes still as you haue record witnes out of Eusebius Athanasius c. In deede there is great reason because they had candels light in the night you wil haue them in y e day but of light I wish the reader to look more in my refutation of Rastals confutation to y e 33. leafe of his book After this foloweth a vain discourse to proue y t we are heretiks because we haue departed from the vnitie of the Church from the Cleargie from the bishop of Rome c. Al which is false for we haue not departed from the church of Christ which is ruled by his word nor from the Christian Cleargie nor from any godly Bishop of Rome in any point in whiche he departed not from the trueth but we are gone out of Babylon we haue forsaken Antichriste and all his merchantes that made sale of mens soules our prayer in a knowen tongue our communion in both kindes our reuerent administration of the Lordes supper haue the Scripture for their warrant and the primitiue Church for their witnesse His rayling vpon Luther I will not deale withall God hath aduanced Luther as his poore witnesse aboue the Pope the proud antichrist which maketh all Papistes to spighte him Concerning Iustinians constitution for crosses to be born at the singing of the Letanie it fauoureth of the corruption of his time Such godly constitutions as he made as well in Ecclesiasticall as politike matters we esteeme as the good lawes of a forreyne prince are to be regarded And at length we come to Augustine the Monke which cōming from Rome did more hurte in corrupting true religion then good in planting any religion And whereas Martiall saith if our religion came from Eleutherius it came from Rome although it were no shame to confesse it came from Rome in those purer times yet Christian religion came to vs euen from the Apostles as witnesseth Gildas the Brittaine being planted here in the reigne of Tiberius the Emperour And as for Augustine although the king Ethelbert the people were well prepared before his comming by the Queene and the bishop that attended vpon her yet according to his zeale he tooke some paines to make the people receiue the doctrine of Christe although in behauiour he was proude as Galfride writeth and Beda not altogether denieth but that he seemed so and in ceremonies superstitious So that the doctrine of Christ which he taught came from Ierusalem from whence the Gospel was first preached his errours and superstition came from Rome That the bishops of the Brittaines refused both his authoritie and ceremonies it argueth that Christianitie was in this land not subiect to the see of Rome If they refused to ioyne with Augustine in teaching the Saxons it might be not for that they enuied their saluation which were their enemies but because they would not consent to ioyne in y ◠worke with him which sought to bring them into subiection Concerning the cruel murder of the Monks of Bangor in Augustines quarrell Galfride a Brittaine imputeth no small part of the fault to Augustine Bede a Saxon would haue him cleare of it But seeing the threatening of Augustine is agreed vpon and the slaughter followed it is shrewde euidence against him That Augustines crosse painted table differeth from that the Papistes nowe vse in procession Martial counteth it not material seeing afterward they receyued other kinde of images from Rome and other kinde of Images were then vsed in Churches which yet were harde for him to proue for the Grecians to this day receiue none but painted Images The pretence that Maister Calfhil saith Augustine might haue to excuse him to feede the eyes of them that neuer heard of Christ with y e image of his death that lending their eares he might enstruct their hearts Martiall wil not admit or if he did admit it that it followeth not that they whiche haue not like pretence may not vse like example Whereas Maister Calfhil doth neither absolutely affirme the pretence nor allowe it to be good From this pretence he passeth into a
images The like he might say where they speake against adulteries that they speake of the adulteries of the Heathen and not of Christians And the same to Cyprian Origen Arnobius Lactantius Athanasius bringing instance of the ciuill reuerence done to the Princes seate and to the Prince him selfe And wheras Arnobius saith expresly absolutely we worship no crosses he expoundeth it we worship them not as Gods Such expositions may auoyde all authorities The Gentiles which knewe the Christians worshipped but one God did not obiuct worshipping of crosses vnto them as Gods Against the authoritie of Lactar tius he bringeth in a verse falsely ascribed vnto him Flecte genu lignumque crucis venerabile adora Bow the knee and adore the venerable wood of the crosse If Martial allowe this verse for authenticall authoritie howe will he iustifie that he saide before they worshipped not the wood stone metal of the crosse but the figure or signe of it Against Athanasius he obtrudeth that counterfet sermon of the image of Christe in Berisus and once againe vrgeth his forged question 39. ad AntiochuÌ„ which is quest 16. as we haue set it downe at large Articl 5. hauing in it no such wordes as he câ—teth Crucis figuram ex duobus lignis componentes adoramus We making a figure of the crosse of two pieces of wood doe adorâ— it To Epiphanius he aunswereth that he speaketh onely against women which offered sacrifice to y e viâ—gine Marie whereas neither it was lawfull that women should offer sacrifice nor that Marie should be made a God But in deede Epiphanius speaketh against the adoration of dead men by images Et mortui qui lem sunt qui adorantur c. And they truely which are worshipped are deade but they bring in their images to be worshipped whiche neuer liued for they can not be dead which neuer liued He would haue Marie