at large in Canterburies Doom fol. 102. 103. where that Author mentioneth the censure past upon M. Sherfield in the Court of Star-Chamber for defacing the Pictures in one of the windows in S. Edmunds Church in the City of Salisbury What I have said in this case as to Sherfields censure you have seen already I shall now add what I then hastily passed over that is to say that the Bishop did not justifie the picturing of God the Father in that or any Form what soever but only touched upon the reasons which induced some Painters to that representation which they grounded on Dan. 7. 9. where God the Father is not only called the Ancient of Days to fignifie his Eternity before all time which was so much insisted on by the Earl of Dorset but described after the similitude of an old man whose garments were as white as snow and the hair of his head like the pure wooll as the Text informs us Certamen Epistolare OR The Letter Combate PART III. Containing a Decertation about Forms of Government the power of the Spartan Ephori and the Jewish Sanhedrim Managed Letter-wise betweene Peter Heylyn D. D. And J. H. of the City of Westminster Esq Tacit Annal. Lib. 1. Suspecto Senatus Populique imperio ob certamina Potentium Avaritiam Magistratuum invalido legum auxilio quae vi Ambitu postremo Pecunia turbabantur LONDON Printed in the Year 1659. To his ever Honoured Friend S EDVVARD FILMER of Sutton in the County of KENT SIR HOw great a loss I had in the death of my most dear and honoured Friend your deceased Father no man is able to conjecture but he that hath suffered in the like So affable was his conversation his discourse so rational his Judgment so exact in most parts of Learning and his affections to the Church so exemplary in him that I never enjoyed a greater felicity in the company of any man living then I did in his In which respects I may affirm both with safety and modesty that we did not onely take sweet counsel together but walked in the House of God as Friends I must needs say I was prepared for that great blow by the loss of my preferment in the Church of Westminster which gave me the opportunity of so dear and beloved a neighborhood so that I lost him partly before he dyed which made the misery the more supportable when I was deprived of him for altogether But I was never more sensible of the infelicity then I am at this present in reference to that satisfaction which I am sure he could have given the Gentleman whom I am to deal with His eminent abilities in these Political Disputes exemplified in his judicious observations on Aristotles Politiques as also in some passages on Grotius Hunton Hobbs and other of our late Discoursers about Formes of Government declare abundantly how fit a Man he might have been to have dealt in this cause which I would not willingly should be betrayed by unskilfulâ— handling And had he pleased to have suffered his Excellent Discourse called Patriarcha to appear in publick it would have given such satisfaction to all our great Masters in the Schools of Politie that all other Tractates in that kind had been found unnecessary But since he cannot be recalled and that he did not think it fit while he was alive to gratifie the Nation in publishing that excellent Piece which might have served for a Catholicon or General Answer to all Discourses of this kind I have adventured on that work which the Consciousness of my own inability might deter me from if the desire of satisfying the expectation of such a modest and ingenious Adversary had not over-ruled me Whatsoever I have done therein as it is now left to the publique Censure so do I submit it more particularly to your equal Judgement in whom there is so much of the Father as renders you a competent Judge in the case between us Which trouble I had sooner given you but that the Papers lay so long with a friend in London before they could finde the way to the Press that I was put upon the necessity of another Encounter which was to have precedence of it in the course of the Book But it comes time enough to interrupt your studies and affairs of greater Moment to be a Testimony of the confidence I have in your favourable opinion of me and finally to serve as a publique acknowledgment of those many undeserved civilities which your Father your self and the rest of your Family have been from time to time vouchsafed unto SIR Your most affectionate Friend and Devoted Servant Peter Heylyn Lacies Court in Abingdon April 20. 1659. The Answer of P. H. D. D. to the Letter of J. H. Esq The Introduction of the whole SIR AT my coming to London about Midsommer last I found some Papers left for me in the way of a Letter at my accustomed Rendezvouz with this following Title viz. The Stumbling Block of Disobedience and Rebellion cunningly imputed by P. H. unto Calvin Removed in a Letter to the said P. H. from J. H. By which Title of Superscription it was easy to know whom you had designed for your Adversary in the two first Letters and it was not hard for me to find by the two last Letters with whom I was to deal having received some advertisment of it from a friend in Oxon before I set forwards on my journey The Papers being put into my hands I could no longer defer the curiosity of having them read over to me then the withdrawing into a more convenient room must of necessity admit and having had them read over to me I found my self pressed with this Dilemma that either I must return an answer to you or confess the whole Book to be answered by you I found no reason for the last and therefore thought it more convenient to give you content in the first with as much conveniency as I could But I had then other fish to fry whereof perhaps you may have tasted before this time Nor was I without other businesses which as they brought me to the City so they occasioned a longer stay there then I first intended In the mean time a book of one Mr. Baxter's was by chance offered to my perusal in which I found my self concerned and so concerned that I thought it safer to venture somewhat on your patience then to sink under those Reproaches which were laid upon me In which till I had satisfied both my self and him I could not give my thoughts the leasure of rendering you that satisfaction which you had required But having now dispatch'd with him I shall be the betterable to attend your Motions and shall therefore follow after you step by step as you move before me I must confess you are an Adversary whom I look'd not for Non expectato vulnus ab hoste venit In the Poets words but then I must confess withal that I am
