obscurity 6. They who seek to gain reputation with the vulgar for their extraordinary parts and piety must needs undo whatever was formerly setled never so well and wisely 7. I could never see any reason why any Christian should abhor or be forbidden to use the same forms of Prayer since he prayes to the same God believes in the same Saviour professeth the same Truths reads the same Scriptures hath the same Duties upon him and feels the same daily wants for the most part both inward and outward which are common to the whole Church 8. A serious sense of that inconvenience in the Church which unavoidably followes every mans several maner of officiating no doubt first occasioned the wisdom and piety of the ancient Churches to remedy those mischiefs by the use of constant Liturgies of publick composure 9. It was either the tumultuariness of People or the factiousness and pride of Presbyters or the covetousness of some States and Princes that of late years gave occasion to some mens wits to invent new models of Church-government and proposed them under the specious titles of Christs Government Scepter and Kingdom the better to serve their turns to whom the change was beneficial 10. As the full and constant Testimony of all Histories may sufficiently convince unbiased men That the Primitive Churches were undoubtedly governed by the Apostles and their immediate Successours the first and best Bishops so it cannot in reason or charity be supposed that all Churches in the world should either be ignorant of the rule by them prescribed or so soon deviate from their divine and holy pattern 11. Since the first Age for 1500 years not one Example can be produced of any setled Church wherein were many Ministers and Congrations which had not some Bishop above them under whose jurisdiction and government they were 12. Use is the great Arbitratour of words and Master of language 13. Not only in Religion but also in right Reason and the true nature of Governments it cannot be thought that an orderly Subordination among Presbyters or Ministers should be any more against Christianity than it is in all secular and civil Governments where Parity breeds Confusion and Faction 14. I can no more believe that such order is inconsistent with true Religion than good features are with beauty or numbers with harmony 15. It is not likely that God who appointed several orders and a Prelacy in the Government of his Church among the Jewish Priests should abhor or forbid them among Christian Ministers who have as much of the Principles of Schism and Division as other men 16. I conceive it was not the favour of Princes or ambition of Presbyters but the wisdom and piety of the Apostles that first setled Bishops in the Church which Authority they constantly used and injoyed in those times which were purest for Religion though sharpest for Persecution 17. Tyranny becomes no Christians least of all Churchmen 18. The late Reformed Churches whose examples are obtruded for not retaining Bishops the necessity of times and affairs rather excuseth than commendeth for their inconformity to all Antiquity 19. I could never see any reason why Churches orderly reformed and governed by Bishops should be forced to conform to those few rather than to the Catholick example of all Ancient Churches which needed no Reformation 20. It is no point of wisdom or charity where Christians differ as many do in some points there to widen the differences and at once to give all the Christian World except a handfull of some Protestants so great a scandal in point of Church-Government as to change it whom though you may convince of their Errours in some points of Doctrine yet you shall never perswade them that to compleat their Reformation they must necessarily desert and wholly cast off that Government which they and all before them have ever owned as Catholick Primitive and Apostolical 21. Never Schismaticks nor Hereticks except the Arians have strayed from the Unity and Conformity of the Church in point of Government ever having Bishops above Presbyters 22. Among those that have endeavoured or effected a change in the Government of the Church such as have rendred themselves guilty of inconstancy cause a great prejudice against their novelty in the opinion of their King whose consent they would have 23. Their facility and levity is never to be excused whose learning or integrity cannot in charity be so far doubted as if they understood not what before they did or as if they conformed to Episcopal Government contrary to their consciences and yet the same men before ever the point had any free and impartial debate contrary to their former Oaths and practice against their obedience to their Lawes in force and against their Kings consent have not only quite cried down the Government by Bishops but have approved and encouraged the violent and most illegal stripping Bishops and other Churchmen of all their due Authority and revenues the selling away and utter alienation of those Church Lands from any Ecclesiastical uses 24. The Desertors of Episcopacy will at last appear the greatest Enemies to and betrayers of their own interest whose folly will become a punishment unto it self for 25. Presbytery is never so considerable or effectual as when it is joyned to and crowned with Episcopacy 26. Those secular additamenâ—â— and ornaments of Authority Civil Honour and Estate which Christian Princes in all Countryes have annexed to Bishops and Church men are to be lookt upon but as just rewardâ— of their learning and piety who are fit to be in any degree of Church-Government also enablements to works of Charity and Hospitality meet strenthnings of their Authority in point of respect and observance 27. I would have such men Bishops as are most worthy of those encouragements and be ablest to use them 28. A Kings good intention whose judgment faild at any time makes his errour venial 29. It is neither just for Subjects nor pious for Christians by violents and indignities with servile restraints to seek to force their King and Soveraign against the well-laid gounds of his judgment to consent to any their weak and divided novelties touching the Government of the Church 30. I could never see any probable shew in true Reason and in Scripture for the Government of the Church otherwise than by Bishops the greatest Pretenders of a different sense either contenting themselves with the examples of some Churches in their infancy and solitude when one Presbyter might serve one Congregation in a City or Countrey or else denying these most evident Truths 1. That the Apostles were Bishops over those Presbyters they ordained as well as over the Churches they planted 2. That Government being necessary for the Churches wellbeing when multiplied and sociated must also necessarily descend from the Apostles to others after the example of that power and Superiority they had above others which could not end with their persons since the use and ends of such Government still
