first Bishop of Bath and Wells then of Chichester who was made both Priest and Bishop in the time of King Henry the 8. And therefore you may be sure by men of your Relligion and by Popish Bishops Bishop Scory Bishop of Chichester first and after of Hereford was another who was made Priest in King Henries time and Bishop in King Edwards Bishop Hodgkin Suffragan of Bedford made Bishop in Queene Maries time Miles Couerdale Bishop in King Edwards time c. So as neither did our Bishops consecrate themselues by compact or playing booty as you malitiously slaunder them and the other Bishops that were vsed in their consecration were partly made Priests partly Bishops in former Princes raignes those Popish but all before the raigne of Queene Elizabeth I might adde much more here as I haue read it taken out of the originall Archiues of the Church of Canterbury about the iudgment of 6. Doctors of the Ciuill Law who all subscribed that the Commission for their consecration graunted by the Queenes Maiesty to the persons abouenamed was iustifiable and lawfull viz. William Maye Robert Weston Edward Leeds Henry Haruey Thomas Yale Nicholas Bullingham I thinke your Neale himselfe if he had been of the profession and not reading his Ebria or addicted to lyes rather then to the lawes would not haue dissented from the opinion of so many sages Marry if you meane of Bishop Cranmer his consecration is more pregnant yet and confirmed by sundry Buls of Pope Clement the seuenth as if need were might be specified at large The first whereof was to King Henry the 8. two other to the elect himselfe Thomas Cant. the fourth to all the brethren and suffragans of the Church of Canterbury the fifth to the Clergy of the Citie and Diocesse of Canterbury And so diuers more which here I omit for breuitie sake He was consecrated 1533. ann Reg. Henrici 8. 24. March 30. by Iohn Bishop of Lincoln and Iohn Bishop of Exceter and Henry Bishop of Asaph The same day also accepit pallium Yea he paid the Pope 900. duckets in gold for his Bulls But as far as I perceiue you cauil not the consecration of Archbishop Cranmer but onely them that were made in Queene Elizabeths dayes viz. Archbishop Parker and the rest And the reason to me seemes to be this because the Pope had a fleece out of the ones consecration none out of the others nor neuer since Certamen mouistis opes All your stirres are for Peter-pence and smoak-pence and golden duckats and such were irritamenta malorum § 51. This which I haue assirmed of the consecration of these two Archbishops not onely Mr. Mason of his exact knowledge will iustifie to your head or any of you all notwithstanding your braue Appendix at the ende of your Adioynder then which I neuer saw a more filly plea but almost any nouice in the Church of England And if my leasure would permit or that were now my taske how easily might I detect the sundry absurdities that your Appendix containeth First Num. 4. you alleadge a statute of Ann. 1. Eliz. cap. 1. and Dr. Stapleton vrging it against Bishop Horne That no Bishop should be held for a Bishophere in England without due consecration before had c. Yet you argue in the same place but more importunately soone after Num. 9. that both Stapleton and Harding would neuer haue pressed Bishop Iewel and the rest with want of due consecration if this Register had been true or any such thing to haue beene shewed in those times But if Stapleton and Harding bee so authenticall with you that whatsoeuer they once vrge vs with is straight vnanswerable then I confesse we are in a wofull case And yet to say somewhat in defence of them too without graunting your slaunder of our first Bishops in the Queenes time what if the mislike that they had to those consecrations was because they were not consecrated by Popish Bishops for Protestant Bishops is of your putting in into Mr. Hardings words num 11. and not such as were ordained by the Popish Are you not ashamed to confound these things so grossely and vtterly to mistake the state of the question If Harding and Stapleton therefore were so considerate men that a false imputation could not proceed from them their meaning was this What Bishop consecrated you that is what Popish Bishop or Catholique Bishop in your sense But if they meant that they rusht in either without any consecration or basely agreed to consecrate one another a deuise meeter for boy-boy-Bishops such as Popery aboundeth with then for godly and graue Prelates of the Church of England they were doubtlesse inconsiderate and if neuer before this time or neuer in any any other matter which is more then the fame that goes of them yet for this one part iustly to be so censured Vnlesse their absence from their country and not consulting of the Register might plead their pardon in tanto I graunt not in toto but howsoeuer it be this is a strange argument of yours to confront a Register with the life of things past the image of truth the memory of times the light of memory that Harding and Stapleton would neuer haue been so bold as to contradict it if it had beene so Nay then why should Queene Elizabeth prouide by Statute as your selfe here tell vs and her graue Counsellors deuise vnder her which Counsellours you may bee sure neither wanted foresight and were most faithfull to her in all her proceedings That no Bishops should goe for Bishops here in the Church of England which wanted due consecration if she meant shortly after to set vp and authorize a generation of pseudo-Pseudo-Bishops in the same Church her selfe Had not this been to kill the very life of her intents and to alienate the people from embracing the Relligion that she was minded to promote with all her power For this Act of Parliament you say was Ann. 1. of Q Elizabeth But both the Arch-bishop the other Bishops were not consecrated till about the beginning of the second yeare of the Queenes raigne Bishop Parker in December Bishop Iewel in Ianuary c. Now then let me aske you a ratte trackt to death by the apparant euidence impression of your owne marks for I assure you but for your owne text here I had neuer considered of this statute of Queene Elizabeth let me aske you I say Is this good Logicke Harding and Stapleton though prickt with passion and enuying other folkes good fortunes would neuer haue accused Bishop Iewell their aduersary if the case had not been cleere And is not this much more forcible Queene Elizabeth and her sage Counsellors would not haue forbid that thing by act of Parliament which shortly after she meant to licence and to put in practise in the open view of the whole world But what should I stand arguing with such a beastly iangler that calls Bishop Iewells answer
it was exalted by consent to be a patriarchall Sea and not euery such neither but the second in order and setting that aside equall to Rome in all respects Else neither should this Canon haue suffered such opposition you may bee sure at the Bishop of Romes hands nor needed the Fathers to name this so distastfull equalitie with Rome in the bodie of the Canon if nothing but the ordaining of Bishops had been assigned him which other Patriarches exercise in their diocesse as well as the Bishop of Rome without his repining And yet lastly you may remember that the Canon of Nice describing the preheminence of the Bishop of Rome as a patterne of Patriarchship vtters it in those words of Ruffinus translation quòd Ecclesiarum suburbicariarum curam habeat that he hath care of the Churches that are abutting vpon the citie to which Canon of Nice spreading so the iurisdiction of the Church of Rome this Canon of Chalcedon may seeme to allude mentioning so many Churches as you here recite and all of them subiect to the Sea of Constantinople § 8. As for that you thrust in here vpon verie small occasion of Athanasius of Alexandria appealing to Iulius Bishoppe of Rome to shewe that Alexandria was subiect to Rome if you meane the subiection of order and ranke it is nothing to the matter and yet it followeth not by your leaue out of your example The subiection of authoritie is that which we contend about and yet that much lesse may be gathered from hence For neither did Athanasius flee to Iulius alone but with his companie of Bishops as his letters shew that he brought in his behalfe Omnibus vbique Catholicae Ecclesiae Episcopis i. To all the Bishops of the Catholicke Church and againe Hac quidem ad omnes ad Iulium scripsere i. This they wrote to Iulius and to all And the Church that enioies more flourishing fortunes or whose arme God hath strengthened with temporall prosperitie may bee sought vnto of the distressed though not subiect to it by any dutie of obedience as one King sayes the Orator easily rescues and succors another though not referring to him by subiection no more then Mithridates did to Tigranes as also I doubt not but if Iulius had suffered wrong and Athanasius could haue holpe him neither would Iulius haue disdained to craue his assistance nor Athanasius haue refused him no more then the aforesaid Bishop of Patara did to sue for Syluerius and to sheild him all he could against the rage of Iustinian as euen now you told vs and yet he of Patara much inferiour to the other without question § 9. But to deale more liberally with the Bishop in this point put case say you that the Councell of Chalcedon did meane to giue to the Church of Constantinople that equality with the Sea of Rome which he affirmeth yet he should nothing gaine by it but rather it confirmes the primacie of Pope Leo whose onely authority was able to quash it How is that prooued First because the Canon tooke not place presently Which is no more then happens for the most part to any lawe to haue slower execution then it hath making But does it follow from hence that either the Bishop alleages a counterfeit Canon for by this reason you may cauill any Canon in the booke or that Leo's authority was of force to disanull it Let vs breifly looke into it as not much to our purpose For in truth what ende may we looke for of dispute if so pregnant allegations be reckoned for counterfeit By a few heads we may iudge of all the rest You obserue 4. things out of Gelasius his Epistle to the Bishops of Dardania to disprooue the Canon § 10. One that Martian praysed Leo for not suffering the old Canons to be violated in that point and yet himselfe zealous for the aduancement of Constantinople The answer is most easie He might take Leo's excuse in good part as grounded vpon pretence of conscience not to crosse the Canons though it was so farre from beeing sound that both Leo might haue altered them as your selfe confesse positiue Canons and afterward it was altered euen by a generall Councell if that of Lateran at least was general as you acknowledge And I hope Sir I may praise Constancy euen in mine aduersary and in a wrong matter though I could wish his constancy were better imployed So might Martian with Leo and somewhat the rather to induce him by addoulcings for direct thwarting alienates rather Is this a good reason now why the Canon should be no Canon or this also scored among the Bishops forgeries § 11. You say secondly that Anatolius in fauour of whom the Canon was made beeing rebuked by Leo for his forwardnes to preferre it deriued the fault vpon the Clergy of Constantinople and said it was positum in ipsius potestate Leo might chuse whether he would grant it or no. Answer That the Clergie of Constantinople concurred to the making of it I hope good Sir derogates not from the Canon but rather fortifies it as likewise the consent of so many other Bishops and if Leo's shake bestriding his praye that is the honour of his seate the singularity rather affrighted Anatolius and startled lentum illum Heli as he calls him that timorous old man what is that to the antiquating of the Decree of a Synode and so populous a Synode as this was For I hope the Canon was not so in fauour of Anatolius whatsoeuer you prattle but that much rather of his Sea then of his person as both the reason shewes which the Canon contaynes drawne as you may remember from the Imperiall city and Martians loue was to the city not to the man Yea it rather tooke place you say after his death What then doe you tell vs of Anatolius § 12. Your third obseruation that Pope Simplicius was as loath to yeild to Leo the Emperour for the aduancement of Constantinople as Leo the Pope had beene to the Emperour Martian in the same cause prooues nothing against the Canon vnlesse it be graunted that the Pope hath a negatiue voice in the making of them which is the thing in question betweene you and vs therefore to be prooued not to be presumed But if you meane that it took not place so soone you haue your answer before it brake out at last like fire in the bones and that 's enough § 13. With like facility to your Quartum Notabile that Acacius obtained the censures of Pope Felix and executed them vpon the Bishops of Alexandria and Antioch What then As if one Bishop may not craue aide of another to represse abuses when he cannot doe it himselfe euen as they in Peters boate beckened to the next to come and helpe them for your primacie is that Moses taken out of the waters by your owne description so here Acacius becken to Peter that is to the Pope himselfe as you dreame Neither
transmissam huius rei noticiam ad Apostolicam sedem à praedecessoribus Anatolij that Anatolius his predecessors sent knowledge hereof to the Romane Sea and in the Epist 55. he graunts that some might haue attempted is which without Canon surely they would not in all likelihood but could not obtaine it he meanes perhaps not so fully as afterward Else wee prooued you know euen nowe that the Canon was not buried for want of practise some while afore Neither can I tell what those words of Eusebius meane in the 16. Act of this Councel Et hanc regulā Sanctissimo Papae in vrbe Româ ego relegi praesentibus Clericis Constantinopolitanis eamque suscepit I say I know not what they meane but that notice hereof was sent to the Pope which makes Surius in the margent to note it thus Aut Eusebius mentitur aut Leonem fefellit you may doe well to helpe me if I be amisse § 26. Your fourth and last reason why Leo should disallow this because it was repugnant to the Canons of Nice is a very trifling one and you answer it your selfe in the 28. and 70. Numb of this Chapter graunting that he might haue ratified it for all that And I hope if the Canons of Nice had beene so inviolable it concerned Maximus and Iuuenalis the two Patriarks one of Antioch the other of Hierusalem to looke to the keeping of them as well as Leo. Yet they yeelded So much of this § 27. Is there any thing else to be sifted in this chapter It sticks sore in his stomack that the Bishop finds a difference betweene the back-sides of letters and the decrees of generall Councels Because I know not who some miserable suiters had magnified Leo with glorious titles to mooue compassion Mr. F. T. demands why did not those suiters that indorsed their supplications after such a fashion to Leo rather magnify the Councell and flatter that if the Councels authority was greater then Leos As if he neuer had heard how the man tooke his intertainment when he saw others vsed as well as himselfe greatly scorning it which before he accepted and breaking out into these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And so Alexander refused to be enrolled free denizon of a certaine citie that offered him that honour till he heard them say they neuer affoarded it to any but Hercules For the respects are nothing which are shared among a multitude to those which are throwne into the bosome of some one man and perhaps like Leo here ambitious enough aboue his fellows Besides that who so honoureth the President of a Councell in the place that he holdeth his honour redoundeth to the whole assemblie and yet it delighteth the ringleader of that daunce after a speciall manner beeing applied to himselfe § 28. These titles saith he were taken by the Notaries and contradicted by none They were taken as the deuotions of poore suiters who giue somewhat to gaine more and speake faire where they looke for releefe Liberalis est pauper Quoties amico diuiti nihil donat could the Poet say which when it wants in substance must be supplied with language Contradiction needed not where the style of beggars carried no validitie and the Councell eft-soones controuled those tearms in the Canon that we speak of vnlesse well construed and dextrously vnderstood So the Patriarko Alexandrine at this day in his lowest ebbes writes himselfe the Iudge of the world which some say S. Cyrill deserued for himselfe and his successors in that throne for playing the President so well in the Ephesine Councell and the rule is not vnknowne which teaches vs how to interpret such manner of phrases Loquendum vt vulgus sentiendum vt pauci or vt sapientes the one like Ischyrion and his distressed mates the other after the ordinance of the sacred Councell § 29. He thinks the Bishop hath not satisfied such places as were alleadged out of the Epistle of the Synod wherin Leo's authoritie is so greatly extolled Alas how greatly Head of the members that is to say President of the Councell and therefore they adde Quibus tu sicut membris caput praeeras not praees which is continuall as by vertue of his Popedome but praeer as for the time onely and as President of the Councell Againe sicut pater as a father for many causes God wot whereof the Popedome is none for his age for his grauitie for his learning for his Praesidentship for his great eminencie in the Church of God as we our selues confesse and yet drawing no taile of vniuersall iurisdiction after it So Cyrill so Atticus call them their sonnes whom the African Councell sent for copies of the Nicene Canons to them Innocentius the Priest and Marcellus the subdeacon though they were not of their Diocesse but toto diuisi orbe rather And I pray you does not Marcian call Palladius father Palladi Pater See Sacra Marciani post Concil Chalced which Palladius was onely Praefectus praetorio and no way superiour to the Emperour Marcian Not farre off from the same place the Bishops of Aegypt writing to Anatolius entitle him thus Archiepiscopo Constantinopolitanae Catholicae Ecclesiae Anatolio as if besides his Archbishopricke of Constantinople he had beene Bishop of the Vniuersall Church of Christ as you wildly faine of the Pope that he hath the whole Church put into his hands together with the Bishopricke of the citie of Rome as if the skuller of Rome forsooth or the herring-boat rather cymba Petri had the ship of the whole world appendant to it Proterius in the same Epistle Bishop of Alexandria is thus styled by them Archiepiscopus Catholicae pastor Ecclesiae which insinuates as much too much I know for a Iesuit to graunt without discreeter interpretation Gregorie Nazianzenes father though a very meane Bishop and not to be spoke of but for his sonne was cleped the father of the Popes themselues 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 father of all the high Priests of God Of him in Baronius I told you before Pontificumque caput the head of Bishops yea of Popes verily That our Sauiour committed the charge of the vineyard to Leo as is there said as if therefore his supremacie were de iure diuine is no more then Palladius another Christian Magistrate of that name bestowes vpon Epiphanius in his Epistle to him before the Anchoratus Dignare ad hoc à Saluatore ordinatus vouchsafe O thou appointed for this ende by our Sauiour and what to doe trow you to prescribe rules of the right faith in the Trinitie which yet was not Epiphanius his taske de iure diuino the Popes rather as they I am sure would haue it Aquinas by name in his 2. 2. to giue Creedes to the church And a little before that in a stranger tune as speaking to our blessed Sauiour Praeceptor serua Master saue vs. Is not this rather a pylot of the vniuersall ship § 30.
should Peter haue been the rocke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if so precise regard had been had to his faith as to value it with his primacie so much for so much by way of meed and merit as you pretend and yet no Simonists but either all the Christians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. Pet. 2. 1. which are dignifyed with a faith nothing inferiour to ours euen to Peters selfe or the poore woman in the Gospel of whome our Sauiour affirmed O woman great is thy faith or lastly the Centurion Verily I haue not found so great faith in Israel § 9. But in silentio reliquorum while others held their peace and primum cognoscere eloqui illud quod nondum vox humana protulerat that was it that made S. Peters confession so glorious and so remarkeable witnes Hilary witnes diuers more whome I forbeare to name And in that sense he might instly be tearmed a foundation or a prime workman not but that others followed or consented with him and so foundations too Apocal. 21. but his zeale was such he spake first for which hast it is not like he was made cheife gouernour § 10. There remaines S. Maximus and first whether he were that same Bishop of Turin or no. Which the Bishop denyed not as not hasty that way although the case were plainer to be so peremptory it is enough for you to determine magistraliter but left vnder doubt the rather because the Sermons that are attributed to Maximus haue beene printed with S. Ambroses in times past and so vncertaine to whom to be adiudged as in many other fathers it fareth at this day And if your obseruatiō be good which you bring out of Gennadius you see what profit the Bishops doubting hath brought with it I would say praise and commendation to you if it were thought to be your owne which you will hardly perswade them that know you here not to haue dropt out of the Note-booke of some of your good Masters As for the Sermons de tempore not made as the Bishop said in S. August time which you call a scaepe or a not able ouersight of his and you thinke you might call it a flat lie according to the rest of your maydenly modesty you are answered before yea your selfe haue answered your selfe in that point as Siseraes mother did that at least S. August gaue no such titles to his sermons whatsoeuer they did that came after Yet in producing Witnesses is it not reason that you should call them by their proper and right names or else they loose the force of their credite for deposition And this was all that the Bishop made sticke at concerning that point § 11. Now to the authority it selfe the Bishops answer thereto Quanti igitur merits apud Deum suum Petrus which you persist to construe Of how great merit was Peter with his God so hardly are you driuen with the dogge from his licourment as if Peters merit had beene to rowe the boat and his reward to be made the gouernour of the world whereas the indifferent translator would rather haue construed it thus Of how great interest or how great account therefore was Peter with his God antecedens pro consequente which your Rhetorique cannot be ignorant of that quote Quintilian afterward about the trope Catachresis who after the rowing of a little boate had the gouernement of the whole Church committed to him Thus Maximus And the more to blame you then as the Bishop well answers you to assigne him the gouernment of a particular Church Peter I meane so in effect to rob him of the Vniuersall For we deny not but that both he and his fellow Apostles had the whole Church committed to their care ioyntly and seuerally without any limitation And surely Maximus his words import no more As for that the Bishop saies that Y O V haue giuen him the gouernment of a particular Church after the gouernment of the whole haue not You I pray giuen it him in that You allow it him that You stand for it to be his against them that make question of it Will you neuer leaue this dissembling of your skill to take all things in so wrong a sense and by the left handle as Epictetus calls it Isay You haue giuen it him Not wee but Christ you will say You meane perhaps of his Vniuersall gouernment of the whole Church which in a sense we grant you as common to the rest and not to be transmitted to posterity In your sense you are as farre from euicting any such thing for ought I see as if you had neuer gone about it that he should be the ordinary pastor onely and the rest the extraordinaries But to the particular Church of Rome you will not say your selues that Christ designed him no more then to Antioch which he abandoned after possession but rather his owne choice if not your fiction For you haue giuen him leaue to sleet and to chop and to fixe his seate else where then at Rome when so seemes good Only piè wee must beleeue that hee will not doe so in hast Howbeit if wee should deny that he was euer at Rome as some haue bin mooued by no weak grounds to do as both collections out of Scripture and supputations of the time when he should arriue there yet your argument is strange whereby you would approoue it here in your num 15. where you say it is demonstrated and as it were proclaimed by the continuall successions of Bishops in that Sea to this very day Call you this a demonstration of Peters being at Rome that Bishops neuer failed in that Sea to this day ergò S. Peter was the first that sate there Though againe it were no hard matter to disprooue the continuance of your Bishops in that Sea euen at sundry seasons if it were pertinent to this place But howsoeuer that be you ought to bring a more colourable argument of Peters sitting there as I take it For of many that I haue heard this is simply the simplest Neither is that much better which you vaunt farre more in if it be possible writing thus in the same numb And withall he addes a strange Parenthesis quasi ea totius pars non esset as though the same particular Church of Rome were not a part of the whole As who would say that S. Peter could not be gouernour both of the whole Church and of a particular Church Wherein he argueth as wisely as if he should say that a Bishop of Ely could not be gouernour of the particular Church of Ely and of the whole Diocese or that a Bishop of Canterbury could not be gouernour of that Bishopricke and primate of England or that a generall of an army could not gouerne a particular company and yet be generall of the whole army And here though you would seeme to haue triumphed ouer the Bishop in your impregnable
instances yet you shew it wrings you at the very heart to bee so met with about Maximus his authoritie when in your numb following you set him downe both in Text and Margent for a man whose head should be confounded with blowes rather then confuted with arguments So notable a champion you are at your Ismaels Logicke whose fist was against euery body and euerie bodies against his which Philo interprets to be the image of a disputer but like none so much as the Popish disputants you may say they dispute in Schola Tyranni Act. 19. from whose butcherly hands I pray God deliuer vs that euen thus declare their fingers to be itching till they may deale with vs. § 12. As for the Bishoprick of Rome ioyned or adioyned to the Bishopricke of the whole Church which you would patterne with the Diocesse and Church of Ely recommended to the gouernment of one man or the gouernment of a whole army and one company in that army entrusted to the care of the same generall and such like how vnlike are these comparisons I report me to your conscience For the gouernment of that company which is a limbe of the maine army while it remaines so is impossible to be diuided from the gouernment of the whole and so Ely Church from Ely Diocesse is not so easily separated in ordine currente as now things goe but he that hath the one must needes haue the other But your selues hold that the Bishopricke of the whole world hath beene actually diuided from the Bishopricke of Rome as namely while Peter sate at Antioch before he came to Rome to say nothing of your later Popes that lay soaking at Auenion seuenty yeares together wherupon Bellarmine graunts as you heard euen now that they may be diuided againe if occasion so require and yet hopes that God will not easily permit it by which you see your comparison halts of one foote But the maine point lyes in this That the Bishop of Ely hath no new induction to his Church of Ely more then was giuen him at first entrance vpon the entire Bishopricke and so the generall of an army hath no newe constitution ouer a part of his army after hee is admitted Generall ouer the whole Whereas you giuing to S. Peter the whole Church for his Bishopricke if afterwards he take vp his seate in Rome by a more peculiar title what doth he but extinguish his former cleane which I thinke will hold euen in Fitzherberts Law § 13. Neither say that S. Iames was Bishop of Hierusalem and yet gouernour of the whole Church with the rest of his colleagues for Iames was extraordinarie as you also confesse but shew that one man may be ordinarie Pastor of the whole Church and yet ordinarie Pastor of a part too by a second title distinct from the former or else you say nothing but palter about the Bishops answer to Maximus and bewray a manifest contradiction in your doctrine § 14. I labour to be briefe and I need not to adde any thing to the Bishops answers which you see how pregnant they are against all reproofe Onely because the Bishop is so exceedingly compendious in his Answer to the Apologie and occasion hath beene giuen me to peruse the Sermons newly quoted of S. Maximus I will set downe in a word or two mine owne obseruations out of the said Sermons lately set forth for F. T. to consider if they make not more for S. Paul then that doth for Peter which the Cardinall alleadged In his second Sermon therefore de eodem festo viz. Natali B B. Petri Pauli speaking of Paul after he had commended Peter for his great faith Cuius tanta est nihilominùs plenitudo sidei Whose fulnesse of faith is so great notwithstanding First fulnesse of faith like plenitudo spiritús which they attribute to the Pope And notwithstanding Peters as deseruing a reward no lesse thē his if there were place for deserts vnlesse you will say that Peter had engrossed all before and nothing was left for Paul though deseruing Yea he addes that our Sauiour in his prouidence chose him peculiarem quodam modo ducem a captaine of his Church in a manner singular and without fellow Erat enim tam praecipuus c. vt ad ecclesiae solatium ad firmamentum omnium credentium Christus eum vocaret è caelo Hee was so singular in his gift that to the comfort of his Church and the support of all the faithfull firmamentum credentium not inferiour to petra our Lord directly called him from heauen Lastly Vt aduerteret princeps futurus nominis Christiani that he which was to bee the prince of the name Christian that is the most eminent in all the Christian congregation might marke c. As for the third Sermon of that argument which is that from whence the words Quanti meriti are quoted whereunto the Bishop answers it followes immediately after them in the praise of Peter thus of Paul That Paul in his Apostleship how highly did he please Christ where you see meritum is counterpoized by placere indeed all one who is his owne witnesse sidelissimus sibi testis who shunning to reueale his owne praise and yet seeking to make knowne the power of his Christ wraps vp in modestie c. Alluding no doubt to those places of his Epistles wherein hee euidently challengeth equalitie with the best and reporteth such things as is wonderfull by himselfe though not tickled thereto by any priuate vain-glorie but meerly enforced by his aduersaries importunitie In the first Sermon of that argument they are ioyntly called both Paul and Peter Ecclesiarum omnium principes Princes of all the Churches and againe reuerendissimi Principes omnium Ecclesiarum the most reuerend Princes of all the Churches § 15. I omit your railing in your num 18. where you say the Bishop hath beene puzled with places and faine to trisle wrangle cogge and lye c. I account it my ill happe to be matcht with such a rakeshame that obserues no reuerence and is onely good at proouing our patience Onely my comfort is as Demosthenes is said to haue said in the like that I shall ouercome in beeing put downe and you loose in conquering in so damned an encounter The Bishop had said of the Cardinalls testimonies cited out of the fathers vnum hoc peccant omnia All the places brought for Peters primacie trip in this that they haue nothing in truth which may not straight be granted except some petty word about which I meane not to iangle And what more excellent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 could there be then this a premunition or an amulet against the errors that might arise in vnstable minds by mistaking the fathers while they vse such speaches For as Epiphanius saies that such cautions must be vsed sometimes euen towards the writings of holy Scripture least the Reader be peruerted rather then edified so in the fathers much more
3. confes c. 6. * lib. 1. c. 30. Pro irritamentâ— nomen Christi Nisi velit dicere illectamentum ve qui Graecè forâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Adâ—…candos sâ— simplices Quod sic quadiat vel magis Ier. 7. 7. Rat. 5. De praedest sanct c. 16. Vide Esa 48. 1. ex tralat 70. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Quod per exprobrationem dicitur Rhem. in 1. Pet 5. 13. alij passim Comm. loci 2. Tim. 2. 19. Discedat ab iniquitate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 much more 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Iesuites The characters of Christianity beeing not names and notions but as it is in the same Epistles 1. Tim. 1. 19. Faith and good conscience or Faith and loue 2. Tim. 1. 13. Origen Tract 2â— in Matth. 24. Di. cebatur Iesus sed erat latre â—…bil habens Iesu praeter nomen Barabaâ— the first Iesuite for whoÌ„ the people refused Christ So now vers 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cassand Consult ad Art 7. pag 56. Proprium est schismatis sibi sole nomen proprietatem Ecclesiae arrogare Yet the Iesuites are so confident there that Audito Ecclesiae nomine hostis expalluit Camp 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Idem Theod Com. in Philip. 4. Non quicunque se sanctum nominat sanctus est sed qui credit Domino Iesu quique vitam ex eius legibus instituit Lib contra Auxent We haue Abraham to our Father Ioh. 8. Euill life euill doctrine which is Nilus his argument too against the Pope cx 1. ad Tim. c. 1. Vnlesse they meane that Catholique implies multitude and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the scripture speaks when it would expresse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sic. lib. Iudith But that is refuted elsewhere Suprà allegat 2. 7. Note that S. Austens last is Bellarmines first de not Ecc. c. 4. Cathelica Catapolica vt praeclarè Episcop Adâ—… in Institut Cheregati Legati sui ad Comit Norimberg Vide Faiâ—… â—…m c. Sâ—… in hac sede non sâ—… Ecclesia aliquot tam annis multa abominanda fuisse abusus in spiritualiâ—… excessus in mandatâ— OMNIA denique in peruersâ—m mutata The Church of Rome was mentioned by Sâ—…rus 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 infâ—ll bâ—â—nesse but for her â—â—tâ—…sneâ— Must needs follow Damasus raigneth Damasus his raigne So 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vnder Pontius Caesars deputy 1. Tim. c. 13. 10 as not onely the yeares are counted by the Caesars but Christ himselfe is subiect to Caesars deputie For the Rhemist themseluâ—s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vnder in this place And it appeares by his mothers being taxed Luk. â— for Partus sequitur ventâ—â— that Christ was vnder Caesar in the verie wombe The least and the greatest subiect that Caesar had Iesus inter omnes scriptur sanctificat omnes Orig. hom 11. in cap. 1 2. Lucae It must needs follow Honorius and Liberius not their raigue but their time See Answ to his 4. chap. before lib. 20. contra Faust c. 23. Num. 34. Num. 37. Athenaeus De Guido V. baldo c. Hâ—…our her before the people * He that saies three dent's not they were â—â—ure but shewes that he loues to speake within compasse Euthymius and Theophylact. vpon Ioh. 10. con strue this doore to be the Scriptures For by them saith Theopâ— we are brought to God as through a doore he is brought to speak with a man that hath an errand to him To the same purpose Euthym adding that Christ was the true shepheard and entred by the doore quia vtens Scripturis secundum eas gubernam Whereas the clamberer vp another way who but the Pope Lib de Baptism Matth 10. 8. 1. Pet. 4. 10. Adioynd c. 2. Num. 50. Euery Pastor ought to haue not only as much care of the whole Church as euery other man but also much more then others by reason of his function and office which doth extend it selfe to the whole Church it beeing euident that what authoritie soeuer any man hath in any part of the Church it is giuen him for the good of the whole and finally tendeth thereto Againe Numb 52. Whosoeuer is Pastor in any one part of the Church is capable of Pastorall inrisdiction in any other though he be restrained limited to a certaine part to avoid confusion in which respect the Priests in euery Diocesse are Priests throughout the whole Church and may minister Sacraments any where in cases of necessitie and a Bishop in any place is euerie where a Bishop and one of the Magistrates and Pastors of the Church and therefore hath a voice right of suffrage in all Generall Councels though they be held out of his Diocesse c. * Rhem. Test Annot. in Luc. 22. v. 19. Mat. 26. ver 20. Ambnin locum alij qui cum sequuntur Com. in Epist ad Gal. cap. 1. Com. in Epist ad Gal. cap. 1. Philip. 1. 18. Iren. l 4. c. 43. Charisma veritatis certum Panegyâ— in Athanas 〈◊〉 Single succession is a simple thing Huge Card. in 2. Thess 2. Deficient à fide Non successions locali sed tamen mentali corruptions doctrinae Vide Sylu. V. Ordo alios Others reckon of a Grecian Bishop vsed in this consecration Eudoem Parall p. 243. But so doe lyers agree betweene themselues Doth not this also encrease the credit of our Register For that is constant while the impugners of it are at variance * Homo nihili Laert. Nâ—te that in the Register there is mention of two more Bishops to whome the Commission was directed then were present at the consâ—cration Which to me seemes to argue the sincerity of the Register against the Adioynders â—â—alâ—…s exceptions For elâ— why might not this ods haue beene silenced And yet the absence of two doth not invalidate the busines sith the Commission is content with any foure Lucan Adioynd in Append. num 4. Citing Stapletonâ— Counterblast against Bishop Horne fol. 301. And therefore you are indeed no true Bishops neither by the Law of the Church neither yet by the Lawer of the Realme for want of due consecration expressely required by an act of Parliament renewed in this Queenes dayes in Suffiagan Bishops much more in you Who is the scorpion now that carries the remedy against his own poison about him The Adioynders sweet compatison cap. 10. num 70. The Bishops preuaricating about the Supremacie yea his extenuating abasing of it as the Adioynder doates now in the latter ende of his Booke Numb 71. The opinion of learned strangers concerning the Bishops c. Adioynd Hesiod Sic Anselm Dionys Carth. in locur Bruno etiam Glossa apud Lyran Lâ—â—ich Hadâ—mer Papist Theophylact refert ad Discite à me quia mitis humilis item ad lotion em pedú Diseipulorum Euthymius fire is est Oecumenius vocat quide in doctrinam fidei Sed intellige vel lato nomine fidem repote reuelationem omnem diuinae voluntatis vel
And then ouer againe with the same notes not onely in the booke but in the Index twice so well they please him Fooles bolts Shuttlecocks dull head c. Finally will you heare an heinous crime He tryes how neare he can corne to Popery and yet misse it that is graunts to the Papists as much as may be graunted though by no meanes betraying the Palladium of Gods cause multiplyes not controuersies where no need is abstaines from brabbles and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as should the seruant of God if S. Paul say true that is the Minister 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 keeps the depositum in precise tearmes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 breakes not the rope with vnreasonable stretching 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as S. Basile forewarnes but ioyning Charity with Piety discretion with resolution imitates the driuers at the Olympian games whose praise was to come neare and yet not to touch Now truely hauing described to you his description of the Bishop wherein besides his Virulency of which I now entreat both his Vanity and Tautology and almost all appeares that before I charged him with euen Ignorance it selfe in the highest degree for what more grosse ignorance then to be ignorant of the person not only of the generall or of the cause whome the farthest parts know farre other then so vnlesse purposely he would decypher him like Arbos inuersa as the Philosophers say of man or by negagations and abstractions as we doe the Genij in Metaphysiques me thinks he hath giuen you a description of a Iesuite such as a better could not be wished that shewes you the world cleane turnd in a glasse and presumes he can alter the very nature of things with his poisonous breath and partiall censure not vnlike to their late scholler the parricide of France that conceited the king to be an Aethiop in a Triangle whom all the water in the sea could not wash cleane and so detesting him by degrees at last intoxicated slew him The third is his Ignorance and I meane onely in the Latine tongue for I will not search now his more hidden schollership I am content to be iudged by his knowledge in the entry in the verie portall for so is that to learning prima de dòtibus or prima de cotibus And as for the Greeke we were not best say much of that though his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a great argument of it p. 234. and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 accepit genua for he tooke her by the kneees in the same place Also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for aequalis p. 44. the verie same stone that his Reuerend Father had tript at before It will goe well with the Bishop if he can scape his chasticements for spending any part of his younger dayes in the study of that which helps him to discouer the Cardinals fallacies or false quotations First pag. 40. id est cap. 2. num 3. because the Bishop had said Legat canone inustum ne maiora sed aequalia sint priuilegia c. he thus Whereas he saies that the Councell of Calchedon did by that Canon giue to the Bishop of Constantinople ne maiora sed aequalia priuilegia c. Which though it be the preseruing of the word ne in both places yet euery meane Latinist easily sees that ne should haue been turned into non in the latter place if he meant any sense should be in his sentence as he began it And therefore I can impure it to nothing but his lacke of skill in the rudiments But let this goe for nothing if I make it not appeare yet plainer that he is minus habens and all too light as he speakes of the Bishop in an other place for such reuerence he beares him Pag. 42. that is cap. 2. num 6. thus we haue It is said expressely of the Church of Constantinople that it should be magnified and extolled as olde Rome was secundam post illam existentem Which is the letter I grant in the Councell of Calchedon but almost killing Priscian as hee sets it downe for secunda post illam existens the Church of Constantinople to which that referres being ecclesia not ecclesiam in his period and so to be translated if it were to be put into Latine I say nothing of his construing S. Austens words simply God knowes p. 149. Componit salutem membrorum in capite which he englishes by compounded compounding of healths beeing a phrase scarse fit to be vsed by Apothecaries or their boyes much lesse by Physitians but least of all by him that would seeme to know the Latine and to english S. Austen Neither onely can he not skill of the language himselfe but marres the Bishops Latine with his addle corruptions Concludit testas suos cum Augustine sayes he p. 145. as quoting his words which in the booke is some what otherwise Concludit testes suos Augustino And so againe cap. 9. num 53. Scrutabitur Hierusalem cum lucernis c. Zeph. 1. for in lucernis either adding to the Scripture or correcting his old Translators Latine or both Though the one be impious the other very ridiculous in him especially to confront the Translator whose Latine is not afraid of a farre nicer teste Chap. 7. numb 33. representare Thâ—â—dosium in liberis is to giue the children grace that they may be like their father So as here Repraesentare stands for Likenesse onely at another time for Gouernement for Monarchy and for Rule But repraesentare defunctuÌ„ is to supply the losse of the dead Theodosius by yeilding another in his roome which S. Austen wishes may be of the posteritie Does not this also argue him a solide Latinist Sâ—â—blable is that cap. 1. num 11. where thus he 〈◊〉 the Bishops words 〈◊〉 id loquuntur Ambrosius Augustinus quà m vt obstrepere possint nouitij nostri They speak it louder or clearer then that our nouices can contradict it Whereas it should be then that our nouices can drowne it For a man may contradict that which is neuer so cleerely spoken drowne it or suppresse it he cannot But because he knew not the other sense of the word obstrepo as in Tully pro Marcello obstrepi videntur militum clamore tubarum sono therefore he commits this solaecisme in translating And nouitij with him be none but newly vpstart for which cause hee maruells that the Papists should be so called though neither is their petegreâ— so very auncient Gibeonites rather and rawnes in ones facultie makes the oldest man to go for a nouice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But by this you see the cause why he answers the Latine booke with his English because he thinkes the Bishop is not his crafts master in the Latine and so he will take no aduantage against him but deales with him in English as one Englishman should with another the vnknowne tongue beeing better for deuotion not for disputation Lastly whereas the Bishop speakes of
cleane beside the Text of the Bishops booke which he professeth to refute and a meere itching after occasion to be doing are answered in their order As first that Anatolius his aspiring humour was not the cause of enacting this Canon as the Adioynder staunders him Secondly that the Canon was neither made in the absence of the Popes Legates nor yet by constraint or surreption of the Fathers but with generall willingnesse and gratulation of all sides saue onely the partiall Agents of Pope Leo c. p. 112. 113. 114. c. 42. The styles of poore suiters and the backesides of letters not to bee drawne into argument as the Bishop answered The Adioynders replyes to the contrarie confuted p. 116. 117 43. Titles giuen to Leo by the Councell are no more then haue been giuen to other Bishops and some of them to Noble Lay-men The Bishops of Alexandria and Constantinople are called Bishops of the Catholique Church p. 118 44. Idle distinction of the Adioynder betweene the priuiledges of Rome graunted in respect of the seate of the Empire as the Councell specifies and others issuing from S. Peter which the Fathers take no knowledge of p. 121 45. Leoes excommunicating of Dioscorus but by the Synod per praesentem sanctam Synodum the very words of his Legates in the Councell Which the Adioynder most wretchedly sticks not to construe as if the Synode had been Leoes instrument in the Excommunication Whereas Peter himselfe might bee his instrument by the same meanes it following immediately vnà cum beato Petro c. p. 122 46. Leo the interpreter of the voyce of blessed Peter A sorie elogium yet much stood vpon by the Adioynder to prooue the Monarchie ibid. 123 47. Leoes presidentship in the Councell of Chalcedon so much vrged by the Adioynder nothing to the purpose No wonder if he were suffered to appoint his owne Legates after they had made choice of him to be their president p. 124 48. Priests admitted to Councels and sometime they that were no Priests p. 125. CHAP. 3. 49. THe Cardinall driuen to say Mother Peter or else to let goe S. Cyprians authoritie which belongs to the Church not to Peter nor the Pope p. 126. c. 50. In the great equalitie of the Apostles between themselues yet one was singled out from the quire in general to recommend vnitie to the followers of Christ which may serue to stop Mr. Saunders his fowle mouth that cryes shame vpon vs for not hauing such a one at least though wee admit no Pope saith he But neither haue wee such authoritie to frame mysteries or mysticall significations to our selues and vnitie is most vnitie when it is instanced but once often were to breake it p. 128. 51. Caput in S. Cyprian is not the Popes person nor any mans whatsoeuer but Christs Originall Truth which he brought into the world for our direction p. 129. 52. The Adioynders grosse corrupting of S. Cyprians text though he crie out euery where against the Bishop for corruptions p. 130. 53. His ignorance no lesse grosse in his rudiments of Grammar and of the Latine tongue the vsuall Cacoëthes that visits him euery where p. 131. 54. How the Church is built vpon Peter p. 132. 55. The Bishops coniecture remaines probable that the Cardinall left out those words out of Cyprian deceitfully wherein he saies That it had beene an arrogant and an insolent part in Peter to haue answered Paul when he rebuked him by saying That the Primacie was his and therefore he ought not to be controlled ibid. 56. The Adioynder neuertheles saies that Peter might haue said so in his full right giuing Cyprian the lie so ibid. 57. Peters primacie opposed to Pauls nouellitie and iunioritie in the words of S. Cyprian Ergò not a primacie of authoritie p. 33. 58. The Adioynder is content to charge S. Peter with errour dummodò imperet Takes away veritie to giue him primacie very vnaduisedly ibid. 59. The Bishops denying the sequele à fundamento ad caput is maintained against the trifling sophistries of the Adioynder p. 134. 60. The testimonies out of S. Hierome for Peters primacie are answered for one word of eminencie three of equalitie are found in the first of them p. 135. 61. A head against schisme is a head of order onely sufficient if it preuent disorder p. 136. 62. The Apostles though confirmed might neede such a head or though not they yet the multitudes that might haue reference to them And to the Adioynder telling vs that we neede such a head as much as the Apostles we graunt what he saies and we admit no lesse or rather farre more though we acknowledge no Pope p. 137. 63. The proudest Priest of them all may not force a King and That externall coaction is denied to the Minister against whomsoeuer of the faithfull Latè à p. 137. ad p. 144. 64. The Bishops style not subiect to reproofe they that reprehend it offend more grossely in the same kind themselues and namely Cardinall Bellarmine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 146. 65. Iovinians heresies touch not vs if they were herefies but the Papists rather And of the honourablenes of holy Matrimonie which the Adioynder a married man perhaps repenting depraues the Reuerend Bishop in his single life defends p. 147. 66. A most ridiculous distinction betweene three kinds of Foundations magnified by the Adioynder but confuted p. 149. 67. Bellarmine and Baronius playing blind-man-buffe about Peters primacie That which is ordinarie to the one is extraordinarie to the other and that extraordinarie which is ordinarie The same Andabata is betweene Bellarmine and himselfe as if he loued the sport Moses the greater Magistrate saies he because extraordinarie And yet Peter because ordinarie therefore the greater p. 150 68. S. Hierome rackt to say Peters chaire is the rocke vpon which the Church is built he saies it not p. 151. 69. Magister orbis is not Monarcha orbis with S. Chrysostome p. 152. 70. Columna firmamentum both veritatis and Ecclesiae was their title that were no Popes ibid. 71. S. Iames his prouince as large as Peters p. 153. 72. What manner of Princes the Apostles of Christ were in all Lands p. 154. 73. The Popes tyrannie is not abated by the multitudes of people that he vsurpes vpon as the Adioynder would but rather creased and made more odious p. 155. 74. Rome no Sanctuarie Succession no shield against corruption and error p. 156. CHAP. 4. 75. SPirituall Mens Monarchy pleaded for by the Adioynder in ipsis terminis p. 158 76. To be pronounced Blessed is not to bee preferred to the gouernement of the whole Church p. 159 77. Basil is not for the Pope to be a Monarch He findes footesteps of reuerence towards secular Princes euen in reasonlesse creatures and interprets the Word of God to bee our King p. 160. 78. Others as well as Peter haue prelation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among the Apostles out