to be honoured but not with worshipping her image for that were idolattie Martial hath two strong collections if a woman may not sacrifice ergo she may not be head of the Church as though it were necessarie that the chiefe gouernour of y e church should do sacrifice The other that women may not offer externall sacrifice ergo there is an external sacrifice that men may offer As good as this a woman may not circumcise therefore circumcision is in vse to be done by men To be short Epiphanius calleth the heresie of y e Collyridiaus that sacrificed to the virgine Marie Haeresis siâ—â—lachrifica an image making heresie But least Martial should seeme to be beaten cleane away from Epiphanius he citeth him De vitis prophet alledging a prophecie of Hieremie of the second comming of Christ which shold be Quando gentes vniuersae ligno supplicabunt when all nations shall make their supplications to woode Heere is either Martials signe of the crosse or an Heathenish errour commanded by the prophetes he saith But if he will boaste of the authoritie of the ancient Epiphanius he must bring better stuffe then this fragment De vita inter Proph. Which following so many Iewish fables argueth the later Epiphanius the patrone of Images to be y e author rather then y e elder of Cyprus For this prophecie of Hieremie euen as the fable of the Arke swallowed of a stone c. sauoureth of Iewish vanitie And yet if we should admit it as authenticall and true the sense should rather be y t Christ shal come when al nations shal be idolaters or wood-worshippers then when al nations should worship the signe of the crosse as Martiall supposeth For Christ at his second comming shall scarse finde faith Therefore infidelitie possessing the greatest part of y e world it is more like all nations should worship woodden idols then Christ by honoring the signe of his crosse To Ambrose denying that Helena worshipped the wodde of the crosse he opposeth a forged saying of Ambrose cited in the second councell of Nice where lying forging and false worshipping did beare all the sway Concerning the true testimonie of Ambrose reade more in mine answere to D. Sanders booke of images Cap. 13. or 12. To Hierome not admitting y e ciuil honor vsed to be giuen to the pillers images of the Emperours much lesse adoration of images in religion he oppeseth his saying in Psalm 98. affirming that adoration of the crosse is allowed by him whereas that commentary by learned and indifferent iudges Erasmus Amerbachius is proued by many arguments to be none of Hieronymes writing but of one of much later time Thus hath Martial against the true testimonies of the fathers nothing to oppose but their counterfetted authorities and false inscribed writings Concerning Hieronymes adoration of the mangar and incunabula the cradle of Christ which Martial so often called the swathling clothes I haue aunswered before y t he meaneth no such adoration as the Papistes giue vnto their images but a reuerent estimatioÌ„ as of an ancient holy monumeÌ„t wherin yet I wil not altogether excuse Hierome of superstitious affectioÌ„ as I wil not charge him w t idolatrie For Chrysostomes iudgment of worshipping y e crosse I refer the reader as before to Cap. 13. or 12. of mine answere to D. Sand. booke of images To Claudius bishop of Taurino that in al his Dioces forbad the worship of the crosse he aunswereth Alphonsus de Cactro counteth him for an heretike Ionas bishop of Orleans writeth against him In deed Ionas writeth against his ouerthrowing of Images but he writeth al so against y e adoration of Images His words are these Lib. 1. De cultu imagin Claudius praesul Ecclesiae Taurinensis c. Claudius bishop of the Church of Taurine sawe his flocke among other things which it did worthy of reformation to be giuen to the superstitious yea the pernicious worshipping of images of which disease some of those partes are sicke of an olde rooted custome c. So that not onely Claudius but also Ionas was directly contrary to this tenth article Touching the brabling distinction of Latria Daulia I referre the reader to mine answere to Doctor Sanders booke of images Cap. 6. or 5. as also for that noble argument that followeth whereby he woulde proue that Papistes cannot commit idolatrie That M. Calfhill affirmeth outward profession to be necessary for euery Christian man Martiall saith he condemneth his doctrine of onely faith iustifying Verâ—ly a clubb is more meere then an argument to beate it into such an Asses head that when we teache that onely faith doth iustifie we say not that God requireth nothing of a Christian man but faith onely Againe who would vouch safe to answere his quarreling of true faith without confession The rulerâ— beleeued but did not confesse Iohn 12. here was faith quod Martiall but no confession But who will graunt that here was a true iustifying faith Likewise this argument There is a corporall seruice of outwarde gesture due to God therefore it is no idolatrie