by which to find out their Original 10. It hath been often sound that mutual returns of long answers and replies have rather multiplied disputes by starting new questions than informed the Conscience by removing former scruples 11. In former times under Pagan Princes the Church was a distinct Body of it self divided from the Common-wealth and so was to be governed by its own rules and Rulers The Bishops therefore of those times though they had no outward coercive power over mens persons or estates yet in as much as every Christian man when he became a Member of the Church did ipso facto and by that his own voluntary act put himself under their government they exercised a very large power of jurisdictionâ— in spiritualibus in making Ecclesiastical Canons receiving accusations conventing the accused examining of witnesses judging of crimes excluding such as they found guilty of scandalous offences from the Lord's Supper enjoyning penances upon them casting them out of the Church receiving them again upon their repentance c. And all this they exercised as well over Presbyters as others but after that the Church under Christian Princes began to be incorporated into the Common-wealth whereupon there must of necessity follow a complication of the Civil and Ecclesiastical powers the jurisdiction of Bishops in the outward exercise of it was subordinate unto and limited by the Supreme Civil power 12. Although there be no cause to dislike their opinion who derive the Episcopal power originally from Christ himself without whose warrant the Apostles would not either have exercised it themselvs or derived it to others yet for that the practise in them is so clear and evident and the warrant from him expressed but in general terms As my Father sent me so send I you and the like we may chuse rather to fix the claim of the power upon that practise as the more evidential way than upon the warrant which by reason of the generality of expression would bear more dispute 13. Arguments drawn from Names and Words and conjectural Expositions of Scripture are subject to such frailties as in debate will give little satisfaction to his judgment and conscience that requites it 14. The testimonies of so many writers ancient and modern as have been produced for the Scripture-Original of Bishops may be conceived of so great importance in a question of this nature that we are bound both in charity and reason to believe That so many men of such quality would not have asserted the same with so much confidence but upon very good ground 15. One witness for the affirmative ought to be of more value than ten for the negative and the testimony of one person that is not interessed than of an hundred that are 16. A Prince to shew the greatness of his mind is rather to conquer his enemies by pardoning than by punishing 17. A King may expect not to be ceusur'd for having parted with too much of his right when the price and commodity is so great such as security to Himself and peace to his People 18. A prudent Parliament ought to remember how usefull a King's power is to a Peoples liberty 19. A Prince is never to affect more greatness or prerogative than what is really and intrinsecally for the good of his Subjects not satisfaction of Favourites 20. A Prince that so useth his Prerogative will never want means to be a Father to all and a bountifull Prince to any he would be extraordinarily gracious unto 21. All men trust their treasure where it returns them interest 22. If Princes like the Sea receive and repay all the fresh streams and rivers trust them with they will not grudge but pride themselves to make them up an Ocean 23. Subjects who have learnt that Victories over their Princes are but triumphs over themselves will be more unwilling to hearken to changes afterward 24. A distressed King may best learn to own Himself by retiring into Himself and therefore can the better digest what befalls Him not doubting but God can restrain his Enemies malice and turn their fierceness unto his praise 25. If God give an injur'd King success against Rebels He ought to use it humbly and far from revenge 26. If God restore an exil'd King to his right upon hard conditions whatsoever He promiseth He ought to keep 27. Those men who have forced Lawes which they were bound to observe will find their triumphs full of troubles 28. A Prince is not to think any thing in this world worth obtaining by foul and unjust means 29. No Earthly power can justly call a King in question as a Delinquent 30. A good King will not without shewing a reason seek to impose a belief upon his Subjects 31. There is no proceeding just against any man but what is warranted either by God's Lawes or the municipal Lawes of the Country where he lives 32. The true Liberty of Subjects consists not in the power of Government but in living under such Lawes such a Government as may give themselves the best assurance of their lives and propriety of their goods 33. The King who has a Trust committed to Him by God by old and lawfull descent must not betray it to answer to a new unlawfull Authority 34. It is a great sin for Subjects to withstand lawfull Authority as it is to submit to an Authority Tyrannical or any other wayes unlawfull 35. A hasty sentence once past may be sooner repented than recalled 36. It is in vain for a King to be a Sceptick by denying the power Rebels have when greater than He can resist 37. A hasty Judgment passed upon the Life of a King may bring on that trouble and perpetual inconveniency to a Kingdom that the child which is then unborn may repent it 38. God many times does pay Justice by an unjust Sentence 39. Conquest is never just except there be a good just cause either for matter of wrong of just Title and then they that go beyond it the first quarrel that they have to it is it that makes unjust at the end what was just at first 40. Sole matter of Conquest is a great Robbery 41. Those Magistrates or Officers will never be right nor will God ever prosper them who give not God his due their King his due and the People their due 42. The regulating a Church rightly according to Holy Scripture is To give God his due A National Synod freely called freely debating among themselves must settle the Church if out of order when that every Opinion is freely and clearly heard 43. A Subject and a Soveraign are clean different things and a share in Government is nothing pertaining to the People FINIS To the Reader Friend THis Century may be complete and others added when more of His Sacred Majesty's Writings shall be Published Which advertisement I pray take with you as you proceed to the other Titles under which you may apprehend the like defect at the end Icon Animae Basilicae
whose subjection as it preserves their property peace and safety so it will never diminish his Rights nor their ingenuous Liberties which consist in the injoyment of the fruits of their industry and the benefit of those Lawes to which themselves have consented 19. No Subjects can without an high degree of guilt and sin devest the King of those enjoyments which the Lawes have assigned to Him 20. The King in uncertain times is to require and entreat the Prince his Son as his Father and his King that He never suffer his heart to receive the least check against or disaffection from the true Religion established in the Church of England 21. After trial much search and many disputes I conclude the Religion of the Church of England to be the best in the World not only in the Community as Christian but also in the special notion as Reformed keeping the middle way between the pomp of superstitious Tyranny and the meanness of fantastick Anarchy 22. The drought being excellent as to the main both for Doctrine and Government in the Church of England some lines as in very good figures may happily need some sweetning or polishing which might have easily been done by a safe and gentle hand if some mens precipitancy had not violently demanded such rude alterations as would have quite destroyed all the beauty and proportions of the whole 23. The King is not to entertain any aversation or dislike of Parliaments which in their right constitution with Freedom and Honour will never injure or diminish his greatness but will rather be as interchangings of love loyalty and confidence between a Prince and his People 24. The sad effects that have issued from the insolencies of popular dictates and tumultuary impressions should make Parliaments more cautious to preserve that Freedom and Honour which belong to such