authoritie rather then for his the Councel deputing he being deputed And yet not with any power to controwle former iudgements but because saies S. Ambrose they presumed that what Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria should define the same would Siricius the Pope of Rome allowe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 193 104. Siricius rescript to Himerius questions nothing to our question ibid. 105. Anastasius and Innocentius their speciall ayde implored by the Fathers against the heretikes but no vniuersall iurisdiction of theirs acknowledged p. 194. 106. Vniuersall iurisdiction goes not with sedes Apostolica Of which kind there are more then the Romane Sea Pastorall diligence to preuent the danger of Christs weake members is made power and authoritie ouer ALL the members of Christs bodie as the Adioynder metamorphoses it to claw the Pope p. 195. 107. Innocentius either a badpen-man or his Epistles counterfeit Yet Rescripsit ad omnia prout fas erat c. is of the matters then in hand not of the bye which notwithstanding are not so prowdas the Adioynder would frame them paring away words to peruert the sentence which he imputes to the Bishop while he practiseth himselfe p. 196. CHAP. 5. 108. PEters Summitie or Summa potestas excludes not the other Apostles from their fellowship in it no not in Bellarmines mouth and much lesse in Origens Therefore it inferres no Monarchie p. 198. 109. The Papists fleete from sense to sense in expounding of Scriptures and at last they say that the literall sense is not so plaine as the allegoricall A fine fancie p. 199. 110. Not we but the Papists confound Clergie and Laitie The Pope giues leaue to lay-men to dispense spirituall matters and some to take the Sacrament out of their own hands p. 200. Womens Baptisme vsuall in Poperie yet S. Chrysostome as astonished cries out vpon it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 What saiest thou Does a woman baptize Tom. 5. Savilian p. 480. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 111. Origen tasts it not that the Church should be built vpon Peter alone and not vpon other Apostles as well p. 201. 112. But vpon Iohn rather whome he preferres wonderfully p. 203. 205. 113. As one so the other of things spoken to Peter in Origens iudgement are to be construed Pasce oves like Ae dificabo super hanc è contra Therefore the Bishop satisfies all most directly answering one by the other of the places cōcerning Peter produced out of Origen notwithstanding the Adioynders absurd cauillation p. 202. 114. Paul equall with Peter at least p. 204. 115. Peter could not merit to be the rocke of the Church as the Adioynder dreames out of S. Hilarie misunderstood And much lesse by onely rowing in a boat at sea as out of Maximus could he atcheiue such preferment so incomparably distant S. Hilarie assignes the prerogatiue to his faith fiue-fold to nothing aboue his person p. 206. 207. 208. 209. 116. Maximus his Sermons of what authoritie p. 210. 117. The Adioynder as all Papists would faine be at his Carters-logicke and professes cruelties p. 213 118. The Papists to blame as the Bishop most acutely told them answering Maximus testimonie to assigne Peter the charge of a particular Church viz. Rome after he was Cheife and Gouernour in their opinion of the Vniuersall p. 211. 119. This replie of the Bishops is defended against the Adioynders wittie follies p. 213. 214. 120. Continuall succssion of Bishops one after another in the same Sea doth not prooue that none of them euer erred p. 212. 121. And much lesse that Peter was at Rome because the Succession in the Sea of Rome neuer failed ibid. 122. Maximus his elogia of Paul and Peter so tempered as he rather enclines to yeild Paul the preheminence p. 214. 215 123. The old Papists were not so violent in their conclusions against Princes as the moderne Iesuits p. 217. Iesuini in eo sapientes quòd put ant se coelo ipsi quandoque imperaturos Pap. Mass in Paulo 4. Hem. 125. The Adioynder like a man deadly sicke that does not feele his griefe so refuses to see wherin the Bishop hath hurt them and saies that his arguments trouble the Bishop out of all measure p. 217. c. 126. The temporall and earthly Primacie disclaimed by the Papists though they practise the thing it selfe which is vtterly forbidden them p. 220. 221. Faults escaped in the Printing whereof some are alreadie mended in some Copies Pag. lin   20 26 cupiditate charitate 116 vlt. these those 119 23 emprison surprize 27 surely sure 120 11 humour his humour is 129 17 called culled 131 21 primùm primum emēda sic toties quoties Viciū fuit correctoris corrigēdi 135 24 What then What then 138 8 these those 141 8 truely Read freely 12 speakes vpon speaks it vpon 152 1 none but none first but 164 24 tooke Capsur to Capsur 187 33 * Iulius Iulius 34 Marcellus * Marcellus 218 2 post Ambrose hath told you and Origen hath told you 235 11 Num. 49. Num. 20. 242 15 Thessalonians for him Thessalonians to pray for him 262 20 our your 275 14 Baronius writ it Baron writing it 275 15 The Apostle S. Iohn Timothy S. Pauls scholler estque locus apud Bar. T. 1. An. 60. num 41. 277 23 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 279 4 flumenta fluenta 281 5 opposeth apposeth or paralleleth 286 21 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 307 34 1. Cor. 15. 1. Cor. 11. 315 25 1. Cor. 15. 1. Cor. 13. 321 1 300. yeares certen 100. yeare 24 well euict will euict 354 8 6 7 357 25 dele also  417 6 post 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Read that which is not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or that which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be c 426 29 were where 430 8 dele this  9 vrging it vrging for the promise 433 2 in Iouinian in Iouinianum 462 25 Virgin Nonne 463 6 post the Pope remaining Pope cannot 511 27 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 516 25 Clergie Church 520 11 Marcion Marcian Marg. 73 5. 6 Heracleota Mopsuestenus Heracleota Mopsuestenus 213 8 Vrbis Orbis 232 5 HEE HE 257 16 with them by them 263 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 278 2 in Epist 5. Cant. in cap. 5. Cant. 279 6 cap. 8. Read cap. 9. 307 7 himselfe said to S. Iohn said to S. Iohn himselfe 486  dele Com. in Epist c.  489 7 Homo nihili Testis nihili 506 1 Luc. 2. 2. Luc. 3. 2. 549 lin 2. vnwilling vnwitting notae quartae   CHAP. I. Of the Defence of the Bishop of ELIE his Answer to CARD BELLARMINES Apologie against the slaunderous Adioynder of one F. T. Wherein besides certaine other occurrents of lesser importance two things especially are recleered viz. The BISHOPS vnderstanding of S. Austens exposition of Pasce oves meas in
the right sense and his most vpright quoting of S. Ambrose his words to the same purpose § 1. AS Eusebius describing the raigne of Constantine the Great after the Nicene Councell calls it a blessed time when all things beeing established both for Religion and Gouernment nothing was in mention but the Trinitie in heauen and the Emperour vpon earth with his Royall issue that prayed to these prayed for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as S. Paul couples them 2. Thess 2. 4 euen twice a day praied for in the publike seruice without any flatterie witnesse S. Chrysostome Com. in 1. Tim. 2. So the Adioynder spends it selfe in the defacing of them both the KINGS Supremacie and the Invocation of the one and onely true GOD by his Sonne Iesus Christ And first the Supremacie then the other because Kings beeing as ramparts to fortifie Religion when they goe downe Gods worship consequently goes to wracke For Kings doe not minde matters of warre so much or of the State saies the same Chrysostome else-where and Leo subscribes by vertue of their calling which they haue from God as of Religion and Pietie and of the Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Therefore many other particulars occurring in the Bishops Answer to Card. Bellarmine as indeede each of his bookes for their admirable varietie is rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rather an artificiall embroiderie then a single monument this man singles out onely these two in effect not ignorant of the relation or the connexion that they haue betweene themselues That it is fatall in a manner as the Orator said of himselfe nec vinci sine Republica posse nec vincere so that Christ should be dishonoured without the King were impeached nor the King disparaged vnles Christ were dishonoured And againe Nemo alteri bellum indicit qui non eodem etiam tempore alteri no man assaults the one but he oppugnes the other for the most part at the same time § 2. FIue Chapters he spends about the first of these two points fiue more about the second and certaine other driblets which he interlaces to the end of his booke In the first is first quarelled S. Austens exposition of Pasce oves meas feede my sheepe which the Bishop alleadged out of his booke de agone Christiano c. 30. Cùm Petro dicitur ad omnes dicitur Pasce oves meas when it is said to Peter it is said to all Feed my sheepe And therfore he is not made by vertue of those words at least Vniuersall Gouernour of Christs Church The strength of F. T. his replie to this authoritie sparing the more ample quotation of the place which in the ende I shall quote perhaps more amply then he though he pretend to quote it somewhat more amply then the Bishop lies in this That whereas S. Austen saies the commission giuen to Peter Feede my sheepe was giuen to all ad omnes dicitur it was because S. Peter bare the person of the Church which with him imports as much as to be indued with Supreame authoritie ouer the Church And to this end Tullies Offices are quoted very freshly Est proprium munus magistratûs c. It is the proper office or dutie of a Magistrate to vnderstand that he beareth the person of the citie And so saies he Peter looses no authoritie by this authoritie but gaines rather § 3. Where first when S. Austen saies that Peter bare the person of the Church and by that expounds his ad omnes dicitur as this man fancyeth I should thinke vnder correction that he meanes the Church onely representatiue consisting of the Apostles and Pastors and no more for they onely feede which will hardly amount to so great a summe as the Papists would make S. Peter chiefe Magistrate of viz. to beare authoritie ouer the whole Church militant and euery member thereof Yea and in some cases of extention not onely ouer them which are without holy orders and so no Feeders but ouer them also which are cleane fallen away from the Church and which is yet more ouer them which neuer set foote within it For thither also reacheth their ierke as they call it of indirect power And though this should be granted in S. Austens sense that S. Peter bare the person of all the members of the Church as no question but he figured the communitie in many things as may be afterward not onely yeilded to but declared at large yet who would euer beleeue that whē the precept is of Feeding the flock of Christ this precept is giuen to the flocke it selfe which neuerthelesse must needes be I say if it be giuen to S. Peter bearing the person of the flocke as he must needs beare that if he beare the person of the whole Church euen in that that he was bid to feede the flocke Doe you see then what a confusion you haue brought vs in already how you haue pulled down the partition wall betweene the Laitie and the Clergie so as now Theodosius may sit him downe where he will though it be at Millan it selfe without any scrupulositie how you haue vtterly remooued the inclosures about the mountaine and made way for M. Saunders his Aclerus as he calls him while you would seeme to set vp a Nauclerus in Christs Church and to be the onely true friend to the beautie of Gods house Yet you are wont to say that this is our fault to take away distinction betweene the sheepe and the shepheard betweene the people and the Pastors and to lay all open to the wild boare out of the wood Nay not onely you confound the Laitie and the Clergie but you make as many Popes by this meanes as there be Christians For placing the Popedome in Pasce oves meas in feeding Christs sheepe you graunt that this commission was giuen to Peter representing their persons c. Which is as much to say as they are all made Feeders of the whole flocke by vertue of these words no lesse then he § 4. As for that you expound the bearing of the person by Tullies Offices to be no other then to be made Supreame Magistrate though it be first vncouth to expound Austen by Tullie whose phrase for the most part is not so sutable yet let S. Austen deliuer his owne minde for this point lib. de pastor for wee speake of pasce and hee handles this argument in the very place that I quote cap. 12. Quemadmodum loquantur authores mundi quid ad nos As much to say as What care wee how Tully speakes Besides that if S. Austen had meant to decipher Peter by those words to be cheife magistrate of the Church vnder Christ for so you conceiue perhaps he would rather haue said that he bore Christi personam then Ecclesiae the person of Christ then of the Church As the deputy Regent of a
kingdome or territorie vnder an absolute Prince may rather be said to beare the Princes person then the Common-wealthes that he gouernes in his right So here And so speakes your Andradius lib. 1. de Concil Papa Christi personam gerit the Pope beares the person of Christ so diuerse more of the same straine Neither lastly does it seeme likely in reason that a Prince should represent for his Common-wealth the head for the bodie which are rather distinguished still one against the other as membra diuidentia and two parties but either certaine of the Commons for the whole multitude or as in other cases some one man for the King But compare wee more narrowly S. Austen with Tully since you will needs vrge vs to it § 5. In Tully it is gerere in S. Austen gestare personam Ecclesiae Is there no difference thinke you betweene these two What if one be of things figuratiue another of things essentiall wil you blame me as too criticall for distinguishing betweene gerere and gestare Gerimus magistratum gestamus vestem either scenicam or some other Gestamus personam I meane not nowe personam in S. Austens sense least S. Peter be farther off from his supremacie then you are aware And though Austen in some place may say gerere personam euen of Peter in this case yet neither in that place that you now alleadge de Agone Christiano cap. 30. and for one gerebat you shal haue 5. gestabats in S. Austen I beleeue Gestare portare sustinere sigurare all these I may remember gerere though I denie not yet it comes so sieldom as I may truely say I scarce remember § 6. Touching what you insert here That whatsoeuer is giuen to the King as King the same is giuen to the Common-wealth whereof he beareth and representeth the person and so in like manner what was giuen to S. Peter as head of the Church the same belongs to the Church her selfe I will not follow you too close about your State-positions so fauourable to Kings as we knowe of old so inlarging their sway as you now professe that what power the one hath the other hath the like King and people though 1. Sam. 8. 11. we read of iudicium Regis erga populū but none populi erga Regem the King might iudge the people but not the people the King therefore this secret might haue rotted in your breast to omit this I say It will follow out of your doctrine that what our Sauiour may doe as Head of his Church the same may his Church doe of her owne head The instances are diuerse in your practise specially I need not faine As to mangle the communion to dismisse subiects from their allegiance to restraine marriages to dispense with vowes with oathes c. In all which you set your wit against his your authoritie against his and namely in the question of assoyling from Obedience how often doe we heare from you in plaine tearmes that Ecclesia habet authoritatem Dei in terris No doubt because whatsoeuer is giuen to the head the same is giuen to the bodie as here you tell vs. Though againe you are as rude with your owne Doctors as before you were rash with Princes Crownes when you say in your application that in like sort whatsoeuer is giuen to Saint Peter as Head of the Church the same is giuen to the Church her selfe which you would neuer haue said I suppose but to defend your grammar-paradoxe about gerere personam with a farre more desperate paradoxe in diuinitie Discerne you no better betweene Popes and Councels which are the Church in effect or shall these play quarter-masters with the Pope Doe you so vnderstand the Councell of Basile or the Councell of Constance which your fellowes would helpe you to construe more mildly or will you reuiue that charme of our King Henrie the 4. of famous memorie who writing to the Pope to perswade him to conformitie alleadged thus if Stow say true Si non audierit Ecclesiam c. If he heare not the church that is obey not let him be vnto thee as an heathen a Publican As for S. Cyprians authoritie which you botch into your text here impertinēt enough that Ecclesia est in Episcopo the Church is in the Bishop because the Bishop as you say is Head of the Church do you not consider why that was spoken by S. Cyprian euen to curbe the insolencie of your Romish Hierarche and to shew that Bishops are rather absolute in themselues he of Carthage at least Romes ancient peu-fellow and no way depending on forraine Tribunalls Rationem actûs sui Christo reddituri as the same Father sayes elsewhere to giue account of their doings to Christ onely But I come to S. Austen In whose words I affirme that gerere personam is to resemble the Church or to stand for the Church not to bee made the cheife magistrate of the Church as you would face vs. And that our Sauiour directing his charge to them all instanced the willinger as I may say in one which was S. Peter and spake to him for all to commend the loue of vnitie to them Imò verò in ipso Petro vnitatem commendauit yea and in Peter himselfe hee commended this vnitie Multi erant Apostoli vni dicitur Pasceoues meas There were many Apostles and it is said but to one Feede my sheepe Why that but onely to commend vnitie to them In hoc cognoscent omnes vos esse meos By this shall all men know you to be my disciples if you loue one another And Looke you fall not out by the way Iosephs precept that he gaue to his brethren This was the care that our Sauiour had of vnitie Againe S. Austen in the same chapter cap. 13. de pastorib that you may beleeue that booke the rather in the explication of pasce Nam ipsum Petrum cui commendauit oues suas quasi alter alteri vnum secum facere volebat He sought not to make him a diuerse regent as you imagine a deputie in his absence but in all his speech he droue after vnitie that intending the vnitie of the Church with himselfe euen as he and his father are all one as he saies which shal not be perfected till after this life yet in the meane time one man might stand for his Church and represent his Church the better to knit vp this knot betweene them Vt sic ei oues commendaret saies S. Austen vt esset ille caput ille figuram corporis portaret id est Ecclesiae tanquam sponsus sponsa essent duo in carne vnâ that is That so he might commend his sheepe vnto him that himselfe might bee the head the other might beare the figure of his bodie that is the Church and as bride and bridegroome they might be twaine in one flesh Here I trow you haue Peter not the head but
did beare the Churches person since the keyes are too great a depositum for Peter to be receiued in his owne name but in the Churches And so much he had deliuered before vpon the 108. Psalm I will not now trouble the Reader to repeat it Onely this may bee remembred that there he saies Tibi dabo claues is among those sayings which howsoeuer videntur pertinere ad Petrum non tamen habent illustrem intellectum nisi cum referuntur ad ecclesiam c. which howsoeuer they may seeme to belong to Peter yet cannot clearely be construed but when they are referred to the Church This there But now in this place he addes another example to shew that Peter did beare the Churches person and not his owne As when Pasce oues is said to him Et cum ei dicitur ad omnes dicitur Amas me Pasce oues meas Where I cannot demaund without some passion what can bee said more pregnantly to the Bishops purpose that Pasce oues was not said to Peter onely when S. Austen makes it common to all all of the ranke at least and vouches it as an instance that Peter did beare the person of the Church and not his own only in diuers things that passed vpon him Me thinks vpon the alledging but of thus much out of S. Aust if truly if in his sense the question should be at an end Yet because this man cries out against maimed allegations I will keepe promise as I said to set downe so much of S. Austens text as no man comming after shall neede more and that by the way it may be seene whether this fellow can clip a text or no for his aduātage leaue out that which is too hoat for him to meddle with practising that impudently at the very same time which he traduces the Bishop for most wrongfully Thus then S. Austen Debet ergò Ecclesia Catholica correctis pietate firmatis filijs libenter ignoscere cùm ipsi Petro personam eius gestanti cùm in mari titubâsset cùm Dominum carnaliter à passione reuocâsset cùm aurem serui gladio praecidisset cùm ipsum Dominum ter negâsset cùm in simulationem posteà superstitiosam lapsus esset videamus veniam esse concessam eumque correctum atque firmatum vsque ad dominicae passionis gloriam pervenisse That is to say The Church Catholicke therfore ought to pardon her children amending their faults and established in godlines sith we see pardon affoarded to Peter himselfe sustaining the person of the church both after that he had wauered in the sea carnally dehorted our Sauiour frō suffering and with a sword cut off the high Priests seruants eare and finally fallen into his superstitious hypocrisie yet pardon I say affoarded him notwithstanding all these faults in so much as amended now and confirmed he came in the ende to partake of the glorie of our Sauiours suffering Here is nothing against vs for ought I can perceiue vnlesse Peter to haue come to the glorie of our Lords suffering may seeme to any to make against vs. Which yet I hope they will not construe as if Peter had died for the sinnes of the world and so equalled our Sauiours glorie Wicked though they are yet not so wicked as to diuide that praise between Christ and Peter Howsoeuer S. Austen in his tractat vpon S. Iohn 123. makes this to be one of S. Peters errors to haue offered to die for Christ in all hast pro liberatore liberandus c. Wherein he might seeme to haue aspired to a glorie more then our Sauiours that he dying to saue the world Peter should die for him that died for the world which is a point aboue the other But howsoeuer they magnifie Peters authoritie I hope they will attribute to him no such vertue as this although he may seeme I say to haue said as much himselfe when time was by S. Austens collection but rather repent with him repenting as afterwards we know he changed his minde and no doubt cried out as Iob doth his eyes beeing opened and his weaknes discouered I bewaile my selfe in dust and ashes I haue said once but I will say it no more As for the wordes of S. Austen that Peter attained to the honour of our Lords suffering it is a storie in Eusebius worth the considering how for the exceeding honour that he bare to his Master though he were nailed to a crosse of wood like his yet he refused to dic with his head vpward Which we may beleeue the rather because we read euen in heathen stories of that time of diuers that were crucified with their heads downeward And as Peter for humilitie begd that boone of the tormentors so it is like they were not nice to graunt it to him as the more disgracefull This was the reuerence that our Sauiours conuersation begat in his Disciples In figure where of Iob whome I named euen now to shew the authoritie that he bare in his house with semblable loue of all sides My seruants said he thought themselues happie in my presence if I smiled vpon them they did not beleeue me yea they cryed Who vvill giue vs to eate of his flesh for the vnspeakable sweetnes they found by me See S. Chrysost in his 2. Epist to Olympias Who can write of these things without melting passion To consider the strange conflict betweene our Sauiour and S. Peter a conflict of humilitie not of pride of loue not of anger like that betweene our Lord and the Baptist erst refusing to thinke himselfe worthie to baptize him Which yet in Peter is more to thinke himselfe not worthie to die like him Besides that Iohn was faine to yeild in the ende but herin Peter had his desire And which is more singular not onely the kind of strife to striue for loue but against the nature of loue which delights in likenesse that he should choose a contrarie positure of bodie to testifie his loue to his Lord and master Indeede we haue those now a daies in the Popedome that loue to beare themselues 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contrarie to Christ both liuing and dying true Torti as the Bishop hath prooued them but S. Peter affected this of meere modestie which is able to make impression into a marble heart These whither not climbing and soaring in the meane time with the wings of such ambition as not I but F. T. euen now described where it is thought T should stand before F but for crookednes sake not onely to controll Kings and Countries with their Vniuersall dominion but to challenge as much power as Christ himselfe the Head of the Church And yet they make as if it were doubtfull whether Anti-Christ be come yea or no whether he sit in the Church of God shewing himselfe for God or no. But we haue strayed out of the way by occasion of
this mention that S. Peter was exalted to the likenes or fellowship of our Sauiours martyrdome Which the Bishop hauing abated them in his citation of S. Austen I confesse also they should neuer haue heard from me but that this man complained of lame allegations As for the force it might seeme to carry against our Sauiours single and soueraigne sacrifice I shall neede to say no more then in the Apostles words If one member suffers all suffer with it euen the head and all but then especially I trow when they suffer for the head as S. Peter did suffer for the honour of his Master in some likenes with his Master and yet not daring to die too like his Master And our Sauiour though in glorie yet he cried from heauen that you may knowe hee is the true Dauid whome Saul annoyeth Saul Saul Why persecutest thou me Which words as if they had taught S. Paul what to thinke of the fellowship of sufferings of the bodie mysticall he is bold to say afterwards in his owne case Adimpleo in corpore meo relliquias passionum Christi pro corpore eius quod est Ecclesia I fulfill in my bodie the remainder of Christs sufferings for his bodie which is the Church Where pro is exemplarie not satisfactorie against the Rhemists that dreame of a masse of passions vpon that place So doth the Masse forsooth runne in their mindes But we speake of his calling them passiones Christi for sympathie and for proportion of which enough § 22. To returne to S. Austen and to conclude this whole matter with relating his text as largely as you can desire The summe is that the Church must bee gratious toward her children conuerting and returning by repentance as our Sauiour was to Peter the image of the Church or the proxie of the Church for I feare not to vouch that name by him which hath euery where so good grounds in S. Austen as you haue heard and bearing her person not without cause For euen Peter quoth he found fauour after many defaults Let her shew her selfe like Peter then whome Peter figured and the rather figured because himselfe was a sinner yea a great sinner as the Church containes many offenders in her That here also you may see another reason Sir though you haue beene twice answered to this question before why Peter rather then another figured the Church namely because Peter beeing a great sinner and yet after his sinnes finding greater grace was so much the apter to represent her which in both these kinds is verie notorious both abundantis peccati and super-abundantis gratiae of surpassing grace after exceeding guiltinesse Rom. 5. Our Sauiours Parable is not vnknowne to this purpose Luk. 7. propounded to a Simon though not this Simon which of the two debters ought more The case was Peters owne both a great debter and released of much and perhaps our Sauiour deliuered it as in his hearing so not without some reference to him standing by But at least for this cause he bare the person of the Church And so Petri lapsus potiùs confirmat primatum Pap◠as Bellarmine saies Peters fall rather confirmes the primacie of the Pope But you see what primatum what kind of primacie not to be vniuersall Lord or rector but the Churches type or the Churches figure to teach the Church as you would say by way of liuely instance to shew grace as hee had found grace and shee both in her owne and his person This was his masterie that he had ouer the Church to be master of mildnesse and we denie not but aboue the rest of the Apostles Doest thou loue mee more then these Alas how could he choose to whome so much was forgiuen then shew compassion § 23. Now the faults of S. Peter that S. Aust had set down but not so F. T. no more then he durst set downe his owne name aright nay which purposely he leapes ouer though they were incident to his allegation as you may see in his first chap. num 3. and yet blames the Bishop for maimed quotations they are these insuing First his doubting vpon the sea And if the sea be his seat or the whole Church as they imagine you see in what danger the Church is to haue a staggering gouernour I say staggering euen in faith Secondly his disswading our Lord from death You will say that was no great matter of which neuerthelesse you may be pleased to remember what our Sauiours censure was heauie no doubt He called him Satan Thirdly the snipping off of Malchus his care with a sword wherein his pretended Successors imitate him but too truely What though they strike no blow themselues Executio saies Bellarmine ad alios spectat Let Seneca be heard It is thou saith Seneca speaking to Alexander who transported by anger commanded Lysimachus to be cast to a lyon and so torne in peeces and deuoured it is thou that openest thy iawes vpon him it is thou that tearest him in peices with thy teeth Tuum illud os est tua illa feritas O quà m cuperes c. The like may be said of Daniel and his enemies But this F. T. durst not so much as once to mention he knowes it makes so harsh a sound And therefore he fetches a leap from Peters doubting to his denying and pares away three of his errors with an caetera which S. Austen had comprehended and set downe in specie I haue heard of some that thinke for Peter to drawe his sword at Malchus because Malchus in Hebrew signifies a King as we are taught by S. Ierome de vitâ Malchi was either a presage or a iustification of the Popes practises at this day A presage it might well be But as for iustification they may call to mind how our Sauiour approoued it threatning the sword to them that tooke the sword though it were Peter himselfe for euen to Peter were those words directed Not to them that beare the sword as committed to them by God which is the right and the duty of the ciuill magistrate but to them that take it that is manage it without cōmission either by themselues or others as the Popes at this day Therefore Tertull. most wittily Patientia Domini in Malcho vulnerata est Our Lords patience was wounded in Malchus or That which Malchus felt in his care our Lord felt at his very heart It displeased him so much that a Churchman should strike Therefore also hee healed the wound by miracle and restored his care vnto him againe Which was not ordinarie to doe miracles for the cure of vnbeleeuers specially oppressours and impugners of his person but that the importance of the cause so required it and to shew how iniurious he accounted such curtesie when those which are Church-men will draw the sword though it be in defence of his truth or person § 24. The fourth error there named was his ter negâsse
saies S. Austen speaking stil of the Luciferians but it fits but euen too wel with out stout-hearted Iesuits dum in Petro petram non intelligunt nolunt credere datas ecclesiae claues regni coelorum ipsi eas de manibus amiserunt They haue lost the keyes whilst they talke so much of them and all because they vnderstand not or will not vnderstand Petrum in petrâ that is Ecclesiam in Christo as S. Austen before expounded it in his 13. Serm. de verb. Dom. secundum Matth. that is the Church in Christ So neither Peter the petra as they would faine make him nor Peter at all but Petrus in petra that is Ecclesia in Christo or populus Christianus and fidelis in Christo the Church in Christ or the number of the faithfull as they are recollected in Christ is it to whome the keyes are here giues But F. T. and his fellows nolunt credere datas Ecclesiae claues regni coelorum will not beleeue that the keyes of the kingdome of heauen were giuen to the Church and why but quia Petrum in petrá non intelligunt they will not vnderstand the mysterie of Peter not in himselfe but in the rocke that is in Christ S. Austens prophesie their propertie at this day § 29. It followes in him yet against such as forbid second marriages Qui cum super Apostolicam doctrinam se mundiores praedicent sinomen suum vellent agnoscere mundanos se potiùs quà m mundos vocarēt Who pretending themselues cleaner farre then the Apostles doctrine are found to be cleane besides all praise of cleannes If you aske why so the reason is rendered in the next words Cogunt viduas suas vri quas nubere non premittunt Non enim prudentiores habendi sunt quà m Apostolus Paulus qui ait Malo eas nubere quà m vri They compell saies he their widowes to burne whome they forbid to marrie whereas they should not be coūted wiser then the Apostle Paul who saies I had rather they should marrie then burne But no doubt while they affect a purity aboue the Apostles doctrine they might giue themselues if so it pleased them a name more agreeable to their filthie sect The world hath not yet forgotten how roundly Bellarmine replies vpon his MAIESTIE moderately censuring their restraint of mariages which yet they would haue to be so many Sacraments that marriages before the vow indeede are Sacraments but after that sacriledges S. Austen makes it free here for all to marrie that find themselues to be in daunger of burning windowes and all and who knowes but vowed and professed widowes The rule is generall and he applies it generally without any limitation Malo eas nubere quà m vri I had rather they should marrie then burne frō which it is not to be thought he would excuse any S. Paul himselfe 1. Tim. 5. 12. though he speake of widowes that had giuen their first faith suppose as you construe it their faith and vow to remaine widowes yet afterward in the 14 he giues them leaue to marrie since they could keepe it no better I will haue younger widowes marrie Where it were hard to construe yonger widowes twice named v. 12. and 14. and one time condemned for their wantonnesse after vow desiring to marrie another time licensed to marrie as for remedie They will marrie v. 12. and S. Paul I will haue them marrie v. 14. I say it were hard to construe these two of two sundrie kinds of widows the one vowed the other not vowed whereas then the remedie were no remedie if it be not a remedie against such as made default and if Paul allowed the vowed widowes to marrie though not without checke for breaking their vow then Bellarmines sacriledge is no sacriledge but rather his doctrine sacrilegious I might shew the same out of Cyprian Austen Ierome I might shew it out of some of the auncientest Councels I might alleadge Medina obseruing as much though he ouerthrow it againe like a cow that hath giuen a good soope of milke so with the dash of his heele In contrarium est D. Thomas What maruell if Thomas be of such authoritie when some of you haue recorded that in conclusion of your famous Coūcell of Trent the Fathers cried out there as if they had done a great act vpon the name of S. Thomas ascribing the winning of the day to him Iust as Plato in his Timaeus makes the maker of the world to congratulate his owne paines in the assembly of his pettie-gods after the creation And yet some thinke that Thomas is not so firme for vowes but when they proue inconuenient he giues leaue to break them But so much of S. Aust and his authority cited out of de Agon Christ c. 30. where F. T. complaines the Bishop to haue left out so much Are these trow you the things that the Bishop left out § 30. ANOTHER testimonie conforme to that of S. Austens to shewe either the force or the extent of the commission giuen to Peter in Pasce oues meas the Bishop produced out of S. Ambrose another of the fowre Doctors of the Church of their owne registring that it may satisfie the more In ore duorum praesertim tanti testium De sacerdotali dignitate as now the title runnes though it hath runne otherwise in times past cap. 2. not as F. T. wrongly cites the first Quas oues quem gregem non solùm tunc B. suscepit Petrus sed nobiscum eas suscepit cum illo eas nos suscepimus omnes That is Which sheep and which flocke not onely Blessed Peter then receiued but both he receiued them with vs and with him we all haue receiued them As for the pregnancy of this testimonie and that it toucheth to the quicke what need we say more when we haue our aduersary confessing that this manner of speech doth indeede inforce a greater equalitie betwixt S. Peter and other Pastors then euer S. Ambrose did imagine he meanes then can subsist with their supposed primacie or Papacie of Peter But how does he answer it Forsooth they are said not to bee Ambrose his words not those at least nobiscum eas suscepit both he receiued them with vs c. And why so Because first they are contrarie to Ambrose his iudgement in other places but specially because they are not extant in the printed copies and in a word are meerely of the Bishops forging A great fault if it can be prooued if not a great slaunder as all men may see and sufficient to cracke the Adioyners credit through out the rest of his whole booke It may please the Reader then to vnderstand that of sundry editions of S. Ambrose which haue been set forth though we could not come by all to consult them yet so many are foūd to haue those words which he quarrels to be foisted as may easily shew on
his reading this text and the vprightnes of it Woe is me for that diuine man M. Casaubone that speaking of his monument I should speake ambiguously of his tombe or of his writings But what that hath deuoured these shall eternize and now is no time to bewaile our losse Because Peter had lambkins and lambs and sheepe committed to his charge to be fed by him suppose incipientes prosicientes perfectos the leafe the blossome and the ripe almond in Aarons rod suppose all the steps in Iacobs ladder at least as it signifies the Church here militant suppose Prophets and Apostles Kings and Emperors the boundlesse latitude of the Church Christian Ergò quid who can replie with patience to such emptie stuffe Doe we looke it should haue beene said Feede all saue the Apostles or all saue Princes why should Princes and Apostles not profit by Peter why should they be denied the benefit of his feeding why should not all the Apostles feede all the world why should not one Apostle feede another Peter his fellowes and they Peter As I thinke Paul fed him and that with his staffe too tipt with iron I haue heard some construe virgam ferream so Apoc. 2. and Psal 2. as alluding to the sheepehooke I meane with his reproofe and that at Antioch his owne seat not onely with fodder or with greene bowes As againe Iames fed him with viri fratres audite me Act. 15. 14. you would thinke this were rather the successor of Christ of whome that was said Heare you him And againe ver 19. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To say nothing of Simeon narrauit in the 14. ver Not Peter now but bare Simeon Doth this prooue a Monarchie ouer the Apostles Or if Kings be content to lend an eare to his pipe and to graze vpon such leaues as he shall cast before them the word and the Sacraments that refection of immortalitie quorum vis inenarrabiliter valet plurimùm what is this to your moderne frighting omnipotencie Me thinks I heare Constantine rauished with his note to yeild thus much Be you Bishops in the Church and I without Me thinks I heare Valentinian call for such a Prelate as he may safely lay his head in his lappe but safely beeing the head which is the head of the world as euen the heathen Poet could say But doth this prooue the terrible power that you striue for which is neither of kin to Peters feeding and the daungerousest resort for a Kings head that may be Nay how if the Iesuit haue so mistaken himselfe in his curious distinction betweene lambs and sheepe that he hath cleane exempted both Apostles and Kings from Peters iurisdiction to bring whome in and to range them within the compasse of that supreme power the distinction onely was at first deuised For if oves and agni onely be S. Peters walke and he the sheepeheard where are arietes where are the rams The rams beeing the Apostles by Turrian his exposition or the successors of the Apostles that is the Bishops And againe the rams beeing meant by Kings as Tolet will haue it vpon the 15. of S. Iohn Annot. 3. Two Iesuits you see I bring him and the one a Cardinall made for his learning which I thinke will neuer be his lot But hath not he spun a faire thread I say shutting them out both Apostles and Kings whome by that very tricke he would haue shut in § 35. And so much of his answer to the first exception that the Bishop makes against their argument drawne from Pasce oues meas consisting in the authorities of Austen and Ambrose § 36. IN his second saith he he seekes to retort the Cardinals argument vpon himselfe to prooue the Kings supremacie by the word Pasce for so much as God said also to Dauid Tu pasces populum meum Israel Thou shalt feede my people Israel Where no man can denie saies the Bishop but that a King was made the Pastor of all Israel yea of the Priests themselues except he will deny them to be part of Israel But what faies F. T. thinke you to this Thus argueth this learned and sharpe Doctor ouerthrowing his owne argument sufficiently by his owne conclusion graunting in effect that if the Priests were not a part of the people Israel the King was not their Pastor These are his prefaces if wee had time to ponder them And yet it is almost the modestest clause in the Book of them wherein he bespeakes the Bishop that the Reader may pardon me if now and then I be mooued euen more then he is aware or pitie me when I am compelled as often I am for want of leisure to swallow such curteous girds in silence The summe is that in answering to the Bishops retortion hee would haue the Priests to bee no part of Israel And once againe you shall discerne the spirit of the man who thus sets forward To this purpose then it is to be considered what I haue amply debated in the first Chapter of my Supplement concerning the exemption and separation of the Priests and Leuites from the temporall estate by the expresse words of Almightie God Numb 8. who gaue the Leuites to Aaron and his children not to the temporall Prince Tradidi eos dono Aaron filijs eius de medio populi And againe Num. 1. The tribe of Leui shall not be numbred nor haue any part with the rest of Israel but the Lord must be their possession portion and inheritance I must bee short And so shaking off the Supplement with other idle complements though he is not ashamed to set a trūpet to his Pharisaicall cheeks and euerie where to display his owne worke as if there were no other storehouse of learning in the world no file but this Philistines to whet a witte vpon consider we as well as we can what is to bee said to this point of the exemption of Leuites from the state politick that is from their subiection to ciuill Magistrates for else he saies nothing sith we knowe the Leuites were not lay-men and the Priests Priests not populars Yet he implyes such a thing when hauing quoted the text and not daring to vtter that audacious proposition that Priests were not subiect to the ciuill Magistrate he saies onely this that God reserued them for his owne seruice which no doubt is the true meaning of the place but how doth this ouerthrow ciuill obedience § 37. To speake particularly to the places As for Num. 1. to beginne with that Non numerabitur tribus Leui I could send him to a place as he does vs where hee should finde his answer if Datin be no eie-fore to him alreadie shaped to a man of his coate and as it seemes verie reuerently esteemed by him I meane Iohn Eudoemon of Crete but the summe is this A viewe of the people was to be taken there either as landed men or sufficient for the wars From both which the Leuites beeing
popularibus distinguendo eos in diuersitate ministrationis ijs traditae quam non habebant alij Israelitae That is Hee gaue the Leuites to Aaron by bringing them forth from the midst of the people As who would say Before the Leuites were as the common people not hauing any speciall seruice of God inioyned them Afterward when God made them to be his ministers he is said to haue separated them from the middest of the people that is by distinguishing them from other of the popular sort in the diuersitie of the ministration committed to them which the other Israelites had not Againe Vt seruiant mihi pro Israel that they may serue me for Israel id est vt seruiant loco primogenitorum Israel c. That is That they may serue me in liewe of the first borne of Israel c. And indeed these words shew as much as was said before that Tradidi dono was only for seruice Now heare Lyra. Statues Leuitas in conspectu Aaron filiorum eius consecrabis oblatos Domino ac separabis de medio filiorum Israel vt sint mei Thou shalt set the Leuites in the sight of Aaron and of his sonnes and shalt consecrate them hauing offred them to the Lord and shalt separate them from the midst of the children of Israel that they may be mine Hic subditur ratio dicti mandati Ad hoc enim de mandato Domini ordinabantur vt seruirent sacerdotibus in cultu diuino quia cultus ante legem datam pertinebat ad primogenitos Israel Sed quòd illi facti sunt inepti ad cultum dei ideò Dominus loco illorum voluit Leuitas ordinari ad cultum suum Et hoc est quod dicitur Et tuli Leuitas deputando mihi pro cunctis primogenitis filiorum Israel That is Here the reason of the aforesaid commandement is set downe For to that end were they ordained according to Gods commandement that they might serue his Priests in diuine worship which worship before the giuing of the Law belonged to the first borne of the children of Israel But because they became vnfit for Gods worship therefore the Lord would haue the Leuites to be ordained for his worship in stead of them And this is that which is said And I tooke the Leuites deputing them to me for all the first borne of the children of Israel To conclude the Chaldee Paraphrast thus expounds the text of gift for seruice not for exemption which men see none in these words that so bewitch you except they are Iesuited Offeret Aaron Leuitas munus in conspectu Domini à filijs Israel VT SERVIANT IN MINISTERIO EIVS That is Aaron shall offer the Leuites for a gift before the Lord from the children of Israel THAT THEY MAY SERVE IN HIS MINISTERIE But so much and too much hereof be said Sauing that not to F. T. this whose argument deserues it not but to others from whome he filcht it that stand much vpon it § 38. ANOTHER of this wise-acres worthie exceptions to the Bishops retortion vpon Peters pasce from Dauids pasce which they vouchsafe not to regard they are so swallowed vp of Peters is this That suppose Dauid had had supreame gouernment ouer the Church in the old Law yet no Prince temporall may now claime the like no more then the ceremonies may be said to stand in force as the keeping of the Sabbath day as polygamie abstinence from puddings and the like meates saies he that is afraid of loosing his dish belike and with such good stuffe are his pages fraught Yea because the Bishop insists more then once vpon Moses law and the precedents of the old Testament to shew that primacie belongs to Kings therefore he is a Iew rather then a Christian c. So that now obedience is become among the ceremonies and the honouring of our parents that is in truth of our Princes Patres patriae by auncient style and so Ezechias call'd the Priests his children filij mei 2. Chron. 29. 11. is as subiect to alteration as the Sabbath day 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may the ceremonies say insulting vpon the moralls as the other Kings doe vpon Lucifer the king of Tyrus in Ezekiel And because the ceremonies not onely may be omitted but may not be retained without heinous crime therefore it shall be conscience to waxe wanton against Princes to shake off their yoke yoa merit vertue and what not Let vs beleeue that when Christ witnes S. Paul Coloss 2. nayled the ordinances which were against vs to his crosse he nayled the law of our subiection to Magistrats though he died vpon that crosse to establish the authoritie euen of Pilate himselfe as both S. Paul else-where and the Gospels witnesse Though when S. Paul saies such ordinances were nayled to the crosse as were against vs he sufficiently shewes that this was none concerning Magistracie then which nothing is more beneficiall to mankind as S. Chrysostome often deduces out of his Epistles namely Rom. 13. v. 4. the 1. of Tim. 6. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saies Chrysostome and so likewise Oecumenius is conditio seruitutis sub Domino which is more beneficiall to the seruant then the seruant possibly can be to his master For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he takes care for all But if this be good Diuinitie that the soueraigntie of Princes is to be reckoned but a ceremonie and to be blowne away among the shadowes of the olde Law as if the precept of honouring Parents which is primum in promissione Eph. 6. were now secundum in omissione after that against images which is vsually cancelled in the Popish Catechismes let him tell me what he saies to S. Austens sicuts in his Epistle ad Bonifacium where he parallels the Christian Kings with the Hebrewes thus Sicut seruiuit Iosias sicut Ezechias c. How absurd is his sicut if their authoritie were ceremoniall yea or iudiciall either and to expire with the comming in of the new Testament How does Charles the great assume as much to himselfe from the example of the said Kings praefat in leges Galliae apud Ansegisum Neither say as the Adioynder does here that Dauid was a Prophet and so Iosias or Ezechias and the like For the Councell of Chalcedon finds as much in Constantine Constantinus magnus vt Dauid Rex Propheta Which they would not haue appropriated to Constantine neither but haue giuen you may be sure to any other Christian King that should haue carried himselfe with the like valiant resolution And no maruell when Salomon makes it common to them all to haue an oracle in their lips Prou. 16. and in an other place their hearts so set in Gods hands as extraordinarily subiect to his directions Where because I haue named Salomon what thinke you of his Prouerbs are they replenished with ceremonials or with iudicialls or with what
auouch AVTHORITATE praeditum ac reliquis item Apostolis longè praecellere Is this arguing for a Iesuit Which all put together doth not shew so much as that Peter had any authoritie ouer the Apostles Vnlesse you thinke because he had authoritie therfore they had none This were prettie if you could worke it but neuer out of Chrysostome And yet longè praecellere is worse then so of gifts of qualities not of iurisdiction And I beleeue if the truth were knowne that same very 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which I quoted euen now nothing to their purpose In summe if S. Peter had all the authoritie that Chrysost giues the Priest in his book of priesthood it would not serue the Pope who is for temporall and coactiue which Chrysost denies tooth and nayle cap. 2. 3. c. of the afore-said Another place you bring out of Chrysost cap. vlt. in Euang. Ioh. that Peter was the mouth of the Apostles And you might haue added that of Dauid I will giue praise with the best member that I haue meaning the mouth or the tongue for els what gaine you by this bargaine And againe Awake my glorie that is my tongue say the Interpreters because the tongue is the glorie of a man Psalm 56. Casaubone will shew you and that most excellently that the mouth is put in a diminutiue sense and notes ministerie not supremacie office and paines not authoritie And so we might say of the head which Peter was as the forwardest to resolue ad respondendum faciendum paratissimus saies S. Cyrill as including both This was his disposition not his commission Of late the Pope hath left both the head and the mouth and betakes him to the hands S. Bernard had challenged him for it long agoe for liuing by his hands not as S. Paul and the olde Monkes which is tedious to you to heare of but he meant of bribes we of forcible and coactiue execution Brachia mea iudicabunt populos as if he tooke it literally and to himselfe And could you not for a neede finde in your heart to construe caput congregationis after S. Austens meaning as a figure of generalitie and representing the whole bodie What a scandall will it be for Iesuits to encounter such a worke and of so reuerend a Prelate with no better speares then one might make of fennell stalks breaking into fitters with the least crush and which if a man should answer but as many waies as he might it would be intolerable § 52. That which followes is as idle that Christ did not vpbraid S. Peter for his sinne as if he doth any Iam. 1. 5. either for grace affoarded or faults pardoned That Peter had the care of his brethren committed to him as if we imagined Peter such a Cain that cryed What haue I to looke to my brother But he is confident now that was fearefull afore to aske 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Why not then rather superiour when he might set Iohn a work to doe as he directed Besides great charges make not confident but carefull rather and solicitous surely as extraordinarie fauours binde to awe flesh not in pride vnlesse it be fooles The approoued loue of our Sauiour Christ in receiuing him to grace and setling him in his Apostleship or if you would suffer me to speake so in restoring him might adde spirit to him which is S. Chrysostomes meaning not as you construe him But alas what did Peter get by asking that question What not secret censure but open check at our Sauiours hands Quid ad te what preiudice to his discretion let S. Cyrill shew you But two faults onely Curiositie and Desire to haue other men partakers of his miseries This is the inbred corruption of our nature Communiter insitum hominibus saith S. Cyrill vt optent si quid periculi subituri sint non se esse solos sed caeteros etiam aut videre pati aut passos audire aut passuros esse It is the nature of men if they be to slide into any daunger to wish not to be alone but either to see others to suffer or to heare of them that haue suffered or that they shall and must at least suffer the same So Peter Hearing that he must suffer he asked whether Iohn should escape or no. As for Si me amas fratrum curam suscipe if cura fratrum be the boundlesse Monarchie little neede he wooe Popes to that place by so stiffe a coniuration as Si amas me Aske Iulius the second who when his friends were offended with him for offering too largely for the Popedome he said None that knew the worth of that place would stick at any gifts whereby to compasse it Aske Praetextatus the heathen Make me Pope saies he and I will be a Christian. Yet this is your Si amas me suscipe curam fratrum It were infinit to go through all I will conclude with Mr. Casaubones most worthie obseruation that if Peter were the Head and Rector intended as you imagine what neede S. Chrysostome make the question Quare Petrum omissis caeteris affatur de his rebus why does our Sauiour conferre with Peter about these matters skipping by the rest For euery man might see it were the due of his place And so much of S. Chrysostome § 53. THE last of them whose authoritie you alleadge is S. Leo your owne Pope and not a little addicted to the amplyfying of the Phylacteries of his owne sea as his MAIESTIE hath told you in his Apology most plentifully but all as it seemes vpon the deafe side For you will not heare nor bee charmed Yet what sayes Leo The charge of feeding the sheepe of Christ was more specially commended to Peter Ep. 89. A most true word But the Bishop tels you how Praeceptum ad omnes Solennit as ad illum So Peter more specially receiued the keies for hee receiued them saies S. Austen as the Churches proxey but communicandas cum omnibus to bee imparted to all as Optatus told you but verie lately But in an other place Ser. 3. de Assump ad Pontif. what brings he That Peter was chosen out of the whole world to haue the cheife charge of the vocation of the Gentiles and of all the Apostles and of all the Fathers of the Church Here is nothing for your turne saue that Peter was chosen to haue the charge of the Apostles But to the calling of the Gentiles though all helped yet none might compare with S. Paul for that matter who therefore calls himselfe the Apostle of the Gentiles and least you thinke he gloses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in faith and veritie 1. Tim. 2. 7. Neither doe wee denie that Peter might haue the charge of the Apostles yet no commaunding charge but either as ferrum acuit ferrum as Salomon saies one iron whets and sharpens another so the face of one brother to quicken another by his encouragements Confirma