Certamen Epistolare OR THE Letter-Combate MANAGED By Peter Heylyn D. D. With 1. Mr. Baxter of Kederminster 2. Dr. Barnard of Grays-Inne 3. Mr. Hickman of Mag. C. Oxon. And 4. J. H. of the City of Westminster Esq With 5. An Appendix to the same in Answer to some passages in Mr. Fullers late APPEAL Ovid. in Epist Phedrae Perlege quodcunque est quid Epistola lecta nocebit Te quoque in his aliquid quod juvet esse Poâ—est LONDON Printed by J. M. for H. Twyford â— Dring and â— Place and are to be sold at their Shops in Vine-Court in the Middle Temple at the George near S. Dunstons Church in Fleet-street and at Furnivals-Inne Gate in Holburn 1659. To my dear Brethren The poor Remainders of the old Regular and Confromable Clergy of the Church of ENGLAND IT was fore-signified by the Prophet of Christ our Saviour Arundinem quassam non confringere c. That he should not break a bruised Reed nor so much as quench the smoking flax that is to say as Maldionate very well expounds the place that his goings should be so gentle and his weight so light that though he trod upon a bruised Reed he should not break it and though he walked on smoaking flax yet he should not quench it Which showeth saith he quam incredibili mansuetudine ac Lenitate usurus esset with what incredible meekness and incomparable tenderness our Saviour should proceed in all his Actions The breaking of a bruised Reed was unknown to Christ though nothing be more frequent in the practise of those who most pretend to be his followers in their Words and Actings And if the bruised Reed ought not to be broken if we are to carry our selves with the spirit of meekness towards all those wich have been bruised onely by ungentle usage with how much tenderness and compassion should those men be handled who have been broken by the blows of unprosperous fortune and crusht almost to nothing by unmerciful Pressures For certainly there cannot be a greater Argument of an uncharitable and unchristian disposition then to insult on those that are oppressed and add affliction unto such as have suffered wrong to multiply Reproaches even on guilty persons when they have satisfied the Law and paid their utmost debt to justice Malice in this respect is far worse then Cruelty Cruelty many times is satisfied with the blood and death of such as have been marked out for a publick slaughter But Malice commonly out-lives Cruelty and will not suffer those to remain in peace on whom the face of heaven hath frownned against whom the hands of men have bin lifted up to their destruction and undoing Yet such is the unhappy age in which we live that nothing is more ordinary then the adding of sorrow to affliction and reproach to trouble practised most commonly by those men who pretend most to follow the example of Christ our Saviour of which there cannot be a clearer and more evident proof then the procedings of some men towards you my dear Brethren of the Regular and conformable Clergy of the Church of England smitten into the Den of Dragons and almost broken to pieces like a Potters vessel For when the sword had spent its fury and the hand of power filled it self with subverting so many mens estates the ejecting some sequestring others and sifting almost every one of us to the very bran there started up a race of men who agreed together to afflict them in a further measure saying to one another as did those Sons of Belial in the Book of God Come let us smite them with the Tongue The fury of the Sword and the hand of Power hath already laid them open unto want and poverty let us expose them therefore to contempt scorn let us add shame unto their sufferings and sport our selves in their mis-fortunes These are the men whom God hath smitten and now we have them down let us keep them under not suffering them to rise in Reputation or revive in credit for fear of drawing pitty towards their calamities or some commiseration at the least to their grievous sufferings It hath been grown into a Proverb that when a man is once thrown flat upon his back qui jacet in terram c. he could fall no lower But these men are so cross of nature and have so long run cross to all publick Order that now they will be crossing Proverbs to bring us lower then we are disabling us of all means towards our subsistence and laying all manner of disgraces on us which either an insolent Enemy could inflict or an impeverisht Clergy suffer This cry first taken up in that uncharitable Pamphlet Intituled The first Century of scandalous and malignant Priests was eagerly pursued by those who had got their Benefices whom it concerned to make them seem as foul as they could the better to justifie the wiping them of their means and livelihoods And it had been the less considerable if onely men so interessed by their own concernments had kept up the clamour and that some others who would fain be looked on as the Sons of the Church had not continued it as industriously as it was maliciously begun One of our Civil Historians diverting on the late Archbishop of Canterbury tels us that some of those whom he imploy'd as instruments and subordinates under him were so far from being blameless that they were vicious even as to scandal so far from being of such meek and humble behaviour as was to be wished that they were grown insolent at a rate intollerable Which though it be as much as could be thronged together in so narrow a compass yet falls it infinitely short of that in the Church Historian