Assemblies 25. Nothing can be more happy for all than in fair grave and honourable wayes to contribute their Councels in Common enacting all things by publick consent without Tyranny or Tumults 26. After the storm of Civil dissension and War wherein the folly and wickedness of some men have so far ruined as to leave nothing intire in Church or State to the Crown the Nobility the Clergy or the Commons either as to Lawes Liberties Estates Order Honour Conscience or Lives the yong Prince that succeeds should be an Anchor or Harbour rather to the tossed and weather-beaten Kingdoms a Repairer of the ruines by his wisdom justice piety and valour 27. The King cannot in what extremity soever suffer any diminution of the Churches patrimony or alienation of it it being without paradventure Sacriledg and likewise contrary to his Coronation-Oath 28. The Government of the Church according to its constitution in England is a chief column and support to the Monarchy and Crown 29. The greatest means to make a Parliament happy is That the King on his part and the Members thereof on theirs lay aside all suspicion one of another 30. The Navy and Forts are the walls and defence of this Kingdom which if out of Order all men may easily judge what encouragement it will be to our Enemies and what disheartning to our Friends 31. The King can no way consent that the voyces of Bishops in Parliament should be taken away which they have enjoy'd since and before the Conquest and is one of the fundamental constitutions of this Kingdom 32. Often Parliaments is the fittest mean to keep correspondency between the King and his People 33. Neither Queen Elizabeth nor my Father King James did ever avow that any Priest in their time was executed meerly for Religion the inconveniences that by this severity may fall to the King's Subjects and other Protestants abroad ought to be considered by any Parliament that presses it 34. The Parliament that takes the Government all in pieces must do like a skillfull Watchmaker to make clean his Watch who takes it asunder puts it again together but leaves not out one pin if he means to have it go better 35. The Parliament ought not to wish more than they can shew the King the way how conveniently it may be done 36. It is the great expression of Trust the King has in the affections of his Parliament unto Him when before they do any thing for Him He puts a confidence in them by his gracious concessions 37. If any person durst be so impudent as to move the King to alter the Lawes He ought to put such a mark upon him as from which all posterity might know his intention was ever to govern by the Law and no otherwise 38. That Parliament is not to alledg against the King his deceiving their expectation in the time of his return having departed with their consent who as much and more have deceived Him in the condition for proceeding in his affairs 39. When the King sends a Serjeant at Armes to His Parliament He may expect obedience not a message 40. In cases of Treason no person hath a priviledg by being a Member of the Parliament 41. The King should alwayes be as tender of any thing which may advance the true Protestant Religion protect and preserve the Lawes of the Land and defend the just priviledg and freedom of Parliaments as of his Life or his Crown 42. When the King calls his Parliament together to be witnesses of his Actions and privy to his Intentions it may be certainly believed He has not the least thought disagreeing with the happiness and security of his Kingdom 43. A loyal Parliaments concurrence with the King it may be hoped will so far prevail over the hearts and understandings of the whole Kingdom who must look upon the Members as persons naturally and originally trusted by and for them that it will be above the reach and malice of those who sometimes have too great an influence upon the People to discredit the King 's most intire Actions and sincere Promises the Members being the best witnesses for the one and security for the other 44. When the King and his Parliament have both the same ends there will be no other differences in the way than what upon debate and right understanding will be easily adjusted 45. Let right Religion in which all are most nearly concerned and without care of which they must not look for God's blessing be vindicated and preserved Let the King's honour and Rights which have an inseparable relation with the Subjects interests be vindicated and if ravish'd from Him restored Let the Subjects Liberties Properties Priviledges without which a good man should not desire to be a King be secured and confirmed and there is nothing the Parliament can advise the King to wherein He should not meet them that together they may inform Posterity how much their trust and confidence in each other is a better expedient for the Peace and Preservation of the Kingdom than Fears and Jealousies 46. During any Session of Parliament the King may expect as most proper for the duty of Subjects that Propositions for the remedies of evils ought rather to come to Him than from Him yet such should be his Fatherly care of his People that He should rather lay by any particular respect of his own dignity than that any time should be lost for the preventing of those threatning evils which cannot admit the delayes of the ordinary proceedings in Parliament 47. That the Subjects cannot be obliged to obey an Act Order or Injunction of Parliament to which the King hath not given consent is the King 's known and unquestionable Priviledg and being so is a Priviledg of the Kingdoms 48. The Kings power is invested in Him by the Law and by that only He should desire to maintain it 49. The King that gives away the Militia parts with the power of the Sword entrusted to Him by God and the Lawes of the Land for the protection and government of his People thereby at once devesting Himself and dis-inheriting his Posterity of that right and Prerogative of the Crown which is absolutely necessary to the Kingly Office and so weakens Monarchy in his Kingdom that little more than the name and shadow of it will remain 50. For the abolishing arch-Arch-Bishops Bishops c. a Britannike Soveraign cannot give his consent as He is a Christian and a King 51. The Britannike Kings have so inseparably woven the right of the Church into the liberties of the rest of the Subjects as the Government by Arch-Bishops and Bishops cannot be abolished 52. The King cannot consent to the alienation of Church-Lands because it cannot be denied to be a sin of the highest Sacriledg as also that it subverts the intentions of so many pious Donors who have laid a heavy curse upon all such prophane violations Beside which matter of Conscience it will be a prejudice to the publick good many of the Subjects having the benefit of renuing Leases at much easier Rates than if those possessions were in the hands of private men Nor is it to be omitted the discouragement which it will be to all learning and industry when such eminent rewards shall be taken away which now lye open to the Children of meanest persons 53. The exercise of mercy should be no more pleasing to the King than to see both Houses of Parliament consent for his sake that He should moderate the severity of the Law in an important case 54. No Free-born Subject of England can call Life or any thing he possesseth his own if Power without Right dayly make new and abrogate the old fundamental Law of the Land 55. I am confident no learned Lawyer will afirm that an impeachment can lye against the King all the Lawes going in his Name and one of their Maximes being that The King can do no wrong 56. The Commons of England was never a Court of Judicature Vid. H. Grot. ad cap. 1. Proverb 1. Lips Excerpt ex Comoed. Tragoed Graec.