partly he cauills with him about the quoting of it In which respect I haue thought good first of all to set it downe as it lies in our bookes In all points following the Decrees of the holy Fathers and admitting the Canon lately read of the 150 most blessed Bishops assembled together vnder the great Emperour Theodosius of pious memorie in the Imperiall Constantinople new Rome we also decree and determine the same things concerning the priuiledges of the most holy Church of Constantinople afore-said the new Rome For iustly did the Fathers giue priuiledges to the throne of old Rome because that Citie was then regent And the 150 most blessed Bishops mooued with the same consideration gaue equall priuiledges to the most holy throne of new Rome wisely iudging it meete and reasonable that the Citie which enioyed both Empire and Senate and was endued with the like priuiledges or equall priuiledges that old Rome was should in matters Ecclesiasticall be aduanced and magnified euen as shee or no lesse then shee beeing second after her not subiect to her but second after her yet F. T. saies the Bishop left out those words of set purpose Rather indeede because nothing to the purpose And that c. Euen as if I breake off now and English not the rest no wise man nor learned that hath but read the Canon will deeme I breake off fraudulently or for aduantage but onely because that which followes is not materiall Now see what exceptions the gentleman takes to the Bishops allegation As first that he should say that the Canon makes the two Seas the one of Rome the other of Constantinople equall in all things What is here amisse Equall saies the text sicut illam euen as the other and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 equall priuiledges But where is that in all things saies the wrangler The words perhaps not but the sense so cleere that without that the Canon were no Canon and the rest of the words to no purpose at all Haue you not heard that indefinites are equiualent to vniuersalls especially where one exception beeing made it is plaine that all others are thereby cut off according to the rule Exceptio figit regulam in non exceptis And therefore the ranke or the prioritie in order beeing onely reserued to Rome in that place as it followes about Constantinople that shee should secunda post illā existere be second in rew as the new Rome to the old Rome the old beeing first and the new second is it not cleere that there is equalitie in all things else graunted to Constantinople and the magnifying or aduancing of her in Ecclesiasticall matters sicut illa as shee or no lesse then shee generally to be extended as farre as Romes Sozomene saies expressely for ciuill matters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shee was equalled in all things Constantinople with Rome lib. 7. cap. 9. and the ground of the Canon is the equalitie of the two cities in ciuill affaires Therefore either the Fathers conclude not well out of their owne premisses or els the equalitie of the two Seas euen in Ecclesiasticall matters is to be vnderstood secundum omnia in euery respect For as in the one so in the others let it be say the Fathers To omit that as Error is subiect to Inconstancie you answer this afterward another way your selfe that there might be equalitie seruatâ proportione and onely in comparison with inferiour Seas where you will not denie but per omnia may be borne in that sense in the alleadging of the Canon though the text hath it not The Bishop therefore might adde it without iniurie to the Text though it be not in the letter Yea in your 47 numb of this present Chap. you giue the Cardinall leaue to adde Totius where there is none in the Text but vineae only without totius saying he doth it for explication sake And may not we then vpon so good grounds as you haue not for Totius out of all that Epistle but we haue for per omnia out of the circumstances of the Canon as hath beene shewed I suppose if two Consulls should striue for preheminence or two States of Venice to vse your owne comparison in another place of this brooke and the Iudge should so order it that they should both haue equall allowance of honour the paria priuilegia that you are so stumbled at for so I construe them and I thinke the righter one to be aduanced in matters of gouernment as well as the other onely that one should hold the second place and the other the first were it not euident that they were equalled in all points though the word all were not by him expressed saue onely in paritie of ranke and order So the case was here The Bishop of Rome was to sit afore the other in assemblies and meetings to be mentioned before him in the praiers of the Church to deliuer his opinion and iudgement first and yet for matter of authoritie or iurisdiction one Sea to be magnified sicut altera euen as much as the other and that per omnia in all respects whatsoeuer F. T. grinne to the contrarie § 4. And by this we answer to his other wise obiection that if preheminence of order bee reserued to Rome how then does the Canon make them equall in all things In all things else this onely excepted which the Canon excepts and nothing else to shew that as for other things they are to be equalled in all § 5. Yet you cauill the Bishop for leauing out that clause of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the second after the other namely Constantinople after Rome as if the Bishop had left it out because making against himselfe which was nothing to the purpose to haue inserted because it concernes not the primacy of authoritie but of order onely about which wee striue not § 6. As for the printing of those words in all things in a different letter which according to the measure of your accustomed franknes you call corrupt and fraudulent dealing how often shal we tell you that the Bishop followed the differēce of the letter as diuerse others haue done and daily doe to specifie the thing it selfe intended by the Canon and to imprint it the deeper in the Readers mind not as alleadging the letter of it and so counterfeiting as you please to call it From which in truth he was so farre that you make it his fault in this very Chapter num 3. not to offer to lay it down or the words of it but onely to argue and to drawe consequences therefrom as his occasion serued § 7. Now whereas you would explicate the Canons meaning by the words following about the ordaining of certaine Bishops by the Patriarch of Constantinople as Pontus Asia Thracia c. and by exempting that Sea from standing subiect any longer to the Bishopricke of Heraclea of which it was once but a parcell it is true that from thence euen from so low estate
thinke you that Acacius was the Popes mā to execute his pleasure but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Homer sayes And congregatis vobiscum vnà cum meospiritu as in all excommunications so specially I suppose when Patriarches are to be censured Does not Gelasius say so in the Epistle that you quote Ipso quoque Acacio postulante vel exequente Where you see what execution Acacius performed namely with which Postulation might well stand which is not the ministers or the vnder-officers part to demand censure against offenders but only to lay it on as is enioyned We read in the same Epistle that Acacius proceeded against other two Patriarches of the aforesaid Seas whereof one was Calendion whome Gelasius names the other vnnamed onely qualiscunque Catholicus as Gelasius styles him and that neither with a Synods as Gelasius there sayes nor by censure obtained from the Sea of Rome for ought that hee implyes but belike of his owne head yet Acacius had no authoritie ouer the aforesaid Patriarches No more then hath the Pope ordinary ouer them whome in casu and quantum fas est he may offer to excommunicate when they are otherwise incorrigible And therfore this prooues no Supremacie neither of the Pope aboue other Patriarches that Acacius as you say executed his censures § 14. What should I say of them that withstood these censures of the Pope and despised them and yet godly men and allowed by the Church Which shewes that they breath from no such power as you imagine See Austen contra Donatist l. 5. c. 25. of Cyprian not forfeiting his freehold in the Church though he were one of them quos Stephanus Papa abstinendos putauerat whome Stephen Pope doomed with excommunication Irenaeus censured Victors censuring of the Churches of Asia where Baronius would triumph vpon the name of Victor as if straightway victorie went with Rome but giue me Irenaeus for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in choro nostro the supremacie will goe rather on his side Blessed are the peacemakers So likewise did Polycrates if you regard names so much a man compounded of multitudes and power which two endowments your Church much delights in Anicetus a pretie name too to guggle Baronius yet resisted by Polycarpus not abhorring in his nomenclature frō the Churches propertie Esa 54. Paulinus in his Epistle ad Sulpitium Seuerum calls the buzze of the Pope or the bull as you tearm it vacui murmur culicis the trumpeting or the wheesing of a silly gnat that was all he set by it Tertullian hath many flings at him as Pamelius will tell you and no maruell for the rigour he sustained among them S. Hilarie to Liberius Quotapars orbis es tu as much to say as what are you sir that you should so take on And sometime other Bishops did as much for the Pope I meane they excommunicated him no bodie controlling them For it is ius commeabile or ius reciprocum passing and walking from the one to the other In the Councel of Ephesus the Bishops that held with Cyrill and Memnon Scire autem volumus vestram sanctitatem c. We doe you to wit euen you the Popes Legates representing his person that if you despise ought of these things you are thereby shut out from our Communion what was that in effect but excommunication Lastly you tell vs that Acacius obeyed the Pope for a time as much to say as while hee listed himselfe And euen Gelasius when he affirmes him to stand excommunicate by vertue of the excommunications that he procured against others he meanes iure meriti not iure fori desert beeing one thing sentence another Vnlesse you will say that Nathan censured Dauid in Tues homo which was rather Dauids act against himselfe like that in the Gospell Ex ore tuo iudico te which in Conc. Sinuessano was made you knowe whose priuiledge not the Bishops of Constantinople but the Bishop of Romes though very ridiculously that no bodie should proceed against him but onely himselfe And so much of your foure reasons out of Gelasius his Epistle why this canon should be insufficient § 15. In the examples that you bring vs of such Bishops of Constantinople as sought for vnion with the sea of Rome what a childish ignorance is it not to be able to discerne betweene the vnion of consent in matters of faith and vnion of subiection which implies superiority that they neuer acknowledged in the Popes ouer them Was there no vnion sought for but with Rome Or doe not all the members of the great bodie pant for it each string of that harpe endeauour after accordance to make vp the perfect harmony of Christianity No doubt this is that which the Apostle saith Did the word of God come out from you alone or to you alone which was the case of Corinth not of Rome in those daies It were long to trace all your absurdities The like you bring vs out of the Epistle of the Easterne Bishops to Symmachus that the soundnes of the true faith was alway preserued in the Romane church because of Tues Petrus super hanc petram Loe the primacie of the Sea of Rome say you grounded vpon our Sauiours expresse words with little regard to the equality of priuiledges in the Councell of Chalcedon which the Bishop so much standeth vpon Thus you will neither giue leaue to the learned Fathers to deflect those words after a witty manner to their innocent purpose as Pighius saies of some of them that scripturae ijs nascuntur sub manu for their dexterity that way and Andradius dares no otherwise defend your detortion of Ecce duo gladij to establish the temporall iurisdiction in the spirituall one monster in another nor againe can you distinguish betweene primacy of power and infallibilitie of iudgement which though Rome cannot be said to haue preserued alwaies in rigore as S. Basil and diuerse others will testify and somewhat we haue spoken thereto afore yet without doubt this place so glaunces at the one as it hath no word so much as tending to the other For if exemption from error entitles to soueraignty then how could Peter be the gouernour of the Apostles who all of them had this priuiledge of not erring So fowly you fall vnder your owne instance Lastly Chrysost Tom. 4. pag. 942. in Lat. concion applyes these words Tues Petrus c. to demonstrate the steadfastnes of the Church of Constantinople other some to Leo the lay Emperour c. § 16. The like also I might say of Vigilius his presidentship in the Councell of Constantinople which what if Eutychius did of courtesie offer him Praesidente nobis Beatitudine tuâ Who knows not that the Presidents of generall Coūcels are not alwaies the chiefest Bishops in Christendome As Cyrill as Hosius as diuers more Cui non concilio praefuit Hosius and yet Hosius a Cordevant not a Romane Bishop § 17. The
like of the deposition of diuers Bishops of Constantinople by the Popes as you say and namely that Agapetus deposed Anthimus with many more Shall I tell you what wise men are wont to say in this case Agapetus did depose Anthimus but was Anthimus deposed as much to say They did their best but de bene esse onely and valeat vt valere potest for authoritie they had none And therefore all this while the Canon is not impeached but remains good § 18. What should I tell you of Euagrius l. 2. hist c. 4. that this Canon was enacted in that Councell by the Fathers not forged by the Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you may read the rest in the very end of the chapter that Constātinople had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 onely short of Rome and short but in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as hath beene said in order or in number as the Logicians are wont to discerne things of the same species I might adde Iustinian Balsamon Zonaras the Councell quinisextum at Constantinople in Trullo c. 36. which both deduces it from the first generall Councell in Constantinop c. 3. which you quarrell and recites the words that offend you most in this of Chalcedon about aequalia priuilegia and Magnificari sicut illam equall priuiledges or equal prerogatiues and to be aduanced like as the other But I goe forward Indeed nothing is more absurd or rather can be then your descanting vpon intercedere in a double sense that you bring to shew you haue some smacke of the Latin yet at least when your masters and monitors helpe you Because the Bishop had said Leone frustrà intercedente per literas suas apud Augustum Augustam Anatolium that the Canon tooke place for all that Leo could doe by his letters to the Emperour to the Empresse and to Anatolius you dreame of intercession like that to the Saints which you build out of places as well construed as this And because in other places the Bishop happily so vseth the word following your owne tearmes for your better capacitie therefore you conclude he vses it so here but especially because else Leo should haue beene so potent as to resist the Emperour As if intercedere per literas did not a little mollifie the matter which is to hinder and to disswade but by his writing onely and how humble that Or to shew that Leo did all he could yet to no purpose which frustrà giues you to vnderstand added by the Bishop in the same sentence non frustrà But if you will needes make Leo so sawcie a Prelate you may doe as you please your iudgement is free concerning the Popes whom you pretend to honour we find his letters to be of another straine very humble supplicatorie towards the great ones especially and had rather construe more gently of him Sciens gloriosam Clementiam vestram Ecclesiasticae studere concordiae c. precor sedulâ suggestione vos obsecro Epist 54. ad Martianum Augustum That is Knowing your royall grace to be zealous of Church vnitie I pray and beseech you by diligent suggestion c. Neither any command shall you finde giuen by him to the Emperour nor resistance of authoritie though he professe much zeale to maintaine the Canons thinking he might not breake them as was said before Wherein neuerthelesse you dissent from him and say he might So as if you had beene his counsellor not onely this had bin a Canon but euen a Canon by Leo's owne consent which you so much oppose vnder colour of his name at this day § 19. But are the Iesuits so idle or so adle rather as to thinke that they may put such tricks I will not say vpon the Bishop cui nulla ciconia pinsit but vpon the yongest scholler in our Vniuersities as because intercedere hath a double sense either to withstand or to entreat they may pin which they list of the twaine vpon vs Was not the word rather chose by the Bishop of purpose to shew what a withstanding Leo vsed namely ioyned with entreatie as if all his resistance could not goe beyond praiers which another that had waighed the double meaning of the word and with single eye lookt into the matter would rather haue beleeued to be the Bishops very drift and especiall aime But how should then the Adioynder haue blurred so much paper to shew that Leo did make no suit Sure those words before alleadged out of his Epistle to Marcian put it out of doubt that he did make suit whatsoeuer this iangler mumble to the contrarie Et precor sedulâ suggestione vos obsecro I both pray and beseech you dutifully aduising or informing What can be plainer As for that he saies non frustrà not in vaine because the Emperour praised Leo for his constancie we haue refuted it before and the very euent proclaimes as much that it was frustrà or in vaine the Canon hauing gotten the credit which they in vaine maligne § 20. Now for that which he cites out of his Epistle to Pulcheria the 55. in number Consensiones Episcoporum repugnantes regulis apud Niceam conditis in irritū mittimus if it had beene onely so it might haue shewed Leoes resolution against the Canon and his stoutnes to deny it for his part not but all this while he was suppliant to the Emperesse But when he addes moreouer vnitâ nobiscum vestrae fidei pietate and per authoritatem B. Petri Apostols what a vantage does this giue euen to Pulcheria her selfe to interpose in determination of Church-businesses and as it seemes a kind of fellowship in S. Peters authority Yet this is our lay-Iesuites dish aboue Commons which before he called liberall dealing § 21. Concerning Anatolius his receauing to fauour and I know not what submission that he would faine bring him to as it were to aske Leo pardon I must tell him as before that Anatolius his cause and the Canon are two If either weakenes or dissimulation made him to shrink yet the Canon prospered and thriued daily neither did the Bishop say frustrà contra ingenium personae but contra Canonē only in that Leo made head in vaine against the Canon not against Anatolius his disposition which is nothing to our matter § 22. Neither are his reasons sound which he brings why Leo should be against the Canon though as I sayd neither this touches at all the Bishop as beeing no refutation of any part of his booke neither is it ought worthy our consideration since we hold the Canon might be good without Leo. Indeede they hold that Leoes consent was requisite to the enacting of it but that they prooue not His reasons for Leo are these 4. First because it sprang from Anatolius proud humour to aduance himselfe inordinately But this is a flat slaunder of Anatolius not a iustification of Leo or though it were true of Anatolius priuate part that he had
Whereas Dioscorus fault is amplified by the Fathers to haue wronged Leo after Flauianus and Eusebius with a post haec omnia as if therfore Leo were aboue them all though we deny not but in order of place he was aboue theÌ„ and specially then when he was President of the Councell of which neuertheles we may say with S. Chrysostome vpon the Acts homil 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a matter of presidence rather then of precedence yet he might as well argue that to imprison Peter was a greater fault in Herod then to slay Iames and indeede that 's the reckening that the Papists make of these names now a daies I meane Kings and Popes the one in Iames the other in Peter yea though they flay the one and but emprison the other because the scripture saies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he added moreouer or he proceeded also to attach Peter Though F. T. perhaps drunken with Iesuitisme would argue from hence for Peters primacie as catching at euery thing and surely as wisely as Turrian his fellow Iesuite from the 4. quaternions of souldiers that were set to guard him in the same Chapter an vniuersall man no doubt and spreading into the foure corners of the world Another time quia vas pertigit ad Petrum the vessell came iust as farre as Peter that is the Church and the Pope are coextending § 31. But his greatest stick is at the Bishops answer about the charge of the vineyard committed to Leo that ad curam omnium ex aquo pertinet the care of the vineyard belongs to all alike not to Leo onely And here he plunges into a discourse ouer head and eares that all are not equally obliged in conscience to take care for the Church As if the Bishop had said aequaliter pertinet or aequè pertinet that all are bound in like degree who onely saies ad omnes pertinet ex aequo that is that all are bound and none exempt to take care for the Church ex aequo pointing there to the indifferency of the care the generality of the parties not to the degrees of caring § 32. Yet he argues from hence that you may know the man and what his humour his that if this be true then coblers and tinkers shall haue as good right of suffrage in generall Councels as any Bishop of them all Yea nothing but confusion and Chaos will ouerflow the difference of vocations beeing extinguished in the Church c. As if first the Bishop meant this of the Laity such as coblers and tinkers and not of Bishops only and other Clergie-men which afterwards himselfe is faine to acknowledge num 86. with shame enough hauing beaten the aire so long before to no purpose Or if the Bishop should extend it to the Laity and all for disputation sake and to chafe this snarling mastiffe a little yet it were not easie to put off all that he brings by this distinctioÌ„ that howsoeuer the care as exiens in actum breaking forth into this or some other duty is not common to all as the nurse onely cares so for the childe as to suckle it yet the care in fonte or in radice the originall sollicitude and indistinct care is common to all as they say in the Psalmes Wee haue wished you good lucke you that be of the house of the Lord euen as they may wish wel to the childe that are not particularly put in trust to battle it and to giue it suck but custodâ—â—o ordine maternorum membrorum as S. Austen saies in the like ease or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 euery man in his owne order 1. Cor. 15. § 34. At last the Bishop is set to schoole euen in plaine tearmes Whereto I answer saith he he must learne to distinguish c. Betweene what thinke you Betweene the primacy of Peter and the priuiledges of the Sea of Rome So he And what of this Therefore the Fathers might giue the priuiledges indeed as the Canon speakes but still the primacie is of Christ What primacie Sir what primacie I pray you but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be aduanced and magnified in Church-matters to be Ladie-regent and gouernresse in that quarter What primacie did our Sauiour els giue to your Church when he gaue most as you feigne in Peter Vnlesse you speake of the Temporall which neuerthelesse you make a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the other an vndiuided consequent and so both as it were but one Neuerthelesse this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is called here priuiledges by the Fathers of this Councell and it is saide the Fathers gaue it afore to Rome and now to Constantinople by the tenour of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vnlesse you will teach the Fathers how to speake Which deuise of yours when I thinke of it is as good as that before numb 59. that the Fathers gaue not all priuiledges to Rome but some onely and therefore the Bishop offended in his si qua that is all in generall or whatsoeuer Which you correct thus The Canon speakes only of priuiledges giuen to the Church of Rome in respect of the Imperiall seat So that whereas the Fathers of Calchedon bring this for an argument why their fathers and predecessors gaue priuiledges to Rome namely because Rome was the Imperiall seat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the construction must be thus by your grand Logick The Fathers gaue not all priuiledges to Rome for the seat Imperiall but the priuiledges giuen thereto in respect of the Imperiall seat were giuen thereto in respect of the Imperiall seat and none others Is not this sweete art now and worthie of a Iesuit § 35. The reasons that you bring why the Councell should not mention the prerogatiue of Peter because it would hinder Anatolius his cause and the preferment of Constantinople which was then intended doe they not shew that either the Fathers were damnably partiall to obscure the true cause of Romes aduancement or else that Peter was no cause thereof at all For say not it helped not to the cause in hand The Fathers were not so blind as not to see it much lesse so grosse as seeing to smother it or for desire to winne their cause to translate it cleane another way And suppose they would haue done so why did no bodie contradict them as you said a little before about the titles of Supplications When there were negatiues in the Councell qui non subscripserunt as we read in the 16. Action why did no bodie lay forth the lamenesse of their reason and drawe Peter from vnder the stuffe Once againe me thinkes an Angel should haue smote him on the side and bid him stand vp now if euer For the Fathers had buried his prerogatiue cleane and entitled the dignitie of Rome to the Empire as if the Empire authorised the Church not the Church the Empire No reply was made none found fault with the reason Therefore wee take you at your word num 67. That the mention of
Peters primacie does not onely not helpe but euen crosse this Canon If the Canon then be good Peters primacie is none § 36. That Leo excommunicated Dioscorus by the Synode restraines his power of excommunicating Patriarchs rather then establishes it You know it was a question whether the Pope might inflict censures promiscue without a Synod yea or no. Of which more Gelasius in his Epistle before cited ad Episcopos Dardaniae And yet Leo does nothing here but by the Synod re stylo directly mentioning it his Legates I meane for him fetching assistance from it And Peter is put in the last place after Leo and the Synode as whose authoritie the Synode as well as hee participated Might not this therefore haue beene better left out § 37. You omit not so much as that Leo is said to be ordained to be the interpretour of the voice of blessed Peter to all men I wonder what you would say if what Nazianzen ascribes to Athanasius had beene said of your Leo in that Councel One time that he was the fanne that cleansed the floare suppose you the fanne in our Lords hand to separate as it were betweene the wheat and the chaffe so betweene true opinions or erroneous in the faith yea you would say iudging betweene the nations of the world and diuiding the good from the bad by sentence Behold 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Alexandria euen before Cyrill Another time that as our Lord ridde the asse so Athanasius managed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the people of the Gentiles as farre spread as they were throughout the world Another time that he was the two tables of Moses and his verdict 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the very law of veritie another time the tuft of Sampsons head which as we know appropriated the holy Ghost to him Yet Leo was the rather praised because President of the assembly and to his face also enioying the grace that accompanieth Councells Athanasius in his particular and after death and not onely at one time but continuedly And I pray you what saies the same Coūcell of the Emperours Leo by name but not your Leo Leo Imperator inexpugnabilis palma honor fidei accepit a Deo super omnes homines sine prohibitione aliquâ potestatem What is this to beeing the interpretour of Peters voice whereas S. Peter would haue euery bodie to be to God as they that you speak of make Leo to be to Peter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the oracles of God so let-euery man speak 1. Pet. 4. 11. But there is more in that authoritie for which cause I must english it Leo our Emperor the impregnable garlād honour of the faith hath receiued of him that is of God power ouer all men without any controule We see here for matters of faith and of relligion what the Emperour might challenge beeing called the garland of it and impregnable or inuincible 2. He hath command ouer all men Clerks and all 3. from God 4. without any checke or controule which would haue made great titles in the Popes style Againe Nerui arma virtus Ecclesiarum vos est is Christianissimi Imperatores c. You most Christian Emperours are the sinewes the weapons and the puissance of the Churches c. This out of the Councell that your selfe quote And of the difference of the testimonies giuen to the two Leo's let the Reader iudge § 38. The last thing that I will note in your second chapter shall be this remembring my promise to obserue breuity from which I am but too easily blowne awry with the storme of your fopperies You make it an argument of Leos supremacie you call it Monarchie very roundly a little after and are not ashamed at it chap. 4. num 3. that first Leo was admitted President of the Councell held in Greece then that Leo beeing absent Anatolius kept not his place but Legates of his owne sending whereof one was a Priest The answer is most easie Leo beeing denied one part of his will to haue the Councell in Italy it was a poore recompence I meane for his monarchie and in regard to that to be employed to be their President as a wise man a learned man and a stout man likewise also in order surmounting them all as hath beene acknowledged whereas diuerse Presidents had beene in Councels that were inferiour to Leo in these points and therefore much more remooued from the stately Monarchy that you from hence gather § 39. But Why not Anatolius say you Was not hee fit to be President whome the Councell thought fit to be so aduanced in their Canon as to haue the like stroke in Ecclesiasticall affaires that the verie first of the ranke had Once againe I must tell you belike that the Canon aduances not Anatolius but Constantinople And it was the parting of stakes betweene Leo and him that though the Councell were in Greece yet Leo should be the President As for his Legates it was no matter after once they had concurred vpon Leo to bee the man whome he sent in his place so long as they were sufficient since himselfe could not be there And I hope they brought instructions From Leo as themselues say often and might haue reference to him if any doubt should arise Also it was the fitter that Italian Bishops should be Presidents and not Grecian that the Canon might be the authenticaller which was enacted for Constantinople as farther from partialitie of the lawmakers To which purpose they say in their Epistle to Leo the Fathers of that Councell that the Emperours affecting the exaltation of Constantinople Volebant celebrari ab vniuersali Concilio for more authoritie sake no doubt and so likewise by forraine Bishops as Leo and his Legates But if you thinke his Legates had any such stroke that Anatolius should enuy them for their greatnesse you may remember how boldly the Councell dissented from them and the Canon was confirmed notwithstanding their demurres § 40. Neither despise you Priests to come into Councells gentle friend This shewes how vaine your discourse was before num 52. that Concilium Episcoporum est the Councell consists of Bishops onely Doe you not knowe the difference betweene suffrages some decisiue some deliberatiue definitine or consultiue Hath Ego definiens subscripsi so often repeated in this Councell no better setled into you Or wil the Iesuites be content to refraine from Councels as many as are not Bishops Perhaps because they are loath to bee called away from Princes Courts But that you may know Priests haue their interest in Councels at least Sir by conniuence of Bishops as in diuerse other things as we read in the Canons Athanasius a Deacon stood the church in good stead in the Nicen Councel yea an idiot a man wholly illiterate confuted a Philosopher one of the Princes of the world as S. Paul calls them In Conc. Moguntino three turmae were set apart
Episcoporum one Abbatum another and the third of Laymen that is lesse then Priests as you are wont to reckon I say nothing of S. Ambrose made a Bishop before baptized and Nectarius an Archbishop Sozom lib. 7. cap. 8. So much shall suffice to your second Chapter To his third Chapter 1. Places of the Fathers S. Cyprian and S. Hierome 2. The Bishop farre from Ievinianizing 3. Nothing is deducible out of his doctrine which fauours the Popedome § 1. THe Fathers follow First S. Cyprian de vnitate Ecclesiae Whereas the Cardinall had said that Cyprian makes Peter the head the roote and the fountaine of the Church the Bishop most truly and soundly answered not Peter of the Church but the Church her selfe head of the members belonging to her roote of the branches shooting out of her fountaine of the waters issuing forth from her c. one in substance but many in propagation which is no new thing in this mysterie or in any such bodie as the Philosophers call deiuncta corpora rising of many moities into one summe Nay lastly S. Cyprian to shew whome he speakes of calls her matrem mother in plaine tearmes which is not mother Peter but the Church saies the Bishop And this so vexes the gall of our Iesuit as you would not thinke For indeede what more compendious victorie could there be insomuch as F. T. is faine to say that Cyprian had no occasion to name Peter there but the Church onely like the Rhemists annotation vpon 16. to the Rom. that Peter was out of towne when he should haue beene saluted by Paul so we must beleeue iust there the occasion failed of naming Peter whereas in all the other current he onely is meant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as S. Chrysostome saies most excellently 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epist 190. ad Pentadiam Diaconissam Such a thing is truth in one short word shee confutes the cauiller and stops his mouth For the words lying thus as they doe in Cyprian Vnum tamen caput est origo vna vna mater foecunditatis successibus copiosa yet the head is but one the spring but one the mother but one plenteous in her blessed and happie fruitfulnesse who can imagine that Peter is the head here and the church the mother and not rather that the whole sentence belongs but to one whether that be Peter or the Church or whosoeuer For as the sentence runnes on in an euen line so doubtlesse it comprehends but one and the same subiect But Peter is not the mother as F. T. confesses Therefore neither the head nor the spring nor any thing els And indeede so it followes in S. Cyprian Illius foetu nascimur illius lacto nutrimur illius spiritu animamur shee breeds vs feedes vs and enliues vs which may well be vnderstood of the Church our mother but of whome else whether Peter or any other I see not I confesse I S. Austen so lib. 2. contra Crescon Grammat c. 35. 36. and againe l. 3. contra eundem c. 58. 65. vnderstands these words quoting S. Cyprian not of Peter but of the Church And I meane the words de fonte riuo de sole radio that I may fetch it as high as F. T. himselfe euen from the place where if any where S. Cyprian speakes of Peter by his owne acknowledgement And Pamelius their owne author commenting vpon S. Cyprian though he greedily drawe all aduantages that may be from other places of this Father to establish the Popedome yet passes this ouer in deepe silence as nothing fauouring their desired Headship nay crossing it rather For he had read immediately before in the same place Hoc erant vtique eaeteri Apostoli quod fuit Petrus pari consortio praediti honoris potestatis i. The rest of the Apostles were vtterly the same that Peter was endewed with equall fellowship both of honour and power Where by the way we may note S. Ambrose and S. Cyprian their agreement about this point not onely for matter but for words For so Ambrose before quoted Hoc erant quod Paulus and here Cyprian Hoc erant quod Petrus As if there were no diffeâ—… neither betweene Peter and Paul nor betweene the other Apostles and them both For quae alicui tertio vna sunt inter se quoque vna or aequalia saies the light of nature Will you know then why he makes mention of Peter in singular Sed exordium ab vnitate proficiscitur vt ecclesia Christi vna monstretur But the beginning proceedes from vnity or from one man to shew that the Church of Christ is but one How does the beginning proceede from one but as S. Austen shewes in the place before quoted Onely Peter was spoken to that others beeing not excluded yet this pretious vnitie might be commended in one As we read vnder Salomon that the people were all like one man and Act. 2. in the first times of the new Testament the people were all of one heart and one minde Where by the way you see how Salomon prefigured Christ and those times these latter with strange accordance And if this become the people how much more the pastors or the master builders that they should all set to their worke like one man To which nothing can be more contrary then the Popish vsurpation ouer-bearing other pastors which neuertheles they would ground vpon these places for vnity S. Cyprian also declares his owne meaning in the same place to be as I haue said in these words Quamnis omnibus Apostolis parem tribuit potestatem though our Sauiour gaue equall power to all his Apostles tamen vt manifestaret vnitatem disposuit originem eius ab vno incipientem yet to shew the vnity so he construes monstretur not as if that Church could be pointed to with the finger from whence other Churches receiue their vnity as F. T. may imagine but vt manifestaret vnitatem to make knowne the vnity of the Catholicke body and that the Church is but one congregation of the faithfull though branched and billetted out into sundry parcells he tooke order that her originals should beginne at one which is short of authority and much more of supremacie but most of all of the monarchy that the Iesuites would crowne Peter with by vertue of this place And when the same Cyprian a very few lines afore the words last alleaged makes this to be the cause of abuses in the Church quòd ad veritatis originem non reditur nec caput quaeritur nec magistricoele stis doctrina seruatur what is plainer then that by caput which they so catch at he meanes nothing else but the originall verity which our Sauiour Christ first deliuered euen that same Sic ab initio as both origo veritatis doctrina coelestis magistri declares which encompasse the word Caput like two torches of both sides of it to giue light vnto it that
we mistake it not Then followes his commendation of Church-vnity the onely remedy in Cyprians iudgement against the aforesaid maladies which hauing taught to be figured by our Sauiour in S. Peter whome in equall priuiledges of power with the rest he called from the rest to patterne that vertue he amplifies from other places the authority of the Church as vna est columba mea Cant. 6. vnum corpus and vnus spiritus vna fides Ephes 4. with Qui ecclesiae resistit quomodo se in ecclesiâ esse confidit and after a notable enforcement to the preseruing of vnity from vnus Episcopatus est there is but one Bishoprick throughout the whole Church which euery Bishop hath his solide share in and Qui in ecclesiâ praesident which are chiefe in the Church shewing that many Bishops gouerne the Church and not one Bishop alone as the Papists would haue it he returnes to ecclesia Ecclesia vna est quae in multitudine latiùs incremento faecunditatis extenditur c. and yet againe more closely after certaine protases of similitudes which F. T. saies the Bishop durst not lay downe for fraud but himselfe laying downe gets nothing but hatred for his abominable tediousnesse Ecclesia Domini luce perfusa saies he per orbem totum radios suos porrigit vnum tamen lumen est ramos suos extendit riuos expandit vnum tamen caput est origo vna vna mater c. That is The Church replenished with the light of our Lord stretches her beames through all the world yet the light is but one F. T. would haue Peter to be this light as if the Church were but rayes and he the body of the sun which S. Cyprian neuer meant but for more perspicuity sake calls it Domini lucem our Lords light vnlesse Peter be that Lord too reaches out her branches spreads her riuers yet the head is but one the spring but one and the mother her selfe but one abounding in fruitfulnesse c. So as one may wonder that F. T. after so manifest conuiction would persist to force this clause vpon Peter which so properly and so immediately belongs to the Church but that it fretted both him and the Cardinall too not a little to be taken tripping so fowly as to make Peter a mother or the Pope a woman once againe and he hath no shift but to say that S. Cyprian in one and the same tenure of vndiuided connexion meanes the first part of Peter and the latter part of the Church like Virgils monster in Pristin ' desinit aluus § 2. Here is also to be noted that F. T. citing that sentence of S. Cyprian tamen vt vnitatem manifestaret c. foists in those words which are not to be found in the printed copies vt vna cathedra monstretur at least not in Morelius yet a Popish edition which I now vsed anni 1564 at Paris not of Frobenius at Basil anni 1530. not of Gryphius not diuers more And yet this is the man that challenges the Bishop for corrupting of Fathers And farther he prints those words one Chayre in an eminent letter to giue credit to his cosenage one Church in an ordinarie because though that be Cyprians yet nothing to his purpose num 5. of this third chap. How beit if vna cathedra were read in Cyprian it is not the Popes chaire but answerable to that of which he said a little before Episcopatus vnus est c. there is but one Bishoprick in the Church and yet such a one as euery Bishop hath his full share therein For as the Bishoprick so the Chayre With like honestie he peruerts the words of Cyprian exordium ab vnitate proficiscitur by either adding to them or translating them in this frantick fashion num 4. The primacie is giuen to Peter whereof not a word that we find here in Cyprian And he tells vs we heard before that Cyprian saies our Sauiour built his Church vpon Peter which for my part I neither heard nor read yet in S. Cyprian de vnitate Ecclesiae of which worke now the question onely is What he saies ad Quintum comes not to be examined till his 12. numb But thus he must patch one thing with another that cries out against falshood in all men els as the onely Doue And the toyle is more to recken vp his leud corruptions then the taske to cleere the Bishop from those things which he imputes to him in that very kind Lastly for a tast of his learning as well as his sinceritie he construes robur vnum in S. Cyprians comparison one strength Multi rami sed robur vnum Many boughes but one strength Neither giuing vs the sense of S. Cyprians similitude but vtterly smothering it like a faithfull alleadger and forgetting Virgil Aeneid 2. Roboribus textis yea his very Accidents Pectora percussit pectus quoque robora fiunt § 3. Now in the epistle ad Quintum what find we Petrus quem primùm Dominus elegit super quem aedificauit ecclesiam suam As if one of these did not expound the other For our Sauiour is said to haue built his Church vpon Peter in that he chose him first not chose him to be first primùm elegit not elegit in primatem as preuenting him with the promise and honouring him with the exhibition of the keyes before the rest For they were deliuered to him in the generall name as signifying vnitie as both S. Austen and S. Cyprian haue taught before so as the rest notwithstanding had as full right in them as euer Peter had which S. Cyprian declares when he saies Pariconsortio praediti potestatis endued with like fellowship of power and Hoc erant caeteri quod Petrus the rest were the same that Peter was S. Austen also in those words of his cited before but of necessitie to be brought to your remembrance I see euer and anon There are some things which though they were spoken to Peter yet can make no good construction vnlesse they be referred to the Church in generall and he instances in that Tibi dabo claues As for the building of the Church vpon Peter howsoeuer some writer may say so in his sense yet you neede not be ignorant how the most sort construe it to be a building vpon his faith not vpon his person Super petram quam confessus es i. super meipsum August de verb. Dom. secund Matth. serm 13. Hilar. de Trin. l. 2. item l. 6. to the same purpose for I couple his faith with the obiect for this time that is to say Christ Chrysost hom 55. in Matth. Ambrosin Eph. c. 2. de Sacram. Incarn Domin c. 3. Beda in cap. 21. Iohan. I sidor in Exod. c. 42. Dt quâ soliditate fidei Dominus dicit Super hanc petram aedificabo ecclesiam meam i. of which soundnesse of faith our Lord sayes Vpon this rocke I will build my Church
Euagrius may seeme to imply as much lib. 4. c. 40. speaking of Anastasius Bishop of Antioch where Peter first sat To which Bishop the assaults were so fiercely giuen as if his ouerthrow would haue been the Captiuitie of the right faith they are the Historians words and in him were all But he manfully withstood 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For he remained vpon the impregnable rocke of faith Iuvenalis Bishop of Hierusalem with fiue more Bishops in Rescripto Synodico in Concil Calched ad presbyteros monachos Palestina Prouincia hauing quoted the words of the Gospel aforesaid inferres thus Super hanc confessionem roborata est ecclesia Dei Where by the way you may see what the opinion was of the Fathers of that Councell concerning those words Super hanc petram to settle the cheifedome in Rome as before you would beare vs downe though they deriue the priuiledges of it meerely from the Empire and the graunt of their auncestors Also the Bishops surmise remaines good that the Cardinall left out those other words in Cyprian as preiudiciall to his cause that Peter did not challenge to himselfe any thing insolently or arrogantly as to say he had the primacie You say he might haue said so in his full right but S. Cyprian calls it an insolent and an arrogant challenge by which you see that primacie whatsoeuer it was was not of authoritie but of meere senioritie like primùm elegit a little before euen Andrewes first resorting to our Sauiours schoole hinders not this sith there was duplex vocatio as Maldonate will shew you before quoted which the words following shew too Et obtemperari à nouellis ac posteris sibi potiùs oportere comparing Paul the later called with Peter aunciently designed to the Apostleship In one respect an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or an abortiue as himselfe confesses and yet in other respects nothing short of the cheife S. Austen also though hee alter S. Cyprians words lib. 2. de bap c. 1. as is soone done in allegations of memorie yet he keeps the sense and fauours you nothing the primatus Apostolorum excellenti gratiâ praeeminens standing in dignity or qualitie let the word gratia helpe to perswade you not in authoritie Yet wee haue principes Apostolorum Paul and Peter nothing so common in your owne mens mouthes yea Cardinal Pole sayes both their Apostleships grewe into one Amborum Apostolatus in vnum coaluit lib. 3. ad Henrie 8. c. So as either no monarchie nowe or of more then one a thing meerely impossible § 4. That you quote out of S. Austen concerning Peter Peter did otherwise then the truth required yea and in so great a point as was Circumcisiō also afterward more plainly in the same num 14. that he erred would you euer write thus if you were well in your wits striuing for Peters primacie to impute errour to him and errour in faith which you know cannot be without the grand perill of the vniuersall Church As S. Gregorie sayes that all fall if vnus vniuersalis fall one in whome are all as you in your Pope euen as the moile stumbling all goes to wracke that the beast caries and the greater the beast the fouler the wrack whether it be gold or siluer or what other fraight foeuer And I pray you what does your primacie serue for vnles it be ioyned with infallibity Yet you forfeit the one here to winne the other § 5. I might likewise aske you what manner of primacy you call that which excuses not the superiour from the iust and lawfull rebuke of his inferiour but so as if S. Peter should haue refused to follow and to obey S. Paul they are your owne words num 16. he should haue done insolently Call you that a primacy specially a Popish one which must be patient of controule liable to the obedience euen of his vnderling if it will avoyd pride § 6. And therefore thought the Bishop in his vsuall modesty say as you note numb 16. videtur mens Cypriano fuisse it seemes Cyprian was of the minde it is not for diffidence Sir but as I told you Videtur and est is all one with the Philosopher saies Zimaras in his Table quoting the Commentor for it And so the Lawyers If there be fraud in videtur it is rather in Bellarmines De Pontif. Rom. l. 1. c. 9. Indicare videtur Apostolus ad Heb. 8. What that the Church triumphant is a patterne of the militant where there may be videtur but no est certenly because there is no such thing in the Apostles text You might rather haue thought of that Luke 22. 24. Quis videretur esse maior where if videretur be not better construed your primacy is but a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a very fancie § 7. I am ashamed of thus digressing but your dealing forces me I cannot forbeare yet with this I will end concerning Cyprian To your 17. numb whereas the Bishop saies Fundamentum sed non vnicum what more confonant to Scripture not Apoc. 24. as you quote it but 21. v. 14. where there are 12. specified But againe whereas he saies There is caput vnicum and therefore non sequitur à fundamento ad caput what more agreeable to sense For as for that you adde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and with a mouth speaking bigge which Anna forbids 1. Sam. 2. 3. that as the 12. to Christ so the eleuen to Peter were enterchangeably subordinate you should shew this written humano stylo either in Scripture or in Father that we might runne and read it But though you sweat your heart out it growes not there Yet you seeme to your selfe wise when you shew the Bishop as well many heads vpon one body as many foundations of one building Videlicet say you the states of Venice so many states so many heads of that commonwealth Which first is harsh in Aristocraty to make euery gouernour a seuerall head more then the Amphisbaena hath the whole company rather and many men if you will but one head Yet this fonder that the Bishop arguing from a materiall house not a metaphoricall and from a naturall bodie not a proportionall to demonstrate what is meet to bee expected in the mysticall you shew him a politicall which is nothing to his demand § 8. NExt of S. Hierome And why might not the Bishop taxe the Cardinall for suppressing S. Hieromes words as well as before S. Cyprians As well say you the one as the other that is iust neither or neither iustly But of Cyprian we haue seene see we now of Hierome Inter duodecim vnus eligitur vt capite constituto schismatis tolleretur occasio Amongst twelue one is chosen that a Head beeing appointed occasion of schisme might be taken away lib. 1. in Iovin But in the same booke saies the Bishop Hierome thus which the Cardinall would take no notice of But thou wilt say that the Church is built vpon Peter