Who speaking of a great and general purgation of the Clergy in the Parliaments Quarters a little before the coming out of that infamous Century tels us expresly that their offences were so foul as it was a shame to report them crying to justice for punishment that when Constantine was wont to say that if he saw a Clergy-man offending he would cover him with his Cloak he was to be understood of such offences as were but frailties and infirmities not scandalous enormities that such unsavory salt was good for nothing no not for the Dunghil because as the savour was lost that made it useful so the freting was left which made it useless whereby it was so far from being good Composs to fatten Ground that it did rather make it barren and therefore that Baal should be left to plead for himself there being nothing to be said in their excuse And thus far he had dipt his Pen in the Gall of Bitterness before he had bethought himself of a salve for it before he considered whether the crimes had been sufficiently proved as they never were which he makes to be the main matter as indeed it was But M. Baxters hand was filtered with a sicker quil and
his Ink mixt with more of the durty puddle then the Church Historians was with gall and vinegar when he bespattered the poor Clergy in the Preface to his Book of the Grotian Religion with all the filth that could proceed from a Pen so qualified I need not saith he go to M. Whites Centuryes to be acquainted of the qualities of the ejected our Country have had too many of them that have long been a burthen instead of a blessing some never preached but read the Common Prayer Book and some preached much worse then they that were never called Preachers Some understood not the Catechism or Creed many of them lived more in the Ale-house then the Church and used to lead their people in drunkenness cursing swearing quarrelling and other ungodly practises and to amend all by railing at the Puritans Praecisians some that were better would be drunk but now and then and preach once a day remembring still to meet with the Precise least their hearers should have any mind to becom Godly but neglecting most of the Pastoral cure and lived much in worldliness and prophaneness though not so disgracefully as the Rest Which passage when I read over it caused in me so great an horror and amazement that I could not tell whether I might give any credit to my senses or not the words sounding loud in my ears but not sinking at first into my heart For who could possibly believe that one who doth pretend to so much piety should shew himself the master of so little charity To all the Acts and offices of which excellent virtue enumerated by S. Paul in his 1. Epist to the Corinthians cap. 13. he hath shewed himself so great a stranger as if his Soul had never been acquainted with the Graces of it Such as have thrust themselves into other mens livings and they who patronize them in it seem to have quitted all the other properties of Charity to the Sequestred Clergy and retain only to themselves the not seeking their own For they seek after the Benefices and Goods of others The Rear brought up by a young man of * Magdalen Coll. Oxon whom I shall not call a whelp of the same litter though he hath pleased to give me no other title then that of a bird of the same feather who spends his mouth by telling his Reverend brethren of the Brackly breed that the Episcopal Government will be desired by the bad and therefore that they should take care that the Good did not wish it restored also that the Prelatical oppressions were such as might make wise men mad that some of the Prelates might with reason be called Antichristian whose Courts vexed sundry laborious Preachers becaus they could not bow at the name of Jesus when as sundry idle sots whom they might frequently observe to stagger in the streets were never questioned and finally he leaves it unto consideration whether it be not envy rather then conscience which maketh some to exclaim with so much bitterness against the late Ejections Sequestrations Deprivations and whether our late Sequestrations were not more justifiable then those proceedings in the late Archbishops times when men were suspended ab officio beneficio meerly for not Reading the Book of sports In which particulars although he doth not â—ark so loud yet he bites as close as any other in â—he Pack who have deeper mouths I must confess that neither finding my self particularly named in that infamous Century nor concerned more then any other in those general calumnies I did not think my self obliged to take notice of them It was my expectation rather that some one or other of those who sustained most wrong would have done themselves the right of a vindication and not have suffered those reproaches to have gained belief by such a dul and dangerous silence But at the last finding the cry revived by the Civil Historian the Divine Right of Episcopacy called in question the Bishops and Clergy ignorantly censured for their Proceedings in Convocation and the subordinates of the late Archbishops whereof I had the honour to be one so unhandsomely handled I thought it my duty to appear in defence of those points wherein I found the Author either by inadvertency or want of better intelligence to have been mistaken And so far I was liberum Agens prompted by none but my own good affections to the pulick interess to that undertaking But so I cannot say of my engagings with the Church Historian being solicited thereunto by persons of all Orders Degrees and stations as wel Ecclesiastical as Accademical in the pursuance whereof I could not but take notice of that passage before laid down do the poor Clergy so much right as the nature of an Animadversion might comport withal Nec solum ad nos haec in juriavenit ab illo in the Poets words it is not we alone that are the poor sequestred and ejected Clergy but the whole Church which hath been injured by him in her power and priviledges for the asserting whereof and