Pilate 9. They who themselves seem and teach others to despair of their King's Salvation only discover this that they do not much desire it 10. Uncharitable and cruel Restraints of a King from spiritual assistance of Chaplains may rather enlarge than any way obstruct his access to the Throne of Heaven 11. When large pretenses prove but the shadows of weak performances then the greatest labours produce the smallest effects 12. When a period is put to a work of great concernment all mens ears do as it were hunger till they are satisfied in their expectations 13. No grants give satisfaction to them that pursue their own ambitious ends more than the welfare of a miserable Land 14. It is an unutterable misery for him that hath ruled like a King to be ruled like a Slave 15. A King knowes not what to grant when after his concessions to Subjects that have required all they know not what to ask 16. They who pretend zeal when their thoughts are filled with bloud are but Wolves in Sheeps clothing 17. Rebels that endeavour to rule by the Sword shall at last fall by it for Faction is the Mother of Ruine 18. They that are of such a Weather-cock-like disposition love nothing but mutabilities 19. Much variety doth confound the senses and makes them still hate one folly and fall in love with another 20. Time is the best cure for Faction for it will at length like a spreading leprosie infect the whole body of the Kingdom and make it so odious that at last they will hate themselves for love of that and like a fish for love of the bait be catch'd with the hook 21. It is not expedient for an Army to contradict the votes of a Kingdom endeavouâ—ing by pretending for Lawes and Liberties to subvert both 22. The time will come when the very Clouds shall drop down vengeance upon the heads of those that barrocado themselves against the proceedings of peace 23. A resolute King in captivity is arm'd against the fury of Rebellious Subjects having a breast to receive the arrowes of their envy and a heart possest with patience to sustain them 24. To God nothing is so great that it may resist nor so small that it is contemned 25. A King may rather desire his faults should be corrected by the hand of God than that his ununjust enemies should be the Ministers of God's justice 26. Let Calamity be the exercise but not the overthrow of a Kings Virtue 27. The permitting a wrong way of God's worship to be set up to the injury of the right before establish'd and practis'd will bring shame and grief to a King by his own confession that he therein followed the perswasions of Worldly wisdom forsaking the Dictates of a right informed Conscience 28. They who have been false to their King to those that gave them power and in likelihood to their own souls may be forgiven by him but never trusted 29. It is an humor becoming an impartial King to be still partial for that side which he imagines suffer for the weakness of those that maintain it 30. A King should suffer a Divine who would rectifie his supposed errour no less than a Physician to take his own way of cuâ—e 31. As to the profession of Religion the King is happy who condemns not himself in that thing which he allowes 32. He that changeth for the better ought to be sure it be better before he change 33. Inconstancy in Religion without cause and colour is both sin and shame 34. There is much difference between permission and approbation 35. If the practise of the Primitive Church and the universal consent of the Fathers be not a convincing argument when the interpretation of the Scripture is douâ—â—full nothing is 36. The Interpretation of private Spirits is the Mother of all sects and will bring where permitted Kingdoms to confusion 37. Another mans will is as weak a ground for a King to build his faith on as his own education 38. When a General Counceâ— cannot be had several Kingdomes may reform themselves 39. Rebels never wanted Wrâ—ters to maintain their unjust actions 40. All popular Reformation is little better than Rebellion 41. No Authority is lawfull but that which is either directly given or at least approved by God 42. The Church having any Discipline not conformed to the Civil Policy can neither flourisâ— nor be happy 43. Church-Ambition doth not at all terminate in seeking to be Pope it being no point of humility to endeavour to be independent of Kings 44. Papacy in a multitude may be as dangerous as in one 45. Many things may be avowable upon necessity which otherwayes are unlawfull 46. In points not fit to be discussed instances as well as comparisons are odious 47. Reason epitomised weighs as much with wise men as at large 48. One may lean on anothers arm who leans more on his judgment 49. The soundness of Religion is not to be tried by dint of Sword nor must we judg of her Truths by the prosperity of events 50. When men sit down to discourse or argue Reason should take her seat with them and though she be no Judg have her place if not above their Faith in their arguments 51. The envious mans seeds are tares although the husbandman knowes not when they were sown 52. The child is not to be pour tractured greater than the Nurse nor the Bishops power made to outreach the King 's who is the Nursing Father of the Church 53. Unity may consist in this when many sheaves lye in one mans field that belong to him or be caried into his barn though they be not bundled up in a rick with one cock-sheave above the rest 54. A sum divided into several parcels is not broke while the owner hath all in his possession 55. Whilst Arguments do multiply Time lessens 56. The seed of the Word wherein is Gods holy Spirit being sowen in the heart inlivened by the heat of Faith and watered with the tears of Repentance soon fructifies without any further circumstance 57. It is no strange thing to see Errour triumph in Antiquity and flourish fair Ensigns in the face of Truth 58. It will do no good to keep possession of the keyes when the lock is changed 59. Though the Catholick Church is the white in that Butt of earth at which we all must aim yet the Scripture is the heart centre or peg in the midst of that white that holds it up from whence we must measure 60. That which must determine Truth must not be fallible 61. When a King fears affairs of Councel will meet with sâ—me passion and prejudice in other men it is best for him to resolve they shall find least of them in himself 62. Mens well-meaning â—eal must be guided by such rules of moderation as are best both to preserve and restore the health of States and Kingdoms 63. A King should intend not only to oblige his friends but his enemies also