What then though the same in another place be done vpon all that is the Church is said to be built vpon all the Apostles and all to receiue the Keyes of the kingdome of heauen and the strength of the Church to be equally grounded vpon them all Yet indeede one is chosen among the twelue that a Head beeing appointed occasion of schisme might be cut off Is this no cooling card to the other authoritie For you that tell vs of dice I may doe well to speake to you in a sutable metaphore and not abhorring from your trade As the Philosophers say the braine in a mans bodie tempers the heat of the heart beneath so doe not the words precedent allay the force of these latter which yet the Cardinall onely set before vs For the threefold equalitie which S. Hierome before ascribed to all the Apostles one of their equall interest in the foundation another in the keyes of the kingdome of heauen and the third which is reiterated for deeper impression of bearing the whole strength or stresse of the Church leaues onely now this sense of caput that Peter was chosen to haue such a kind of Headship that is of prioritie among the twelue as should not derogate from paritie and yet exclude schisme or garboyle or confusion Which is the primacie of order that we haue often told you of and you would faine diuert to a primacie of Maiestie I could not answer your fallacie in a directer fashion yet I know you haue replies as that caput in the last place addes great force to super quem fundata est in the first Which we remit to the iudgement of the indifferent Reader whether so many equalities yeelded to the Apostles in the words afore doe not rather force vs to construe caput as hath beene sayd not derogating from the equality of their power in the keyes nor from bearing the groundworke of the Church ioyntly that is as you construe it from beeing gouernours thereof Besides that Caput is onely a borrowed word and signifies primum or the first in that kinde which we grant to Peter with all readines and lastly tempered with such a modest clause to keepe out schisme or disorder onely § 9. You say there is more daunger of schisme nowe then among the twelue For they were confirmed by speciall grace we not so And therefore they were not so likely to runne into schisme for which they should haue a head As though Paul and Barnabas were not running into a schisme a paroxysme at least that is the first grudging of the other ague as though when Peter confirmed his brethren tu confirma Luk. 22. 32. they had the lesse vse of him as their head against a schisme And though the will of God be to confirme some here yet not without meanes neither at first to rectifie them nor afterward to continue them in their good course to the ende Of which meanes this might be one of which S. Hierome speakes Was any man more confirmed then S. Paul rapt into the third heauen c. yet he struggles with his nature least preaching to others he should be a reprobate himselfe So here Besides that this schisme which our Sauiour preuented by appointing an Head as S. Hierome saies might be schisma populorum not Apostolorum and therefore he saies vt occasio schismat is tolleretur that the Christian people seeing who was eminent in the Colledge of the Apostles might not euery one rashly set vp their principall and so fall into schisme § 10. But at least we neede a Head now a daies as much as they As if we haue not our Head in our manifold regiments Dedit quosdam pastores Eph. 4. Obedite praepositis Hebr. 13. Terribilis sicut castrorum acies ordinata and so forth Is there no Head but of an vniuersall Bishop yea theirs was of order onely and to shun confusion ours of power and commands subiection Besides Kings and Princes which God hath giuen to our times as to feede his Church and to giue them milke which very milke is Discipline so to bring home wanderers from the high waies and the hedges to the feast of the great King that 's to suppresse schismes as S. Austen often but namely contra Gaudent l. 1. c. 25. § 11. For where you tell vs that Princes may cause these schismes themselues and so contemning spirituall censure and proceedings must either be hampered with another coerciue power extending to bodies and to estates or els all runne to nothing and the Church be cleane extinguished you bewray your spirit sufficiently and a man may read your drifts in your forehead which at another time you would so faine couer and smooth ouer Sermo tuus indicat te may be our speech to the Pseudo-Peter as was once to the true Doe you thinke then that S. Hierome would giue this leaue to Priests or the Prince of Priests as you would haue him to bind Kings in materiall chaynes and to load their Senators with such iron fetters as no metaphore hath mollified to vse such other violence as commonly goes herewith Though of you I lesse wonder if you giue them iron in their chaynes to whome you haue giuen it in their crownes as Clement to Charles if Platina say true in Clem. 7. But to S. Hierome How then does he construe these words of Dauid Against thee onely haue I sinned to haue been spoken in that sense because Dauid was a King and not to be proceeded against by any temporall punishment or coactiue hand of a mortall man How does he say in his Epistle to Heliodore de obitu Nepotiani that a King rules men against their wills a Bishop no farther then they will themselues They subdue by feare these are giuen vs for seruice and many the like How does Basil vpon the 37. Psalme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and he knew his power as he bore his name A King is subiect to no iudge How does Chrysostome professe so often that he can goe no further then words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Shepheard though he be yet he may not fling a stone at a wolfe but rate him onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Again in his 2. de Sacerd. c. 2. 3. at large againe in the Homil. which is not extant in Greeke but in Latin onely Cum ageretur de expulsione S. Iohannis Statis omnes non ferro sed fide deuincti Tom. 5. And in Act. Apost hom 3. in Morali the people to the Minister are not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not subiect to him or in his hands but hauing their obedience free in their owne power Againe in the same place within a fewe lines 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Magistrates rule by feare so doe not these viz. the Ministers And yet more frankly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 There things are caried by order and by appointment here
spiritualia autem in voluntate non in necessitate sic Principes spirituales Principatus corū in dilectione subditorum debet esse positus non in timore corporali Which last authoritie is cited by Bellarmine lib. 4. c. 21. de Pontif. Rom. you may wonder how he can digest it In English thus For as all carnall matters are subiect to force not to free liking and all spirituall matters to free liking not to force so are also spiritual superiours Their cheifdom or princehood ought to stand in the loue of such as are vnder thē not in their bodily feare c. Which bodily feare the Pope is wholly for driuing his subiects into and without that he is nothing But thus farre the Fathers because I spare the rest § 12. The Scriptures also banish vs from like forcible dealing in more thē one place if we had leisure to produce them The minister must be no striker The seruant of the Lord must be patient and long suffering expecting men till God giue thē a mind to returne home We wrastle not with flesh blood that is with materiall enemies No maruell then if the weapons of our warfare be not carnall nor materiall but spirituall Armastulti pastoris sunt gladius baculus Our commission is in our tongue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that I may explaine that by the way We beare no rule ouer your faith that is ouer you the faithfull people of God like vestra Sanctitas limiting his power and preseruing his reuerence to the Christian people both in one Lastly we beseech you in Christs stead be reconciled vnto God Yet with you if there be no coaction all is marred § 13. You say that Bishops in their Courts mulct the purse and sometime imprison the bodies c. Though I thinke you are scarce perfect in this part of your lesson for I haue heard otherwise of a very sufficient Doctor yet suppose it were so This leaue comes of the King strengthning the arme of spirituall censure by that meanes least the prophane and wanton of the world should contemne it Originally there is no such power in a Bishop Will you then retort vpon the King with his owne license or vnnaturally gall him with his owne quils Is not this the way rather to spoile all and to disarme the Church of the royall protection § 14. You say that he which hath command of the soule hath also of the bodie And therefore the spirituall power which is acknowledged to be in the Minister drawes the temporall with it as a consequent Truely I graunt that he which can commaund the soule out of an absolute power it is likely the body is also subiect to him But neither the ministers power commaunds the soule by any forcible impression for as we cannot make one haire white or blacke so no more can we make one soule merrie or sad further then as God shall cooperate with our endeauours and the perswasions that we vse they are directed no lesse to the sauing of the bodie then to the gaining of the soule Both the Magistrate and the Minister deale both with the soule and the bodie But the Magistrate violently applies himselfe to the bodie to reclaime the soule if neede be and the Minister perswasiuely carries himselfe to the soule to the ende the bodie may be made pliant to righteousnesse Rom. 6. The proceeding not the subiect then is that which makes the difference betweene the two powers and howsoeuer your Casuists say a lame-handed man cannot regularly be made a Minister yet that is for Pashurs turning Magor-mishabibs Ier. 20. the kingdome that we send to as it is not built with hands so it requires no violence to conuey thither § 15. If in the nonage of the Church the Apostles were endued with power of punishing men corporally to the ende the Gospel should not be trampled vnderfoote by vnreuenged scornes yet now the Magistrate supplies that place beeing himselfe turned Christian and suppose that should faile and all things revolue to barbarous Heathenisme as in former time which God forbid yet we are to thinke that the like extraordinarie prouidence would still attend the Church but howsoeuer it were no priuate man might be too forward and much lesse a Minister which seemed then so inconuenient that the opposers were deliuered to the deuill to be tormented in defect of Magistrates rather then the Iesuiticall mutinies which F. T. here pleads for should take place § 16. THe substance of your Discourse beeing thus disprooued it were no hard matter to gather vp the spoyles and note certaine scapes of smaller importance In translating the Bishops words numb 22. Quod toties iam nobis seriò inculcat Cardinalis you handle it thus Which the Cardinall doth now so often and earnestly inculcate vnto vs. What thinke you of inculcate first you that muster the tearmes of the Bishop of Lincolnes booke for so hares may plucke dead lyons by the beard though nothing so vncouth as your Rhemish Testament hath Praepuce Sindon to Euangelize the orient c. But to omit that Does the Bishop meane that Bellarmine pleades earnestly in the case or rather maruell that hee is in earnest at all the argument beeing trifling and not worth the naming yet thus you say so often and earnestly as if SO might augment his earnestnes too Did you vnderstand the booke that you tooke in hand to confute And as this is your eloquence so view your conscience numb 27. you say the Bishops haue their proper talent of calumniating Bellarmine Againe calumniate as good a word as inculcate before And if common to both how proper to either yet you say both haue their proper talent Be like not quarto modo But Sir who taught you to call vices talents Is this your reuerence that you beare to Scripture or doe you so confound God with the deuill What remaines but you call grace chaffe and vertue cockle and the rest as your vngodly Rhetorique shall inspire you But well doe you fulfill the measures of your fathers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the thunder bolts walke not as Nazianzen saies of them that abused S. Basil So Campian in the tower ieasting at his aduersaries for the weakenes of their argument said he could make as good sport about the Incarnation Another I thinke Rastall or but a letters difference at least paints his margent thus Luthers lying with a Nunne in the Lord. What vengeance remaines for such gracelesse companions And are these Diuines and handlers of Gods cause foming out such shame which were intollerable in him that followed the plowtaile Yet you haue vp with the Bishop and Eudaemon before you for his pleasant veyne forsooth in writing You may remember your iolly preface to Parsons Discussion which I touched at before If you had your will you would make vs daunce about another maypole without hose or doublet as
you did our forefathers while your power lasted Thanks be vnto God that hath shortned those dayes abridged your malice Yet Elias confounded Baals priests with a ieast and S. Chrysostome commenting vpon the 140. Psal bids vs make much of the frumpes of the godly which is your fault to haue profited no more by the Bishops kinde reproofes Yet in all the passages of that Reuerend man there is no one word contumelious to pietie or disgracefull to relligion or preiudiciall to grauity and good manners Whereas Sir Thomas More the champion for your Clergie as it were vicarius in spiritualibus he was such a buckler to the Bishops as Stapleton saies the common voyce was in those dayes yet he I say vndertaking the Churches cause wrote a booke so gamesome and so idly idle that dissembling his owne name he was faine to father it vpon Gulielmus Rossaeus a title that one of your fellowes hath taken vpon him of late to shroud his virulences vnder as he did his vanityes and lastly the great Philosopher kept a foole at home as the same Stapleton records to make him merry no doubt though his wit was able to prouoke laughter in others as full often it did And if More be of no more authority with you you may looke backe to your owne Cardinall that dry Child that sage Sobrino yet he excuses himselfe in one place of his controuersies a worke a man would thinke that did not fit so with mirth Ignoscat Lector quòd temridiculè Tilemannum exceperim Let the Reader pardon me for beeing so merrie or so pleasant with Tilemanne This he Yet because you haue descried such a veine in the Bishop as you thinke at least might you not haue answered your selfe touching that which you obiect to him here about Iouinian that it sauoured but of Ironie For what more fit to be hit in your teeth who euery where crake to vs of Iouinians heresies then when you bring that in earnest to countenance your Poperie which S. Hierome puts vpon Iouinian by supposall At dices tu Iouiniane scilicet Though the Bishop doth not challenge him for such an absolute Iouinianist but onely saies Probè in to secutus Iouinianum the Cardinall therein following Iouinian very handsomely Which words are enough to dissolue your cauill that the Bishop should lay absolute Iouinianisme to his charge which you say surpasses all impudencie Such a rustique you are an arrant clowne not discerning what is ieast and what is earnest Howbeit it will be hard for you to prooue Iouinian to haue beene an hereticke Epiphanius and Philastrius doe not recken him among the catalogue and they that may conclude him to haue held a falshood will finde some a doe to condemne him for an hereticks Neither is the meaning of that word by all agreed vpon neither doe all take it in euery place alike Yet because this scandall rests vpon Iouinian for the most part you may be pleased to remember Sir out of S. Austen what other monsters Iouinian fostered and therein if you thinke good compare his doctrine with ours As that all sinnes are in like degree heinous which is the Stoicall paradoxe no way cleauing to vs though you slaunder vs so vniustly for not holding veniall sinnes which Roffensis himselfe held not That fasting and abstinence profits nothing Can you charge vs with any such impietie That the regenerate man cannot sinne after baptisme wherein he comes neerer to you then to vs. As for your merits you may keepe them the badges of your insolencie and in you Sir of your ignorance not to know what merit meanes all this while Yet beware how you magnifie the Virgin against the married least the Councell of Gangra condemne you not for an hereticke now but a cursed hereticke Can. 20. giuing you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if you doe but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 though you condemne not marriage if you but swell out of the conceit of your single life And so Minutius Foelix most diuinely Inuiolati corporis virginitate fruimur potiùs quà m gloriamur After that he had said Vnius matrimonij vinculo libenter inhaeremus S. Chrysostome goes further If the perfection of Monkerie it selfe may not stand with marriage all is spoil'd See Comm. in ad Hebr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in ipso fine And why should Virginitie then be exalted aboue marriage if the perfection of the strictest Monks themselues be compatible therewith And he closes his discourse with that diuine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Pindar saies should be taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a iunket alwaies in the ende of a feast 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Vse marriage moderately and thou shalt be the very first in the kingdome of heauen Indeede therefore all the Saints are lodged in Abrahams bosome in the married mans bosome as the same Father cannot denie lib. de Virg. in extremo Once the Trinitie in his tent and now the Saints in his bosome Yet still the married man and not the worse for his marriage As for the rewards of the faithfull that they are not equall in the heauen that we looke for and that the sacred Virgin suffered no decay of her maidenly honour by the stainlesse and immaculate birth of our Sauiour let Iouinian thinke what he will though S. Hierome neuer imputes this latter to Iouinian in the 2. books that he wrote against him yet not onely you but troupes in the English Church so teach And would the time giue leaue is there not a Montane and a Tatian to make you blush for your abhominable heresies about meates and marriages as well as you haue a Iouinian to twitt vs withall But because I now onely assoyle the Bishop from your wicked slaunders it is well his integritie hath so acquitted him without me that your selfe dare not speake of him but with It may be and Except such a hooke his fame hath put in your nostrills who onely in this may be resembled to Iouinian to Paphnutius rather that in single life he defends the libertie of other folkes marriages But hast we to an ende § 17. To the other places of S. Hierome as Matth. 16. which in great good will you aduise the Bishop to read ouer forsooth what saith S. Hierome there That our Sauiours dicere is facere his saying is doing therefore calling Peter a rocke he made him so But I hope good Sir as doing and saying went together in our Lord so both of them in his owne meaning not in your mistaking What is this then to prooue Peters Monarchie or smaller regencie either if such could content you And if it could yet it were hard I say to boult it out of this place of S. Hierome where no syllable of authoritie or power once appearing for explanation sake as reason was if you meant to speede he saies onely that Peter for beleeuing in the rocke our Sauiour bespake him and yet not properly but in
a metaphore saying he would build vpon him § 18. The like ad Marcellam Epist 54. vpon whome our Lord built his Church namely Peter But can we answer S. Hierome better then by S. Hierome The fortitude of the Church or the puissance of the Church was equally built or grounded vpon them all Super omnes ex aequo You heard it before out of his 1. lib. against Iouinian How does this then prooue Peters priuiledge in the matter of authoritie though building were graunted to found that way as it doth not And when S. Paul sundrie times as Coloss 1. 23. and Eph. 2. 20. speakes of grounding and building the Church either vpon faith as in the first place or vpon the Prophets and Apostles as in the second shall we thinke he was enuious that said nothing of Peter and that extraordinarie manner of the Churches building vpon him that you dreame of § 19. Here you tell vs of three waies by which the Apostles might be saide to be foundations of the Church in hope that Peter may be so in singular And quoting Bellarmine for it not your owne inuention you counsell the Bishop to learne it of him Shall wee first see how good it is One way for that they first conuerted nations perswaded people and founded Churches not Peter alone but ioyntly all of them In this sense belike they are all foundations But what is this to beeing the foundation of the Catholicke Church and to lie like a rocke vnder that great building because they were planters of particular Churches Also you argue fallaciously from the diligence of preaching to the power of supporting and that by authoritie as now the question is Besides a founder and a foundation is not all one And did none plant Churches good Sir but the Apostles Shall your Iesuites in Iaponia be foundations too And shall we say of them super quos aedificaeta est Ecclesia dei You see the absurditie Yet you quote proofes Rom. 15. I haue preached the Gospell where Christ was not named least I should build vpon another mans foundation Does this prooue that men are foundations of the Church or rather that the man and the foundation are two Againe 1. Cor. 3. I haue laid the foundation like a wise architect so speakes your Vitruvius-ship but would you call him a wise Logician that should argue from hence that S. Paul meant himselfe to be the foundation Yea though he said not in the same place Iesus Christ and no other foundation § 20. Secondly you say the Apostles were all foundations because the Christian doctrine was first imparted to them and the present faith is groūded vpon that which was deliuered at the first And new articles of faith you say are not alway reuealed Is not this accurate trow you as well for order as for substance For had this been a reason ought it not to haue been set in all reason before the other Can a thing bee preached afore it be vnderstood or made knowne to others afore it selfe be knowne Your argument therefore from preaching should by all meanes I say haue followed this from reuealing and this from reuealing haue gone before the other But pardon your order looke into your substance Were not some things reuealed to others afore the Apostles Did not our Lord first manifest his resurrection to women Did not the Angel say to them Goe and tell Peter Will you haue women and all to be the foundations of the Church But we are much beholden to you that you coyne not newe articles of faith euerie day Articles therefore and new articles you graunt and of frequent reuelation but not euery day We long for your last kinde of foundation wherein Peter is so entire § 21. Thirdly then you say in respect of gouernement and authoritie For Peters was ordinarie their 's Legatine his originall theirs depending from him You should shewe what Father sayes so besides your selues for of Scripture you despaire And yet you agree so ill emong your owne selues of this point that you iumpe not about the very termes For Baronius cals Peters power extraordinarie the other Apostles ordinarie you make his ordinary and theirs extraordinary Is it possible that kingdome should long hold out which is so at ods Yet behold another leake in this obseruation For though the Apostles had deriued their authoritie from Peter yet they might all haue beene foundations of the Church as well as he euen in regard of gouernment no lesse then some receiuing the doctrine immediatly from Christ as Peter Iames and Iohn witnes Clemens in Eusebius before quoted the others from them yet you make them all in regard of doctrine to be foundations alike num 25. § 22. Another authoritie of S. Hieromes is out of his Epist ad Damas 57. I following no first or chiefe but Christ doe communicate with thy blessednes or am linked in fellowship with it that is to say with the chayre of Peter vpon that rocke I know the Church is built You see Hierome followes no first but Christ Nullum primum Where is then the primacie that you challenge to Peter if none of the Apostles be afore another but Christ Indeede Bellarmine saies he meanes he preferres none but Christ before Damasus which is an vtter peruerting of S. Hieromes words who as he saies he followes no chiefe but Christ or none prime but Christ so he shewes after what sort he is affected to Damasus communione not subiectione by communion not by subiection communico tibi as to Theophilus to Cyrill to Athanasius to who not the auncient orthodoxe professe of themselues in diuers places But the edge of the place as it serues your turne lies in those words I know the Church is built vpon that rocke Which rocke is Christ not so long before mentioned but this may referre to it and to build vpon a chayre is no such cleane pickt metaphore that we should be forced to take it so though vpon a rocke be Besides the scio that he giues it a word of certentie makes vs thinke he would neuer be so peremptorie for Peter sith diuers haue construed the rocke another way whome S. Hierome would not crosse ouer hastily with his Solo and lastly his owne modestie declared a little before professing to follow none but Christ Therefore he tooke Peter for no such foundation § 23. The last and the least is out of his first against Iovinian O vox digna petrâ Christi â speech worthie the rocke of Christ But you may as well build Christ himselfe by this deuise vpon Peter as the Church of Christ For as Saunders writes of the rock of the Church so Hierome calls Peter here the rocke of Christ That is the fortresse and champion of the Christian faith as S. Ambrose was called columna Ecclesiae S. Iames 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the title of the Church of Ephesus wherein Timothie was to conuerse rather then of Rome as the
Apostle bestowes it and the Archbishop of Ravenna in one of the Councells was honoured by the same style So cleane is petra Christi beside your purpose either as too little or too much § 24. Of S. Chrysostomes testimonie we haue said enough before to your first chapter Vertex and Princeps is found too light Magister orbis is not Monarchae orbis And for all S. Iames his Be not many masters in this case many Masters were sent out into the world whereof Iames was one Yea Chrysostome himselfe as Theodorus entitles him Nothing cleerer with Chrysostome in the place you quote then that all the Apostles had the charge of the whole world 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 You will tell vs I know of Peters ordinarie power But in all antiquitie we finde no such difference And yet another testimonie of Chrysostome we haue cited to you els-where out of his Comment vpon the Acts affirming that Peter did nothing by way of authoritie in ordering Church-businesse What can be plainer § 25. As for Iames his beeing onely Bishop of Hierusalem as if that might disparage him in comparison of Peter it was not because his power was narrower then Peters for our Sauiour confined not Iames to Hierusalem but priuate election but to shew that S. Iames abode there as thinking his paines best employed in that place Peter in the meane while trauelling farther into the world In the 3. of ler. 17. v. one would thinke Hierusalem the higher seat thē Rome besides that it was our Sauiours prouince as I told you and so perhaps to be preferred in that respect So farre is Peter from any excellence aboue Iames. § 26. I might passe by your argument out of the 44. Psalme In stead of fathers thou shalt haue children whome thou maist make Princes in all lands Suppose first that this were Monarchicall princehood or a princehood of power of maiestie and of authoritie which is nothing lesse for Ite praedicate carries no such commission Yet then they were sent into all the world then they were made Princes in all lands But whatsoeuer it be what is this to Peter Is it not common to all does it not extend to all And not onely Peter is not designed to be he but no one Prince magnified before another though we should graunt the singularitie to be his if anies And shall all the Apostles now haue their successors shall all their authorities be conueied to after-commers I had thought Peters onely had beene permanent Yet here of all Pro patribus tuis nascentur filij euery Apostle hath his sonne his successor and euery ones sonne is made a Prince throughout all the world You will say perhaps it makes for temporall power in the Episcopall calling though not for Peters successors in speciall But to omit that Princehood here is regnare verbo and regnare praconio in which sense Virgil saies a diligent husbandman imperat aruis as a King at his worke and in his calling though homely You may remember that Chrysostome and Theodoret turne it another way to the Apostles succeeding the Patriarkes not to the Bishops succeeding the Apostles Though he that considers the tenure of the place and how the holy Ghost speakes to the Church there in the person of her husband the Lord Iesus will soone resolue it to beare this sense vnder correction that as young brides that are loath to leaue their parents yet for loue of their husband and hope of issue are content to abandon their owne natiue home c. So should shee Hespere qui coelo lucet crudelior ignis Qui natam poscas complexu avellere matris Yet this for Christs sake and for the great reward Therefore it followes Then shall the King haue pleasure in thy beautie and in stead of thy parents thou shalt haue children euen royall children whome thou maist make Princes in all lands Whome we may construe to be the faithfull and beleeuers in generall who are Kings Priests apoc 1. a royall priesthood S. Peter himselfe calling them so not the Apostles onely or their proper heires the Ministers And to recall you to a place Sir of your owne citing before Esa 32. Princeps digna Principe eogitabit a Prince will deuise of things worthie of a Prince Their princehood then beeing thus as I haue described you must looke they should content themselues therewith not moyle with temporall matters impertinent Whereunto euen that perswades which you touch vpon soone after in the same number viz. 43. that Dauid faies of them in the 19. Psalme Sonus eorum their sound is gone out into all worlds and their words as you read it into the boundes of the earth For by them they rule by words and by sound not by forcible engines Whereas happily if the Pope should domineer no farther then his voice were heard or his sound went out preaching especially not onely a bulls hide might measure out his territories as they say of Carthage but ere a taper were cleane burnt out wee might get forth of his cōfines with greater ease I suppose then Pius quintus his nephew did when his Vnkle once discharged him in such a sort vpon displeasure § 27. Nought remaines that I know of to be cleared in this Chapter but your doubtie collection vpon the Bishops words If the twelue had a head to preuent schisme as S. Hierome saies or if a head may be appointed ouer a competent number that he can conueniently prouide for and the same endued with a power proportionable as the Bishop graunts much more had we neede of one after the Church is so multiplied c. to exclude the disorders which are likelier to arise betweene many then few To which I answer That we are not so destitute of a Head as F. T. imagines nay of many subordinations of heads and gouernours not without reference to a Principall though we intertaine no Pope The Deacons to the Priests the Priests to the Bishop the Bishop must be subiect to Christ saies Ignatius euen as he is to his father and Pope he knowes none Dionysius also will shew you how the Church is raunged in his Epistle ad Demophilum where he makes the scala thus from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they call it or the last pitch is in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the coordinate faithfull not one but many So the prime in Christendome for we denie not a prime with his Synode of Bishops as the Councells both of Basil and Constance would haue it though the Iesuites repugne may serue for that vse in the Church of God not to call for Constantine which Peter emong the twelue Though Peter was the apter to be trusted with that place principium actionis
onely and the giuer of the onset because a man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so likewise the whole Colledge which he ouersaw neither that seditious nor he tyrānous But the Popes authoritie being extrauagant in it selfe and no way lawfull his tyrannie is not abated by the encrease of the Church or multitude of people as the Adioyndrer disputes out of his hidden Politiques but the more he curbes with it the more cruelly he vsurps And indeede whereas the Bishop made two exceptions against the argument from Peter one from the number of the people to be gouerned the other from the nature of the authoritie to be exercised he onely smothers the one with the other saying Tyrannies are sooner practised vpon smaller states but answers neither § 28. One thing more and so an ende Whereas our Aduersarie would bind the first place to Rome by vertue as he saies of succeeding Peter the chiefe of the Apostles num 38. to omit of Peters non comparuit at Rome of which before sure the Scriptures take no knowledge of his arriuing there whereas S. Paul saies Chrysostome entred Rome like a King or a Generall after sea-fight quasi Rex post naualem pugnam at que victoriam in regalissimam aulam istam ascendit nay as he speakes in another place the very fame of Pauls comming to Rome composed matters and put the citie in order The like whereof Tullie rhetoricates of Pompey and Plutarke reports as a truth of Philopoemen that the opinion of his drawing neere caused the enemies to raise their siege to omit this Nazianzō wil tell him that no promise of grace goes currant with succession simply considered and we are so farre from acknowledging the Prouidence which he speakes of in preseruing that Sea that to say nothing what wee haue groped with our owne experience cōcerning the Apostasie not onely Sedulius an auncient writer obserues vpon those words Rom. 1. Obedientia vestra divulgata est pertotum mundum that the Romanes obedience was divulged throughout the world divulgata magis quà m laudata rather divulged then praised but the Apostle himselfe is thought to point at as much both Rom. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 els thou shalt be cut off euen thou for all thy priuiledge and Rom. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to the Bishop and all of that Sea from time to time viz. not to arrogate too much vnto himselfe not to be wise in his owne conceit as if he were that infallible one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To his fourth Chapter Basil Nazianzen Chrysostome Austen their authorities The BISHOPS Answer stands good against his friuolous exceptions And of the eight Popes who liuing in S. Austens time exercised as the Adioynder dreames an Vniuersall and supreame authoritie § 1. NExt are Basil Nazianzen Chrysostome and Austen To the place of S. Basil De iudicio Dei Ille beatus qui caeteris praelatus discipulis fuit cui claues regni coelestis commissae i. that blessed man Peter who was preferred before the rest of the Disciples to whome the keyes of the heauenly kingdome were committed c. he saies the Bishop hath answered nothing to any purpose num 5. in the ende These are the crakes of this insolent patch the very impatience whereof were able to diuert any man from his busines But how does he take away the Bishops answer who yeilds him euen more then S. Basil saies in fauour of Peter and yet still forsooth no Monarch to returne his owne words scoffing though he vse them not ashamed now in plaine tearmes to plead for the Monarchie of spirituall men I know Bishopricks haue beene called so as by Hilarie Pope in his Epistle ad Leontium but neuer in this sense And so Paschasinus emong Leo's Epistles it is finds a Corona in his great Patron to wish honour and good successe to But these are baubles To the point in hand then If the argument stand in BLESSED that Peter was a Monarch because called blessed either by our Sauiour or S. Basil to omit how many others haue beene called blessed both men and women in holy Scripture they recken some seauen in all I trow of the feminine kinde to whome no Monarchie was decreed Et nos cum Petro beati saies Epiphanius and we are blessed with Peter if we hold fast his confession Nay they say when Bellarmines vncle came to the Popedome the times were so bad that it was thought a man could not be Pope and saued that is Pope and blessed Therefore what doth this argument from beatus on Gods name But to omit this I say the Bishop scanning S. Basils words finds Basil the best opener of his owne meaning both concerning the blessednes of Peter and his beeing preferred before the rest which is the firmer hold of the two for you to trust to if you be wise For immediatly thus it followes in S. Basil after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 preferred before all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is who onely was witnessed of more then others and was pronounced blessed before others Does not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 now limit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Bishop had said Does not the honour that he receiued to be witnessed of by Christ as a little before he had witnessed of Christ and our Sauiours pronouncing him blessed in plaine termes which imports no iurisdiction whatsoeuer you fancie limit his preferment in S. Basils style And though no such thing were in S. Basil yet how many waies are there of preferment besides making Monarch or installing one supreame Prince of the world Your selfe Sir can tell vs soone after very sawcily num 10. of this Chapt. that the King can shewe fauour to some one subiect and yet not make him Primate of the prouince So might Peter be preferred and yet not made a Soueraigne prince much more Though the more I consider it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is lesse then our PREFERRED in English For he meanes hee preferred him in voice verdict not in real exaltation as they commonly take it And that is it which the Bishop answered out of S. Basils owne words preferred but how quoth he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Let vs looke into the third title of Peters style as it runnes in S. Basil Cui claues c. to whome the keyes of the heauenly Kingdome were committed But do you see how Not onely the kingdome is described here to be heauenly not earthly which Peter receiued the keyes of what is this then I wonder to temporall Monarchies which the very place so counterbuffes and yet they would faine establish and establish from hence but how does it make for Peters soueraigntie since as the Bishop hath most pregnantly answered before he receiued the keies indeed as Basil sayes but whether for himselfe or for the Church Basil shewes not Austen does You say you haue refuted this
and I thinke we haue answered you Cum caeteris communicandas claues accepit sayes Optatus himselfe Will you haue so many Monarchs as receiued the keyes that are afraid of two a little after § 2. Your impudent putting of a Monarchie vpon the Pope by your queint definition as you think at least holds no water and much lesse fire A Monarch is he say you that gouernes for the common good not for his owne Let vs beleeue the Pope to be that single-hearted Charitie quaerens non quae sua sunt sed aliorum aliorum indeede too often for the deuill himselfe giues ouer seeking his owne if S. Bernard say true is this all that is required to make a Monarch Is there no difference betweene gouernment and gouernement Let Gelasius tell you de vinculo Anathematis to say nothing of Chrysost a little before quoted or hath not our Sauiour himselfe a Vos autem non sic to spoile your definition and to marre his Monarchie § 3. I might tell you of S. Basil in this very worke what respect God hath planted in vs to Kings by the hand of nature which respect you would so wickedly purloyne from them and carrie cleane away to the Popes by peruerting the Fathers words about S. Peter I haue scene a swarme of bees saies he c. But when he shewes what is answerable in the Church of God to that which a King is in humane societies he dreames not of a Pope to supplie the analogie but of the word of God that is our King saies he and the fall from that makes way to Antichrist iust as S. Paul saies of the dissolution of the Empire Donec tollatur è medio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That you may see by what meanes the Popedome thriueth namely by the fall of Princes and what thriues with the Popedome namely Antichrist and the extinguishing of Gods word which is our King saies S. Basil But I come to Nazianzene § 4. And though I affect breuitie yet Nazianzenes place I will set downe somewhat more fully the rather because our man saies the Bishop thought some words as sore as a bile and therefore set them downe in his margent indeede but durst not touch them in his text those sore words As if any would doe the one I meane print them in the margent that was afraid of the other that is to speake to them in the text For why might he not better haue left them cleane out But heare we Nazianzene those words at length See if any thing could be brought to check them more De moderat in disput seruandâ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Seest thou of the Disciples of Christ all high and worthy to be chosen one is called a rocke and hath the foundations of the Church entrusted to him another is more loued and leanes vpon the breast of Iesus and the rest brooke this praelation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So that whereas afore he argued out of S. Basil from praelatus est we haue now prelation first of more then one But proceed When they must goe vp to the mountaine that he might glister in his shape and shew his godhead and discouer him that lay hid in the flesh who go vp with him For all are not beholders of the miracle Peter and Iames and Iohn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which both were and were reputed to be afore the others Afore we had two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 preferred nowe we haue three 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that were and were reckoned to be afore the rest But who were with him in his agonie and a little before his death when he went aside and prayed the same againe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This is the order that our Sauiour tooke in preferring It followes The rest of their comlinesse and orderlinesse how great Peter asks this question Philip that Iudas that Thomas that another that and neither all the same nor one man all but euery man particularly and one by one and as you would say euery one thereafter as he needed But of that what thinke you Philip would say a thing and dares not alone but takes Andrew to him Peter hath a question to aske and sets on Iohn by a nodde Where is surlinesse here where is ambition How could they more shew themselues the disciples of Christ that meeke and humble hearted one for vs a seruant for vs his seruants and who in all things returned all the glorie to his Father that he might shew vs an example of orderlinesse and modestie which we are so farre from obseruing that I would think it were well with vs if we were not bold-hardier then all besides c. Now let F. T. plead for primacie from hence and the pride that our Sauiour suppressed in his disciples so long agoe You see that if our Sauiour preferred one he preferred more and the name of preferment serues them all alike no better of Peter no worse of Iames of Iohn c. So true it is that the Bishop answered of many monarchs to bee pickt from hence if any at all But what say we to the words as sore as a bile That Peter had sibi credita Ecclesiae fundamenta the foundations of the Church entrusted to him Neither does this prooue monarchy nor supreame magistracie It is nothing but an exegesis of what went before that Peter was a rock not a rocke for nothing but to build vpon and to carry as the rest doc Apoc. 21. for I must not leaue vrging him with the Bishops answer though I see it anger him the foundations of the Church though to him more particularly confessing Christ it was said also more particularly But if this was the reward of his constant profession as no man doubts and the text most clearely shewes to bee tearmed rocke and withall hee confest in the name of the rest as Bellarmine graunts and the Fathers affirme who sees not that this title must belong to the rest to be rocks all as well as he and therefore the Bishops answer remaines most sound that he is a rocke indeede and beares the foundations but with others And so his instance vanishes that a King may beare one more fauour then another though he make him not so great an officer or prelate For as we graunt the preheminence that Nazian speakes to haue beene yeelded S. Iohn to leane vpon Christs brest did come from greater loue then to Peter so we denie that Peters was a prerogatiue of iurisdiction though it was the honouring of him in an other meet kind answerable to the confession wherein he out-stript his fellowes For as he spake first so the tearmes of honour first lighted vpon him no authoritie Sir And to bee graced with those tearmes directed to him was the particular preheminence that Nazianzene speakes of answerable to S. Iohns leaning vpon Christs bosome in particular Though it is true that Iohn also signified for others as
wee shewed before out of S. Austen as well as in Peter the others were included that allowed his confession And truely if it be good arguing from the prerogatiues of Peter and Iohn in Nazianzene the one to be called a rocke another to leane vpon our Sauiours bosome I see not but Iohn excelled Peter herein For his honour was reall Peters verball hitherto though I knowe that Christ makes all good in the ende which he promises Peters doubtfull and subiect to expositions Iohns cleare euident and ocular Peter you say was the first stone in the foundation after Christ but Iohn wee see immediately leaned vpon his breast which breast if it be as certenly it is the foundation of the Church is not this a type who hath the greater interest therein of the twaine But your way should haue beene if you had not been that fumbler to haue argued thus out of our graunts That all the Apostles were the foundations of the Church and Peter had the foundations committed to his charge as Nazianzene saies therefore Peter was made gouernour of the Apostles As if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were any thing but the exegesis of a rocke as I said ordained for building it selfe the foundation and carrying the foundations as you would say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an vsuall scheme Which was the cause that the Bishop medled not with that bile hauing said enough to it in the word Rocke before But suppose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made a distinct sense wil you say they were committed to him to bee gouerned Does the earth gouerne the heauens and all because they are in a manner founded vpon it What preposterousnesse is this or what faith is there in him that would so falsifie the very word of faithfulnesse it selfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I meane in his 8. numb where he deflects it to gouernement all too vnseasonably § 5. As for Chrysostome which is the next neuer any thing so ridiculous as he shewes himselfe there in defending the Cardinall Onely the Cardinall owes him so much the more for doing him seruice in so desperate a cause Tantò plus debes Sexte quòd erubui Homil. in Matth. 55. Cuius pastor caput homo piscator speaking belike of Peter and the Church that is to say whose Pastor and Head a fisherman is Though to be a Pastor of the Church is a small title in S. Peters style For first a pastor is a word of reproach and basenes if we beleeue S. Basil Orat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and yet transferred to Church-vses it is nothing singular but comprehends whome not both Apostles and others Dedit quosdam pastores Eph. 4. He gaue some to be Pastors and to what ende Not onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to keepe them right that are once conuerted to the faith but also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to gaine them that are without Aquinas so distinguishes them vpon the place which the Papists would make to be the Popes proper care to set men on worke to conuert the infidels and vnbeleeuers But here we see it is common to collegium pastorum to the many pastors not to vnus pastor onely Eccl. 13. or to the master of the assemblies Euen as Demetrianus of Alex. sent Pantaenus into India to conuert the Brachmanes into India Athanasius sent Frumentius Sozom. l. 2. c. 23. Meletius sent Stephanus into Germanicia S. Austen of his owne head writes to the Madaurenses to conuert them from Paganisme Epist 42. Victor Vticensis yields vs another example hereof lib. 1. de persecut Vandal which I will set downe somewhat at large because I am fallen into this argument Martinianus saith he Saturianus and two more brothers of them beeing sold by Gensericus that cruell tyrant tooke Capsur King of Mauritania keeping his Court in that place of the wildernes which is called Caprapicti what by their preaching what by their liuing and yet but lay-folke for so much as appeares by the storie and moreouer sold for bondslaues whereas the Iesuites thinke that pietie can finde no worke to doe in captiuitie but hath her armes and her legges chopt off as Salomon saies in another matter onely exercising her selfe in a pleasurable estate tali modo ingentem multitudinem gentilium barbarorum Christo Domino lucrauerunt so speakes Victor vbi anteà nulla fama Christiani nominis erat divulgata i. gained a great multitude of Gentiles and Barbarians to the Lord Christ where before the Christian name was not heard by fame And all this they effected afore they had helpe from Rome afterward they sought and found there as reason was TVNC DEINDE COGITATVR quid fieret c. So as Rome it selfe did not presently come into their minds for this matter but that other places might haue affoarded the same aide at neede and like enough vsually so they did This Victor But now as I was saying and to returne to the authoritie quoted out of S. Chrysostome Whatsoeuer become of pastour which though we finde not where he quotes it in S. Chrys yet with all our hearts we ascribe to Peter I would he could keepe there God appeared to Moses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not contending but keeping sheep saies S. Basil where before but the Pope he hath left the one for the other yea and ecclesiae pastor pastour of the Church of the Catholique Church So Clemens makes all Bishops Constitut lib. 6. cap. 14. much more then an Apostle What saies he to caput that Peter is head of the Church which we finde not in the Greeke You shall heare his answer cum riseritis ineptias hominis then thinke as you list for my discourse will soone be at an ende I answer saies he that though they be not now in the Greeke copies which the Bishop hath seene yet it little importeth seeing that the Latin translatour found them as it is most probable in the Greeke copie which he followed and S. Chrysost saies as much in effect both there and in other places Number the absurdities First not now Belike then heretofore they were in Who tooke them out you shall heare his owne guesse num 18. Either the Grecians themselues in the time of their schisme from the Romane Church or perhaps some of our late hereticks who haue taken vpon them TAKEN VPON THEM to print the Greeke in these daies Perhaps saies he so doubtfully he speakes and perhaps neither But if the Printers of these daies haue pickt them out why shew ye not some ancienter copies at least that haue them Not any say you which the Bishop hath seene Hath any then trow that your selfe hath seene or that the Cardinall hath seene or any other If they haue why doe they not name them why not produce them Not onely none hath them that the Bishop hath seene but shew you which of all hath not beene seene by the Bishop that we may beleeue they are yet extant in some other