of Easter but Mox confiteri be shriuen out of hand which was not done in the face of the Church but priuatly in the chamber Whereas this Mox confiteri for all his shamelesse and ignorant babling is not at al in that chapter which is this De poenitentibus verò qui siue ex grauioribus commissis saue ex leuioribus panitentiam gerunt si nulla interueniat aegritudo quinta feria ante Pascha eis remittēdum Romanae ecclesiae consuetudo demonstrat Coetterùm de pondere aestimando delictorum sacerdotis est iudicare vt attendat ad confessionem poenitentis ad fletus atque lachrymas corrigentis ac nom iubere dimitti cùm viderit congruam satisfactionem Sane si quis in aegritudinem inciderit atque vsque ad desperationem deuenerit ei est ante tempus pasche relexandum ne de saeculo absque communione discedat Nowe concerning penitents which either for greater or smaller offences do penance if no sicknesse come betweene the custome of the Church of Rome sheweth that they must be released the fifth day before Easter But as for esteeming their offences it is the priestes part to iudge that he may giue heede to the confession of him that repenteth to the teares and weeping of him that amendeth and then to bid him be dismissed when he shall see conuenient satisfaction But truely if any man fall into sicknesse and that he be come euen to desperation he must be released before the time of Easter that he depart not out of the world without the Communion Here is no word of shriuing for the cōfession was made publikely before penance inioyned and if in this case of necessitie there were confession in the chamber it is not proued to be auricular nor common to all men without the case of necessitie That which he citeth afterward out of Hierome in Eccles. cap. 10. is meant of asking counsel of an afflicted conscience For Innocentius that was after Hieronyme testifieth of the publike confession of the Church The rest also that he citeth out of Augustine and Cyprian is plaine of open confession and neuer a word of auricular cōfession inioyned by Papists vnder paine of damnation he can bring within the first 600. yeres Wherefore I will helpe him Sozomenus lib. 7. cap. 16. sheweth that in the Church of Constannople a Priest was appointed which should heare confessions of them that came to him and inioyning penance should absolue them but by Nestorius this order of confession was taken away bicause a certain noble woman was corrupted in the Church by a Deacon Where also he sheweth that the custome of Rome was to do open penance and not priuate This writer testifieth of priuate cōfession vsed and abolished within the 600. yeares but with infinite inconueniences instituted a fresh in y ◠later Romish Councel of Latrane The 11. difference is of the merite of good workes which he will proue by Scripture first out of Ecclesiasticus 16. All mercy shall make place to euery man according to the merite of his workes Which is neither canonicall scripture nor rightly tāslated for according to y ◠truth of the Greeke it is thus He wil giue place to al good deeds and euery one shal find according to his works The second text is 1. Pet 4. Charitie couereth the multitude of sinnes By which y ◠Apostle meaneth as Salomon out of whose Prouerbes he citeth it that euen as hatred causeth brawling and discouering of mens infirmities so charitie couereth and concealeth the multitude of our brothers offences This is nothing for merite The third place 2. Pet. 1. When he biddeth vs to labour to make sure our vocation election by good workes By which words the Apostle willeth vs to confirme vnto our selues the certaintie of our calling and election which is most certaine to God by the necessarie effectes and fruites of our election and calling which are good workes not the cause but the effect and end of our election He hath chosen vs that we might be holy Ephe. 1. not bicause we were holy His fourth text is 2. Cor. 8. Let your aboundance supplie their lacke that their aboundance may supplie your lacke also Which I agree with him and Theodoret to be the communiō of Saints but I denie that the communion of Saints is of merites but of graces and benefites of God The last text is Col. 1. S. Paul perfourmed in his flesh such as lacked of the passions of Christ that is the effectes and fruits therof which was to suffer with Christ for his body which is the Church meaning that the Church and not he onely should haue merite thereby This blasphemie was farre from S. Pauls meaning who saith not that he should merite any thing which Christe had not merited but that he as a member should suffer that which Christ had not suffered who suffered as the head for our eternall redemption and Paul as a member suffered to be made conformable to the head not to redeeme the Church but to giue testimonie to the Gospell of saluation for the edifying of the Church Wherefore I wil conclude with Ambrose ad Virgin exhor Vnde mihi tantum meriti est cui indulgentia pro coronae est Whence should I haue so great merite when mercy is my crown and with Augustine in Psal. 43. Quid dicturi sumus merita nostra fecisse vt nobis illa salus perpetua mitteretur à domino absit si merita nostra aliquid facerent ad damnationem nostram veniret What shall we say that our merites haue caused that this perpetual saluation should be sent to vs from the Lord God forbid If our merites did any thing it should come to our damnation CAP. V. Of the single life in the Cleargie of the state of Virginite in Nunnes of Monkes and Friers of the vowed profession of both The 12. difference is the single life of the Cleargie He saith we reade expressely lib. 1. cap. 27. in Bedes historie that none of the Cleargie had wines that were within holy orders Howe expressely we reade you shal heare the very words of his own trāslatiō And if there be any among y ◠Cleargie out of holy orders which cannot liue chast they shall take wiues and haue their stipend allowed them without Here is no expresse words that none of the Cleargie that were within holy orders had wiues but a particular order for Augustine and in respecte that he was a Monk not to haue his portion of the oblations seuered frō his Cleargie if any of his Cleargy were married so that he was not to liue in the College among vnmarried men that he should haue his stipende allowed abroade For the manner of the see Apostolike was then as Gregory saith whiche the Papistes nowe obserue not to giue commaundement to such as be made bishops that all maner of oblations that are giuen be diuided into 4. portions And the one thereof giuen