continue 31. Ignorance Superstition Aâ—varice Revenge with other disorderly and disloyal Passions have so blown up some mens minds against Episcopal Government in the Church that what they want of Reasons or Primitive Patterns they supply with violence and oppression 32. Some mens zeal for Bishops Lands Houses and Revenues hath set them on work to eat up Episcopacy 33. A King solemnly obliged by an Oath agreable to his judgment to preserve Episcopal Government and the Rights of the Church hath a particular engagement above other men so to do 34. The said King being daily by the best disquisition of Truth more confirmed in the Reason and Religion of that to which he is sworn no man that wisheth not his damnation can perswade Him at once to so notorious and combined sins as those of Sacriledg and Perjury in parting with Episcopacy 35. Men of ambitious Covetousness and secrilegious Cruelty will torture with their King both Church and State in Civil dissentions till if he have not an invincible resolution he shall not be forced to consent and declare that he does approve what God knowes he utterly dislikes and in his Soul abhors 36. Should a King pressed by Imperious Subjects shamefully and dishonouraly give his consent to any bold demand against Reason Justice and Religion yet should he not by so doing satisfie the divided Interests and Opinions of those Parties if any such be among them which contend with each other as well as both against Him 37. The abuses of Episcopacy deserve to be extirpated as much as the use retained 38. A right Episcopacy doth at once satisfie all just desires and interests of good Bishops humble Presbyters and sober People so as Church-affairs should be managed neither with tyranny parity nor popularity neither Bishops ejected nor Presbyters despised nor People oppressed 39. A King that can seldom get opportunities to Treat with Subjects in armes against Him should yet never want either desire or disposition to it having greater considence of his Reason than his Sword 40. A King should very unwillingly be compelled to defend himself with Arms against his Subjects and very willingly embrace any thing tending unto Peace 41. No success should ever enhaunce with a King the price of Peace between him and his Subjects which should be as earnestly desired by Him as any man though He be like to pay dearer than any man for it so He reserve his Honour and his Conscience 42. A King should condescend to the desires of his Subjects as far as Reason Honour and Conscience will give Him leave having special regard to those differences that are essential to the security or prosperity of his People To deny some other demands may be the greatest justice to Himself and favour to his Subjects 43. A King willing to condescend to the setling of Church-affairs so as he may give satisfaction to all men must have a care not to comply with such whom faction covetousness or superstition may have engaged more than any true zeal charity or love of reformation 44. Although a King may be content to yield to all that may seem to advance true piety yet He must seek to continue what is necessary in point of Order Maintenance and Authority to the Church's Government especially if He be perswaded that it is most agreable to the true principles of all Government raised to its full stature and perfection as also to the Primitive Apostolical pattern and the practise of the Universal Church conform thereto 45. The King is very excusable both before God and all unpassionate men for the distance between Him and Subjects in Arms against Him that in Treaties and Transactions endeavoureth no less the restauration of peace to his People than the preservation of his own Crowns to his posterity 46. If such Treaties give occasion to any mans further restiveness it is imputable to their own depraved tempers not to any Concessions or Negations of their King who has alwayes the content of what He offered and they the regret and blame for what they refused 47. A King may presage the unsuccessfulness of any Treaty with his Subjects among whom he finds an unwillingness to treat that implying some things to be gained by the Sword whose unreasonableness they are loth to have fairly scanned being more proper to be acted by Soldiers than by Counselors 48. When God gives a King victory over his Subjects in Armes against him it is to try Him that He may know how with moderation and thanks to own and use his power who is the only true Lord of Hosts able when he pleases to repress the confidence of those who fight against him though with great advantage for power and numbers 49. A King who for small beginnings on his part at length is attended on by an Army wherewith He may encounter his rebellious Subjects has this comfort that He is not wholly forsaken by his Peoples love or Gods Protection 50. When God at any time permits the same King to be worsted by his Enemies it is to exercise his patience and teach Him not to trust in the arme of Flesh but in the living God 51. They who fight against their King are forced to slie to the shifts of some pretended Fears and wild fundamentals of State as they use to call them which actually overthrow the present Fabrick both of Church and State 52. The imaginary Reasons which Rebels alledg for self defence are commonly most impertinent and such as will fit any Faction that hath but power and confidence enough to second with the Sword all their demands against the present Lawes and Governours 53. Lawes and Governours can never be such as some side or other will not find fault with so as to urge what they call a Reformation of them to a Rebellion against them 54. They are Parasitick Preachers that dare call those Martyrs who died fighting against their King the Lawes their Oaths and right Religion established For 55. Sober Christians know than the glorious Title of Martyr can with truth be applied only to those who seriously prefer God's Truth and their duty in all the foresaid particulars before their lives and all that is dear to them in this World 56. The Wounds and temporal Ruines of those loyal Subjects who are slain in Civil Wars serve as a gracious opportunity for their eternal Health and Happiness while the evident approach of death through God's grace effectually disposeth their Hearts to such Humility Faith and Repentance which together with the Rectitude of their engagement fully prepares them for a better life than that which their enemies brutish and disloyal firceness can deprive them of or without repentance hope to enjoy 57. Those Rebels who may have often the better against their King's side in the Field will never have so at the Bar of God's Tribunal or their own Consciences 58. The condition of loyal Subjects in a Civil War though conquered and dying for their King no question is