permittitur subiacere tantus Apostolus first who euer called this exigua cupla to denie our Sauiour which Bellarmine himselfe when he excuses all that may bee cannot denie to haue been a most horrible trespasse And againe vt emendatus elationis vicio atque correctus Did S. Austen euer say emendatus vicio The rest is as good but I spare Yet Quemadmodum eum dominus tui causâ patitur circumscribi delicto would not bee passed ouer I leaue it to your thinking In the same sermon hee makes Peter to haue been a starke Pelagian Per solum liberum arbitrium non addito dei adiutorio promiserat se pro. Domino moriturum And yet you bring this to prooue Peters primacie and Lordship paramount ouer the whole Church for direction sake As for your sleeuelesse shift that S. Austen wrote Sermons of the solemne tunes of the yeare of Saints dayes also c. so hath the Bishop preached as much as any of the yearely festiualls and long may he I pray God yet he neuer thought he had made sermons de Tempore till you told him so The thing no doubt is auncient for the substantiall obiect to solemnize the appointed times of the yeare as the Quadragesima or the Ascension or the Natalitia and the like which you instance in with sutable sermons but Sermones de Tempore is too short a name though we take in de Sanctis too to compreheÌ„d all sith there were many more Sermons made both by Austen and others vpon ordinarie Sundayes which are reducible to neither part of the afore-said diuision As for that you alledge out of Possidius that S. Austen made sermons in vigilijs paschae vpon Easter eue whereof this you say was one in all likelihood beeing made on the Wednesday before Easter is it not as mad as all the rest or shall we thinke it likely that Easter eue fell vpon the wednesday before Easter What confidence hath the Iesuite that would bore such holes in his Readers nose and paint his face while he lies broad awake Yet numb 56. of this Chapter you find that which vvas 14. yeare after the time as fit as the Eue you say to the holy day belike that we may beleeue you the rather here of three daies distance between the Eue and the Feast vvhen at another time the Eue sell out iust 14. yeere you say afore the holy day And so much to instifie the Bishops first exception § 8. To the second you answer that Bellarmine had no reason to be greatly ashamed of the place that mentions Peters frailty for euen that confirmes his primacy most wonderfully How so For hauing had tryall of infirmities he was so much the apter to succour others or to shew compassion to others Truely I doubt not but Peters fall made him the tendererhearted to repenting sinners yet not so much in his particular or for any primacie as representing the Church and the whole bodie of the ministery as you were told out of S. Austen de Agone Christiano c. 30. Else onely Popes should bee tender hearted Though S. Austen also in the place that you newly quoted Serm. de Temp. 124. saies it fell the rather vpon Peter because he was a fierce and a cholericke man not onely feruent as others call him as his practise shewed vpon poore Malchus and therefore it was meete he should be abated so Howsoeuer it be the Bishops exception to the Cardinal is very good that a better place would haue beene brought in all reason out of S. Austen so copious an author to prooue Peters headship by then that which implyes the crazines of it euen before we are shewed to what vse the soundnes of it serues Neither does the Bishop argue as you wickedly slaunder him that Peter by frailty denyed our Sauiour ergò he is not head of the Church And yet it were as good as Bellarmines argument and better too which you vse in this place that his headship is confirmed or established by his fall As if none could fall any whit fowly but from the height of supremacy ouer the Church Was it nothing to fall after his exaltation to the Apostleship after other graces which he enioyed not a few Did not this make our Eutychus his fal the more dangerous that he tumbled downe euen from such a window That you may see how many primacies were in Peter as it were stories in a building though no such monarchicall preheminence ensue which primacies the Bishop neuer denied And if Peters gentlenes which he learned by his fall reach no further then to assoile offenders vpon their repentance as I see not what other you here ayme at you know that office belongs to all Priests in generall as well as to the head of Priests and therefore no Popedome followes fromhence any way at all § 9. To your place of S. Gregory hom 22. in Euang. that our Lord intended Petrum praeferre cunctae Ecclesiae we returne S. Greg. l. 4. in 1. Reg. cap. vltimum that Paul was made caput nationum where caput is more then praeferri ecclesiae sith euery minister is set ouer the Church as we haue often told you Qui vocatur ad Episcopatum vocatur ad seruitutem â—â—tius ecclesiae saies Origen hom 6. in Esaeiam each Bishop is seruant to the whole Church as otherwhere Ad imperium vocantur totius ecclesiae qui Episcopi creantur Goffrid Tract de Ordin c. for the sense is all one and euery where you see the latitude of their bounds and in a word they are nothing but circuÌ„locutions of their Apostleships both Pauls and Peters Lastly you abuse the Bishop intolerably in saying he taunts at Peters fal who is of another spirit and knowes that Saints can pugnare de genu or as S. Chrysostome saies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Saints are gloririous euen in their falls but he refutes Peters proud vaunt Etsi omnes non tamen ego by his owne experience which is lawfull to doe I meane to take downe the confident and the ouerweener with a sober gleeke as euen Aristotle can teach you Eth. 4. and elsewhere So much also of his second exception § 10. It is long before he will vnderstand the third as hauing no mind to it loath to come at it It stands in this That S. Austen not a counterfeit Sermon of Austens but himselfe in person and sitting in Councell neither flourishing before the people in a bastard homily about Peters prerogatiues which we must tell you again again are not straight the Popes though you presume so but consulting most aduisedly in an assembly of Fathers about the Bishop of Rome which is the man in controuersie and against whome our plea lies not against Peter I say that S. Austen consulting about the Pope and his authority to heare appeales in a councell of Africa is not fearefull to censure them with excommunication as many as shall appeale beyond the sea
that is to Rome saies Balsamon that is to the Pope say we and you will not denie Which how could S. Austen and others haue done I would faine know of you if they had beene perswaded of his vniuersall power ouer the Christian world § 11. Here you cast mysts and fogs and raylings But passing by them as the Moone does by the barking of a curre-dogge let vs take you as you lie You deduct three points from the Bishops words as you say and you call them three lies of his in little more then three lines Vsuall modestie but let vs view your parts The first That the Pope had no further authoritie but ouer the Church of Rome in S. Austens time The second That no man might appeale to Rome out of Africk in those daies The third That S. Austen neuer acknowledged those three Popes Zozimus Bonifacius and Celestinus to be heads of the Church and yet cured S. Peters disease in them The first say you will be cleare by the discussing of the second and the third But how if the Bishop neuer affirmed the first neither is any such thing to be gathered out of his wordes What needes your second and third to refute this Why rather doe you not bend against the second and third for their owne sakes to shew that all Appeales were not cut off by the Fathers out of Africk to Rome or that S. Austen cured the swelling disease in the Popes aforesaid Does not this shew that you neither want impudence and yet want matter since the Bishops words that may sound that way to your first propositiō are only these If euer he be healed viz. the Pope let him be head of the Church of Rome as he was in S. Austens time but let no man appeale c. And is this as much as that the Pope had no authoritie ouer more then Rome whereas the Bishop neither denies his Westerne Patriarkship nor otherwise the great sway that he might iustly carrie throughout the rest of Christendome out of the eminencie of his place especially if ioyned with vertues answerable though still his Diocesse were but particular But as for Appeales what more plaine for the proouing that S. Austen censured all such Appellants out of Africk to the sea of Rome with excommunication then that which we read in the Councel of Milevitum Can. 22. enacted both by him and diuers other Bishops there Whosoeuer shall think fit to appeale beyond the Sea let no person within Africk receiue him to fellowship or to communion First therefore you turne away and will not vnderstand till diuers sections after any such Canon or Councell but tell vs of a letter written to Pope Celestine by the African Bishops which you say was petitorie but containing no Decree nor demand as altogether resting in Celestines pleasure whether he would graunt it or no. I will set downe the words that the truth may be seene Though this I must premise that it was nothing vnbeseeming the holy Fathers to vse reuerēt termes euen of petition and request to Pope Celestine when they sued for no more then their owne right as the Apostle S. Peter and diuers others in the like cases I beseech you brethren abstaine c. Sapientem omnia priùs quà m armis experiri decet it is the old saying and Responsio mollis frang it iram So here Strictè exigo strictè praecipio is for the Pope to his Catholiques whome he makes conies But the words are these Our due salutations remembred and done We entreat and earnestly pray you that hereafter you will not lightly giue audience to those that come from hence to you neither any more receiue such to the communion as we excommunicate because your Reuerence shall easily perceiue that order taken by the Nicene Councell For if there appeare a prouiso for inferiour Clerkes and lay-men how much more would the Synode haue the same obserued in Bishops that beeing excommunicated in their owne Province they should not be suddenly hastily or vnduly restored to the communion by your holinesse And likewise your holines must repell these wicked refuges of Priests and other Clergie men to Rome as becommeth you for that by no determination of the Fathers this is derogated from the Church of Africa and the Nicene Canons doe most euidently commit both inferiour Clergie-men and the Bishops themselues to their owne Metropolitans No doubt they most wisely and rightly prouide that all matters should be ended in the places where they first arose neither shall the grace of the holy Ghost be wanting to any Prouince by the which equitie may be grauely weighed and stoutly followed by the Priests of Christ especially whereas euery man hath libertie if he mislike the iudgement of those that heare his cause to appeale to the Councells of his owne Prouince or to a generall Councell Or how shall the iudgement ouer the Seas at Rome be good whereto the necessarie persons of the witnesses either for sexe or for age or sundrie other impediments cannot be brought FOR THAT ANY SHOVLD BE SENT as Legates FROM YOVR HOLINES SIDE VVEE FINDE DECREED BY NO SYNOD OF THE FATHERS § 12. And be here no words but supplicatorie wil you say When they vrge so vehemently that the Nicene Councel tooke order to the same purpose that causes should not be remooued from place to place alluding to the 5. Canon of that Councell and to the latter end of the fourth doe these men thinke it is a matter of meere graunt or wholly depending of the Popes pleasure when they cal such a refuge a wicked refuge of them that runne to Rome doe they not shew what opinion they conceiue of it Is it in the Popes power to license wickednesse or if it bee nowe was it so then Nay when they say hee must repulse such stragling clients is must a word for suters and suppliants when they tell him in the same passage that it becomes him to stop such holes that wretched men would creepe out at doe they not plainely declare that they haue more confidence in it then in a meere sute or petition onely yea when they vrge againe that the Nicene Councell so ordered and no derogation was euer made to that Canon by any contrary constitution doe they leaue it free to the Pope to yeeld to yea or no No doubt say they they most wisely and rightly prouided that all matters should bee ended in the places where they first arose And would these men haue confest that the Pope might with iustice doe to the contrarie When they tell him That the grace of the holy Ghost is not so fastened to Rome but that it is to be foūd in other Prouinces too by the which equitie may be grauely waighed and stoutly followed by the Priests of Christ doe they not priuily taxe him for fondly ouerweening his owne sea if he thinke matters cannot bee ended at home without his interposing When they alledge that witnesses
Cùm tibi placet quod scribo noui cui placeat quoniam qui te inhabitet noui Hee meanes that the holy Ghost dwels in Simplicianus which would haue made a faire shew in a Popes style Largitor enim omnium munerum per tuam sententiam confirmauit obedientiam meam c. He speakes of obedience yeelded to Simplician who yet was not his superiour Againe In meo ministerio dixit Deus fiat factum est Hee calls it his ministerie or his seruice and sets him almost in the place of God In tuâ verò approbatione vidit deus quia bonum est At least there he makes him his God or his superiour directly Generally of all Bishops thus wee read in S. Austen Epist 168. In alijs ciuitatibus tantum agimus quod ad ecclesiam dei pertinet quaentum vel nos permittunt vel NOBIS IMPONVNT earundem ciuitatum Episcopi fratres consacerdotes nostri What is lesse in imponunt then in the iniungunt that you vrge Iniuncta nobis à Zozimo necessitas Yet here you see imponunt is an act that any Bishop might exercise towards S. Austen euen his brothers and fellow-priests fratres consacerdotes not onely Zozimus So Ruffinus in exposit symbol ad Laurent which Laurence was no Pope though he be called Papa there i. a reuerent personage One Laurentius stood with Symmachus for the Popedome I graunt but hee lost it as you knowe Well what saies Ruffinus He calls it pondus praecepti because Laurentius desired him to put his exposition which he had preacht vpon the Creede in writing the weight of his charge or the charge of his commandement Againe Astringis me vt aliquid tibi de side c. Yet Laurence had no power that I know of binding Ruffinus Lastly expositionis à te impositae necessitatem sayes he which answers word for word almost to that which you bring out of S. Austen Iniuncta nobis à Zozimo necessitas But of Zozimus saith hee hereafter wherein we will attend him § 19. First therefore of Liberius a most wretched proofe Certaine Arian hereticks obtained his letters for their restitution to the assemblie of Tyana and by vertue of them they were restored though they did but dissemble in that they feigned their conformitie with the Church of God inwardly remaining deepe Arians Is not this fit to be brought in behalfe of the Pope to shew how wel he stands vpon his watch how meete a man he is to inherit the trust of all Christian soules that suffers such knaues to beguile him in this sort As for that that Liberius letters were of force so should any other graue and worthie Prelates haue been vpon whose testimonie the Synod might relie especially when if there had beene no doubt of their repentance they should haue needed no other mediatour happily then themselues But because he hath quoted S. Basil in the margent let vs heare his words and see what confidence he puts in Rome or in the Bishop thereof Epist 74. thus he saies of Liberius and his restoring of Eustathius that Arian heretick which suspition to say truth Liberius was not free from enclining thither himselfe when time was The rather might he write in the behalfe of an Arian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Since therefore from thence he meanes from Rome and from the Westerne Churches this Epistle bearing inscription to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Bishops of the West since from thence he hath receiued power to hurt the Churches and the libertie that you gaue him Liberius with the rest he to the subuersion of many hath abused it is necessarie that reformation should spring from the same place and that you should send word to the Churches for what cause he was receiued and how beeing changed since in his opinion he makes void the grace that was then giuen him not by Liberius so much as by the Fathers that is they of the Councell of Tyana of which before And in the same Epistle a little afore this place S. Basil giues two reasons why he implores the aide of the Italian Bishops in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. The first is because if onely the Easterne Bishops appeare against Eustathius it may be thought to come of emulation and partialitie one Bishop of the same countrey opposing another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But you the farther of the better beleeued Which to say truth hath alwaies bin the Popes felicitie But you see he flies not to them for any vniuersal authoritie or prerogatiue as they imagin frō Peter deriued but for the distāce of the place which makes them seeme to be more incorrupt The second reason is from the consenting of many Bishops together and the power of that to preuaile with peoples minds when there shall be a concurrence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is But of with ioynt consent many shall auerre the same thing the very multitude of them that are of one minde will make it to be entertained without contradiction By which you see the Pope can doe little alone And so speakes Basil in his greatest extremitie euen when he needes the Pope most Else we know how sharply he can taxe Rome and giue the Popes their owne when occasion serues 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Westerne pride saith he haereses propagant they spread heresies or multiplie heresies Epist 8. ad Euseb Samosat § 20. Of Iulius and Athanasius I spake before The same was the cause of Marcellus and Asclepas Paulus and Lucian and the rest restored as you say by Iulius Pope tanquam omnium curam gerentem as bearing care of all Tripart l. 4. c. 15. As if euery Bishop were not obliged to doe his seruice to the whole Church as farre as he can which were easie to demonstrate but that I haue done it before and quoted Origen very lately for the same yet Iulius the rather because the prime Bishop but prime in order onely and in a certaine excellencie propter sedis dignitatem as the Tripartite here speakes in the very words that this man quotes not propter auctoritatem S. Austen calls it Speculam his watchtower Besides that this same Iulius is many yeeres before S. Austen and yet he professes to reckon vp onely such as liued in S. Austens time Doe you not see how he labours to vtter his prouision Finally in Sozomene who reports the same matter and is quoted by this man to that very purpose cap. 2. num 8. In Sozomene I say lib. 3. c. 7. thus we read That the persons to whome Iulius wrote in behalfe of the aforesaid catholicke Bishops though they acknowledged the Church of Rome primas ferre apud omnes to be the chiefe Church in euerie bodies estimation as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the schoole of the Apostles and the mother citty of piety not for any succession into the authoritie of S. Peter in particular and yet
Reuerence which concerned the Church But if it were as they pretend it were more then negligence euen flat rebellion not to communicate with him about all such affaires But making it but negligence he shewes they sought for aduice onely or countenance not for leaue and grace when they referred to him Whereas S. Austen had spoke of the Popes applying his pastorall diligence to preuent the daungers of Christs weake members F. T. interprets it his power and authoritie ouer all the members of Christ which if the Bishop had so done to put in ALL where it was not in S. Austen to enforce an argument had beene cheating and coosenage and to be proclaimed in markets See chap. 2. § 31. Innocentius his testimonie of his owne precedencie carries small force with it and Erasmus hath found some cause to suspect this Epistle for counterfeit or at least censured it for one not worthie of Innocentius Whereas the Apostle Paul had said of himselfe Praeter ea quae extrinsecùs sunt cura omnium Ecclesiarum this man imitating him for you hold of Paul too as well as Peter reads it cleane contrarie Praeter ea quae intrinsecus sunt c. that you may see his Clerkship And yet you make him worse then in truth he is For whereas he more modestly Arbitramur referri debere c. you leauing out arbitramur auouch it peremptorily that about matters of faith all Bishops ought tareferre c. Is this good dealing Lastly if S. Austen and Alipius say of him concerning his rescript Rescripsit ad omnia eo modo quo fas erat c. he hath written backe to all as meete was they meane for matter and for the points in controuersie betweene Pelagius and the Church not for ought that he enterlaces of the ambition of his owne Sea And of these things hitherto To his fifth Chapter Of Origen Hilarie and Maximus their authorities § 1. AS I haue often complained of the tediousnes of this mate the onely inuincible armour that he fights with as certaine beasts make their parts good against the hunter by the euill sauour and sent they cast forth to annoy him beeing otherwise vnable to resist him in the encounter So he shewes it in this chapter more then any where els referring vs besides his prattle to former places of his booke for confutation of such points as he mislikes in the Bishops Answer As if no bodie had confuted his confutation of those Answers which the Reader of himselfe is able to doe I dare say if he haue perused but the former part of this booke without any further paines to be taken in that behalfe And yet euery where he remits vs to what hee hath done and said as altogether vnconquerable Now for that which is so firme in the Bishops Answer as not to be remooued by any meanes that he railes at and calls stale else why cannot he iterate his refutation againe as well as the Bishop repeat his Answer but it shames him that so many Arguments should stumble at one stone like the sonnes of Gedeon beheaded by Abimelech all at one blocke and therfore he falls to carping and deprauing Etiamne antidotum contra Caesarem said he So here the Bishops fault is to haue shewed the errour and not let the Cardinals fallacies to passe for currant § 2. That Origen and S. Hilarie in allowing the Church to be built vpon Peter with certaine other preheminences which they affoard him denie not but the rest had their fellowshippe in the same this is stale to F. T. and for that onely reason deserues to be misprized As if the fault were not so much in the weakenes of the answer as in the frequencie of repeating it to which his Battismes neuerthelesse and his abhominable Crambes giue the only occasion Whereas I thinke a bad answer is to bee accounted bad though but once giuen and a good the oftner it serues the purpose the more it bewrayes its owne strength and the aduersaries exigent that hath but one kind of way to assault the truth and therefore is still beat backe at the same doore Where what meruaile if the Bishop rest not satisfyed with this inference that those Fathers when they ascribe certaine excellencies to S. Peter and yet perhaps short of the supposed Monarchy by that meanes debarre the rest of the Apostles from their part therein whereas the Cardinall himselfe saies as much of S. Peter as you would thinke a man could possibly say to aduance his dignitie and yet meanes not but the Twelue were equall with him in the same Which were hard to alleadge now for the proouing of Peters excellencie aboue the other Apostles though we would argue for the Cardinall out of the Cardinals owne workes For example what can be more for Peters Monarchy ouer the Church then to say that he onely was made cheife Regent therof And yet summa potestas is by the Cardinall made common to all the Apostles not once but twice within fewe lines cap. 9. l. 1. de Rom. Pont. and againe in the same chapter Vnusquisque Apostolorum it a cur am gerebat totius Ecclesiae ac si ad SE SOLVM ea cura pertineret Euery one of the Apostles so managed the Church as if that care had onely belonged to him And cap. 11. Summa atque amplissima potestas is giuen to them all Shall we not ponder these words then henceforth in Authors if at any time they giue as much as this to Peter and be readie to acknowledge by the Cardinall his owne confession that Peter had no more then the rest of the Apostles in all this prerogatiue and therefore no Monarch § 3. Now that Origen followes an Allegoricall sense like to a Preacher as you say whereas the Preacher if any bodie should tell the plaine truth leauing the literall altogether it may shew his modesty and check your rashnesse that build so boldly vpon the literall sense if it bee true which the Cardinall in another place obserueth that the literal sense of things spoken to Peter is obscurer then the allegorical though that be hard to be beleeued too and is commonly found contrary by his leaue Yet thus he writes lib. 1. de Pont. Rom. cap. 12. Non negat Augustinus ad literam posse debere intelligi quae dicuntur de Iudâ Petro Iohanne Sed tantùm dicit literalem sensum saepe esse obscurum non facilè inueniri sensum autem mysticum esse multò illustriorem clariorem proptereà se omisso literali figuratè ea exponere loca voluisse That is S. Augustine denieth not so as hee would bring S. August too within the compasse of this dotage that things said of Peter Iudas and Iohn both may and ought to be literally vnderstood but onely he saies that the literall sense is ofttimes obscure and hard to sinde out where I wonder saies S. August so but
is first very insolent for I beginne with your later that faith should be a meritour at Gods hands or a meritresse if you will haue it so I pray correct me if I speake amisse for you see whether your absurdities lead me wheras Charity not faith is the fons meriti the actuall deseruer by condignity at least as your selues hold for ex longinquo is another thing and expraeuiâ dispositione c. Where in truth you are so dazeled about this merit of Peters that you say you know not what ascribing that to his charity which is more proper to his faith and againe that to his faith which belongs to his charitie To be cheife in feeding you ascribe to his Loue to Amas me plus his Which is true in our Sauiours sense for exciting his care not in yours to inuest him in the supreame iurisdiction which rather requires the priuiledge of freedome from errour And here his deseruing to be the rock or the principall for bearing sway you impute it to his faith which is too yong to be a deseruer if it be not otherwise accommodated euen by your own doctrine This is one absurdity therefore Secondly that he should merit to be the rocke of the Church whereas a man canot merit that is not first in the Church as yourselues will not deny and so presupposeth the foundation is laid But in no sort can one merit to be the foundation thereof himselfe As S. August often shewes that the Redeemer of the world did not merit the coniunction of his flesh with the deity but beeing inuested once therewith then merited for vs and wrought saluation Whom although we should grant to haue merited to be the foundation of the Church the Iudge of the world c. yet you are not ignorant how it is held by your owne diuines namely per titulum secundarium hauing right to it before out of the worth of his hypostasis which in S. Peter is nothing so But especially if you will take to that of Maximus whom you quote a little after that S. Peter for rowing in a frigot or small boate was made Master and gouernour of the Vniuersall Church for what merit could there be of that in this And suppose that there is an orderly promotion among shipmen from the Lower roomes to the higher till they be Pilots and Admiralls c. or in like sort that the good Deacon gets himself a faire degree as S. Paul speaks to be made Priest Priest a Bishop Bishop a metropolitan c. yet you speake of a promotion in diuersissimo genere which is too too vncouth that S. Peter for steering his materiall vessell at the sea should be preferred to sit in the highest place of the Church and congregation of God Thirdly if this were true that you auouch of his merits S. Peter should not only haue merited for himselfe but for as many monsters miscreants as euer sate after him in that sea Which you doe well to shroud vnder the merits of S. Peter least they appeare too too vgly naked in themselues sauing that pallium breue as the Prophet Esay speaks their couering is too short and non est satis nobis vobis Matth. 25. What For them that beleeue not for them that apprehend not that concurre not in the least sort yea for them that were not borne when S. Peter liued could S. Peter merit As for Hildebrands dictates they are no gospel His words are neither slanders whē they are directed against vs nor testimonies of any force when they are produced for you And will you allowe no qualification of S. Hilaries word Whereas they that haue but tasted the auncient writers know that to merite is to obtaine and procure though by grace and fauour and no further to be vrged He attained then saith S. Hilary a supereminent glory Which glory may be in many things beside his primacie as the Bishop answered you of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in S. Basils authority and calling it gloriam it seemes he rather points to our Sauiours approbation then to any reall preferment collated vpon Peter Gloria is in fame in predication and report as euen Tully will teach you Orat. pro Marcello which is nothing to office and to installment § 7. As for the coupling of S. Peters person with his faith his faith with his person which is the second point of the twaine about which you sweat and trauell sore casting vp mole-hils and mustering your Metaphysicks long vnskoured the Bishop neuer dreamt as you fantastically imagine that S. Hilary should giue this to a fleeting shadow or to faith without a subiect like your Accidents in the Eucharist which you welcome as well as S. Iames his hoste doth his guests that biddes them warme themselues without a fire feede without victualls and so you them to sit down without a chaire or a stoole Not so But if faith be the proper foundation of the Church as S. Hilary implies by his fiue-fold repetition Haec fides haec fides c. then was Peter in behalfe of his faith onely pronounced by our Sauiour the foundation of the Church Which is another thing then to be preferred for the merit of his faith to be the Churches foundation as you fondly dreame For so it might fall out that he should still remaine the foundation of the Church though he had cast of his faith wherewith he beganne which will not stand with S. Hylaries conceit of it and accordingly none other are at any time to bee reckoned the foundations of the Church but they that shall tread in the steps of faithfull Peter howsoeuer otherwise they may come neere him in calling For where is more promised to Peters successors by vertue of meere succession then to Abrahams children Rom. 4. Nay the adoptiue branch may not challenge so much to it selfe as the naturall Rom. 11. Succession saith Greg. Nazianzen is oft-times between contraries Sickenesse succeeds health night succeeds day so an vnworthy Bishop succeeds a worthy as Nazianzen instanceth So your Popes may Peter Irenaeus saith warily that we must obey those Priests in the Church of God which deriuing their succession from the Apostles together with their succession in Office haue receiued the certain gift of truth lib. 4. cap. 43. § 8. By this also the other places of S. Hilary are declared where he proceeds to call Peter the foundation of the Church as you expound them his person I graunt if ought at all as the Bishop also meant not a qualitie without a subiect which is your chimaera but in respect of his vertue not of his authoritie singular And as all the faithfull may come more or lesse neere to Peters faith so they haue all more or lesse a part in this prerogatiue as you heard lately out of Origen yet still without disturbing the Churches aray Neither perhaps
any violent pang of passion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saies the famous Apostle 2. Cor. 5. 13. Wee are madde to God Els Ignatius giues to maydens this precept in speciall That when they pray at any time they should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. haue onely Christ and his father before their eyes being illuminated by the holy Ghost How sweetly hath he comprehended the blessed Trinity alone and shut out al others from communicating with them in prayer Now breifly to your seuenth Chapter Of your sixth thus much To the seauenth Chapter of the Adioynder Chap. 7. of the Defence c. Wherein answerably to the Title that he giues to his the Fathers of the third ranke their testimonies brought for Inuocation of Saints are shewed to bee most plentifully assoyled by the Bishop and S. Ambrose by name to haue receiued no iniurie nor disgust from him no not the least could they as wel iustifie their false printing of him a most inexpiable abuse As also That what he talkes of a generall practise of Inuocation of Saints in the Primitiue Church both by the Fathers and the Faithfull is a meere iest and a Iesuiticall crake Epiphanius besides others prophesying euen then and in this very matter that Haeresis est sicut mala mulier Heresie is like a shrew getting groūd vnsensibly by the conniuence of people vnles snebd at first which our age hath found true as also which F. T. here brings to our mindes in not resting satisfyed with the Bishops answers though neuer so absolute that shee will be sure to haue the last word § 1. NOthing is more accurate then that diuision of the Bishops of the confused rout of the Cardinals witnesses into three classes Some true Fathers but not truely alleadged Some truely alleadged but not true Fathers Some true and truely alleadged but nothing to the purpose Yet this man derides it counts it not worth three chips What should one stand tugging with such a sowterly fellow qui neque literas neque nare that knowes not art when it is brought before him and laid on his trencher To the third of these ranks belong those Fathers sayes he whome we must now intreat of Nyssen Nazianzen Hierome Maximus c. We must see whether Apostrophes or Rhetoricall compellations may bee discouered in these mens prayers to Saints Which the Bishop had both answered and backed with sundry reasons as that they speake to other things in like phrase of speech whome neuerthelesse they would neuer speake to but in a figure of Rhetorique Eusebius to Pietie de vitâ Constant lib. 5. Ambrose to the water of Baptisme lib. 10. in Luc. cap. 22. Nazianzene to the feast of Easter Orat. 2. in Pasch Of which sort wee haue many in Scripture too and namely that Numb 21. 17. Rise vp well Cantic 4. 16. Arise O North and come O South and blowe c. Besides that they professe they are vncertain whether they are heard by the partyes they speake to yea or no. Nazianzen of Constantius or rather of Constantine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if thou discernest any thing that is here done So of his sister Gorgonia So Nyssen of Theodorus Hierome of Nepotian c. § 2. We are admonished of 4. things by this man in his third numb to disprooue the Bishops answer in this behalfe First that the doubt of some mens estates as not deliuered from Purgatorie nor hauing payd their last farthing though Tertullian call inferos nouissimi quadrantis exactores hell not Purgatory the exactor of the last farthing might make them to be vncertaine whether they were heard or no by such as they spake vnto Wherefore is this That one errour may support another whereas rather each destroyes the other as Cadmus children or as they their brethren whome Moses set on worke to mutuall slaughter Exod. 32. For if they held them to be in paines and not in glory how would they pray to them were they not afraid of that Thou which hearest others help thy selfe Or if they pray vnto them afore they are certified of their estate either they are rash in praying for there must be no wauering Iames 1. 6. or else it appeares they dreamt not of Purgatory Would you haue them to mammer as Elias said merrily once of Baal Perhaps he is gone to warre or perhaps in his iourney so perhaps he is gone to Purgatory You say they made no question of their hearing that were Saints declared and acknowledged and you name Theodorus in Nyssen for one Yet of him Nyssenus in the Orat. you quote Vbicunque tandem fueris wheresoeuer thou art Hee doubted therefore Certenly Abraham hath not knowne vs nor Israel acknowledged vs meum say you though erroneously and Deus Abraham Deus Isaac confirmes no lesse by our Sauiours exposition This was your first exception § 3. Another that when Nazianzen saies to Constantius and so others to others If thou hearest or if thou discernest it is not of doubting but of adiuration as when a friend to a friend If you loue me and S. Paul to Philemon If thou account me as thy partner that is because I know thou accountest me That Nazianzenes meaning may be this Because ô Constantius I know thou discernest c. Which I list not to refute but referre to the Readers indifferent iudgement whether Nazianzen in bespeaking Constantius so should meane to adiure him and all other soules of Christian Kings whom there he calls vnto no lesse then his The Greeke Scholiast saies plainly vpon that place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this is taken from Isocrates who perhaps held not that the Saints see all cleerly afore the day of iudgement And he construes it in other words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for he was absent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is no forme of adiuration but of doubting still Else it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 like S. Pauls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And by the way you may see how true it is that the Bishop obserues of the Fathers falling into Rhetoricall acclamations whereof this was one taken from Isocrates a Mr. in that faculty But more cleerely of Gorgonia Si Sancta animae haec talia persentiscant If the holy soules vnderstand such things as these This is no adiuring of Gorgonia I trowe but his doubt in generall euen of them he spoke not to but onely of § 4. A third is That it is dangerous to say the Fathers carried themselues like Orators Not a whit I warrant you though it be your shame to mistake them so grossely as from thence to patch vp your damnable idolatryes So wings and armes and eyes and other members are attributed to God in holy Scripture A stumbling blocke to the Anthropomorphites or such shallow wits but no fault of the holy Ghostes qui scribit vigilantibus as lawes are made Wee imagine not saies S. Austen our God to
semper quod filius postulat That suite hath euermore easie speeding which the sonne makes Christ to wit Neither does S. Ambrose mention without cause the sitting of Christ at the right hand of his Father to whet his mediation Which S. Paul had mentioned for the very same cause in the place that hee comments vpon Rom. 8. 34. And indeed but to Christ it was neuer said to any Sede à dexteris meis sit on my right hand Hebr. 1. 13. Which by collation of places shewes that there is none other intercessor for vs but he Lastly thus S. Ambrose Vt de Deo patre securi Christo filio eius in eorum fide laetemur That beeing confident of God the Father and Christ his Sonne we may reioyce in the faith that we haue in them So as you see faith and aduocation goes onely still with Christ not with the Saints § 21. NExt is Ruffinus lib. 2. historiae c. 33. who sayes not that Theodosius did inuoke the Saints but as the Bishop answered you and you cannot take away that at the tombes of Martyrs he craued helpe of God by the Saints intercossion Which although it suppose their suing for vs yet it is not coupled with our praying to them What you bring out of Chrysostome who names not Theodosius much lesse points at this fact of his as you dreame both here and numb 50. but onely speakes vniuersally of the Emperours hath been replyed to before We dresse no Crambe Hee names Constantine And if he meant Theodosius why does he not name him But whomsoeuer he meanes they may be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 need the holy ones suppose the Angels and yet not pray to them nor to Saints neither and yet whether they doe or no it makes no lawe Heare S. Cyprian orat de lapsis Mandant aliquid Martyres fieri Sed si scripta non sunt in Domini lege quae mandant antè est vt sciamus illos de Deo impetrâsse quod postulant tunc facere quod mandant That is Doe the Martyrs commaund a thing to be done But if that which they commaund be not written in Gods lawe it is reason we should first know that God allowes what they aske before we doe what they command So as not onely the actions of mortall men though neuer so godly but the commands of Martyrs appearing from heauen must be examined by the law of God ere they may be accomplished by S. Cypr. iudgement Antè est vt sciamus c. Yet you back it by Sozomen lib. 7. histor cap. 24. out of whom that which you bring is but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Sozomene it is said or reported though you amplifie it by commonly reported Well what is it First you leaue out Theodosius his going into the Church to pray to God and to none else that he names in that part of the sentence This you dissemble and leaue out as not concerning the matter though nothing more who charge the Bishop so causlesly and sencelesly else where for the same fault yea when it is no fault Secondly as for the Temple which Theodosius built in the honor of S. I. Baptist we might aske you how that agrees with S. Austens Templum Martyribus non ponimus You will say it was called by the Baptists name onely and in memory of him So it may be he but named or remembred the Baptist in his prayer as he had good occasion conuersing in the Church that might put him in minde of him You haue both built Churches and offered sacrifice though you cloake it neuer so much to him and to Martyrs contrary to S. Austen For doe you not offer sacrifice in the honour of the Virgin You will not deny it How then does this differ from the Collyridian heresie To omit howe much more hainous a matter it is to offer Christ our Lord in honour of his Mother then a cake as they The like I might say of vowes which you make to Saints by way of special honour which the aforesaid Valentia seeking fowre wayes to iustifie is most fowle in all One time he saies that the Saints are called for witnesses of what we vow to God A small prerogatiue and yet more then need too euen this Another time that wee vowe to God indeed but for loue to the Saints As if God were not louely enough or had not right enough to our vowes but for the Saints sake A third time that we doe this because we thinke the Saints are well pleased with such seruice when it is performed to God But by this reason we may as well vowe to Saints in earth and in mortalitie Lastly ' he denies it to be an act of relligion if it be done to the Saints of which hereafter As for Theodosius his calling S. Iohn Baptist to be his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it might be materialiter that the pietie which hee had shewed in decking the Temple with the name of the Baptist for distinction sake might bee mentioned by him to God to mooue him to fauour as Ezechias and Nehemias and diuerse more haue done the like And yet not trusting in their owne righteousnesse neither but by some proportion of their indeauour and his good acceptance In this sense S. Iohn Baptist might be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and as our workes are saide to pray for vs vitalis oratio Bellarmine acknowledges another that eleemosyna orabit pro te so this an imploration of S. Iohn Baptist renuing the memorie of the Temple that bore his name before God in his prayer The starres are said to fight against Sisera Heauen is called to reioyce ouer Babylon So all the Saints out of their brotherly sympathie are our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at all times vocati nec vocati and yet when wee call for them we may call for them of God without praying to them Ille educit thesauros ex abyssis This therefore though there were no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prooues no praying to Saints Whereas you say that if we pray to S. Iohn Baptist why not to others We make no question but the reason is alike but you haue heard our answer to Sozomens storie which at another time no man disclaimes more then your selues Sozomenus multa mentitur in historia Greg. de Val Tom. 4. Comm. Theol. p. 1952. The like iudgement giues Bellarmine both of him and Socrates T. 2. edit Ingolstad anni 1605. p. 487. and remember I pray you that he saies Theodosius went in to pray to God so as if he prayed to the Baptist it was besides his purpose § 22. The Bishops reasons against prayer to Saints because we haue no such warrant in the holy Scripture and we know not if they heare vs or no c. how doe you refute The Church of God say you the spouse of Christ the pillar of truth hath done it before vs with whome our Sauiour hath promised to be
little by this new purgation For first this is generall and encloseth all Non potest aliquis omnia in praesenti vitâ operari Then necessary not subiect to be diminished or released by the prayers of the liuing Vpon which foundation neuerthelesse your market-house is erected And lastly not torments but tentations remaine for vs and fresh combates if these say true Your pots may freeze then for all this Purgatorie But at least it followes from prayers for the dead which you bid vs marke here As if in the auncient Liturgies the Virgin Mary were not prayed for whom you so quit from Purgatorie that you excuse from death in other some the Martyrs who goe not thither by your doctrine but are glorified immediately yea all soules and all departed are prayed for by others Yet not onely S. Bernards soule flow immediately to heauen as your Authors informe vs. but euen Father Hozius the Iesuite and I know not who of that crew their soules were seene fleeting thither as fast by some of their owne consederacy forsooth that we may beleeue it the rather S. Cyrill in his Catechis quotes the words of the Greeke seruice thus Offerimus pro omnibus quiâ—… saculo tibi placuerunt Sanctis We offer for all Saints and righteous persons that haue beene pleasing to thee O Lord from the beginning of the world And more peremptorily afterward to shew that euen profit accrueth here of the soules departed but what profit you may thinke sith he makes it common to the soules of the most righteous iust themselues euen all of theÌ„ Magnam vtilitatem credentes accessuram eorum animabus pro quibus offertur which puzles your Pamelius who quotes that to prooue the cleane contrarie of it which it importeth Gregorie Nazianz Orat. in Caesarium sratrem though hee had laid downe his ground that Caesariâ—… was saued and his soule enriched with competent honours dignum fructificaret honorem yet he prayes thus to God in the sequele for him Nunc O Domine Caesarium suscipe Tuis eum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is Receiue him Lord we giue thee him whome thou hast alreadie taken Of which manner of prayer I shall speake a little after S. Ambrose is not slack to pray for Valentinian S. Austen for his mother Monica though they assure themselues of their exemption froÌ„ all manner of paine Et credo iamfeceris quod te rogo saith S. Austen sed tamen voluntaria or is mei approba Domine And I beleeue Lord thou hast alreadie done this but yet Lord accept the free-will offerings of my mouth But let Gregorie de Valentia cast it hardly Tom. 4. Com. Theolog. Disput 6. Quaest 6. Punct 1. De forma Eucharistiae thus hee sayes Facit saepe magnitudo affectûs in Sanctis vt illud tanquam in excasi quadam petant à Deo quodtamen iam factum est The Saints in transportation many times pray for things alreadie graunted The same saith S. Chrysostome of S. Paul Hom. 10. in 4. ad Coloss 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He begs for what he hath alreadie Holy Iob also concurring cap. 9. Cùm vocantem me exaudierit non tamen credo quòd audier it vocem meam When he heares me calling vpon him yet I scarce beleeue that he hath heard my voice and therefore importune him with fresh suite for the same thing Yea Maldonate the Iesuite giues as much out of the Author Imperfecti commenting vpon Matt. 6. 11. Vocari volunt panem nostrum illum etiam ipsum quem iam habemus quem nihilominùs à Deo petere iubemur Quod verum quidem pium est c. So as not onely in extasie and transportation as Valentia would but in the daily forme of prayer prescribed by our Sauiour to the whole Church the Saints are to pray for things alreadie had But returne we where we left § 35. The last is of Florentius apoore old man of Hippo who hauing lost his cloake S. Austen saies he praied at the monuments of certaine Martyrs but not to them The young men scoft him say you for praying to the Martyrs It seemes then it was no such vse to doe so For they were not Pagan young men but more likely Christian And though they mocked him eo ipso nomine for praying to the Martyrs yet it followes not that he did so for euen our Sauiour was mockt as praying to Elias when he praied to his Father onely So it might be that neither Florentius praied to any but to God and the young men mocking him as praying to the Martyrs declared the iudgement of those times and those parts which was that Martyrs were not to be prayed to You say they mockt him not for praying to the Martyrs but for requesting of them quinquagenos folles so many pieces of money towardes his cloake Which is not likely he would capitulate so precisely with Saints for the buying of a new cloake but if he did you may weigh his wisdom and thinke how fit a man to square the faith of Gods Church by his actions Cartosus the cooke might say Ecce quomodò Martyres te vestierunt behold how the Martyrs haue clothed thee though neither Florentius praied to them nor Cartosus allowed such praier to be lawfull but onely comforting him against the taunts of the young men who had impured that to him to pray to Martyrs S. Austens epiphonema Cui nisi huic fidei attestantur ista miracula to what faith doe these miracles beare witnes c. hurts not vs who denie not miracles though they that call for them vntimely driue our Sauiour to groanes againe Mark 8. 12. nor wish ill to Martyrs and least of all to Faith but say that faith in Saints and prayer to the dead are both of them repugnant to the right faith of our Lord Iesus Christ. To the eight Chapter The Bishops arguments against Praying to Saints are maintained which the Adioynder saith may be expected in all likelihood that he should satisfie and therefore addresseth himselfe thereunto in this chapter The Canon of the Church of England about the Crosse in Baptisme neither guiltie of imposture nor any otherwaies to blame Wrangling iuggling trifling and the rest of his braue Rhetorique wherewith he fronts the Bishop returned vpon himselfe rather in proofe then words § 1. YOV call it the Bishops abusing of Theoderet to quote as much of the text onely as was most pregnant to the matter in hand besides that you know his accustomed breuity And yet professing to lay downe Theodonets place you dare not your selfe lay it downe at large I will adde what you left out The question betweene vs arises of the 35. Canon of the Councell of Laodicea Of that Theodoret in his Comment vpon the 2. to the Coloss thus They which defended the law did prouoke them also to the worship of Angels saying that the law was giuen by them Now this fault remained in Phrygia