and for their fidelity may have cause to love 7. As a King never needs so He should never desire more the service and assistance of Clergy-men judiciously pious and soberly devout than when by misfortune sequesterd from civil comforts and secular attendants 8. A distressed King cannot think some Divines though He respects them for that worth and piety which may be in them proper to be his present Comforters and Physicions who have had a great influence in occasioning the publick calamities in his Kingdoms and inflicting the wounds He hath upon Himself 9. The spirits of those Divines whose judgments stand at a distance from their King or in jealousie of Him or in opposition against Him cannot so harmoniously accord with his or his with theirs either in Prayer or other holy duties as is meet and most comfortable whose golden rule and bond of perfection consists in that of mutual Love and Charity 10. The King who is much a friend to all Church-men that have any thing in them beseeming that sacred function will if there be cause hazard his own interest upon Conscience and Constancy to maintain their Rights 11. Such Clergy-men who so unhandsomely requite their King as to desert Him in his calamity when their Loyalty and Constancy is most required may live to repent no less for his sufferings than their own ungratefull errours and that injurious contempt and meanness which they bring upon their calling and persons 12. An afflicted King though he pities all Clergy-men that desert Him and despiseth none of a different opinion from his yet sure He may take leave to make choise of some for his special Attendants who are best approved in his judgment and most sutable to his affection 13. A King imprisoned by his Subjects to whom they will not permit the attendance of his Chaplains can make no more charitable construction of their denial than that they esteem Him sufficient Himself to discharge his duty to God as a Priest though not to Men as a Prince 14. I think both Offices Regal and Sacerdotal might well become the same Person as anciently they were under one name and the united rights of primogeniture 15. A King cannot follow better presidents if He be able than those two eminent David and Solemon not more famous for their Scepter and Crowns than one was for devout Psalms and Prayers the other for his divine Parables and Preaching whence the one merited and assumed the name of a Prophet the other a Preacher Titles of greater honour where rightly placed than any of those the Roman Emperours affected from the Nations they subdued But 16. Since the order of God's Wisdome and Providence hath for the most part alwayes distinguished the gifts and offices of Kings and Priests of Princes and Preachers both in the Jewish and Christian Churches an imprisoned King may be sorry to find Himself reduced to the necessity of being both or injoying neither 17. As a Soveraign owes his Clergy the protection of a Christian King so He should desire to enjoy from them the benefit of their gifts and prayers 18. However as the spiritual Government by which the devout Soul is subject to Christ and through his merits daily offers it self and its services to God every private believer is a King and Priest invested with the honour of a Royal Priesthood yet he is not thereby constituted Priest or Preacher as to the outward polity of the Church 19. A King's consciousness to his spiritual defects may make him more prize and desire those pious assistances which especially in any his exigencies holy and good Ministers either Bishops or Presbyters may afford him 20. The King is reduced to great extremities to whom by God's pleasure and permission to his Subjects nothing is left but his life for them to take from Him and nothing more to desire of them which might little seem to provoke their jealousies and offence to deny Him as some have done than this of having some means afforded Him for his souls comfort and support 21. When a King reduced to extremity by his Subjects makes choice of Chaplains to assist Him that are men no way scandalous and every way eminent for their learning and piety no less than for their Loyalty no exceptions imaginable can be made against them but only this That they may seem too able and too well affected toward him and his service 22. A King should count his misfortunes the greater by far when they light also upon the young Prince his son and any others whom he may have cause to love so well as Himself and of whose unmerited sufferings He should have a greater sense than of his own 23. The different education of Princes hath different success when they come to exercise their Government the evidence of which Holy Writ affords us in the contemplation of David and Rehoboam The one prepared by many afflictions for a flourishing Kingdom The other softned by the unparallel'd prosperity of Solomon's Court and so by flatteries corrupted to the great diminution both of Peace Honour and Kingdom 24. A distressed King may trust that God will graciously direct all the black lines of Affliction which he pleaseth to draw on him to the Centre of true happiness if by them he be drawn neerer of God 25. When a yong Prince shall attain the Crown whereof his Father was injuriously devested He ought first to do justice to God his own Soul and his Church in the profession and prosecution both of truth and unity in Religion the next main hinge on which his prosperity will depend and move being that of Civil Justice He is to administer to his People 26. When a good King is persecuted by his own Subjects for the preservation of a right Religion and just Lawes established he may without vanity turn the reproach of his Sufferings as to the World's censure into the honour of a kind of Martyrdome as to the testimony of his own Conscience 27. Since a distressed King knowes not how God will deal with Him as to a removal of the pressures and indignities which his justice even by the very unjust hands of some of his own Subjects may have been pleased to lay upon Him He should not be much solicitous what wrong He suffers from man while He retains in his soul what He believes is right before God 28. In civil dissentions between King and Subjects though He offer all for Reformation and safely that in Reason Honour and Conscience He can yet he must reserve whatsoever He cannot consent unto without an irreparable injury to his own Soul the Chruch and his People and the next undoubted Heir of his Kingdoms 29. No difficulties are insuperable to divine Providence 30. When a yong Prince after his Fathers decease comes to the government of Kingdoms which Tumults and Civil Wars had put into disorder He ought seriously to consider the former real or objected miscariages which might occasion his troubles that so he
knowing he had hard measure and such as they would be very loth should be repeted to themselves 11. The tenderness and regret the King may find in his soul for having had any hand though very unwillingly in shedding one man's bloud unjustly though under the colour and formalities of Justice and pretenses of avoyding publick mischief may be hop'd to be some evidence before God and Man to all Posterity that he is far from bearing justly the vast load and guilt of all the bloud shed in an unhappy Civil War as his Rebels charge upon him To overawe the freedom of the Houses of Parliament or to weaken their just Authority by any violent impressions upon them is a design unworthy of the King who shall not need so rough assistance if he have Justice and Reason on his side 13. Popular Tumults are not the best removers of obstructions in Parliaments which rather infringe all freedome or differing in Votes and debating matters with reason and candor 14. When the obstinacy of Men in Parliament resolved to discharge their Consciences must be subdued by Tumults it may be feared that by the same all factious seditious and scismatical proposals against Government Ecclesiastical or Civil will be backed and abetted till they prevail 15. The riot and impatience of popular Tumults is such that they will not stay the ripening and season of Counsels or fair production of Acts in the order gravity and deliberateness besitting a Parliament but will rip up with barbarous cruelty and forcibly cut out abortive Votes such as their Inviters and Incouragers most fancy 16. When Tumults are become so insolent that there is no securing of the King's freedom in Parliament nor of his very person in the streets he is not bound by his presence to provoke them to higher boldness and contempts 17. When and only when Parliaments in their first Election and Constitution sit full and free as in all reason honour and Religion they ought to be things may be so carried as will give no less content to all good men than they wish or expect 18. It may prove unhappy to convene a Parliament where the Place affords the greatest Confluence of various and vitious humours 19. The King when he calls a Parliament should purpose to contribute what in Justice Reason Honour and Conscience he can to the happy success of it nor should it have any other design in him but the General good of his Kingdoms 20. Triennial Parliaments in a Kingdom as gentle and seasonable Physick might if well applied prevent any distempers from getting head or prevailing especially if the remedy prove not a disease beyond all remedy 21. Some men when they meet in Parliament occasion more work than they find to do by undoing so much as they find well done to their hands 22. The perpetuating a Parliament is an Act of highest confidence whereby a King hopes to shut out and lock the dore upon all present jealousies and future mistakes but intends not thereby to exclude himself as some may requite him 23. Those Subjects are unworthy of an indulgent King who deceive his extreme confidence by ill using any Act of Grace wherein he declares so much to trust them as to deny himself in a high point of his Prerogative 24. A continual Parliament by preserving Lawes in their due execution and vigour but no otherwise may be thought until Experiment shew a fallacy the best means to keep the Commonweal in tune 25. The agreeing Votes of the major part in both Houses of Parliament are not by any Law or Reason conclusive to the judgment of their King nor do they carry with them his consent whom they in no kind represent 26. The King is not further bound to agree with the Votes of both Houses then he sees them agree with the will of God with his just Rights as a King and the general good of his People 27. The Members of Parliament as many men are seldom of one mind and it is oft seen that the major part of them are not the right 28. The Majesty of the Crown of England is not bound by any Coronation Oath to consent to whatever its Subjects in Parliament shall require 29. The Coronation Oath is discharged by the King 's governing by such Lawes as his People with the House of Peers have chosen and himself hath consented unto 30. The King should give no ear to the importunity of his Parliament when instead of Reason and Publick concernments they obtrude nothing but what makes for the interest of parties and flowes from the partialities of private wills and passions 31. Every Subject is bound to stand to the sentence of Parliament according to Law 32. Where an orderly guard is granted unto the Parliament no account in reason can be given for the not suppressing Tumults but only to oppress both the King 's and the Two Houses freedom of declaring and voting according to every mans Conscience 33. The King should not by power protect any against the Justice of Parliament 34. It is justifiable for men in Parliament to withdraw who fear the partiality of their trial warned by any sad president while the Vulgar threaten to be their Oppressours and Judgers of their Judges 35. When Factious Tumults overbear not the Freedom and Honour of the two Houses but they assert their Justice against them and make the way open for all the Members quietly to come and declare their Consciences no man should be so dear unto their King as whom he should have the least inclination to advise either to withdraw himself or deny appearing upon their summons 36. Though the King may approve in some cases mens generous constancy and cautiousness yet further than that he should never allow any mans refractoriness against the Priviledges and Orders of the Houses to whom he ought to wish nothing more than Safety Fullness and Freedom 37. Those men that despair in fair and Parliamentary wayes by free deliberations and Votes to gain the concurrence of the Major part of Lords and Commons betake themselves when they have interest by the desperate activity of factious Tumults to sift and terrifie away all those Members whom they see to be of contrary minds to their purposes 28. Bishops ought to enjoy their Ancient places and undoubted Priviledges in the House of Peers 39. Bills in Parliament are not to be brought on by tumultuary clamours and schismatical Terrours and passed when both Houses are sufficiently thinned and over-awed 40. The King beside the grounds he may have in his own judgment has also a most strickt and indispensable Oath upon his Conscience to preserve the Order of Bishops and the Rights of the Church to which most Sacrilegious and abhorred Perjury most unbeseeming a Christian King should he ever by giving his Consent be betrayed he might account it infinitely greater misery than any had or could befall him 41. The King puts much to the adventure who by satisfying the fears and