when he said absens corpore prasens spiritu and yet knew not what they did but loue linked him nor might they petition to him in such absence Spectator actuum an Angell may be as you quote out of S. Ambrose and yet not cogitatuum which is prayers cheife seat as hath been often told you § 17. Wee say not that Saints are shut vp in a coffer as you malitiously slaunder vs with Vigilantius Wee graunt they follow the Lambe whethersoeuer hee goes but signanter dictum sequuntur non praeeunt they follow him not goe before him that is they applaude his resolutions of shewing mercy to his Church not importune him alwaies with fresh demaunds only sighing for our saluation in generall The blessed Martyr Fructuosus as you may read in Baronius Tom. 2. Anno. 262. when he was hasting to his martyrdome and now come to the stage of his execution one Felix requested him to haue him in minde belike after death To whom the holy Martyr and Bishop answered clarâ voce audientibus cunctis In mente me habere necesse est ecclesiam Catholicam ab oriente vsque in Occidentem That is I must needes haue in minde the Vniuersall Church of Christ euen from the East to West Limiting thereby his prayers to the Vniuersall estate of Christs Church here vpon earth and no longer owning particular suits after his departure out of the body As he that giues vs the Contents of the second Tome of Baronius in the ende of the booke vnderstands those wordes more peremptorily yet then so Non esse orandum sibi nisi pro Ecclesiâ Catholicâ that he may not pray for any but onely for the Church Whereas what if they should pray for the generall of mankind But I must further follow you § 18. S. Gregories speculum is reiected by your selues Is it like the Saints see as much as God Doe they see him as much as he is to be seene Doe they comprehend him in quantum comprehensitilis est Yet himselfe does so And if by seeing him they see as farre into him as the nature of things is resplendent in him they should doe this and all He meanes the presence and contemplation of God excludes all wretched and woefull ignorance from them and fills them full of happines but after the measure of their capacity And though they could discerne all that is in God yet it is a question whether he would not restraine them from some things purposely speculum voluntarium not naturale Though they affect vs well as wee confesse yet their felicity stands not in the knowledge of our welfare but in submitting themselues and all their desires to the pleasure of God of whome wee read that he shall be all in all in them but not that they shall be all in all in him I meane to see all that is to be seen by him § 19. I haue omitted one thing in the 17. Numb that the Saints offer vp our prayers vnto God Apoc. 5. for so you quote In all which chapter neuerthelesse there is no mention of offering at all The 24 Elders are said to haue harpes that is the instruments of praise and vialls full of sweete odors which the holy Ghost expounds to be the prayers of the Saints But their owne as well as others for ought I know Either their thanksgiuing to God for their wonderfull redemption as v. 12. for thanksgiuing is reckoned a kinde of prayer or because you are so delighted with the Bishops graunt the intercessions which they continually make for vs. As for the 8. chapter of the same booke where you read thus Another Angel came and much incense was giuen him to the ende that he might dare de orationibus Sanctorum offer as you conceiue it of the prayers of the Saints the originall Greeke reads dare orationibus that he might giue of that incense to the prayers of the Saints not offer them himselfe Which Angel S. Primasius expounds to be Christ so Beda so Ausbertus our Rhemists insinuating though not expressing so much S. Austen before them all Hom. 6. in Apocal. and therefore he is called another Angell as eminent aboue the former and he indeede graces our prayers with his merits as it were with sweete odours to make them acceptable to God Or if you will needes take it of the created Angels you see they adde no merits of their owne to countenance our prayers with but borrow incense from the Altar that is Christs merits from him for he is our Altar Hebr. 13. Data sunt ei thymiamata multa as hauing none of his owne Which is enough to ouerthrow the mediation of Angels though there were no more For by a scheme of speach they are made to be casters on of the perfume though it be Christ alone that can dispence his owne merits and the Angels are strangers to them As when it is said in Mulachie that a booke of remembrance was written before the Lord another is made to supply his memorie as it were though his singular sufficiency need no such helpe Lastly if we should read as we no where read that the Angels offered vp our praiers to God or carried them to God I would say that their carrying or offering them to God were nought els but their vnderstanding his gracious will and pleasure for the graunting of our praiers commeÌ„ced in Christs name beautified with those incense whereof the text speakes and their returne to vs the execution or performance of them on their parts wherein we needed their succour as Tob. 12. Act. 10. and sundrie places in the Psalmes as Mandabit angelis suis de te againe Mittet de coelis cruet me He shall commaund his Angels hee shall send from on high and saue me c. § 20. It is not worth the ripping vp now how the Rhemists haue expressed their dotage vpon this place Apoc. 8. that because it is said vers 3. the prayers of all Saints c. or because the title of Saints they are but slowely belike brought to extend to holy persons liuing vpon the earth therefore they haue deuised mediations of mediators between themselues Saints for Saints and Angels for Angels making intercession in heauen the superiour for the inferior as they tearme it What greater victory could we wish to the Truth or where shall we stay if this be once admitted § 21. NVm 24. Hee comes to another head of the Bishops plea why wee should not pray to Saints because there is no precept for it and all addition to the Law in matter of Gods seruice is Leuiathan a bugge But he insists vpon the place Deuter. 12. alleadged by the Bishop Quod â—â—bi praecepero hoc tantùm facies Thou shalt onely doe that which I commaund thee It extends no further saies F. T. then to the things in that Chapter namely to the not offering of such sacrifices as the heathen As if God could be offended onely one
hath done nothing in his Apologie in doing no more then so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he had as good made no Apologie at all By the way it is pretty and worth the noting how you report the Bishops words Rex expectat in quadringentis annis c. though de quadringentis would haue fitted you better which you quote in the margent as the Bishops owne words and like enough to be so not in quadringentis But this is your Latine when you list to speake like your selfe and reforme Bishops for theirs If it be true as you say that the Fathers of the three first hundred yeares after Christ are so few and so scantie remaining to our daies you reckon but 7. or 8. though I suppose there are diuers more yet what ill luck haue you with them that can finde no footing of all your new-fangled superstition in any of their workes Not in Tertullian not in Origen not in Irena Ignace Lactance Melito Cyprian Iustine Clemens Arnobius Methodius Minutius the Cyrills Dionysius Athenagoras Theophilus c. not in Eusebius himselfe who liued there anewst and enclined to the Platonicks as did some others of the forenamed ranke Which Platonicks are thought to be somewhat fauourable to your fancie of worshipping Saints aboue the rest of the Philosophers And if the Fathers as you say write so few in an age does not this shew that the square of our faith is the Scripture not the Fathers for how if the Fathers had wrote nothing at all As of diuerse points you confesse your selfe they did not Num. 63. and Num. 66. And in the beginning of this Chapter you would make vs beleeue that the Apostles themselues had no commaundement for writing Might not the Fathers pennes much more haue stood still Yet you adde that the after-ages abounded with writers when persecution ceased and many worthy Volumes were spread abroad into the world It may well bee but as heresie is confounded many times by writing so some errours will creepe in withall and hardly can it be eschewed Abundabit scientia but abundabit iniquitas too Daniel the one our Sauiour Christ the other each of the same times of the world of the Church The Elephant oppresseth Eleazar in the fall So falshood gets some ground of truth euen in seeming to be foyled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was our Sauiours depositum which he left to the Church witnesse he in the Nicene Councell Apud Socr. lib. 1. cap. 8. not ventilation not disputation Wherein I may boldly say that truth of relligion comes in as much hazard to bee lost as our Sauiour was in the crowde and concourse at Ierusalem As in the ouerflowes of Nilus the corne feilds are the better and the fatter for it but serpents and Crocodyles come in amaine so whiles many pennes walke the originall puritie is lesse preserued It will be alwayes true which Tully saith Quò propiùs aberant à diuina progenie c. so from the Primitiue times eò acutiùs cautiùsque vena videbant recta tenebant which posteritie fayled in § 45. When you aske if we would not receiue the signe of the Crosse as proceeding from antiquitie vnles all the Fathers had stood for it why should we hold you long in suspence It is the vniforme consent of the godly Fathers that endeares the vse of that memorial to vs and had onely certaine singulars like starres in a darke night deliuered their opinion of it it should neuer haue found such entertainment at our hands for the antiquities sake And therefore you must muster a squadron of Fathers though I see it be troublesome vnto you for prayer to Saints not come in with your snatches and your 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here and there if you will carrie it by the Fathers Where it may please you to remember that in the Conference at Hampton Court which you quoted so lately the Bishop that you now write against brought Tertullian for the Crosse and the vse therof in baptisme in immortali lauacro you haue neither author for Inuocation of Saints so auncient nor piece of an author Yet you compare this with the signe of the crosse How vnfitly § 46. The Bishops you say are giuen to teach the Church if they may erre therein the Church may be deceiued and so all is marred As if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Austen doth not tell you of erring Bishops of deceiuing Bishops which the people fondly relyed vpon he in vaine recalling them and denouncing that the Bishops authority is no sanctuary to the erroneous See lib. de pastor cap. 10. Saepe hoc dicunt heretici securi sequimur Episcopos The heretikes haue this often in their mouthes 〈◊〉 are safe so long as we follow our Bishops It is a signe of heresie with S. Austen to follow the Bishops and their iudgement securely viz. without looking any further And in the 7. Chapter of the said booke hee applyes that to the Bishops of his time out of Ezek. 34. Quod errabat non reuocastis the wandring sheepe ye haue not called backe What remedy are the Bishops now against error And Si Episcopus constitutus in ecclesia catholica non bonam rationem reddit de oue quam non quaesierit errantem de grege Dei qualem rationem redditurus est haereticus viz. Episcopus qui non solùm non reuocauit ab errore sed etiam impulit in errorem Doe you see that Bishops doe not onely not bring from errour but lead into error yea thrust impell cap. 10. of the aforesaid And yet you thinke the onely antidote of Church errors lyes in the Bishops How much better S. Peter Habemus firmiorem sermonem propheticum We haue a surer testimony namely the holy Scripture not onely then the authority of any Bishops can be to preserue from error but then a voyce from heauen for of that speaks S. Peter which Satan may counterfeit and so likewise fayne himselfe a Bishop as well as change himselfe into an Angel of light Therefore S. Hilary saies that Christ would not let his Disciples beare witnes of him and yet no meane persons because he was to be approoued by other manner of witnesses namely the Law and the Prophets that is the Scriptures And S. Chrysostome Hom. 9. in cap. 3. ad Coloss Exhorting the lay-men to prouide them bookes the medicines of their soules as he calls them bids them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not to tarrie for another Master not the Prelate himselfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for he hides many things many times from them for enuie or for vain-glory Whereas the Scripture layes all open sincerely Is this a small prerogatiue of Scriptures aboue the Doctors S. Austen also cap. 11. of the booke aforequoted after he had lodg'd his sheepe like a good pastor in the mountaines of Israel that is as he interprets it in the authority of the diuine Scriptures he thus bespeakes them Ibi pascite vt securè
of holy men Qui tamen sancti non authoritatem veritati suo tribuêre consensu sed testimonium gloriam de eiâ—… suscepere consortio Which Saints neuertheles or godly men authorize not the truth by their concurring in one but winne praise and estimation by their generall submitting of their iudgements thereunto Or is not originall sinne to be prooued by Scripture without a Iurie of Fathers thinke you As for the baptisme of infants I haue spoken before And Iulian himselfe was baptized in his infancie as S. Austen tells him l. 1. c. 4. What compasse will hold the authorities of Scripture that proclaime our infection from the very wombe Iob saith the infant of one night is not cleane c. Nay he would neuer haue cursed the day of his birth c. 3. but that he was borne in sinne For nothing can subiect a man to the curse but sinne The Psalme saith Behold I was shapen in iniquitie and made warme in my mothers sinnes Againe The vngodly are froward from the wombe And The iniquitie of my heeles that 's the originall sinne which sticketh so fast encounters him still euen-after regeneration For the serpene wounds vs in the heele the womans seede him in the head Illusiones lumborum and Ab occultis meis munda me is thought to be the same Moses saith euery figmentum of the heart of man is onely euill continually What was Esaies vncleannes of his lipps Esa 6. but this Originall pollution that he had not discarded from him For we must not thinke that the Prophet was ribauld in his talke or that-waies obnoxious as a filthie speaker God forbid And infinite the like throughout all the old Testament Besides diuers other proofes out of Salomons Proverbs he would neuer haue said that the day of death is better then the day of birth but that we are borne in sinne and neuer set free from this graue iugum of the sonnes of Adam as another calls it till our very death It is primum vivens vltimum moriens But my purpose was not to recken vp places of Scripture for confirmation of Originall sinne though you see how farre your prouocation carrieth me that say that this could not be prooued against young Iulian but by the Fathers If I should speake of the new Testament what ende would there be I will name but one place omitting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eph. 4. and Eramus quondam Tit. 3. and many the like namely that which S. Aust choaks the gallant with after he had ruffled in his rhetorike and so sprusely vrged him to shew but a crannie or a little hole by which this originall sinne hath crept into the world Ostendo tibi saith S. Austen non angustam rimam sed latissimam ianuam IN QVO OMNES PECCAVERVNT Rom. 5. Looke you Sir saith S. Aust not a litle hole but a broad gate that I shew you or rather the Apostle sheweth you by which sin entred into the world viz. the first man in whose fall we were bruised as the Platonikes are wont to say of the wing of the soule and they alluding perhappes hether So notorious is the originall corruption of mankinde that sense gropes it and nature feeles it and the world complaines of it that though the Scriptures did not testifie it the Fathers need not be cited where the Platoniks proclaime it As for S. Austens iudgement of Councells where the lis is dependens and Scripture hath been produced as yet on neither side that one saying of his is sufficient to shew the insufficiencie of them which is extant in his booke against Maximinus the Arrian l. 3. c. 14. Nec ego tibi Nicenum nec tu mihi Ariminense debes concilium obijcere He remits his aduersary the Nicene Councell rather then he will stand to any tryall but Scriptures about a point of faith In which Nicene there were more then sixe Fathers which you talke of here no lesse then 318. if you remember § 49. And is not that goodly proofe now for inuocation of Saints that it hath been beneficiall to the world and graced with miracles c As if it were for nothing that the spirit saith Si surrexerit in medio tui propheta yea and etiamsi euenerit secundum verbum eius although it come to passe according to his word For God doth all this to try vs. A shipman is seen saith Pliny in a tempest when the cables are stretcht when the winds beat the waters swell cum gemit arbor when the ship-board groanes yea when the blood commeth out at the marryners fingers ends So faith is no faith till it be soundly tryed Now let me see saith Hercules to his son in Sophocles his Trachiniae Mene an illam potiorem putes whether thou louest thy mother the Papists are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or me better So God of vs. § 50. As for Deut. 17. that two witnesses are to be heard I answer in matter of fact not of faith where Angels are not to be heard if they crosse the Gospel though comming from heauen nay Anathema must be said to them which the Councell of Laodicea precisely obserues in this very cause of adoring Angells Can. 35. to giue Anathema to all such belike Angells and all of which before Yea not onely Angels but Christ himselfe if he be counterfeited is to be reiected Ecce hîc ecce illic as in the Cooke Cartosus in the zeale of the multitudes madde vpon Mamas and the like For to speake of Peter now were superfluous after these though he be your Pope whom you preferre before all in your partiall fancy of whome Remigius construes those words of the Apostle Gal. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 though any other though the Pope himselfe yea if himselfe corrupt the Gospel let him be accursed § 51. But that surpasses in your 70. Num. that because the Bishop shewes by his quotation of Bellarmine that he had read his booke de Beatitud Sanct. lib. 1. cap. 20. and refutes not the answer that he there makes to our mens obiections about praying to Saints therefore he is guilty of wilfull malice and goes against his conscience in not taking away the solutions as there they stand As if the Bishop lackt worke for sooth or his taske had been to refute the Cardinalls Controuersies and not the Apology onely With such crimes you patch vp when you lacke matter § 52. You thinke much that the Bishop calls you to such authors as Origen against Celsus as Athanasius and Cyrill and the like Fathers auncienter then those that you delight in by which time a leake was made in relligion and corruption which can hardly be kept out for a hundred yeares as Luther was wont to say in processe of time had gotten no small aduantage Polycrates Bishop of Ephesus his speach is very obseruable concerning the Church that being left as a chast virgine spouse of Christ to the Apostles
the Patriarch euen when he was ready to dye So happy are they to whome I say not in senectute but in morte contigerit huc aspirare as he saies Cui suspiramus semper Where you say that no guile must be in the spirit Psal 32. 2. and therefore sinne is cleane purged in the iust you are to know that all sinne is not guile but the sinne of hypocrisie dissembling our sinnefulnesse and reioycing sinisterly in our supposed perfection of which let them take heede that dance to your pipe and delight in your doctrine The Psalme opposeth it there to dum tacui in the next verse v. 3. for where there is tacui there is guile where no guile no tacui And the Saints in the Reuelation had no guile found in their mouthes because they confessed they were sinners sath S. Austen § 19. ANother fault of the Bishops is here complained of that he hath not layd downe at full the Cardinals argument out of the Epistle of Theodosius to the Councell of Ephesus by which is shewed who should be present at generall Councells And I hope it is no matter whether he lay it downe at length or no so he answer it But you that vndertake the refutation of the Bishops answer to the Cardinalls Apologie why doe you mention but one part of his answer to this very argument Is not this a worse fault and yet in the same kinde As for example one part of the Bishops answer was this that a Count and a King be not all one and when Theodosius forbad the Count to meddle he precluded not himselfe This you mention but the rest you leaue out First that it appeares Theodosius did not set this law to himselfe to be no medler in Councels because he assembled it yea confirmed it and ratified the Acts of it which Count Candidian might not doe Secondly that the Emperour exhorted this noble Courtier and Count Candidian to suppresse them that were at oddes and to curbe the humour of such as loued iangling Could this be without his interposing in their tractate which are the words that you stand vpon And you shall finde in the Trullan Councell that other lay-men are forbidden that thing the libertie whereof is reserued to the Emperour notwithstanding So might it be here And indeede who would euer retort vpon a King out of his owne words or bind Theodosius as it were with his owne girdle so with his owne Epistle which he neuer meant should yoke himselfe To omit that Constantine carried himselfe like a Bishop witnesse Eusebius nay Bishop ouer Bishops that is the oecumenicall Bishop which you would be glad if your Pope had the like plea for himselfe to intermeddle with the matters of Constantine and of the Empire Why then might not Theodosius Or though onely Bishops as you would faine force may haue to doe in Councels yet why should Theodosius or Constantine sit out that are Bishops without the Church as others are within and during diuine seruice See Sozom. l. 4. c. 21. of Leonas and Laritius two lay-Courtiers one satelles aulae another praefectus militum as the author styles them sent to the Councell of Seleucia in Isauria de mandato Constantij by Constantius his commandement that in their presence de fide accuratè inquireretur strict enquiry might be made of Faith And when some Bishops would not enter into disputation about things controuerted because of the absence of other Leonas tamen iussit de fide disceptari Leonas neuerthelesse commanded them to conferre about relligion In the Councell of Syrmium the Emperour likewise appointed Iudges president of his owne pallace doctrinâ auctoritate caeteris praestantes in all likelihood but lay-men Idem Sozom. lib. 4. c. 5. And cap. 13. of the same booke Constantius letter to the Church of Antioch and the Bishops there assembled conteines thus Placet prohibere à conventibus Ecclesiasticis It is our pleasure to forbid certaine from Ecclesiasticall assemblies You may say now if you will after all this that Emperours haue nothing to doe in Councels and that Theodosius meant to barre himselfe by his owne letter or else that he knewe not the right which Constantius exercised and was descended to him by succession euen from Constantine But there is a letter of Theodos and Valentinian ioyntly extant in the Acts of the Ephesine Councell the 3. in number in Surius his edition beginning thus Praeclarissimo Comiti c. Which you may doe well to read to see what lay Emperours may doe in Councells You shall see how he checks the whole Councell there for there partiality and part-taking for their tumults and sicut non conueniebat and how he concludes the matter Quapropter Maiestati nostrae visum est vt huiusmodi authoritas nullo pacto locum habeat quae inordinatè sunt gesta cassentur Wherefore it seemed good to our Maiestie that such authority should by no meanes take place and that those things be abrogated or disanulled which were disorderly done Yea how he tyes the Bishops to their residence at the Councell forbidding any to depart and how he sets an Oportet vpon omnia corroboranda sunt à nostrâ pietate and lastly how he ends most imperially and worthily Maiestas nostra nō hominum aliquorum sed ipsius doctrinae ac veritatis curam gerit Our Maiestie takes not care of mens persons but of Gods truth and the heauenly doctrine The like he doth in the Epistle that you quote and namely chargeth them to heare no accusations but proceede to discussion of faith onely § 20. TO your numb 42. and 43. what we heare from witnesses though sure and certaine witnesses yet we doe but heare when you haue made the most of it So as the Bishop might well say Augustinus nihil praeter auditum habet Austen hath nothing more then heare-say meaning he reports not this of his own knowledge though he would not seem to deny credit to those witnesses Which many a man to say truth is loath to doe I meane to detract any thing from the credit of the reporter euen then when he scarce beleeues that which is told As for the assistance of Angels or apparition of Saints it prooues not that it is lawfull for vs to pray to them as hath been shewed before and therefore it matters not greatly whether that of Felix be true or no. Sure it is that S. Austen in the same booke where he tells this de curâ promortuis argues from the saying of holy Scripture Abraham hath not knowne vs nor Israel c. that Saints departed are ignorant if not carelesse or forgetfull of our state here A figure whereof there may seeme to be in the story of Ioseph whome the butler forgot as soone as himselfe was escaped out of prison as it were the Saint newly departed out of the body and forgetting his late fellowes in pilgrimage the rather because both a Philo and the
called a nation saith the wise Ecclesiasticus c. 50. v. 25. and 26. Whome he professes also to hate before all the world And in Sicima not the cakeseruice performed by the dames but the next in order that Epiphanius speakes of was accomplished by the Samaritans in a place like a theater a mixt superstition and like this of the Papists But this is Ladie Aspricoll that the Adioynder meaneth of yet the name you see how ominous to delusions and fooleries euen of old Others at Minich for sooth and in Valentia of Spaine straunge feats wrought at a Priests bodie notable saies the margent that died in Aprill last For as in Madrigalls so in miracles alwaies the last mocke the vulgar most 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thus the whores factors would faine drawe customers to her burse of bawderies And F. T. that he may be the man offers his seruice like Ticelius vnder Pope Leo whome Luther scared Nay we are all of vs gone at common Law he thinks that can shew no miracles so long together in our Church not so much as a lame dogge or a sicke cat healed in all our Congregations notwithstanding our liuely and strong faith that we are wont so much to vaunt of Thus he And specially since the Bishop grants miracles to haue beene done at S. Stephens bodie in S. Austens time the Bishop meant he would not reiect S. Austens report and yet he repelleth their idolatries about the worshipping of relliques sufficiently otherwaies for non sequitur consequentia à miraculis ad cultum witnes Bellarmine himselfe lib. 4. c. 14. de Not is Eccl. but if he graunt that miracles were done then he must either shew why they haue ceased since saith the Adioynder or at least prooue that all the Popish miracles whereof their Church boasteth are no better then spectra and diabolicall illusions A taske not so difficult perhaps but that the number is so infinite Though why should not himselfe or one of his fellowes approoue the soundnes of them rather then wee disprooue them since they bring those miracles for so many argumēts of their doughtie relligion which they call Catholike we know to be counterfeit The law of disputation beeing as I remember for the opponent to prooue the defendant to answer onely and to resist But the Adioynders discontinuance so long from the Vniuersities hath dispossessed him of these and all other good notions Neither doe I see any reason why the Bishop granting that there were miracles don in S. Austens time should be bound to acknowledge their continuance till now or shew a reason of their ceasing as the Adioynder would faine charge vpon him vnlesse they likewise prooue that those miracles beginning with the Apostles time cōtinued in the Church without any intermission from the primitiue till S. Austens daies which as yet they haue not done For Bellarmine attempting it Lib. 4. cap. 14. de Notis Eccl. is both otherwise at a losse and failes most grossely in the second hundreth of yeares In all which time he hath but one miracle viz. that of the Christiā souldiers vnder Marcus Aurelius obtaining raine at the instance of their prayers after a long and great drought Which some would doubt whether to call a miracle or no a mirandum rather or if it be miracle yet we want not diuers such nor I thinke no Church vnder heauen according to that of S. Iames 5. 16. The prayer of a righteous man auaileth much How much more whō so many are combined together And yet Bellar. calling it miracula in the plurall number as it were many miracles presently addes De quo vide c. falling into the singular number with shame enough like him that would call for his men Iohn hauing but one in all and yet making shew of great attendance Well omitting Bellarmine who makes it a miracle if our relligion last any thing long which God be thanked he hath not liued to see extinguished S. Austen thus deliuers his opinion of miracles de ciuit Dei lib. 22. cap. 8. the verie place which the Adioynder quoteth Quisquis adhuc prodigia vt credat inquirit magnum ipse prodigium est quia mundo credente non credit That is Whosoeuer calls for miracles in these dayes himselfe is a great monster that beleeues not when the world round about him hath beleeued Meaning that after the confirmation of Christs doctrine by signes miracles such as we read of in the new Testament Heb. 2. 4. we are to seeke no further but to rest in that which being taught vs once or brought vs once as S. Iud◠saies that is confirmed once for good and all needs no other daily demonstrations What saies the Scripture Signes are for the infidels not for the beleeuers 1. Cor. 14. If faith were currant therefore in the Church of Rome they would call for no miracles to commend it And the same S. Austen again Tract 13. in Ioh. insults ouer the Donatists and their pretending to doe miracles and calls them mirabiliarij or miracle-mongers by contempt De vnitate also Eccles c. 16. he reiects not the Donatists onely and their miracles but such as are said to be done in the Catholike Church from hauing any force to demonstrate the Church as the Adioynder would Non ideò manifestatur Ecclesia saith hee quia haec talia miracula in ea fiunt The doing of miracles though they be true miracles is no note of the Church This is a flint that Bellarmine mumps at and cannot get downe with any chewing To which finally may be added another testimonie of the same S. Austen contra Faust Manich. lib. 12. c. 45. where he preferres the prophecies that went of Christ in Scripture before miracles though neuer so illustrious as which are more subiect to cauillation then Scripture Oracles His words are Etsi attestabantur miracula doctrinae Apostolicae attamen non defuissent sicut etiam nunc adhuc quidam mussitant qui magicae potentiae cuncta illa tribuerent nisi talis eorum cogitatio contestatione prophetica vinceretur Magicis enim artibus longè antequam nascerentur prophetas sibi constituere à quibus praenunciarentur nemo vtique diceret That is Although there were miracles which bare witnes to the truth of the Apostles doctrine yet there would haue been some as there are also now who would haue ascribed those things to certaine Magicall arts or feates vnlesse that wicked surmise of theirs had been beaten and battered downe with the testimonies of the holy Prophets for no man could say though disposed to cauill that Christ by Magicke could appoint himselfe certaine Prophets long before hee was borne who should foretell of him c. S. Chrysostome sayes euidently in 1. ad Cor. cap. 2. hom 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Miracles are forbidden in these dayes or miracles are at a stay now choose you whether for the authoritie is pregnant against you both waies And he affirmes that the
with names or glorious titles vnles it be nomen cum fide the holding of his name with the not denying of his faith ver 13. of the same Chapter Whereas the Papists leauing to be called by his name the name Christians which the Scripture onely recordeth may well be suspected to haue renounced his faith too giuen him ouer cleane For the holy Ghost wee see couples them both together § 41. Yet the Adioynder is peremptory num 32. that the name Catholique cānot be vsurped by heretikes but is a most true and proper note of the true Church and num 33. that the name and the thing expressed by the name doe alwaies so concurre that they are neuer separated And againe num 34. that heretikes or hereticall congregations neuer did or could vsurpe the name Catholique but the same hath alwayes beene and euer shall bee peculiar to the true Church and that the name and the thing signified by the name doe euer concurre Thus he But what such priuiledge I wonder hath the name Catholique supra omne nomen aboue all names els or why should that only cleaue to truth and the truth to it whereas all other names may be diuorced from it May the name Christian be rent from the Church by the furiousnes of Iulian labouring to extinguish the whole body of Christians and yet Christianity suffer no disparagement thereby as Theodoret witnessed in most plentifull manner a little before and cannot the name Catholique be borrowed of the Church by the hand of some crafty intruder or other but the Church shall no longer be her selfe Yet the name Christian implyes Christ in it which is the head that we hold by and the Prince of our Congregation Secondly Scripture recordeth it and thirdly it seemes giuen by diuine inspiration 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Neither of which agrees to the name Catholique No nor yet to the Gnostiques a high name too and from the abundance of knowledge which they attributed to themselues Whom S. Paul is thought to twit 1. Tim. 6. 12. giuing vs withall to vnderstand that there may be falshood in names 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the falsly called Gnostiques Of Apostolike Angelike and if there bee any other I might say the same Why should the name Catholique be more sacred then they why lesse exposed to hereticall vsurpation For Catholique and Apostolike either draw in an equalitie or at least Apostolike is not inferiour to Catholique Angelike one would thinke were aboue them both And if the name Catholique still goes where the true Church goes how are the Catholiques themselues not Catholiques or not knowne by that name as sometimes it fared witnesse S. Austen but transformed into the titles of certain newfangled sectaries the Traducians the Macarians the rest of that rabble before rehearsed Is it like that the heretikes wil not call thēselues Catholiques as the Adioynder pretends whē they take from Catholiques the very name Catholike and cloth them with other of their own deuising Though S. Austen most directly contra Epistol Fundamenti cap. 4. the booke that the Adioynder himselfe here quotes sayes that omnes haeretici se Catholicos dicivolunt all heretikes would be called Catholiques and Lactantius Institution lib. 4. cap. 30. that all heretikes suam esse potissimùm Catholicam putant Ecclesiam they thinke themselues Catholiques and the Catholique Church theirs in a prime degree How then shall we beleeue that of Cyrill of Hierusalem for wee will suppose it to be Cyrills for this once which Bellarmine first alleadged and the Adioynder here referres vs to that no heretake will presume to call his sect Catholique or to point to his own faction if the question be askt of the Catholique Church as if that word were such a scare to him Does not this shew that the Bishop most aduisedly answered to those authorities when hee answered in the words which the Adioynder carps here that De nomine lis nulla inter nos intercedit sed vtripotiùs è re nomen habeant We stand not vpon the name it hath beene shewed in the precedents that there is no cause to stand vpon names but which of vs hath the most right to inherite the name the glorious name as S. Iames sayes quod inuocatur super nos by which we are called As for S. Austen he might say that tenet me postremò ipsum nomen Catholicae reckoning the name Catholique among the last arguments which perswaded him to continue in the vnity of the Church and preferring like enough diuerse forcibler before it or els this would haue mooued him but little Nay when the Bishop tells you that in case it were graunted for he doth but graunt it wee beleeue it not that it is true as you say when search is made after the Catholique Church wee point to your Church yet you cannot deny on the other side but if the Catholique Reformed be asked after a man will point to ours and not thinke of yours for any such mention does not this abate your lofty swell as much as the other sond supposall serued to pricke you vp in pride For Catholique reformed is a more tollerable addition and more agreeable to all good rules of reason and of faith then Catholique Romane is at any hand which is your monstrous contradiction in adiecto as I may so call it euen within two words And as Catholique to Christian by the verdict of Pacian which you are wont so to stand vpon or Apostolike to Catholique in the most Orthodox style and some auncient Creeds Credo sanctam Catholicam Apostolicam So Catholique to be determined by Reformed Catholique after that such a sea of corruptions hath flowed in euen by your owne confessions I pray what repugnance hath it either to sound reason or to auncient custome or to any good ground and principle of the Church or how doth it not iustifie our Church aboue yours to be that Vbi cubas which wee so seeke for § 42. But Satyrus beeing cast a shore you say amongst a company of schismatikes askt if they agreed with the Catholique Bishops expounding himselfe to meane the Church of Rome Where first you see the prerogatiue is not the Bishops of Rome but the Churches of Rome if any be Else why doth he fall so suddenly from the mention of Bishops to the mention of a Church but that he meanes a Church containing in it many Bishops and therefore not the Sea of Rome precisely as now it is taken But as for the point in hand whether the Romane faith and the Catholique bee all one because Satyrus interpreted his meaning in that sort me thinks the Bishop most compleatly answereth him and so vntieth the knot that you would faine tie vs in as he yet tieth you fast enough in a farre tougher knot at the same instant Sciebat enim c. For hee knewe saies the Bishop that the Bishop of Rome was then a Catholique a
Catholique protunc and at that time punctually but neither afore nor after very immediately Will you heare what our Adioynders reply is to this Hauing repeated the Bishops words to the effect aforesaid he thus commenteth Num. 29. So hee Wherein he graunteth consequently that the Pope is supreame and vniuersall Pastor of the whole Church for that must needes follow of his graunt seeing it is euident that he who then was Bishop of Rome and whom he alloweth for Catholique had and exercised a supreame and vniuersall authoritie To which purpose it is to be considered who was Bishop of Rome at that time Whereto the Bishop himselfe giueth vs no small light signifying presently after that Liberius was Bishop a little before him and sure it is that Damasus succeeded Liberius and raigned many years who therefore must needs be the Catholique Bishop that the Bishop meaneth Perge porrò Num. 30. Now then what authority Damasus had and exercised during his raigne I pray you let it be obserued here the raigne of King Damasus For all Iesuites thinke so in their hearts but some onely speake it with their mouthes as the Adioynder here twice in his inconsiderate zeale And yet by this they exalt the King aboue the Pope though it be against their wils because purposely amplifying the Papall style they call it Kingdom as ashamed of Popedome and Priesthood the inferiours to it So as Baronius in his Annales reckons the years of the world by the Annus of such a Pope as Pius or Clemens or Anacletus or the like Which in other Chronicles were wont to be reckoned by the Emperours onely by the Popes either not at all or but accidentally Insomuch as the Holy Ghost himselfe Act. 11. 28. describing the famine that was ouer all the world calculated the time by the Emperour thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vnder Claudius Caesar But perhaps Peter was not then come to Rome I goe forward with the Adioynder Now then what authoritie Damasus had c. it appeareth saith he sufficiently by that which I signified before concerning him his supremacie in the fourth Chapter where I shewed that the same was acknowledged not onely in Affricke by the Bishops of three Affrican Synods who in a common Epistle to him gaue cleare and euident testimonie thereof but also in the East Church euen by the chiefe Patriarches thereof to wit by Peter the holy Bishop of Alexandria who immediately succeeded Athanasius and beeing expelled from his Church by the Arrians fled to Pope Damasus and by the vertue and authority of his letters was restored to his seat as the Magdeburgians themselues doe relate out of the Ecclesiasticall histories And in the Church of Antioch his authoritie was acknowledged by Paulinus the Bishop thereof receiuing instructions and orders from him for the absolution of Vitalis the Heretike Also afterwards Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria and S. Chrysostome Bishop of Constantinople were suiers to him to obtaine pardon for Flauianus Bishop of Antioch as may be seene more particularly in the fourth Chapter of this Adioynder where I haue also set downe the cleare testimonies of some Fathers who liued at the same time and euidently acknowledged his supremacie § 43. Numb 31. So that the Bishop graunting that Pope Damasus was a Catholique Bishop and that the Church of Rome was in such integritie vnder him that S. Ambrose had reason to hold none for Catholiques but such as held vnion therewith it must needs followe that the supreame and vniuersall authoritie which Pope Damasus had and vsed was not vsurped but due to him and his Sea and consequently to his successours And whereas the Bishop signifieth that the Romane Church and Bishops were not alwaies in the like integritie that they were at that time to wit neither a little before in the time of Liberius nor shortly after in the time of Honorius because both of them subscribed to Heresie as hee saith I will not now stand to debate c. § 44. This is the Laconicall breuity of this Thom To whome wee answer in a word as for the repeating of his braue feates exployted in the fourth Chapter we remit him to our answer thereunto in the precedents touching euery particular That if Damasus had exercised such an exoticall iurisdiction as he fondly dreameth and the allegations doe nothing prooue yet this could not preiudice his beeing Catholique or he might be an vsurper notwithstanding Satyrus his iudgement of him First because Satyrus meant onely in opposition to the Luciferian schismatikes whose cause was not the cause of Ecclesiasticall Supremacy Secondly Satyrus perhaps might not discerne the error though the Pope had laboured of it as diuerse other good men also gaue way to it vnwittingly Thirdly a Pope may be right in his beleefe though he be erroneous in his practise and so may any body els For the theife himselfe doth not thinke it lawfull to steale nor the man-queller to murther and yet they both commit the wickednes Euen so the Pope may be Catholique though he should turne cut-throate I meane Catholique for his faith as the Papists take it and speculations only Else we know that S. Austen requires more then faith to make one Catholique giues bad liuers but a censerivolunt they would be accounted Catholique but are not By which also wee may collect the Apostacie of the Church of Rome her falling away from the faith Catholique by the contagion of euill manners that swarme in her non secundum Euangelium 1. Tim. 1. 11. As Nilus his argument is out of the same chapter ver 19. that they that put away good conscience from them quickely also make shipwracke of their faith Though the Adioynder holds that the Church and her title cannot be seuered but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which the Fathers so couple the Papists thinke it no disparagement to their Church to haue them parted Fourthly and lastly I say Damasus exercised no vniuersall iurisdiction nor coueted after it for ought the Adioynder hath demonstrated The lesse Catholique therefore the more Catholique Pope Damasus whatsoeuer become of Liberius and Honorius the one afore him the other after him not so currant both § 45. There followeth presently after saith the Adioynder Num. 32. a large and liberall grant of the Bishop right worth the noting In fine what trow you That the Bishop saying Fatemur omnia nec de nomine lis sed utri è re nomen habcant he by that confesseth that they haue the true signe and note of the Church and we not hauing it are heretikes or schismatikes As if we forsooth refused the name Catholike or the Bishop implyed any such thing in all his speech which not the desperatest wretches but censeri volunt witnes S. Aust et si sanari nolunt they would be called Catholiques As Dioscorus said in the Councell of Chalcedon Eijcior cum Patribus Catholicis no doubt I
am cast out with the Fathers saith he he meanes Catholique Fathers you may be sure And Qui profitentur fidem Catholicam saies S. Austen homil 10. in Apocal. speaking of Antichrist and his leud company Of whom also he addes that Imago eius the Image of the beast simulatio eorum est is their counterfetting and hypocrisie qui fingunt se esse quod non sunt c. Loe the marke of the Church as the Adioynder counts it is the Image of the beast as S. Austen construes it when it is falsly pretended namely the name Catholique Shall we not rest then in the Bishops most graue ponderation Vtriè re magis nomen habeant which of vs two best deserue the title And turne the Adioynders witty descant wherein he doubles vpon the Bishop with Ex ore tuo te iudico because we call them Catholiques to Non ex ore tuote because his neighbours word is to be heard before-his owne iustifying himselfe But of these things hitherto The shippe Euplaea retaines her name though encountred with all crosse lucke at Sea to the laughter of the beholders standing vpon the shore And notwithstanding the name yet she is the game of the tempests Right so is the case when Petri celox as Bembus calls it iets in her titles of magnificence vp and downe after her other scandalls so palpably layd open Not the badge 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 though prognosticating a calme but S. Pauls piety preserued the shippe sayling to Rome Acts 28. as it had the marriners before Acts. 27. in despite of the sea In like sort here Badges and ensignes titles and tearmes protect not Churches but inward worth and diuine grace § 46. IT followes in the Adioynder Num. 35. And the like I may also say concerning his graūt in another matter to wit that our Bishops are true Bishops and that the Protestant Bishops of England had their Ordination from ours yea from 3. of ours for so he giueth to vnderstand whereupon he also inferreth that he and his fellow Superintendents haue a true ordination and succession from the Catholique Church whereas the quite contrary followeth vpon his graunt For if our Bishops be true Bishops as hauing a true succession from the Apostles and that the Protestant Bishops haue no other lawfull ordination but from ours two consequents doe directly follow thereon the ore that we haue the true Church and doctrine if the Bishop his fellow and friend M. Barlow say true who in his famous Sermon mentioned by me elsewhere affirmeth the successiue propagation of Bishops from the Apostles to be the maine root of Christian society according to S. Augustine and the maine proofe of Christian doctrine according to Tertullian as I haue shewed amply in my Supplement and prooued thereby that M. Barlow and his fellowes are heretikes and schismatikes The other consequent is that if the English Protestant Bishops had no other lawfull ordination then from the Catholiques they had none at all for that at the change of Religion in Queene Elizabeths time they were not ordained by any one Catholique Bishop and much lesse by three as the Bishop saith they were but by themselues and by the authority of the Parliament as I haue also declared at large in my Supplement Then Num. 37. Wherupon I inferre two things one that they haue no Clergie nor Church for hauing no Bishops they haue no Priests because none can make Priests but Bishops and hauing neither Bishops nor Priests they haue no Clergie and consequently no Church as I haue shewed in my Supplement out of S. Hierome The other is that the Bishop and his fellowes are neither true Bishops nor haue any succession from the Catholique Church as he saith they haue nor yet any lawfull mission or vocation that therefore they are not those good shepheards which as our Sauiour saith enter into the fold by the doore c. § 47. I answer in one word to his redoubled collections multiplied obseruations beginning with the first of his two inferences concluding with his ground from which he sets out as false as they and more too No Bishops no Priests saies he because only Bishops can make Priests without both them without all Clergy consequently without a Church as I haue shewed in my Supplement out of S. Hierome For still we must heare of the Supplement in any case or els it is no bargain But as for Hierome we may oppose Tertulliā to him that Quod quis accepit dare potest whatsoeuer a man hath receiued he may giue again if occasion be offred in Ecclesiasticall passages And so our Sauiour sets the Date against the accepistis instructing his Apostles about the vse of their gifts which they had receiued of him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith S. Peter And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Let euerie body communicate a gift as hee hath receiued and As good stewards of the manifold grace of God Though ordinarily it is reason that the treasure should be onely in the Bishop keeping as the faithfullest depositarie to auoid euill dealing 1. Tim. 5. 22. Nemini citò manus imposueris And we know iurisdiction is so restrained in Bishops by the Adioynders owne confession in diuerse places of this booke yea in Priests too who are limited to their quarter for their ordinarie seruice though their power conferred vpon them originally in their ordination extend to euerie member of the Church But I speake what may be done in casu as I said and vpon an exigent only Which if euer it was presented then for certaine when all was so out of frame in the Romane Church Though I might quarrell him also for that where he inferres againe thus No Priests no Church Their Rhemists note that our Sauiour Christ made not the Apostles Priests till his last Supper And yet I hope Christ and his companie were a Church before that time and a Church of the new Testament or else more incongruities will follow I beleeue then the Adioynder will salue vp in hast S. Paul calls Philemons house a Church Yet himselfe was a lay man as the Fathers hold which perhaps would not haue been but that a Church figuratiue may be without a Minister Why not then a true I would but fish their iudgements I am to sift some things for disputation sake For though Archippus was a Minister and Philemons sonne as some thinke yet their houses were distinct as appeares by S. Hieromes Commentarie vpon this place Ambiguum est vtrum Ecclesiam quae in domo Archippi sit an eam quae in domo Philemonis significare velit Apostolus cum dicit se scribere Ecclesiae quae in domo eius est sed mihi videtur non ad Archippi sed ad Philemonis referendum esse personam c. Yea Haymo saies directly asking why S. Paul salutes no Bishops Priests or other
Clergy-men writing to the Galatians as he does whē he writes to other Churches Quia nondum habebant neque Episcopum neque Rectorem aliquem ideoque facilius sedici potuerunt And yet Galatia a Church or many Churches in Galatia as it is cap. 1. v. 2. But so much may suffice to his first collection § 48. Now to his second That the Bishop himselfe and other his colleagues here of the Church of England are neither true Bishops nor of any succession mission or vocation viz. because they enter not in by the doore that is are not ordained by Popish Bishops in whom alone the streame of succession runs along as he surmiseth though to this last I shall speak more distinctly by and by Yet in the meane while to answer to his wise illation iuxta prudentiam hominis as Salomon biddes vs Pope Nicholas their first was of another minde as it may seeme at least by his answer ad Consulta Bulgarorū c. 14. where when the people of that place would haue had a certaine Grecian to haue lost his eares to haue his nose slit and other such disgraces for preaching Christ though to the benefit of the people yet without any lawfull ordination the Pope dissents from them and qualifies the matter by these words of the Apostle Siue occasione siue QVOCVNQVE MODO Christus praedicetur non laboro yea hee concludes thus euen of the generall question out of another Popes mouth his predecessor a Pope you see quoting his predecessor Pope and the Apostle S. Paul too Non quaerite quis vel qualis praedicet sed quem praedicet It is no matter who nor what kind of man it is that preacheth but whom hee preacheth viz. whether hee preach Christ or no. Which last words are as strange to me as contrarie to the Adioynder in this place And so perhaps is that peruerting of the Apostles sentence before cited For when wee say Non interest quis praedicet vel qualis we are not to meane it of morall idoneity or morall sufficiencie but of Ecclesiasticall as the Schoole teaches So is the Pope to the Adioynder and the Schoole to the Pope and hard but the truth to them all contrarie In the 16. chapter of the said Responsa it seemes the people had executed their wrath vpon that poore caityfe that had fained himselfe Priest and cropt his eares and done him the despight which afore they trauailed with but questioned whether they might doe it lawfully or no. Belike the Popes answer had not come to their hands or else passion was deafe to milder aduise Whereupon in reproouing their hard vsage of him hee proceeds thus to excuse the matter Si Dauid esse se furiosum finxit vt suam tantum salutem operari posset quam noxam contraxit qui tot hominum multitudinem QV OQV O MODO de potestate Diaboli aternae perditionis abstraxit In English thus If Dauid fained himselfe mad onely to saue his life what fault was he in that pluckt so many men out of the power of the deuill and from eternall perdition IT IS NO MATTER HOVV Is this good diuinitie Or may you plead so and not wee § 49. As for that which he produceth out of Bishop Barlowes Sermon to fortifie this point yet a little better against vs it is meerely ridiculous because when Bishop Barlowe speaks of the succession of Bishops to be the root of Christian fellowship and the proofe of Christian doctrine he meanes as Irenaeus takes succession cum charismate veritatis with the gift of truth which in you is wanting in your hands in your mouthes is found nothing as the Psalmist speakes Doe we not read in S. Austen that Iudas Iudae succedit aliquoties Com. in Psal 141. and lupi agnis id est Apostolis Act. 20. 29. or nox dici as Gregory Nazianzene speakes and morbus sanitati that is one bad man suceedes another and good men are succeeded by the bad many times neither of which successions auaile you any thing or are to be gloried in Neither againe are we heretikes for dissenting from them of whome we tooke our ordination as you rashly imply in your numb 35. For the power of ordination is not taken away de facto from an heretical Bishop vnles he be sentenced and inhibited by authoritie And after that too perhaps the orders are good that he conferres though himselfe doe amisse in peruerting discipline and violating the commission of his superiours Fieri non debuit factum valuit as the common saying is § 50. But to come at last to the third point which is the ground and bottome of the other twaine and so an ende of this matter and in the next of the whole if God say Amen You say Our Bishops in the beginning of the raigne of Queene Elizabeth ordained themselues by mutuall compact beeing destitute of other helpe from Welsh and Irish which in vaine they sollicited And you produce your author one Thomas Neale a worthy wight no doubt though no more be said in conmendation of him Yet you adde that he was Reader of the Hebrew Lecture in Oxford afterward it may well be And thus you haue approoued as you thinke at least that our men were not consecrated by lawfull Bishops and lawfully called I meane ordained of them that your selues call Catholiques From whence what flowes That Clergy wee haue none nor Church none and the Bishop is no Bishop against whom you write c. But these two inferences we haue discussed before how well they follow out of the premisses though they were graunted As for the Bishop in particular that reuerend Prelate the obiect of your enuy and the subiect of our controuersie I might say much and yet conuince in short that the defect of oyle cannot hinder his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Philosopher said wittily that it was not possible that Hercules should be debarred heauen because he was not initiate so that the Bishop should be no Bishop for lacke of Ordainers But the greater his worth the more my silence and his scorne of these reproaches à magnitudine animi non à superbia as Tully saics of Socrates bridles me euen dumbe The summe is that when we say our Bishops were ordained by yours we meane by such as were first ordained by your Bishops though not persisting in their Relligion happily They were yours by Primitiue ordination not yours by constance of profession And this was enough to make good their act For the power by them receiued through imposition of hands makes them fit ordainers not the stedfastnesse of their faith or keeping close to the doctrine or else euery faithfull man might be a lawfull ordainer which you are loath to grant to euery faithfull Priest and much more to Lay-men It were not hard to shewe who consecrated the first Bishop in Queen Elizabeths time which was Archbishop Parker Bishop Barlow I trow was one
to Hardings question concerning his consecration ambiguous and irresolute c. Numb 10. of his Appendix because he saies OVR Bishops are made as they haue been euer Not VVE were made or I was made Does he not shew that there was no difference between his making and others when hee saies they were made as they haue been EVER and so defend himselfe as withall to defend all because the quarrell was not his blessed man that he was but the whole Churches of England which he maintained as zealously as any champion would his owne Neuertheles you tell vs againe Num. 11. as if you could neuer say it enough because indeed you haue nothing els to say That it is not to be imagined D. Harding would be so inconsiderate as to demand expressely of M. Iewell what three Bishops in the Realme laid hands vpon him if there were fowre as M. Masons Register hath it Send ouer your Page then or your Squire at armes or if you will your Desk-creeper as it is Num. 13. to peruse and search the Register of the Office which M. Mason auoucheth You shall finde Bishop Iewell was consecrated by these fowre Matthew Archbishop of Canterbury Edmund London Richard Ely Iohn Bedford and the consequents and the antecedents which you are so doubty iealous of in your Num. 14. will prooue M. Masons Register to be a true Register not disprooue it Though I doubt not but these things are known to many before M. Masons booke saw light And I confesse for mine owne part I had my instructions long since ex alio capite albeit I derogate nothing from his worthy paines § 52. I See I must end as I began The Supremacie of Princes and namely of His Maiestie is the thing that the Adioynder most maligneth That is their first that their last if they be well lookt into I am well content with it for my part Sis T V militiae causa modusque meae I know not how my penne can be employed better And it were hard if our pennes should be slacke to plead his right his most due right Deo Angelis hominibusque plaudentibus that beares the sword with the ieopardy of his life the enuy of Nations round about to preserue our liues and whatsoeuer wee hold deare or precious in this world A word therefore or two that wee haue prepared for the KING § 53. Though in truth the Adioynder here playes two in one Not onely his Rebels part but the plagiaries Hee would both steale the Crowne of independant Supremacie from the Kings head and withall rob him of one of his best Subiects his faithfull Counsellour his diligent watchman his vnweariable champion the B. of Elie. No maruell if hee giue his assaults there meaning ill to his Maiestie where he knowes a great part of the strength lyes like that Worthyes in his locks which he endeauours to purloin and divert another way § 54. The recriminations are diuerse which I will answer briefly setting them downe in their order and so conclude For there is no moment in any of them but hungry malice sets the pen on worke which were better quiet if it knew his owne good I fuge sed poteras tutior esse latens Yet the Adioynder is so absurd as to deface the Bishop and croppe his garland cheuvt frustrà to censure after all his very manner of writing himselfe such a writer no doubt but wot you what 's the cause 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Bishops book scorches them without a firebrand to the very bones torments them in an inuisible mysticall racke his words his matter his forme his substance all vexes them and wrings them and they dare not say how but the teares stand in their eies and they pretend by-matters they cauill with his style I come to particulars § 55. The first instance Because Supremacie is said to be no article of faith I answer in one word The perswasion of it is most wholesome but the raunge is not properly within the raunge of the Creeds or the pale of faith Whereas articulus ab arctatione quasi quid arctatum sayes their owne Altenstag Lexico Theolog. V. articul And the word of faith is both propè and breue that Rom. 10. 8. this Rom. 9. 28. Yea 2. Tim. 1. 13. we haue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doubly distinguished in ip sit terminis not onely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not onely of faith but of loue and charitie or dutifull obseruance Such is the Supremary S. Paul himselfe may witnesse for vs who 1. Tim. 6. 2. calls obedience to infidels euen to infidell masters how much more to Princes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one of the wholesome words of our Sauiour Christ the Commenters thinke he respects to that word Date Casari quae Caesaris sunt yet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For if it be Christs it binds howsoeuer whether it be of faith or of loue and in Christo Iesu saies the Apostle in both places both 2. Tim. 1. 13. and the 1. Tim. 6. 2 he fetches it from Christ Yet the Adioynder thinks that we are free to all things if they be not of faith that we may choose whether we will conforme to them or no though the morality that they imply be neuer so ghostly What then saies he of not stealing of not committing adultery of doing no murther and diuerse such like For Idolatry I thinke they acknowledge none it is so promiscuous in Popery Are not these things morum and not fidei Themselues so distinguish them at other times Bellarmine by name de Port. Rom. lib. 4. cap. 5. Decreta fidei and Praecepta morum are two with him Also Valentia quoting Thomas for it will haue haeresie it selfe to be in certaine propositions which crosse not with the Creed but with other truthes of Diuinity notwithstanding How then if the subiection that we owe to Princes be but as safe and sacred as one of these and grounded vpon the Law first either morall or iudiciall as Honorapatrem Honour thy father much more patrem patriae the father of the whole Countrey My children saith Ezekias speaking to his subiects and not the worst of them but to the Priests themselues 2. Chron. 29. 11. though it appeares not among the articles of the Apostles Creed Doubtlesse we may say Non est omnium fides 2. Thess 2. 3. and not onely subiectiuely but obiectiuely it beeing one thing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 another thing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Bishop most accurately and most profoundly distinguished howsoeuer our shuttle-pated Adioynder thinke of it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are not al one with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in our Church I say in ours for with the Papists euery thing is come now to be de fide either what their Church once ventes that same
the Kings of the Newe Testament c. But why should he taske vs to shew when this Translation as he calls it was made vnlesse first hee shew a Commission for himselfe to enioyne vs such trifling peice of worke rather then he or his fellowes prooue if they can for their blood that the old authority was euer taken from Kings and giuen to Church-men hee calls them Apostles here but his meaning is Popes and Termagaunts and Hildebrands Yet the new Testament I can tell him is no backe-friend to Kings whatsoeuer he thinke of it This hath partly appeared out of that which hath been said And if Kings be Soueraigne by the right of their place Constantine shall not lacke it because Nero hath abused it but Nero shall haue it though Constantine onely employ it as hee should leauing the other to his iudge 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. Cor. 5. 13. God iudges those whome man may not iudge which is so much the terribler as S. Chrysostome notes well vpon that place § 65. The more excellent priesthood that he would faine coine and setvp in the new Testament to defie Kings with is a most excellent fancy as he aboundeth with many of them vulesse he measure excellencie by no vulgar ell Which the Iesuites will not Dextra mihi Deus est telum They call the Church indeed a spirituall body as this prater doth soone after Numb 50. but their cubite is not Christian nor their sicle of the Sanctuary their arme is meere flesh that they trust to finally So was not the Apostles vnder whose name they march of whome he that said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2. Cor. 3. 8. sayes soone after in the same Epistle vnderstanding his calling which these are strangers to c. 10. v. 3 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. If they hold to the first let them take in the second The spirit ioynes them who shall separate them And now lastly to his Numb 45. 46. where he dares do nothing without a precept of Scripture for it so tender conscienced he is wax'd of late Scripture wants no precepts of submission to Princes euen in the highest Clergy-man that a concerning the most sacred duties but Malchus venter amiseruns aures Sloth and Surlynesse haue no eares to heare with they will not suffer them to heare what the Spirit saith vnto the Churches Returning into our way I thinke it long till I dissolue his last cauils § 66. Where seeking to make the Bishop to contradict our Diuines about the extent of Supremacie he yeelds him such testimony of consent with them all in his very first words euen those that seem to be furthest off as none greater shall need for this time to shew how much at ods he is with himselfe that would faine set enmitie between the Bishop and others I make no doubt saies he but all the Puritanes of England and Scotland will subscribe to this c. To what trow you To the Bishops declaration and defence of Supremacie God grant it I beseech him if our sinnes hinder not Wherin is it short then what halteth or what faulteth the Bishops iudgement about Supremacie First he makes it externall then tantum vt nutritis onely as a foster-father a tutour to the Church to cherish it and to defend it But more then externall gouernment who hath of it sauing God alone and his holy Spirit Who can worke vpon our inward man The very Minister Bishops pierce not hither with their Sermons their Censures their Sacraments or what you will The well is deep and they cannot reach it without another manner of plummet then their owne Ego vox saith he and that is all euen the Baptist himselfe the most stout in his generation Till Christ came they caught nothing though they fisht all night Nemo pugnauis in valle Terebinthi donee Dauidveniret ad praelium What is Paul or what is Apollos 1. Cor. 3. 5. and they are made to be iust nothing there ver 7. that is Nothing but Ministers and externall instruments working so farre as God shall giue leaue nay grace rather and concurrence with their labours else they are but blunt and nothing can bee effected On the other side if God concurre with the Magistrate and ioyne the internall hand to the externall the sword of the Lord to the sword of Gedeon no lesse is done then by the ministers tongue or whatsoeuer more wholesome seruice he may performe yea that which the Minister cannot doe with his tongue the Magistrate ofttimes with his hand brings to passe Os gladij enters farther then gladius oris with the wantons of this world that haue set shame farre from them Ebal then Gerizim preuailes more if that mortifie thousands this ten times as many Quia meliores quidem sunt quos dirigit amor sed tamen plures quos timor corrigit See S. Austens report of this found true by experiment to spare the enlarging of farther doctrines and S. Chrysostome in the Appendix at the end of this Chapter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the needle is said to make way for the silke So that hitherto the Magistrate is not excelled by the Minister in that which they call internall gouernement The Adioynder saies God hath communicated this to man but I rather thinke he hath reserued it for himselfe to be the Lord of hearts and Bishop of soules fingens sigillatim cordaeorum But if he meane by the internall gouernement of the Church the administring of Sacraments the preaching of the word the inflicting of censures c. herein I graunt the Minister is sole conuersant the Prince meddles not with the execution but what derogation is this to the Supremacie or who euer of our Diuines went farther then so in this point So as hitherto there is neither errour against the truth of God nor yet singularitie against the iudgements of men in the Bishops doctrine about the Supremacy § 67. Now for that that he calls him â—…itium a foster-father or intorem a guardian or whatsoeuer of the same kind why he calls him as the holy Prophet before had called him and entitled him by that name when he promiseth the greatest benefit that euer befell the Church I meane of mediate and externall benefits still Erunt Reges nutritij tui Reginae nutrices tuae Esa 49. Kings shall be thy nursing fathers and Queenes whom you contemne what meruaile when Kings thy nursing mothers c. Is this a small authoritie ouer the Church thinke you which the Apostle S. Paul borrowes of the Prophet Esay to notifie his affection towards the Thessalonians by 1. Thess 2. 7 affection and yet not void of authoritie and ruie rule and authoritie and yet louing and fatherly not tyrannous not insulting What is more in the Pastor then in the Nutritius in Feed my lambes then in
Nourish my children And yet Pasce implyes such a Supremacy with you as there needs none greater Nutricare is nothing because the Bishop vses it Vnles you thinke that Peter may rule them like beasts because of Pasce oues meas the Kings gouernement beeing more ciuill and humane because Erunt Reges nutritij tui for you cauill the Bishop here for praesidium bumanum as well as externum Which should prouoke our men me thinkes to embrace the Kings gouernment rather then the Popes if they be men indeed sith the one professes violence and borishnesse of himselfe the others milde proceedings are acknowledged by his aduersarie Though againe we might say that our Sauiour neuer meant so vilely or so basely as to set his Prelates ouer vs like keepers ouer beasts whom he would not haue to gouerne as common Princes doe their subiects Vo◠autem non sie but rather more gently And yet if any list to straine the metaphor to these rigors perhaps Nutri when we haue done all is as much as Pasce and enforces as absolute a gouernment as that a child at those yeares not much differing from a beast nay verily short of it both for want of iudgement and so easie to be ouer-ruled and out of lacke of force or bodily strength to defend assaults and so as easily curbed and subdued § 68. Lastly I dare affirme that if the Adioynders malice had but laine that way he would as soone haue cauilled the Bishop for amplifying as now he does for depressing beyond due the Supremacie of Kings by the consequence of those words Hee makes but a pupill nay a perpetuall babe would he haue said of the Church And He will haue Kings to take vpon them like gouernours or foster-fathers ouer a yong child in the cradle Though we haue shewed before that for so much as some read Erunt Reges dispensatores tui in that place of Esay the Dispensator though he were no King is of singular authoritie ouer the pupill whosoeuer though happily he be of the Royall breed as Ausonius boasts in a certaine Epigramme that the Princely imps were subiect to his seruler the Apostle testifying as much Gal. 4. 1. 2. that the heire himselfe differs not from a seruant though he bee Lord of all whiles he is in his nonage but is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is vnder dispensators 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vntill the time appointed by his father This is that which S. Chrysostome sayes in 13. ad Rom. and yet not meaning to mocke that the Priest hath a primacy indeed but in altero saeculo in the other world if the Pope could be content to tarry for it so long But howsoeuer that be I hope the Nurse her selfe may waken the child as well as lull it asteepe chide it and sneb it as well as giue it the dugge yea correct and chastize it as well as dandle and hugge it which is all that we striue for in this question that the Prince may censure the offending Church-man and reduce him into order a thing that F. T. cannot abide to heare of and yet complaines that the Bishop minceth the Supremacie Whereas Supremacy without this cannot stand for certaine nor yet Defence of the Church which he allowes to Kings Numb 48. but this graunted they are both safe as much as we desire § 69. Yea but the Parlament goes further saith the Adioynder yeelds much more to King Henry the eight then this comes to To whome marke I pray what I answer briefly Suppose it did Let the Lawyers be consulted that were the authors We studie not States-matters as the youth of Rome may doe vnder the famous conduct of P. R. and F. T. their leaders seasoning their lyonets with such morsels euen betimes and swearing their Anniballs scarce twelue yeares old at the Altars to disturbe their countries peace in time Besides the Papists contest against the gracious gouernement of the KINGS MAIESTIE that now is and exclaime vpon the Supremacie that he now challengeth which we also defend What is that to the times of King Henry the eight or what are King Henries times to vs § 70. And yet to answer him a little more strictly in ipsis terminis It was ordained saies he ann 26. Hen. 8. c. 1. in these words Bee it enacted c. that the King our Soueraigne Lord his heires and Successors Kings of this Realme shall bee taken accepted and reputed the onely Supreame Head of the Church of England called Anglicana Ecclesia and shall haue and enioy annexed and vnited to the Imperiall Crowne of this Realme as well the title and style thereof as all Honiars Dignities Preheminencies Iurisdictions Priuiledges Authorities Immunities Profits and Commodities to the said Dignitie of Supreame Head of the same Church belonging Thus farre belike the Statute And what from hence gathereth Mr. Adioynder I will set downe his words So saith the Statute quoth hee which must needes bee vnderstood to giue spirituall authority when it giueth all that power Dignity and Iurisdiction which belongeth to the Head of the Church c. Much for sooth This spirituall Iurisdiction haunts them terribly you see euerie where scares them But why so good now For seeing that the Church is a spirituall and Ecclesiasticall body it must needs be gouerned by a spirituall and Ecclesiasticall power residing in the Head thereof c. Obserue his elegancies Ecclesia est corpus Ecclesiasticum The Church is a Church-bodie first Is not this delicate But then againe The same Church is abodie and yet a spirituall bodie to Mr. Adioynder in his most curious descriptions And yet I hope not like S. Paule spirituall body after the Resurrection 1. Cor. 15. which is called spirituall because it is plyable and obedient to the motions of the Spirit as we are taught by S. Austen in his Enthiridion but as it shall please his wisedome at more leisure to interpret In the meane while if the Church because it is a spirituall body as he speaks at least must therefore haue no Head but one that is endued with like spirituall authoritie consider the consequents and marke what a confusion they would bring vpon life while they wilfully peruert our meaning in the question For how many are heads and principalls to others which yet partake not of the faculty that they deale in And good reason For the persons of men liuing and conuersing in such or such a Commonwealth are subiect to the gouernour thereof and he the Head of them without any reference to their particular trades or professions that they follow Else how shall a woman be Queene ouer souldiers as the Papists will not deny but in temporalibus shee is and yet no souldier nor fit to beare armes How is a King the Head of Philosophers liuing within his Dominions whether Platonickes or Peripatetickes or whome you will though he be neither Master nor Disciple of their sect no way ingraffed into their societie
How is the Pope himselfe head of hereticall and Apostaticall Priests and yet not combined with them in their heresie or Apostasie How of the Iewes in his Dominions of whome he is Head at least as Temporall Prince as you conceiue Are there not diuers Superintendents of whole Vniuersities and Scholasticall congregations throughout the world which neuer were trained in the schollership or learning of those places And yet they may proceede against the Diuines that are therein in matters of Christianitie as for omitting of Sermons of Theologicall Disputations also false doctrine in them c. though they themselues be no Priests and the others are Yea why may not KINGS beare authoritie ouer Priests and Spirituall persons though themselues be none as well as there be diuers Rectors and Gouernours of particular Colledges throughout the Realme and that also perhaps according to the auncient Statutes who beeing no Priests nor Spirituall men themselues haue authoritie neuertheles ouer the whole companie and among the rest ouer the Priests too So as first the King by vertue of his place may exercise power ouer them that are Spirituall or Priestly persons though himselfe be none and yet the sounder Antiquitie hath seemed to descrie some such thing in Kings but then the law of God ordaining him moreouer a Nursing-father to his Church that is a defender and prouider in all points for the blessed and happie estate therof as the Reuerend Bishop here most godlily argueth and most stoutly auerreth though the Adioynder thinke him cold in the cause he is not onely a Head but a kind and louing Head one that knowes Ioseph And practising this Almightie God will reward him accordingly if otherwise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let him thank himselfe as the Canons speake For God will not hold him guiltlesse in iudgement though the impatience of men may not wreake their quarrell The Adioynder saies the Catholikes meaning the Papists will not deny this but that they affirme and teach that Kings are for the nourishment and defence of the Church as much as either the Prophet Esay or the Bishop of Ely himselfe c. Which if it be so I see not but the question euen by that which hath been said may be alreadie at an ende § 71. But so is not our labour thanke the Adioynder for it who mingling his Parlaments here together with his Paralogismes thus goes forward It is further yet enacted saies he by our Parlaments that King Henry the eight might not only visit all Ecclesiasticall persons and reforme all kind of errors heresies and abuses in the Church of England but also assigne 32. persons to examine all manner of Canons Constitutions and Ordinances Prouinciall and Synodicall And further to set in order and establish all such Laws Ecclesiasticall as should be thought by him and them conuenient to be vsed and set forth within his Realmes and Dominions in all spirituall Courts and Conuentions and that such Lawes and Ordinances Ecclesiasticall as should be deuised and made by the Kings Maiestie and these 32. persons and declared by his Maiesties Proclamation vnder his great Seale should be onely taken reputed and vsed as the Kings Laws Ecclesiasticall c. § 72. Then Numb 51. Furthermore King Henrie made the Lord Cromwell his Vicar generall for the exercise of his Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction by vertue whereof the said Lord Cromwell ordained Ecclesiasticall Lawes and Iniunctions and published them vnder the Seale of his Vicariate directing them to all Archbishops Abbots and the rest of the Clergie And albeit Queene Elizabeth did not vse in her style c. Thus he § 73. And what of this Or how does this shew that King Henry the eight assumed vnto himselfe any Ecclesiasticall authoritie or Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall which is the summe of the Question betweene you and vs For as for the assigning of persons to examine Canons and Constitutions Prouinciall or Synodicall and to set in order and establesh all such Lawes Ecclesiasticall as should be thought meete c. I redemaund in one word What if those persons were Ecclesiasticall men What inconuenience was in that Sure nothing to the contrarie appeares by your writing and much lesse by the Act of Parlament here quoted Nam quibus non licet cognoscere per se licet tamen cognitores dare saith the Law It might be so here then Though suppose it were otherwise Did you neuer heare of Constantine threatning the Bishops in his own persō that about their courses in Eclesiasticall affaires What he did by himselfe why might not others from him by his appointing direct Iniunctions to the Archbishops Abbots the rest of the Clergie which you take in so ill part here at my Lord Cromwells hands that he should presume to doe though King Henrie deputed him and the Act of Parlament which you quote allowed him Did not Emperours ordinarily commaund Bishops Remember Mauritius to your great S. Gregorie remember Marcian and diuerse more You heard but euen now what Cyrill saies to Theodosius that he commanded the Priests and in an Ecclesiasticall matter to purge the Church from impieties and blasphemies and till that was done he would not enter And if they by themselues thus why not by others such as they please to appoint for them Neither was that the meaning of the Act of Parlament that no Canons should be Canons without the Kings authoritie as yo would faine wrest it to augment your cauills but that Canons should not bee forcible in the nature of Lawes without the Kings consent as reason is and practise hath euer beene and the words themselues import as they are quoted by you viz. that such Laws and Ordinances Ecclesiasticall should only be reputed as the KINGS LAVVS which himselfe or they for him had ratified and approoued c. What more equall § 74. And what maruell now if Queene Elizabeth claimed as much as her father King Henrie did before her and the Parlament was not nice to assent to her in that behalfe For of all the graunts that were made to that Queene there is nothing vnnaturall nothing vnciuill nothing that wee should blush for at this day Yes power say you to reform correct c. That is in foro externo or power coactiue vindicatiue power which is onely the Princes not the Spirituall mans For so it followes Any authoritie that hath heretofore been or may lawfully be exercised or vsed for the Visitation of the Ecclesiasticall state for ORDER reformation correction c. Here is nothing but the obiect Ecclesiasticall persons that you should bee so scandalized with in this period for that same any is any compulsiue Power which is propriagladij witnesse Bonauenture and not clauium in 4. Dist 18. qu. 3. Resp ad penult whom neuerthelesse we haue prooued and are readie to prooue that they are censurable by Princes and their subordinate officers though the beast gnaw her tongue
base flatterers lend their hand to vnmanly butcheries vpon euery hope of Quid mihi dabis and good men are promiscuously massacred and made away Wherefore S. Austen saies more particularly in the same place that Doeg signified Iudas the betrayer of our Lord who was a spirituall man not a temporall as you know And yet the original of Christs death proceeded from him not from Kings nor from Ciuill Magistrates which is worth your noting Though accomplished it could not be without Pilates faint concurrence and the rather that our Sauiour might shew his subiection to such a silly one onely for authorities sake In this sense the same Father Com. in Psal 1. makes earthly Kingdomes to be Cathedra pestilentiae the chaire of Pestilence though afterward he accommodate it to False Teachers rather that is to Churchmen Not that Ciuill princedome is so in it owne nature as Mr. Sanders would gladly haue it de Clave Dauid lib. 1. cap. 2. Quòd saecularis potest as non potissimum in laudando praemijs afficiendo sed in occidendo vitam auferendo vim suam ostentet which is starke false and trayterous but when abused to tyrannie and to iniquitie It is called the Chaire of Pestilence saies he because the pestilence is a disease that rages generally and sweepes away whole multitudes with it where it comes And so this is a vice that euery bodie is sicke of desire of preheminence ambition and vaine glorie Regis quisque animum habet as the Poet could say more Kinging stinging then Kings themselues if they might be let alone though they complain of Kings Els we are not to doubt but S. Austen is of the same minde that Seneca seemes to be of lib. 2. de Benef. cap. 20. Quòd optimus civitatis status sit sub rege iusto and that Brutus was to blame for beeing wearie of Monarchies who was iustly therfore frighted with the apparition of a blacke dogge for his abhominable assasinate Yea S. Austen himselfe acknowledges as much in plaine tearmes lib. 20. contra Faust cap. 14. Ibi regna foelicia esse vbi omnium pleno consensu regibus obeditur That Kingdomes are there happie where all men obey the King with full consent § 80. To your mistaking of our Act of Parlament in your Num. 57. as if that gaue more power of censure to Kings thē the Reuerend Bishop in his grauest ponderation of these matters alloweth and so the King might excommunicate suspend c. I answer as before for you doe but goe ouer the same thing again as if we had neuer heard of it though nothing be more triuiall Excommunications are not coactions sauing onely as they are inflicted contra voluntatem personae And the Parlament giues power onely coactiue to the King though true it is that without his countenance their very Spirituall proceedings cannot well take place in a wanton age and a contemning nation And if the Kings of our Land may excommunicate by Parlament why neuer doe they so Why doe they let that sword to rust for lacke of vse If they may administer any Spirituall Iurisdiction whatsoeuer as you thinke they may by Act of Parlament why doe they neuer practise some specialties of it at one time or another neuer preach neuer baptize neuer consecrate Bishops c For you cannot say it is for lacke of leisure for leisure they haue as little to many Temporall businesses in their world of employments And some time at least would be set apart for these if it were but to keep their title in vre As for skill and sufficiencie you will neither disparage I hope the times past so much but that skill there was enough to indite a Censure though who knows not how many that might be borrowed of and for the fulnesse of perfection in all manner of faculties that are incident to the wit of man but especially of the Booke which is deliuered him vpon his Throne you may remember who gouernes at this day But no doubt Praxis Consuetudo est optima legū interpres they practise none of this no not in all their life time It is a signe therefore they challenge none by vertue of their Lawes though Parsons and Saunders and the Adioynder cry out neuer so loud that they doe for want of better matter to stuffe their pages and to abuse their Auditours § 81. THE last point of all is about the Bishops defending of those whome we call Puritanes against the scandalous imputation that Bellarmine chargeth them with of dissenting from the Supremacie Whereunto I haue spoken once before What can be more godly thē the Bishops practise to defend all that may be defended euen in the aduersaries themselues euen in them that gather with vs but in halfe to cherish if need be the dimme light and the drooping candle and the smoking flaxe after the example of our Sauiour As we read of Atticus Archbishop of Constantinople that he excused Nouatus and praised Asclepiades an old Bishop of the Nouatians not for loue of the sect I thinke but either to gaine the parties or as not turning from the truth though with aduantage to his aduersaries Socrat. l. 7. c. 25. But this part is handled somewhat crookedly by the Adioynder with cringings and wrenchings now for the Puritanes then against thē but all to bring preiudice to the good Bishop the Truth Howbeit nothing is more easie then the Answer to all The Puritanes saies he defend as good a Supremacy as the Bishop What then It may be that was the very ground of the Bishops assertion that the Reformed Churches maintaine the same opinion about the Supremacie all of them that we doe What shame then can arise to the Bishop from hence Is it not matter of praise and felicitie rather that we are all of vs of one mind in auouching the right that belongs to Kings and oppugning the Papists the opposers thereof But let vs heare his reason For they also say saies he that the King is to gouern and preserue the Church in externis c. And haue we not shewed before that as no bodie can reach to the interna properly by his immediat action not the Priest himselfe but only the holy Spirit of God so the Kings sword is as piercing as anothers to wound the soule and to mortifie vice and corruption in vs and to reforme vs to all pietie and newnesse of life the most part beeing readier to yeeld for feare then either to amend for conscience or for loue of vertue § 82. Neither is that so small a matter as the Adioynder would make of it where he saies the Bishop ioynes with the Puritanes that allow the King no more power ouer the Church then onely to maintaine it and to defend it For whatsoeuer the Puritanes opinion be of this matter which they may abridge in conceit after they haue enlarged in style no bodie
discouering them at least I am not he that can diue into their secrets the word Defender and Maintainer of the Church will stretch to as much Supremacie as either his Maiestie now assumeth or we avow more by much then the Papists will graunt him yea it is that which they oppose with might and maine that results from these very words of Defence and Maintenance For how can a King defend the Church maintaine the vnity preserue the beauty vnlesse he haue power to reforme both spirituall faults let me call them so for this once I meane heresies blasphemies schismes the like and that in spirituall persons too euen in the loftiest of the crew who sting their nurse as dāgerously as another nay farre more dangerously many times both by their scandalous liuing especially by their broaching of pernicious doctrins Quia omne malum ex Sanctuario and the thundrings and lightenings came out of the Temple Reu. 16. 18. to signifie that the Churchmen are the cause of all plagues as Ribera notes well vpon that place In scelere Israel omne hoc But the Papists think that Kings are blocks and stocks like the Heathens images that Baruch speakes of not to stirre but as they are lifted Ducitur vt neruis alienis mobile lignum Nay not able so much as to wipe off the dung from their faces that the little birds let fal vpon them they allow them no actiuitie no pricking censure which is the very nerve of Defence Church-maintenance Might this conceit stand it were somewhat that the Adioynder replyes to our argument but it is so stale and so grosse that the little boyes here laugh at it though old gray-bearded Papists and the Adioynder for one are not ashamed to reiterate it § 83. But will you heare an elegancie a queint deuise In his Numb 63. Though the Puritanes are defectiue in their opinion of Supremacie yet both they and the Papists are better subiects then the Bishop for you are to know that still he is the Bishops good friend because all of vs yeelding the title of Defender and Maintainer of the Church to the Kings Maiesty the title they if he will but not the Thing as I haue shewed before not in due extension at least for then there would remaine no controuersie between vs yet they beleeue it as a matter of faith the Bishop but onely as a matter of perswasion c. Thus does he ruminate and re-ruminate his cud againe and goe ouer his abolita atque transacta as S. Austen speaks But for the Puritanes of Scotland whom he quotes in his margent I finde no such thing in the words alleadged by him that they hold the Supremacie to bee a matter of faith the Papists Creed I know is not yet perfected and they may take in what they list Nay I thinke it neuer came into their minds good men to trouble their braines with such a nice speculation whether the case of Supremacie be de fide or no but howsoeuer it be I haue answered it before that our perswasion thereof is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we will neuer be driuen from it neither by force nor by fine words Errore nec Terrore though the Adioynder thinke we will not loose sixpence for the defence of it our liues not onely our liuelihoods beeing not deare vnto vs in the contestation of this iustest quarrell That the KINGS MAIESTIE is the cheife maintainer cheife head of the Church chiefe gouernour and cheife defender of it in all causes and ouer all persons next vnder God and his Sonne Christ § 84. Yea But what the Puritanes teach concerning this point you haue heard in the last Chapter by the testimonie of Mr. Rogers approoued and warranted by all the Clergie of England to wit that Princes must be seruants to the Church subiect to the Church submit their scepters to the Church and throwe downe their crownes before the Church c. Whereupon I gather saith the Adioynder two things The one that the Supremacie which as the Bishop saith the Puritanes doe acknowledge in the King is to be vnderstood onely in temporall matters The other that all reformed churches are also of the fame mind seeing that they professe the same doctrine concerning the Kings Ecclesiasticall Supremacie that the Puritanes doe as the Bishop himselfe confesseth c. § 85. Then Numb 66. for I would gladly take in all Besides that albeit we should graunt that the Puritanes and Reformed Churches doe allow the Teporall Magistrate to haue some power and authoritie in Ecclesiasticall matters yet it is euident that they doe not allow them that spirituall iurisdiction and authoritie which our Parlaments haue granted to our Kings that they may giue dispensations licenses make Ecclesiasticall Lawes giue commissions to consecrate Bishops to excommunicate suspend censure visit and correct all Ecclesiasticall persons Reforme heresies and abuses c. and with this the beast breathes out his last or almost his last To whome I answer in order and as briefly as the nature of such obiections will permit Princes may serue the Church and submit their scepters subiect their Crownes before the Church though all supreame Magistrates doe not weare Crownes that I may tell him that by the way and we now by Prince vnderstand all yea and licke the dust of the Churches feete as the Prophet Esay speakes and yet retaine their Supremacie firme and inuiolable How so Marry it is a shame for the Adioynder not to see it of himself without a guide remembring who calls himselfe the seruant of seruants and yet pleades for a Lordship limitlesse ouer the Church at least the Adioynder will agnise him for his good Master though he goe for a Seruant but neuerthelesse we will helpe him The one by loue by zeale by care by filiall respect and duties of all sorts to the great mother the Church of God teeming and trauailing here vpon earth whether the generall to his power or the particular within the territories where he raigneth and swayeth The other by vnderstanding the right of his place and accordingly also executing and exercising of it to the controll of all that stands in his way and to the purging of all scandals out of Gods floare to the banishing of sin to the chasing away of all wickednesse with his very looke and browe as Salomon speakes or whatsoeuer may be said in the loftiest style for the aduancing this high authoritie principally destinated to the benefit of Gods Church and setting forth of his glorie Doe I speake riddles or are others of the same minde Dominotur sacerdotibus Imperator saies S. Gregorie l. 4. Regist ep 15. ita tamen vt etiam debitam reuerentiam impendat Let the Emperour on Gods name beare sway ouer Priests but so that he reuerence them as meet is And he addes withall Atque hoc excellenti consideratione faciat And let him so doe vpon excellent consideration
feather and vsurped flower of title at this day Nay verily by the same reason Ministers might not exhort either Kings and Princes or other ciuill Magistrates to doe their duties to gouerne well to administer iustice to heare causes vnpartially to cut off malefactors to root out traitors to suppresse sinne by dint of sword because all these things are vnlawfull to them repugnant to their vocation and yet the Ministers voice is a kind of commandement speaking from the pulpit in Gods stead as was noted before 6. What should I say of calling of Bishops to Synods of setting them on worke to explaine the faith and to confute heresies May Christian Princes either not doe the first which the stories are so full of in the best times or shall they practise and beare a part in the second which the Papists neuer will admit How did Theodosius dismisse Flauianus after so many Popes had in vaine assaulted him commaunding him to depart and doe his dutie vpon his Bishopricke if no body may enioyne but that which he may execute 7. Lastly if a Priest should denie to baptize a young infant that were sicke whose saluation therefore were emperilled and as we graunt in the ordinarie but as the Papists thinke in the extraordinary way and all without any hope of future recouerie if a Priest were so frampoll I say as to refuse to baptize a poore infant in that case shall not the King compell him by force and punishment and terrour of his Lawes We read in the booke of Martyrs of a certaine Knight in Poperie that put a Priest into the graue aliue because he refused to burie a corps that was brought to Church where there was no mortuarie to be had such was their couetousnesse Yet alas what comparison between burying of the dead which our Sauiour makes so sleight of Suffer the dead to bury their dead and the administring of Christs Sacrament for the sauing of a poore soule from euerlasting destruction It is therefore not the vnworthinesse of the ministeriall duties as Mr. Sanders by his Syllogismes would faine driue vs to say or else to let goe our distinction betweene Iniunction and Execution not the basenesse of our office for we magnifie our Ministerie and the Angels are thought to tremble at the weight of it Quis ad haec idoneus said he viz. neither heauenly nor earthly abilities put in one but the meere distance and disunion of the two callings I am loath to say repugnance though that also after a sort which will not permit a Prince to do Priestly offices though his power extend to the commaunding of them to be done yea punishing and correcting if they be not done Cursed be hee that does the Lords worke negligently said the Prophet of old And the heathen Poet assumes Pectora nostra duas non admittentia curas we cannot do Gods worke and the worlds too Therefore God will haue his worke done by such onely as shall intend nor doe no other worke then that For this cause gouernement remaines with the King without any entermedling in the execution of our offices the execution is ours without any right in Gouerning or Compelling And so much to Mr. Sanders why the King should haue Iurisdictiō as the Parlament here speaks or Superinspection without administration or execution which it seemes the Adioynder is no lesse troubled with then Mr. Sanders though he prosecute it not so vehemently I returne to him who is now at his last casts § 91. COncerning then our extending the priuiledges of Supremacie beyond the custome and fashion of other nations he brings no proofe of it and therefore I might contemne it with the same facilitie that he obiects it But first he is to know that the grounds which they hold by either from Scriptures or from Fathers in the auouching of their Supremacy are the same that ours and import as much and extend as farre including the same priuiledges if they be throughly scanned though happily so much appeare not vnto them all at first Or it is the wisedome of Kings to temper their gouernement with such moderation as the condition of their people will best beare for the present more as there shall bee more opportunitie afterward sic fortis Hetruria creuit To omit that for so much as others exercise these acts in those Kingdomes though they deriue not their authoritie so literally from the King yet the Kings permission is their deputation and so the Supremacie still remaines in himselfe Euen the Popes Supremacie is not the like with all nor of the like extension We knowe what narrowe bounds the French haue set to it with their Pragmaticall Sanction And the Sorbone of Paris hath euermore curtailed it Few that amplifie it as fully as the Canonists Bellarmine himself goes not so farre as Carerius The Bishops of some places were freer then others in some the Deacons stept afore the Priests And diuerse things belonging to the qualitie of each order are determined by Councels in processe of time rather then acknowledged by all at first Doth this therefore preiudice either Bishops or Priests No verily And so all that dissent about the bounds of Supremacy are not straight to be reckoned for enemies to the Supremacie God forbid For I will not say as I might and yet without flatterie that wee of the ENGLISH may the better enlarge the KINGS MAIESTIES priuiledges as farre as possibly may stand with Gods word because we are more sensible of his HIGHNES liberalities then any others and his extraordinary fauour hath abounded towards vs. We may say as the Iewes did to the Apostle S. Iames witnesse Eusebius lib. 2. hist cap. 23. Obsecramus te Obtemperamus tibi Tibi omnes obedimus Etenim omnis populus testificatur de te quòd iustus sis nec personā accipis And which neuer any of Peter Quot quot credebant propter IACOBVM credebant Propagatorem fidei Malleum haeresum As for that which followes Sta ergò super pinnam templi vt conspiciaris ab vniuersis verba tua omnes exaudiant I need not adde it since God hath done it I meane exalted his MAIESTIE to the top of Soueraigntie euen of Temple and all from whence the Nations farthest off attend his answers and the world round about craues his resolution in greatest matters § 92. AND so beseeching ALMIGHTIE GOD to giue vs as large a heart to vnderstand our owne good and his MAIESTIES rare fauours and charities towards vs as he hath enlarged the heart of his most EXCELLENT MAIESTIE to all Princely wisedome and possible vertue but especially to ouer-cherish his deare spouse the CHVRCH Let vs thanke him also for the occasion of these two labours of the right worthy Bishop though in it selfe it was not so expetible and make much of the two pignora that the Church hath from him two radiant lights two lasting pillars 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as
227. 3. Honour and glorie to God and to the Saints but in a most infinite disproportion and therefore inferring no faith in them no prayers to them p. 227. 4. The place in Genesis Invocetur nomen meum super pueros hosce makes nothing lesse then for innocation of Saints departed p. 227. 228. 5. S. Chrysostomes Liturgie hath no praying to Saints in it p. 228. 6. Popular practise is no common place of proofe p. 229. 7. The Adioynder quoting the Councell of Gangra for one point in hand viz. prayer to Saints neither obtaineth that and is foyled in diuers others by the said Councell p. 229. 230. 8. Prayer to God onely is de luce or de lege ipsius naturae p. 230. 231. 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Currere is not alway to runne with the mind to pray vnto as the Adioynder would p. 231. 10. Wee must runne to succour Magistrates not onely against wrong but though themselues doe the wrong to priuate persons if they againe turne vpon them p. 232. 11. One thing to pray to Saints an other at the memories and Oratories of Saints Which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will beare well enough in S. Chrysostomes text according to the learned Bishops interpretation p. 232. 233. 12. Hauing relliques and worshipping relliques is not all one p. 234. 13. Mamas his God worshipped by the Christians is not Mamas himselfe the godly Martyr Impudent defence of a corrupt Translation against the originall greeke text of S. Basil by the Adioynder p. 235. 14. The like concerning Eusebius and the Cardinalls best excuse is Non putaram that the Translator deceiued him p. 236. 15. Adoremus for adornemus iustified by the Adioynder to be good because the Italian prints so haue it ibid. 16. To embrace relliques with faith is not to worshippe them p. 237. 17. To touch them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not to worship them The Adioynders Pseudo-Criticks about this answered p. 238. 239. 240. 18. Wee may pray to God onely and yet to Saints too The Adioynders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or pretty iugling p. 241. 19. Ephrems Tomes and Vossius his Grott ibid. 20. Calling vpon Saints militant to pray for vs is not all one with praying to the Saints triumphant Priests and Prayers are for God onely and not for any creature by Tolets confession p. 242. 21. Ephrems diuine testimonie against praying to Creatures His humble confession of inherent sinnefulnes and that mortall remaining in himselfe after regeneration p. 243. Note that whereas the Adioynder auouches Ephrems works quoted by Card. Bellarm. to be sincere which the reuerend Bishop notwithstanding excepts against as counterfeit the Card. in his Suruay of Ecclesiasticall writers confesses of himselfe that hee neuer read Ephrem It seemes therefore not so worthy else why should hee contemne him And yet hee quotes him May wee not aske him now Quis ei laborat his owne words of the King but better applyed 22. The Bishops two golden Caueats in this Question of Inuocation as it is maintained by the Fathers One that they bee brought to speake thereof as de re ad salutem necessaria or else not to be regarded for such is the Papists imagination of it now The other to respect not so much practise as sanction p. 244. 245. 23. God heares one prayer of our own making and for our selues sooner then an hundreth of other intercessors for vs c. ex Chrysost latè p. 244. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is nothing without 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 245. 25. The Cardinalls quotation of Chrysostome for Prayer to Saints enlarged by the Adioynder which though all be granted nothing is prooued p. 246. 26. It is a cleere argument of the Deity to be prayed vnto p. 247. 27. S. Cyrills weighty verdict against the worshipping of Creatures yea and of the LORD CHRIST himselfe but that hee is IMMANVEL very GOD. p. 248. 249. 28. Maximus prayeth not to Agnes in his Panegyricke p. 250. 29. And much lesse Nazianzene to the blessed Virgin nor yet exhorteth others 250. 251. CHAP. 7. 30. THe Fathers Apostrophes conuince not for the hearing os Soules departed Vsed by them vsed by the holy Scripture to creatures deuoyd both of sense and vnderstanding p. 253. 31. No praying to those Saints whose condition is vncertaine Therefore Prayers conditionall are but Rhetoricall flourishes and not to be salued by Purgatory as the Adioynder would a fitten by a fancy p. 254. 32. No daunger to say the Fathers played the Orators p. 255. 33. And namely Nyssen of whom see Baronius for this matter Tom. 4. Anno. Dom. 369. Num. 65. citaritem Epist obiurgator Greg. Naz. ad ipsum p. 257. 34. Against pictures and puppets vnmeet for Churches p. 256. 257. S. Austens authority there to be enlarged ex l. 1. cap. 10. de consensu Euangel Non mirum si à pingentibus fingentes decepti sunt Hee speakes to the Papists 35. Vbicunque fueris poruerted by the Adioynder restored to his true sense and the Bishops collection vpon these words maintained p. 258. 36. The Fathers were professed Rhetoricians p. 259. 37. The Bishop answering S. Ambrose by S. Ambrose vseth no derogation to the holy Father Coniecture vnder correction of the same place p. 259. 260. 38. The Adioynders blasphemies boldly blending our workes with Christs botching and peicing his most perfect righteousnes with our imperfect p. 261. 39. S. Ambrose not for Merits though hee plainely condemne Motions to Saints p. 262. 40. God needing no relator will haue no Mediatour but onely Christ ibid. 41. Prayer is sacrifice therefore Gods due alone ibid. 42. S. Ambrose excluding all created Mediators excludes not Christ as the Adioynder feareth p. 263. 43. The Saints not onely doe not or may not but cannot make request for vs to God as Christ doth And wherein standeth Christs intercession p. 263. 264. 44. Adoration and prayer the highest offices that wee can performe to God himselfe by S. Ambroses iudgement p. 264. 45. The Adioynder hunted out of his eluish shifts wherewith he would elude S. Ambroses place brought by the Bishop p. 265. 46. Mistakes of memorie not sonticall p. 266. 47. The Fathers with ioynt consent define Prayer by our reference to God onely as likewise the Pater noster doth our Sauiours deare depositum which he bequeathed to his Church at the request of his Disciples Luke 11. and is our safest platforme still to follow p. 267 48. S. Ambrose might haue cause to omit the mention of Saints praying for vs though he denie it not but not ours to Saints if it did concerne vs. p. 267 49. Paul Tertullian Ambrose against Prayer to Saints p. 268 50. Theodosius praied to God onely p. 269. Ruffinus his words of him are lib. 2. cap. 33. Quam supplicationem pij principis certi milites à Deo esse susceptam And againe Imperatoris illam precem quam Deo fuderat And least