have the boldness to offer Him or Himself any inclination to use He could not bring both Church and State in three flourishing Kingdoms to such a Chaos of confusions Hell of miseries as some have done who most clamour against his Counsels out of which they can not or will not in the midst of their many great advantages redeem either Him or his Subjects 74. Some mens unsatiable desires of revenge upon the King his Court and his Clergy may wholely beguile both Church and State of the benefit of any either Retractations or Concessions He may have made 75. Some men being conscious to their own formality in the use of our Publick Liturgy have thought they fully expiated their sin of not using it aright by laying all the blame upon it and a total rejection of it as a dead letter thereby to excuse the deadness of their hearts 76. I do not see any reason why Christians should be weary of a well-composed Liturgy as I hold ours to be more than of all other things wherein the Constancy abates nothing of the excellency and usefullness 77. Sure we may as well before hand know what we pray as to whom we pray and in what words as to what sense when we desire the same things what hinders we may not use the same words 78. I ever thought that the proud oftentations of mens abilities for invention and the vain affectations of â—ariety for expressionâ— in publick prayer or any sacred administrations merits a greater brand of sin than that which they call coldness and barrenness nor are men in those novelties less subject to formal and superficial tempers as to their hearts than in the use of constant forms where not the words but mens hearts are to blame 79. I make no doubt but a man may be very formal in the most extemporary variety and very fervently devout in the most wonted expressions Nor is God more a God of variety than of constancy 80. I am not against a grave modest discreet and humble use of Ministers gifts even in publick the better to fit and excite their own and the Peoples affections to the present occasions 81. I know no necessity why private and single abilities should quite justle out and deprive the Church of the joint abilities and concurrent gifts of many learned and godly men such as the Composers of the Service-book were who may in all reason be thought to have more gifts and graces enabling them to compose with serious deliberation and concurrent advice such Forms of prayers as may best fit the Churches common wants inform the Hearers understanding and stir up that siduciciary and fervent application of their spirits wherein consists the very life and soul of prayer and that so much pretended spirits of prayer than any private man by his solitary abilities can be presumed to have 82. What such mens solitary abilities are many times even there where they make a great noise and shew the affectations emptiness impertinency â—udeness confusions flatness levity obscurity vaine and ridulous repetitions the sensless and oft-times blasphemous expressions all these burthened with a most tedious and intolerable length do fufficiently convince all men but those who glory in that Pharisaïcal way 83. Men must be strangely impudent and flatterers of themselves not to have an infinite shame of what they so do and say in things of so sacred a nature before God and the Church after so ridiculous and indeed prophane a manner 84. In Sacramental administrations Ministers own forms to be used constantly are not like to be so sound or comprehensive of the nature of the duty as forms of publick composure 85. In Sacramental administrations and the like every time to affect new expressions when the subject is the same can hardly be presumed in any mans greatest sufficiences not to want many times much of that compleatness order and gravity becoming those duties which by the mean are exposed at every celebration to every Ministers private infirmities indispositions errours disorders and defects both for judgment and expression 86. The want of a constant Liturgy of publick composure this Church will sufficiently feel when the unhappy fruits of many mens ungoverned ignorance and confident defects shall be discovered in a multitude of errours schismes disorders and uncharitable distractions in Religion 87. The Innovations which Law Reason and Religion forbids must not be brought in and abetted much less so obtruded as wholly to justle out the publick Liturgy of the Church 88. The severity of those men is partial and inexcusable who cried out of the rigour of Lawes and Bishops which suffered them not to use the liberty of Conscience which they deny others having the power in their hands 89. They who suddenly changed the Liturgy into a Directory seem to have thought that the Spirit needed help for invention though not for expressions 90. Matter prescribed doth as much stint and obstruct the Spirit as if it were clothed in and confined to fit words 91. This matter of the publick Liturgy is of so popular a nature as some men knew it would not bear learned and sober debates least being convinced by the evidence of Reason as well as Lawes they should have been driven either to sin more against their knowledg by taking it away or to displease some faction of the people by continuing the use of it 92. They that use such severity as not to suffer without penalty any to use the Common-prayer-book publickly although their Consciences bind them to it as a duty of piety to God and obedience to the Lawes I believe have offended more considerable men not only for their numbers and estates but for their weighty and judicious piety than those are whose weakness or giddiness they sought to gratifie by taking it away 93. One of the greatest faults some men found with the Common prayer book I believe was this That it taught them to pray so oft for their King to which Petitions they had not Loyalty enough to say Amen nor yet Charity enough to forbear Reproaches and even Cursings of Him in their own Forms instead of praying for Him 94. I wish their Râ—pentance may be their only punishment that seeing the mischiess which the disuse of publâ—ck Liturgies hath produced they may restore that credit use and reverence to them which by the ancient Churches were given to Set Forms if sound and wholesome words 95. To such as have any jealousie that the King is earnest and resolute to maintain the Church-Government by Bishops not so much out of piety as policy and reason of State this may be said That He being as King intrusted by God and the Lawes with the good both of Church and State there is no reason He should give up or weaken by any change that power and influence which in right and reason He ought to have over both 96. As the King is not to incline to Bishops for any use to be made of their Votes