Iohan. Adioynd num 44. Col. S. Chrysostome saies he giues vs to vnderstand that whereas S. Iames was onely Bishop of Hierusalem and the countries adioyning c. S. Peter had the charge of the whole But if we heare Bellarm. de Pontif. Rom. l. 1 c. 27. Caeteri Apostoli missi sunt ad certas prouincias Paulus ad omnes Gentes sine cortae provinciae determinatione Et ipse de se ait Plus omnibus laboraui At least as Eutalius Diaconus for so they write him praesat in Epist Pauli Petrus Paulus inter se partili sunt vniuersum orbem in which diuision Paul had the better euery way Conim in locum Genebeard construes this both of all the Apostles citing Arnobius Pro 12 Patriarchis 〈◊〉 12 Apostoli and also of all the faithfull who are called sonnes saies he because begotten through the Gospel And he addes that they doe gerere vices Christi how will the Pope like this and that their Soueraigntie here mentioned stands in the iâ—â—tation of the vertues and worthines of their auncestors And lastly this he calls the eternall succession Genebrard in Psalm 1. Pet 2. 5. 〈◊〉 linyâ—d c. 〈◊〉 num 56. Masson in vitâ Pâ—â— V. Epist 7 quae ad Smymeniâ—s Apud Gelas Cyzic p. 172. ex edit Morel per Salâ—oreum Iesuitam Episcopus habet locum capitis ecclesiae post Christum preshyter Seraphicum D aconus Cherubicum No Pope then but Anti-christ See him ad longum num 40. c Moses and Salomo two famous patternes of gouernment in Scripture each of them complaining of the great multitudes of people committed to their charge and yet but a handfull to the now Christian maruell that Peter neuer did of his if all was so entirely recommended to him as they fable See 1. King 3. and Numb 11. 14. As for Quu ad baec idoneus that is Pauls not Peters Adioyn Seeing that Peter was made head of the Apostles 〈◊〉 of the Church the Bishop cannot denie the same authoritie to S. Peters successors for the same reason especially since the succession of all the Apostles is failed in other Churches sauing onely in the Church of Rome by our Sauiours prouidence c. * Homil 55. in Act 2. a Praefat. in Epist Pauli 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pro Lege Manil. b In Athanas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And Pertinax himselfe in Herodian lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Much more true in the Episcopall throne then the Imperiall Primas 〈◊〉 in Epist Paul giues this reason why the Epistle to the Romanes is set first quiae scripta erat ad inferiores I suppose it should be infirmiores by that which followes But that helps but little And comparing all the churches to which the Apostle wrote he makes Rome simply the worst And wheras now a daies they conceit it to be such an armorie of faith against all defects he makes them so simple that he saies nihil intelligebant They vnderstood nothing at all As for their morall perfections see Salvian de gubernat dei l. b. 7. Viciositas impuritas quasi germanitas quaedam est Romanorum hominum quasi mens atque natura quia thi praecipuè vicia vbicunque Romani Et ibid. Omne impuritatis scelus omnis impudicitiae tur pitudo à Romanu admittitur a barbaris vindicatur Et Auaritiae inhumanitas proprium est Romanorum penè omnium malum Et Indurauerunt facies suas SVPER PETRAM This is the super petram that he acknowledges in Rome And least you thinke he excuses them from peruerse faith in the midst of so many morall corruptions lib. 5. he saies Ipsae haereses barbarorum de ROMANI MAGISTERII prauitate fluxerunt See Bernard de Consyd ad Eugen lib. 4 c. 1 2. Quid tam notum seculis quà m proteruia fastus Romanorum c at large Yet of late a French parasite Flor. Rem praises that sinke which is the worse for continuance without all question as the Paradise of God and the dugge of heauen For he saies it signifies mamilla in the Hebrew childishly enough De orig haer l. 5. c. 4. num 5. 6. c. One thing I allow that he obserues that it was ab initio obnoxia incendijs alway in danger of fire since first it was a citic that we may beleeue that one day it shal be burnt cleane downe as it is in the Reuelation numb 2 ipso fine Praefat. Anchor Idem Origen in Matth. vide c. 5. huius Masson in Marcello 2. Cap. 1. Idem habet S. Cyprian tract de idolorum vanit Rex vnus est apibus dux vnus ingregibut Vide Hieron in epist ad Rustuum Grues vnum scquuntur ordine literato It is a scholler-like order to be subiect to Monarchy in the politicke estate Also Chrysost most excellently Com in 13. ad Rom. which comment vpon all that discourse of the Apostle for obedience to Magistrates though they be infidels the Iesuites are so confronted with as if it had beene purposely written against their new-fangle deuises finds the like euident prints of soueraigntie in Bees in Cranes in flocks of sheepe c. yea in the bottome of the sea emong the fishes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hence Seneca perhaps l. 1. de Clemen c. 19. Natura Regem commenta est b On the other side our Sauiour Christ came into the world when intrusion and vsurpation of Kingdomes was â—ifest as if his errand had been emong others to giue Monarchies their right and to cut short the encroachers sayes Haymo Halberstat conc hyem in Epiphan Dom. Quia enim deficientiâ—… principibus ex Iudi alienus extraneus atque falsus c. De Rom. Pontif. lâ—b 1 c 12. ex Chrysost Hieron Aug. Petrus pro omnibus locutus est Adde Cyprian l. 1. ep 3. ad Coâ—… Petrus vnus pro omnibus loquent ecclesie vâ—â— respondent Capâ—…ag 25. 26. c. Mart. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 captivut pastor non Rec pastor as the Papists would Vide Ioseph l. 1. contra 〈◊〉 Hierom. epist ad Magnum * A pud Theod in Eccl. lust l. 5. c. 4. * At least Martinianus consented to marrie a maid called Maxima which you may do well to see Mr F. T. whether you will allow to Church-men or noâ—… though we heare you haue taken this libertie to your selfe whatsoeuer you are num 12. So cap. 1. huâ—us Alâ—â—ate not finding the vncertaine Epistle of Pope Iohn in some auncient copyes suspects the heretiques as he cals theÌ„ to haue raced it out In like sort Florimund Remund 〈◊〉 orig haeres part 1. shews himself very much offended with those of our Diuines that traÌ„slated Greek authors either historians or dogmatists c. * Numb 16. 3. a 1. Sam. 17. 28. b Brisson in Persicis Cic. in Pis Plut. And indeede Pope Nicholas argues so in gond earnest out of that place from Benedicitur to Mâ— lâ—dâ—â—ur Epist ad
Michael Impor Tom. 3. Com. Sur. Polydor. Virgil. Anglic. hist l. 21. in Hen 7. Cic. de siâ—â—b 5. Cap. 3. num 40. Qui dat esse c. 〈◊〉 Ser 4. in Apost Paul tom 8. Nemo benè vâ—dâ—â— nisi qui priùs 〈◊〉 exeundo Pauli Chrysost 1 2 I 1 Quia barbam caputque tinxerat iccirco remâ—… eum de coll egio â—udicum Pâ—ut in apothegâ— at Philip. De Rom. Pont. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c 28. The Pope an 〈…〉 4 II As the seruice of God is the truest libertie so the ministers regiment is but seruice Seneca Arist Rhetor. Cic. de orat 2. Ciâ—… saies of one Quod nonduÌ„ potestate poterat obâ—iâ—uâ—t authoritate So as power authority go not alway together though the Iesuit confound them The holy Ghost 〈◊〉 other prouinces as well as in Rome Numb 36. Carnel apud Euseb lib 6. histor c. 33. dâ—â—â—t Rome vnum 〈◊〉 Episcopum presby erot autem â—6 Vide Bâ—llâ—r de Rom Poâ—tâ—f lib. 2. c. 7. Can. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—… * Salisb Polycrat Vide Bernard de consid ad Eugen. l. 4. The words of Charles Brandon Earle of Suffolke that England neuer receiued any good by the Popes Legates Vide Sadolet Epist Cap. 7. p. 168. Can. 3. Sard. Concil 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non res 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ergò Rom. 12. 13. Leo Epist 87. ad Episcop Maucitaniae Greg. Regist l. 1. epist 82. Felicissimus Vincentius Contra Pelag. lib. vlt. Chrys in locum See the same phrase Cura scripturarum inâ—posita Epist 110. of the Bishops of Carth. Numidia that enioyned him to write a booke Which he did Basil epist 74. 32. * Yet Sozomene l. 3. hist c. 23. Paâ—lus Marcellus Asclepas Luâ—ius suas sedes recuperarunt quandoquideÌ„ ex literis Imperatoris facta est his potestas ad sua redeundi The Emperour â—ot Iulius saith he restored them Bellarm. de Rom. Pont. l. 1. c. 6. Assuerus Rex non erat subiectus sapientibus illis viâ—â—â— quorum faciebat cuncta consilio Hest 1. And yet that was consilium statum or permanentiae this lesse then so Nay there was to be consensut cuncta faciebat de illorum consilio here relatio at the most or noticiae but intimation 1. Tim. 3. * And long after that time Fulbert Carnoten I thought good to note it calls himselfe Dei gratiâ Episcopâ—â— Regis sui Robâ—… i. Bishop by the grace of God and the King Epist 4. quae ad ipsum Elias Cretens Theod. histor lib. 4. cap. 2. Tom. 1. Concil Ep. 1. Damas Theod. l. 5. c. 23. * So likewise Alexander Bishop of Alexandâ—… wrote to all Bishops wheresoeuer dâ—… warning thâ—m to râ—sâ—aine from tâ—e communion of 〈◊〉 Sozom lib. 1 c. 14. whiâ—h iâ— more then to define dogmatically Yet they will not allow him vniuersall 〈◊〉 * Sozom. l. 1. c. 1. Episiopt Nicaeni dignum 〈◊〉 dicauere Eustathâ—…m qui capesseret sedem Apostolicam Est vule dicere 〈◊〉 ex Beâ—…ensi Idem Sozom l. end e. 10 Alexandâ—…m quoque 〈◊〉 Ecclesiam Apostolâ—… accipit sub Maâ—… Alexandro Iterum apud eundem Sozom. lib. 4. c. â—4 Cyâ—lluâ— Apostoâ—… sedis antistes quia â—cil Episcopus Hiâ—rosolymâ—… Sidoâ— Epist 1. l. 6 de Lupo Post nouem decâ—â— sa quinqueâ—… 〈◊〉 Sede Apostolâ—â— Et paulò antè de codem Toâ—a Ecclesiae dei membra super 〈◊〉 Et Digâ—â— qâ—â— ab omnibus consulaâ—… Howbeit Bishop onely of 〈◊〉 in France Yet Bellar. most impudently l. 4. c. 8. de Not. Eccl. wil haue the whol Church of God to be called Apostolique onely because the succession from the Apostles neuer failed in the Church of Rome as he idly doates whereas in other he thinke it hath and so onely that Apostolique for â—ooth But besides that alreadie brought out of Sozomene and otherâ— Baronius checks him acknowledging more Churches then the Romane to be Apostolique See Tertull. de Praescript c. 36. Perâ—… Ecclesias Apostolicas apud quâ—… adhuc Cathe drâ—â— Apostolorum c. Lastly Euseb l. t. hist. c. 1. * I confess I was once of Aâ—… his mind but since I 〈◊〉 by perusal of more that this Epistle bad though it be yet iâ— like all the rest of Innocentiâ—sseâ— as to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to Aureliuâ— to Iohannes Hierosolym c. Neuer worse Secretarie I thinke or that kept 〈◊〉 * Bellar. de Pont Rom. lib. 1. c. 17. 〈◊〉 Quod autem Adomnia and per omnia differ Cic 2. de 〈◊〉 Deorum S. Hilarie professes of himselfe to doe so vt recens lectio collata responsis invitis etiam coÌ„tradicentibus sensum veritatis eliciat De Trin. lib 6. b Iudg. 9. a Adioynd num 3 He flieth to his common and sâ—…e shift All which I haue fully confuted to his shâ—… in the 1. Chap. where I haue deâ—lared how he abuseth SS August Ambrose Cyrill c. b As Menanders saying is That Hunter is short to him though his tale be neuer so long because he telles it well Chaerilus tedious in three words speaking c Num. 〈◊〉 Card. Origen in 6 ad Rom. Petro cum summa rerum de pascendus â—…bus traderetur â— To which the â—ish answer Summa rerum The chiefe pastorall charge was giuâ— to Peter but it was giuen others also Ex Origene ipso in Matth. 16. Tract 1. Adiovnd It is to be obserued that Origen in that Homilie followeth altogether an Allegoricall sense seeking to draw from thence some morall doctrine as Preachers vse to doe applieth the same not onely to all the Apostles as well as to Peter but also to all perfect Christians teaching that whosoeuer doth confesse Christ as Peter did he shall haue the same beatitude that Peter had and be a Raâ—ke as he was c. So also Nâ—m 〈◊〉 he applies the giuing of the Keyes as well to euery â—aâ—â—…ll Christian as Peter or the rest of the Apostles But then Num. 5. euery iust man and womâ—n should haue as much Ecclesâ—â—sticall power and Iurisdiction as Peter to bind loose ex â—ommunicate â— Then Num 〈◊〉 euery Priest as much as his Bishop Bishop as Metropolitan c. ouerthrowing thereby all subordination in the Church and confounding the Ecclesâ—â—sti all with the Seâ—ular the Laâ—â—â—e with the Clergie head with members shepheard with sheepe c. He quotes Trac vlâ— in Iohan. but all too wide Catholique Diuine in Answer to the Reports c c 8 sect 16. quotes out of Baldus that the Pope in some case may commit spirituall things to a meere lay-man And that de facto he gaue a noble Ladie leaue to take the communion out of her owne hands Vide Florim Raeâ—… de ortu haeres huius saeculi lib. 6. c. 19. sect 4. in Matth. 16. Tract 1. Hierm. ad Euag. Omnes Epâ—sâ—opi Apostoloâ—um successores sunt S. Cyprian puts theâ— both in one speaking thus De habitu Vâ—rg Petrus etiam cui oues suas dominus pâ—scendas 〈◊〉
commendat super quem posuit fundâ—uit ecclesiam De Rom. Pont. l. 1. c. 27. versus finem The Pope a Poly-Stephen for his triple crown sake Cuiut maximè veâ—… sequerentur Therefore they went to his Church potissi 〈◊〉 and there sâ—sâ—…ere votum relligionis suae professionâ— solennâ— sayes Massaeus ibid. * Adde Eâ—…tius com in Ep a l Rom c. 1. Ne vel ipso Coryphaeo Petro inferior videretur Paulus aut 〈◊〉 aliquid haâ—…re Not minus 〈◊〉 in grace and in gifts not â—…ior in gouernment and such like prâ—heminence By which we see what a Coryphaeos Peter S. Gregor sayes l. 28. in Iob c. 6. that In sacriloquio c. he neuer finds the word foundatioÌ„ put in the singular throughout al Scripture but onely for Christ Yet the Papists make Peter a singular foundation and by himselfe See Haymo com in Eph. 2. where he will not so much as construe that Fundati super fund Proph. Apost otherwise theÌ„ thus That Christ alone is the foundation of Praphets of Apostles and all and he addes out of Matth. 16. Super hanc petram i. super me aedificabo Ecclesiam Though Augustus himselfe refused the title Dominus which Orosius construes to haue beene done in honour of Christ then borne l. 6. c 22. * Ioh. Capistranus Of S. Hilar. testimonie Ioh. 21. Absolute Pelagianisme See S. Austen c. * De praedestin Sanct. ad Prosper Hilar. lib. 1. Cap. 15. Est etiam praeclarissimum lumen praedestinationis gratiae ipse saluitor ipse mediator Respendeatur quaeso vnde haee merunt Quod etus bonum qualecunque pracessit c. Vide Epist Anaclet 1. 2 iteÌ„ Clement ad Iacob fratrem domini 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. Tim. 3. 13. * Hild. Dict. Sent. 2â— Pontifex Romanus sicanoniâ—â— modâ— ordinatus suerit meritis B. Petri indubitanter efficitur sanctus Lib. 6. de trin Si quidem gloria est peruagata c. Adioynd num 9. Thus saith the Bishop seeking by a lying glosse of his owne to make his Reader beleeue that S. Hilarie doth so admit S. Peters faith to he the foundation of the Church that he excludeth his person c. Neuerthelesse I would not haue him to thinke that in affirming with S. Hilarie that Peter was the foundation of the Church I doe exclude his faith froÌ„ his person as though S. Hilar. should say or any Catholike man meane that the Church was built vpon Peters person and not vpon his faith c. Fearing least another should depraue him as he hath done the Bishop Haec fides Ecclesiae fundamentum est per hanâ— fideÌ„ infirma sunt aduersus eam poâ—â— inferorum Haec fides Regni coelestis c Hilar. vbi prius Paneg. in Athanas Beatus Simon subiacens aedificationi ecclesiae scil post sacramenti confessionens Idem Hilar. eodem libro tres columnas ecclesiarum facit Petrum Iohannem Iacobum In the same place S. Hilary thus bespeaks the Apostles not Peter alone Vos O sancti beate viri ob FIDEI VESTRAE MERITâ—â— claues regni coelorum sortiti ligandi atque soluendi in caelo in terraÌ„ iâ—â— c. Hilar. vbi priuâ— Vide Bellar. de Rom. Pont. lib. 1. cap. 12. â—â—antem globum testiuÌ„ in hanc sentent Leo â—â—rm 11. de past Dâ—… Omnium 〈◊〉 â—ra prâ—…m Chrysost 〈◊〉 55. in Mâ—t. Confeâ—… prâ—…t ac praeueâ—… ait Of 〈◊〉 Maâ—…m testimonie The Adioynd pâ—…fes that S. Maximuâ— made certain â—ermons of this kind See afore cap. 〈…〉 Adioynd cap. 9. Numb 14. Hee supposes hâ—re that not Christ but 〈◊〉 haue giue it him and that S. Peter â—…s not Bishop of Rome otherwise theÌ„ in our concert and by our gift Eudâ—… Patal p. 137 Non duâ—… quâ—… totâ—… 〈◊〉 saâ—lo hoâ—…m â—…deat â—…m Pâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…re Bellar. de Pont. Rom. lib. 4. c. 4. By schismes by simonies by transmigrations sometime also by pluralitie of incuÌ„bents As Felix and Liberius Sozom. l. 4. c. 14. But cheifly whereas the Papists challenge other Seas to haue fayled in their succession of Bishops we may truely answer them that it had beene more for their credit to haue had none at all then diuerse such as they are faine to shew to vphold theirs of late times Idem Bellarm. alibi nimirum de Roman Pont. l. 2. c. 12. Si transferatur etiamnum sedeâ— Romani Episcopi non erunt 〈◊〉 totius ecclesiae Episcopi And Francisc Vellosillus Bishop of Luca in Aduertentijs in 4. tomum B. Chrysost Quaesit 17. prooues this conclusion of his by diuerse reasons Quid constitutione ecclesiae sieri posset vt Episcopus vrbis non modò sedem suam ab vrbe demutaret as he speakes sed vt nullam omnino particularem ecclesiam sibi applicaret c. Ann. 1614. Paâ—is Nothing left for â—â—sopt because his fellowes professed to know all things first 〈◊〉 viz. 2. Cor. 11. 23. c. S. Hieron Praef. comm in epist ad Gal. calls them twice principes within a few lines once Apostolorâ—â— againe Ecclesiaâ—… De patientia * The ancienter Papists were not so immoderate Ioh. Slotanus contr Vâ—â—sium c. after he had allowed the Pope â—aculum as well as â—eram one for doctrine the other for discipline expounds himselfe in this manner Habet summus ecclesiae Antistes super omnes potentiorem potestatem coactiuam quaÌ„ etiam Principes silâ— subiâ—â—ere potest SENE CAEDE TAMEN Hic est autem spiritualis gladius â—lle per quem interdicere potest ingressu ecclesiae coelum claudere c. Thus he limits the Popes coactiue power And Espencaeus Digressâ—n Epist ad Titum c. 1. p 172. En Episcopalem duritiem in VFRRIS tamen non in VERBERIBVS sitam Nam carceres huiusmodi corporum coerctiones cum dominijâ— temporalibus BENEFICIO ET DEVOTIONE PRINCIPVM accessisse puto Grauissima TVM poena erat excommunicatio non MORTALISâ—aâ—… â—aâ—… sed medicinalis Also Card. Pole lib. de summ Pont. c. 49. praising the Popes forme of gouernement None to that saith he quae volentes Per populordat iura And c. 44. The Pope if he will bee good must neuer descendere de Cruce i. interpose in worldly affaires The Papists deuice is ouerthrowne by themselues so farre are the Fathers from abetting it For Maldonate vpon Ioh. 21. notes it for a principall circumstance that Pasce oues meas was said to Peter post prandium after dinner and yet the rule of their law is that Ordines non dantur post prandium Sa. ex Syluest v. Ordines § 14 How much lesse the Popâ—dome which so infinitly surmounteth all order Though Mald. most absurdly note in the aforâ—said place that our Sauiour Christ did almost all his extraordinarie works either after dinner or after supper These are the grauities and godlines of our Iesuites To our Sauiour no doubt all times were one Bellarmine himselfe confesses that Pasce oues meas feed my sheep is said
blandiatur quasi immunis à contagione delicto esse possit cum sacerdote peccatore communicans ad iniustum atque illicitum praepositi sui Episcopatum consensum suum accommodans cum per Oseam deus doceat omnes omnino ad peccatum constringi qui fuerint profuni iniusti sacerdotis sacrificio cotaminati Apostatare à side Lyr. in Matt. Apostatici saltem apotastici PP Geneb August cp 48. Commonitorio 〈◊〉 Actis Lib 7. loc c. 1. Omnes Sancti vno ore asseverarunt B. Vrginem in peccata conceptaÌ„ Vnlesse you will admit of the rotten glosse of Paâ—… de Palacio in his Comm. vpon S. Matth. cap. 5. that the Si indeede is put vpon the salt degenerating because Salt stands for life and good manners and Popes and Prelates may faile in them but not vpon the Light It is not said if the light be darkned to shew that Prelates cannot faile in truth of Doctrine This he Why then does he call the Pope Sal salium in the same place Is it because his manners cannot be tainted neither Or why does he say that Praelatus satuus mittendus est foras Shall the Pope be deposed for euill life It is not the fashion Or lastly why does he argue from In quo salietur co prooue that the Pope hath no superiour to salt him and therfore concludes that he cannot turne foolish because Christ saies he left nothing without remedie Is not the dunghill his remedie And yet in another place he allowes the Pope to be Pope though his light turne darknes as well as his salt follie Papa tenet cathedram etsi ignirantissimus in 16. Matth. How doe these things hang together The same he hath often in librâ—… posterioribus contra Iulian. hac anno primùm edâ—… per Claud. Menardum p. 170. 172. 194. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…r 12. Os labia ponuntur pro toto homine Espencaei obseruatio in ad Tit est veâ—issima Ecclesiast Deut. 13. 1. c. Gal 1. 8. Com. in locum * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 idolatry at lest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud Euseb lib. 3. c. 32. Vide Euseb lib. 4. c. 7. c. 21. Clem. Alex. Strom. lib. 7. Tertul. de Praescrip Ammian Marcellin l. 21. ChristianaÌ„ relligionem absolutam simplicem anili superstitione confundens De Constan Hegesippus Tum quidem ecclesiam virginem fuisse idque antonomasticè vt declarat Baro. tom 2. Ann. 120. At deinde faciem eius nec decoram nec spectaÌ„tibus dignoscibilem sed instar solis densis obtecti nubibus atque errores aperto capite in eam irruisse De praep Euan. lib. 12. 13. Item in Cant. hom 3. Non erit inconueniens sic putare In Ios c. 3. Ego sic arbitror And Audiui quendam ita dicentem This is great certaintie no doubt So Euseb of Potamiaena lib. 6. c. 5. that vndertooke to intercede for Basilides after her death 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bee it as it may be as not greatly beleeuing it Valeat vt valere potest Coster Enchir. de venerat Sanct. We approach by Christ to worship the Father because by him we are reconciled to the Father Christ a sufficient bringer to the Father because a sufficient teacher of him De Satr Euchar. lib. 4. cap. 〈◊〉 As OVR RIGH PRIEST But the Saints are not so Yet this is Origens appropriating reason here And if the Schoolemen denie that an Angel may minister the coÌ„munion what more right haue they to ofâ—… our praiers Is it not a priestly action Angels obedient to godly men * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bee Mâ—… praied vnto see cap. 〈◊〉 hâ—… theÌ„ here Angels helpe vs though they be not praied vnto But whether it be so or not Origen is direct against praying to them For if we may not vocare how much lesse invocare Matth. 25. 54. Luk. 24. 26. item ibid. 44. Idem habet Chrys hom 8. in Matth. Let them know Creatures worship not creatures Let them know a Per Christum Dom. nostrum vsed to the Saints b A new way of redemption out of the Papists new-fangle intercessions and like that of the Persians beating the robe for the noble mans offence S. Chrysost contrariwise before quoted in 3. ad Coloss saith the honouring of Angells canie from the Deuills enuying of vs and our honuor which in all likelihood he more malignes See also Epiphan quoted in the 9. cap. how often he puts all this idolatrie to Saints and Images vpon the Deuill 1. Earthly Monarchie Lib. 5. de Pont. Rom. See c. 1. hâ—…s § 42. 2 Supererogation We cannot answer him one of a thousands Iob. And S. Chrys The most righteous of all need mercye in Ep. ad Philip. c. 1. Serm. 4. at large Idem habet Dâ—…s Ep ad Demoph Idem Epiph haeresi Aâ—… discrimen hoc assignans inter Christum alius Sanctos quod apparere vult in funcribus mortuorum Aug. lib. 9. confess c. 13. Neque enim responde bit illa nihil se debere ne convincatur c. praeclarè In the places quoted by the Adioynder 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a fit resemblaÌ„ce for an oecumenicall Pastor * S. Aug. ad Bonifac l. 3. c. 3. If you say the Apostle and name not which Apostle we vnderstand Paul contra Psych The Adioynders examples T. 8. D. Savile Ser 〈◊〉 1. in S. Apost Paulum saepiculè alià s 3 Adoration of Christ De Rom. Pont. l. 4. c. 16. Ambros lib. 3. de Sp. Sanct. c. 12. Aug. in Psal 98. In Psal 118. Nunquam deposuit quod semel assumpsit Axiom Theol. Also Cornel. Mus com in Rom. 8. Sacramentum Eucharistiae est Ipsa Gratia which is Christs title 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tit. 2. 11. 4 Adoration of Relliques a As S. Chrysost in vlt. ad Coloss at those words Salutatio mea Pauli manu meâ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. It was like they would find themselues somewhat affected at the sight of Pauls hand Yet not to worship the paper So we at relliques Yet S. Pauls hand-writing not inferiour perhaps to relliques b The same saies Constantius apud Athan. Graecol p. 716. in epist ad Episc Arimini congregatos de doctrinâ verbo which S. Austen saies de codice 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Behold the booke and doctrine venerable or worthie to be worshipped What more of the Sacrament or where the like of the species c S. Austen is of another minde quaest in Gen. 23. Corrigendus fuerat adorator Angeli The worshipper of the Angell viz. S. Iohn was to be reformed Therefore he might erre Yea therefore he did erre Act. 14. * S. Greg. ideÌ„ repetit in Com. Cant. 8. praeter locos alibi citatos Now Reader iudge who comes neerer to Iudaesme the Bishop and the Church of England as F. T. obiects in diuers places or they that reuiue the worshipping of Angels vnder the new
to them b The Scripture is to determine this Controuersie c Reformation of Church-abuses will stand with the office of godly vertuous Princes without vsurpation of others right 2. Chron. 29. 5. d Godly Kings lay their commandement vpon Ecclesiasticall persons to doe the duties of their holy calling e Sic paulò post Cyrillus Ezechias recusavit templum ingredi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. f Cyrill like Dauids Psa 2. Et nuoc Reger intelligite The Adioynder saies Non nunc whatsoeuer they d. d of old as if grosser now then then g Kings Christian louing Chrill are called to the same worke of reforming their Clergie that Ezechias was h The Christian sacrifice is offred by Kings as well as Priests See Heb. 13. 1â— i Kings represse the slanders fastened vpon Christ by pernicious heretiques while they enioyne Bishops and Priests their duties k No dishonour to Kings to meddle in Church affairs but a tripple crowne of honour belongs to them therefore with God with men with Anâ—ets l Cyrill saies twice that the Emperour coÌ„â—… dâ—… Priests The Adioynders obiection answered m Petrut per abusum gladij sui ius eiusdem gladij non anusit Nec Caesar egitur SaÌ„der lib. 3. cap. 11. de clave David Adioynd Num. 43. * Vide Sòzom l. 1. c. 8. Vide patres suprà citatos ad longuÌ„ Car. 3. huius Sect. 11. c. p. 138. c. Quibus adde S. Prosperum lib. 1. de Vita Contemplativa cap. 25. Sacerdos Sanctus nihil gerat ex imperio c. Item Si infirmitates fratrum viventium carnaliter curare non polest verborum medicaminibus sastineat virtute patientiae So that a Minister may not goe vltrà verbum Vide cundem lib. codem cap. 21. complaining of the Clergie quòd perverso ordine non tam pascunt quà m pasci volunt à grege suo Et Vendicamus nobis dominationem tyrannicam in subiectos c. Item Tam à nobis nonnulli graviter fatigati depereunt quà m à potentibus huius mundi Ibid. The true effects of Popish insolencie * The Crocodile quotes the Bishop for it Id taÌ„tum audemus facere circà Invocationem scil Sanctorum c. a See in fine buâ—… ex Chrysan 13. ad Rom. Sed Cyrill sic nuperrimè Adioynd Num. 48. Cap. 10. S. Austens obseruation against mans industrie if God be away Ex 1. Sam. 17. Epist 48. ad Vincentium Quens multi ex ipsis nâ—… nobiscum c. Et Epist 167. ad Festum Not but that Pasce belongs to temporall Princes too is Piulus hath confessed and the Bishop conuinced Wide supra Cap. 1. Sect. 36. id est pag 32. c. To whome adde 〈◊〉 lib. 6. cap 3. acknowledging them to be capita heads of their people ex A nos 6 〈◊〉 King 15. A. lib. 4. cap. 2. He denies not but bare authoritie makes a member of the Church by which claime an infidelt King may challenge headship though the Adioynder storme at it Quà m diu aliquit Reipublicae minister est eiusque authoritate potestate fungitur tam diuillius pars dici potest debet Can. See S. Chrysost his words at the ende of this Chap. * Patres ipsi Niceni can 7. excusaÌ„t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 patrata Vide Can. 11. vbi excusant de temporibus Licinij Ezech. 19. 6. Patres 6. Synodi Epist ad Iustinian Imp. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Et Irenaeus apud Antonium in Melissa l. 2. orat 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sed Ambros Valentiniano iuniori apud Theodoret Hist lib. 5. c. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suadet ⸫ Hugo etiam Cardin in 1. Ioh. 5. Spiritus est potentia saecularis Vim quidem haec Hugo afferens Textui non vni sed ne putent Pontificij Equos nostros esse CARNEM tantùm Adde Cornel. à Lap. Iesuit in 1. Tim. 3. Salimon fecit duas columnas in Templo quarum illa Iachin id est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 siue direction vt declararet alia imperium regum Israel circa regimen populi secundum pietatem puruÌ„que Dei cultum Altera vo abatur Bosz i. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Latine executio Quorum vtrumque Regibus ad divina necessarium Et fuit vtraque columna coronata Denique huc alludit Apostolus autumante Cornel verbis ijs Ecclesia est columna firmamentum veritatis c. Numb 47. 48. 49. Adioynd Num 50. A fable of the Adioynd that Q. Eliz. refused the title of Head and retained of Governresse As if they are not all one Neither was Governresse the title that she delighted in In the Records of the Kings Coll. in Cambr. I finde Q Marie styled Head of the Church c. So farre was Q. Eliz from reiecting it a Of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the Kings conusance in a Church-mans matters and those matters of the Church see Act. 25. 21. Item Psal 72. Domine da IUDICIUM tuum Regi Which Procopius quotes vpon Esa 49. in this sense b Epist ad Nicomedient Vide Gelas Cyzie Siquis Episcoporum tumâ—…tuatus fuerit ministri Dei hoc est mea executione illius coercehitur audacia c. Item Hieron in 49. Eta Reges Principes quicquid in pedibus Ecclesiae terreni operis adhaeserit suo sermone let the Adioynder chuse whether censorio or concionatorie but one of them it must be tergunt atque delingunt Where I would take sermo for Iuridicus processus as verbum it res or negatium to the Hebrewes But by this the King hath coerciue power ouer the Church Also Canutus King of this Iâ—and apud Iâ—gulphum f. 508 minatur Episcopis severissimam â—…m ni pareant mandatis suâ—… Cath Divine f. 146. c Epist 32. In Serenissimis Iussionibus suis Dominorum Pietas Et ego qui in Serenissimis Dominorum Iussionibus Adde quòd legem quamvis fibi displiceret de mandato tamen Imperatoris promulgavit c. lib. 2. epist 61. Indict 11. * Iustinian Nouell constitut 131. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Et paulò post 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But without Iustinian they are not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Visitation is restrained to Coactiva by the â—…ewing S. Austen grants Censure to Kings against stubborne heretiques in the externall Court Non enim poterat victor resistentes Regia censura contemnere c. Epist 167. ad Fest * Vbi nota quòd cum Bellarm. faciat potestatem coactivam inseparabilem à Iudice controversiarum De Interpret verb. Dei l. 3. c. 9 nos ante à probaverimus ad longum non esse vim coactivam nisi penes Civilem Magistratum omne iudicium controversiarum nullo modo restringendum est ad Clericos excluso Magistratu Civili The words of the Stat. That all authoritie of Iurisdiction is deriued and deduced from the Kings Maiestie c. And sometime iustly if the Priest be
male pert or erroneous Reuel 18. 4. Ferer Lusti antè citat Apud Gelas Cyzic in Act. Concil Nicen. a The Adioynd confuted by his owne allegation out of the Acts of Parlament See pag. 100. huius b Register of the Templats and Order of S. Iohn of Hierusalem quoted by M. IV Cambden in his Britannia Cornavijs c He that hath licence for doing incurres no fault at all but the breach eueÌ„ of humane laws vndispensed is a sinne in conscience by the Papists doctrin Adioynd Num. 54. 55. 2. Sam. 15. 17. Rom. 13. Tit. 3. 1. Pet. 2. * Adioynd vbi priùs d Sauls guard refuse to doe a wicked act at their masters commaundement yet the Guard was not exempt from Sauls authoritie neither will the Adioynder haue it so This disobedience therefore prooues not but Saul was King as well ouer the Priests as others e Exod. 1. f Dauid represents the Priesthood not onely the Kingdome g One Doeg many Doegs h Doeg a figure of Iudas a The sword rewardes no lesse then punishes b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In burro panno purpureus animuâ— as Calvin him selfe most excellently notes whome they slaunder notwithstanding as vnkind to Kings Instit l. 3 c. 19. Sect 9. c Dio alis d The happines of Kingdomes is in obedience to Kings without contradiction Gerson c. Adioynd Num. 62. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Quoniam percepimus Ecclesiae relligionis nostrae tranquillitatens c. Iuram Scot. Edit an 1581. quoted by the Adioynder Though this be somewhat auncient to prooue the iudgement of these times by especially for one that takes notice of the Bishops iust exception Dies diem docuit c. See Adioynd Num. 68. b Vide Chrysost in fine huius Quanquam loquitur it à Synodus sexta Constantinop in Epist Concilij ad Iustinian Imper. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Seiromaste c No more power then Defensiue yet Sanders saies the Sword is Avenger rather But these two numina Praemium Poena conteine the Church and consummate the Suprematie c Though S. Austen make heresies vicia carnis as the Apostle also doth Gal. 5. By how much more they shall belong to the Kings correction * Aug. Triumph p. 9. citat Chrys in Matth. in eandem sent d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Paulo ante ex Concil 6. e De Merit remiss pecc initio lib. * Papa potest condere novuÌ„ Symbolum novos articulos c. Triumph Ancon p. 310. f Nec auro Pyrrhe tuo nec elephantis Fabricius apud Plut. Adioynd Num. 63. g The Adioynder addes further here out of Beza as it seemes that Kings cannot be exempted from the diuine domination of the Presbyterie c. Forsooth nor from Confession vnder a shauen Priest with the Papists But who knows not that we haue banished the Presbyterie here in England or rather neuer receiued it not onely in extention as it reflects vpon Kings but not so much as in single essence And yet in France which was Bezaes owne countrey Rex causam dixit aliquando in iudicio si vera Bodinus Was hee not therfore supreame So here perhaps h Of the licking the dust of the Churches feet see S. Hierome before pag. 519. It imports small subiection superioritie rather And yet here the Church doth not signifie the Clergie yea as some thinke it is no where so taken at all in Scripture Lastly if it were yee the word Church is not once named by the Prophet Esay but he directs his speech to them that are of the Church the beleeuers in generall Gen. 41. 43. Adioynd vbi priùs Bonavent in 4. Sentent Dist 18. quaest 3. Resp ad vltimum Sed praecipuè August de parcendo multitudini ne eradicetur triticum Totis tract contrà Donatist T. 7. Denique Epist Leodiens Apologet. ann 1106. apud Schard Pro M. Celio Paral. p. 383. and 384. * Which Flor. Rem saies he may call the Talmud or Alcoran of heretiques Franciscus Horantius saies he wrote it by the instinct not of man but some foule spirit c. Both shewing in what account they haue the worke though they abliorre from his opinion * Flor. Rem de Origine haeres l. 7. c. 10. Sect. 1. Calvinus in conclavi quodam Engolismae apud Tilium plus quatuor millibus librotum tum manuscriptorum tum typis excusoruÌ„ instructo ita se continuit triennio vt vel intimi amicorum aegrè ad ipsum admitterentur c. What maruell when Tullie saies de Arusp Resp led by the light of nature Nihil praclarius quà m eosdem relligionibus decrum immortalium summe Repub. praeesse voluisse maiores nostros Sub init Orat. Prefat lib. de clave David Acberat cum Constantinum delegantem Melciadi cum alijs Episcopis causam Caecilij Donati caput Ecclesiae vocat donat cum titulum homini non Christiano here Nondum enim baptizatus cum suit Constantinus vt patet ex Euseb alijsque Christianus verò esse non potest qui ChristuÌ„ quando potest per baptismum non induit Eia Pergite in maledicta Quid mirum iam si Rex Iacabus non Christianus Bellarmino quamvis baptizatus In the rest of the words that the Adioynder quotes out of Bishop Barlowe Sermon it seemes he saies that the Puritanes allow the King to be onely an honourable member of the Church And yet the Adioynder would perswade vs but a little before that the Papists goe as farre as the Puritanes about the Supremicie c. Whereas his owne argument is here against certaine Kings No members Therefore no heads But the Puritans acknowledge their King a member in the very words that he citeth out of B. Barlow and an honourable member that is happily Supreame He contradicts himselfe therefore As for their denying him to be Gouernour though it appeare not in their words yet either their meaning is he is not to gouerne after his owne lust and fancie against the booke of God put into his hands or Bishop Barlow describes the Puritans by their old Problemes which they disclaime daily as the Bishop of Ely exceeding well notes Though not so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by reuerence and humilitie but at another time Episcopus Episcoporum And Ego Episcopus sum etiam extrà Ecclesiaâ—â— i. vbique * And this is euen the worst that can be boulted out of those wordes of the B. so spightfully insisted vpon by the Adioynd Numb 67. that the Kings gouernment of the Church is externall so farre forth as it requires and admitteth and authoritie For so farre he is from extenuating the Kings Supremacie therby that his meaning is We are to looke for as much helpe and aid froÌ„ him and consequently to acknowledge as much authoritie in him as is humans that is incident to the power or place of any man whatsoeuer and therefore Supreame without question in his Kingdome Though he denies not but
we come to the place which is Chap. 3. num 36. as we are told by you In the meane time you recken without your host the Bishop graunts nothing that he will not stand to Be you but content with that which he pitches and the controuersie will soone be at an ende But did you euer heare such an impudent varlet that plaies vpon the word temporall primacie and denies they giue any such to the Pope What is their primacie but a primacie of power and if the power then be temporall is not the primacie so Now for that let but Bellarmine declare his opinion who intitles his 5. booke de Pontif. Rom. De potestate Pontificis temporali Of the temporall power of the Pope This is plaine but in the argument of the sixt chapter of the same booke more plainly Papam habere temporalem potestatem indirectè That the Pope hath temporall power at least indirectly Whereas we neither ascribe to the King spirituall primacie ouerhastily nor are wont to call his power spirituall If the Bishop haue so done let the place be named and the imputation verified wherewith F. T. chargeth vs Num. 15. though very wrongfully as if we nourished a doctrine of the Kings spirituall primacie Yet they say Sixtus Quintus would haue had those works of Bellarmine to be burnt perhaps for giuing him temporall power onely and not temporall primacy totidem verbis And here our lepus pulpamentum quaerit a wretch and most obnoxious to all manner of scorne flourishes and descants with his leaden wit vpon a corporall Bishop as he calls him Bonner I trow who excused his corpulencie wherewith hee was wont to be painted with saying he had but one doublet too little for him and the knaue hereticks alway painted him in that If you talke of a punisher of bodies he was one We doe not know God be thanked that our Bishops haue any such power in these daies by the examples we see but that you tell vs so And there was a time when your Popes themselues could inflict no punishments of this nature saies Papirius Massonius in the life of Leo the second Now all their strength stands that way And so I might say of the punishing of the purse and the gaines of the Bishops court which you so enuie wheras not onely he is not forward to deale punishments and much lesse to gain by the parties punished but I haue heard his Chancellour whom certenly you meant when you taxed the Courts vtterly disanow that their Courts condemne any body in mony howsoeuer offending How beit if Kings to whome all the power of the sword is cōmitted that is all kind of coactiue punishment should giue the Bishops leaue to mulct the purse rather then their censures should be contēned what is that to the Popes either exercising or challenging to himself I know not what tēporal power by vertue of his Apostleship and originall calling without donation or delegation from Princes Though againe if this be graunted which I beleeue not as yet because I haue beene otherwise informed as I said that the Bishops are so licensed by authoritie from his MAIESTIE here in England yet the Bishop whome you shoot at is so farre from delighting in any such markets that he had rather redeeme offences with his losse then raise profit to himselfe out of punishments Imperatorem me peperit mater said Scipio non bellatorem when one chidde him as too remisse and loath to fight So he S. Theodoret saith sweetly that there are no punishments in heauen in regione hyacinthina of which farther you may heare in his due place And the Bishops calling is a kind of heauen How much more when it is ioyned with conscience and clemencie Which is so proper to the Prelate of whome we speake as you may wonder both his Office and Sea sauouring of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of mercie and compassion rather then of rigour but his nature much more And if S. Chrysostomes argument for Kings be good that they are called to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because unnointed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is called to mercy because annointed with oyle it may guide you to conceiue aright herein of the Bishop whose practise acquites him without hidden emblemes or forced hieroglyphicks Vnlesse you thinke that because he handled Tortus somewhat roughly or the Cardinall either therefore he is more vindicatiue out of his disposition But for that you may remember that he was the Kings Almoner and dealt his liberalities as they had beene best deserued Now leauing the digression that this mans malepertnes hath driuen vs vnto what saies he for substance to the Bishops third exception as himselfe branches it § 43. IT is enough saies he that Cyrill and Austen denie not the temporall power of Peter though they auerre it not in their commentaries Forsooth they expound not Pasce halfe perfectly wherein surely they are to blame in so large a Commentarie as few haue written vpon that Scripture to say nothing of a thing so materiall as that or so principall rather and yet so obuious when the text lies naked before their eyes For it is a necessarie consequent the temporall power saies our Iesuit here of the spirituall Which yet Mr. Blackwell will neuer beleeue nor those authors whom he quotes to the contrarie that make it a point like the new-found lands or vnfound rather so wholly vndefined and vnresolued whether the Pope haue any such peece of dominion yea or no. Besides he should haue shewed the necessarie consequence betweene the two powers which because he does not I thinke he either saw it not or lacked abilitie to expresse his minde Me thinkes nothing easier then to conceiue so of them that though linked in vse yet diuided in nature and so likewise in subiect as Gelasius gaue caution long agoe very well of not confounding them like the two armes in a mans bodie or the two lights in the firmament so farre I am content to goe with Bonifacius yea or the two swords themselues ecce duo gladij whereof one questionlesse depended not of another though your exposition be so good that Stella is ashamed of it and diuerse more of your owne men § 44. That S. Austen acknowledged the Popes temporall primacie implyed in those words Pasce oues meas you bring no other places then we haue hitherto answered and it might be thought too largely but that you bring them againe as primus Apostolorum and propter primatum Apostolatús of which no more Let them preuaile as they can So likewise I say of representare personam which you inforce here againe to be supreame gouernour ouer the Church This is your riches that runne round in a ring and choake the children of the Prophets with your crambe and yet cry out of the Bishop for his nakednesse and pouertie in proouing the cause Numb 15. As for that you here adde that no other
Apostle is said to represent the Churches person besides Peter S. Austen hath made you to swallow it before yet perusing your booke I find it to be no more then your selfe attribute to Mr. Thomas Rogers of whome you say in your ninth chapter Num. 78. that he represents the authoritie of all the Clergie of England not only the Clergie but the authoritie of them all and yet I thinke you neuer held him for our supreame gouernour To that of S. Cyrill Vt Princeps caputque caeterorum primus exclamauit I wonder first why you should construe it exclaimed vnlesse your argument stand in that as if Peter should get the primacie by roaring So hee in Plutarch when he saw a tall man come in to try masteries but otherwise vnweildy This were a likely man saies he if the garland hung aloft he that could reach it with his hands were to haue it for his paines You know that we Englishmen call that exclaiming when a man cries out by discontent or passion Was Peter offended when you make him to exclaime As for princeps caput it is waighed in the ballance and found too light S. Ierome Dial. 1. contra Pelag. Vt Plato princeps Philosophorum it a Petrus Apostolorum as Plato was cheife among the Philosophers so Peter of the Apostles Doth that please you For Plato though he liued in Dionysius his Court yet he was no Monarch No more was Peter And if you would but turne Tullies Offices againe or almost any other of his works you should see Princeps in quacunque facultate In medicinâ in re bellicâ in scenâ it selfe where not Illaerat vita illa secunda fortuna saies he libertate parem esse caeteris principem dignitate Therefore princeps is no word of soueraigntie And was no bodie euer call'd caput but Peter For that is another thing which you stand vpon I could tell you a distichon out of Baronius made neither by Peter nor by any of his successors as you interpret his successors wherein neuerthelesse the man is called after other titles Pontificumque caput which is the head of Bishops and Popes and all And if a man should call Eudaemon-Iohannes iustly deseruing it as it may be some haue called him caput furiarū would you plead frō thence if need were that he had any authority ouer the deuils or were a yong Belzebub Further I beleeue when all comes to all it is but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek if we could see it Of which we shal say more when we answer to the other Cyrill namely he of Ierusalem a little after For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as we are taught by S. Chrysostome where yet there is no authoritie of one actor ouer the other Generally this arguing from titles of cōmendation is very vnsound Who knowes not that S. Iames was called Episcopus Episcoporum as Nilus testifies yet S. Ambrose serm 83. giues that to Christ to be Episcopus Episcoporū as his priuiledge Though Sidonius an author not iustly to be excepted against affirmes no lesse of one Lupus a particular Bishop that he was Episcopus Episcoporū Pater Patrum alter saeculi sui Iacobus that is a Bishop of Bishops and a Father of Fathers another Iames the Apostle of his age Which in the end wil proue as much as caput caeterorum though you bring that to magnifie Peter by As if caput caeterorū might not be one set vp by speciall prouiso to keepe good order in the Colledge I meane the Colledge of the Apostles though without any commission to deriue it to his successors or extrauagant power ouer the rest for the present Lastly I might aske you how Peter could be caput caeterorum here that is Monarch installed in your sense when you tell vs a little after Num. 31. out of S. Chrysostome that Peter durst not aske our Sauiour the question who should betray him till such time as he had receiued the fulnes of authoritie and after that time he grew confident Which time was not till after our Sauiours resurrection and therefore farre from this So if you trust to Chrysostome you haue lost Cyrill if to Cyrill Chrysostome you cannot possibly hold them both if you vrge caput in so rigorous sense I might adde out of S. Cyrill once againe to stop your mouth crying out so mainely against lame quotations that princeps as it may be taken is expounded there by ferventissimus Apostolorum so feruent saith S. Cyrill that hee leapt naked into the sea out of the ship for zeale Where if the ship be the Church then wee haue Peter leaping out of the Church You will say perhaps from Antioch to Rome Then Antioch is the ship and Rome the sea What vantage haue you now of all that is said of Peters ship to countenance Rome Doe you see how one iumpe hath marred your allegorie and almost your Monarchie Now S. Cyrill saies farther in the place you quote lib. 12. cap. 64. in Ioh. Petrus alios praeveniebat how Ardore namque Christi praecipuo feruens ad faciendum ad respondendum paratissimus erat That is Peter preuented others For boyling with an especiall zeale to our Sauiour Christ he was most readie and forward either to doe or say This was the cause why he exclaimed first Primus saies S. Cyrill but not solus Hic Malchi etiam aurem amputauit that you cannot abide to heare of putans hoc modo Magistro semper se inhaesurum So little did he couet the primacie that you striue for that he wisht neuer to be absent from his Master which if he had not beene he could neuer haue ruled in his roome Then in euery confession that he made saies S. Cyrill rationalium ouium curam sibi habendam esse audiuit Is cura nothing which with you praefectura hath cleane deuoured And if you but remembred that they were oues rationales you would tyrannize lesse and stand lesse for tyrannie There There are other things betweene which I passe ouer here because you shall heare them anon Take this for farwell Doctores hinc Ecclesiae discunt saith S. Cyrill non aliter se Christo posse coniungi nisi omni curâ operâ studeant vt rationales oues rectè pascantur rectè valeant Talis erat Paulus ille c. That is The Doctors of the Church learne from hence that they can no otherwise be ioyned vnto Christ vnlesse they endeauour with all their paine and diligence that his reasonable sheepe be well fed and well liking Such a one was Paul c. By which you see what a sense he giues vs of Pasce of feeding Christs sheepe namely with labour and diligence which the Pope cannot skill of and Paul not onely Peter a prime instance of it Neither doubt I but when Paul saies of himselfe I