rectifying such mistakes as I found therein I first applyed my self unto that performance What led me to this Letter-Combate with M. Baxter you will find in the discourse it self In which you may perceive how sensible I am of those reproaches which he so prodigally casts abroad upon those poor men whom the late Ordinance for ejecting of ignorant and scandalous Ministers hath brought under his power I must needs say I might have slipt my self out of this employment as one of those whose casting out he hath disowned among many others under the notion of being Prelatical and so far interessed in the late Civil Wars as my attending on the Kings person at Oxon can ascribe unto me But in this case I will not sever my own interess from that of my Brethren my brethren not like Simeon and Levi in the evil of sin but like to Paul and Barnabas in the evil of Punishment when used despitefully and threatned to be stoned to death by the men of Iconium For though we are all guilty through human frailties of our several sins yet for those sins we stand accomptable onely at the Bar of Heaven Those scandalous crimes under colour whereof so many of us have received the punishment of Sequestration and Ejection that the Hands of men falling so short from being proved that the nonproseuting of the Evidence to a legal Tryal may rationally be thought to acquit us of them And therefore I shall weave up your defence in the same peece with my own that as we fell together we may stand together in the recovery of that Reputation which is dearer to us then our lives not suffering our common Adversaries to deal with us as Ignorant Jurors do too often in passing their verdict upon the Prisoners at the Bar when without consideration of the crimes or evidence they resolve to save one half and hang the other Whatsoever I have done herein as it
Church as great commotion as if the Article of the Trinitie were called in controversie in making the Scriptures to be ruled by their conscience and not their conscience by the Scripture and he that denies the least jot of their Grounds sit tibi tanquam Ethnicus Publicanus not worthy to enjoy the benefit of Breathing much less to participate with them of the Sacraments and before that any of their Grounds be impugned let King People Law and all be trod under foot Such holy Warrs are to be preferred to an ungodly Peace no in such cases Christian Princes are not only to be resisted unto but not to be prayed for for Prayer must come of Faith and it is not revealed unto their Consciences that God will hear no prayer for such a Prince I would to God you had not put me to these remembrances which cannot be more unpleasing unto you then they are to my self But taking them for most good truths may we not thereupon inferr that as the Masters were such are the Scholars or as the Mother was such are the Daughters and as the Fathers were such are the Sons Nil mirum est si patrizent filii saith the old Comoedian 29. Then for their Heavenly mindednesse we have seen somewhat of it before and shall see more thereof as also of their hatred of all known sin in that which follows And here again we will take the Character which King James makes of them in the second Book of his Basilicon Doron before mentioned In which he telleth us That there never rose Faction in the time of his minority nor trouble since but they that were upon that factious part were ever carefull to perswade and allure those unruly Spirits among the Ministry to Spouse that quarrel as their own and that he was calumniated by them to that end in their popular Sermons not for any evil or vice which they found in him but only because he was a King which they thought to be the highest evil informing the People that all Kings and Princes were naturally enemies to the Libertie of the Church and could never patiently bear the yoke of Christ After which having spoken of the violence wherewith they had endeavoured to introduce a parity both in Church and State he gives this counsel to the Prince Take heed therefore my son saith he to such Puritans very pests in the Church and Common-weale whom no deserts can oblige neither oaths or promises bind breathing nothing but sedition and calumnies aspiring without measure railing without reason and making their own imaginations without any warrant of the Word the square of their conscience protesting to him before the great God that he should never find with any Highlander baseâ— Thieves greater ingratitude and more lies and vile perjuries then with those fanatick spirits And suffer not saith he to his son the principles of them to brook your Land if you like to sit at rest except you would keep them for trying your patience as Socrates did an evill wife Such is the heavenly-mindednesse and such the hatred of all known sin which you have observed in many of those who differ from me as you say in some smaller things nec ovum ovâ— nec lac lacti similius as you know who said 30. And then as for their Self-denial I could wish you had spared it unless you had some better ground for it then I doubt you have For if you ask the Country people they will tell you generally that they have found in those who live upon Sequestrations so little self denial that they are more rigorous in exacting of their Tithes even in trifling matters and far less hospitable for relief of the Poor or entertainment of the better sort of the Parishioners and consequently to have more of Earth and Self in them then ever had been found or could be honestly complained of in the old Incumbents whom if you look on with an equal and impartial eye you will find them to be of another temper notwithstanding all the provocation of want and scorn which from day to day are laid upon them neither repining openly at their own misfortune nor railing malitiously on those whom they know to be the Authors of them nor libelling against the persons nor wilfully standing out against the pleasure and commands of the higher Powers but bearing patiently the present and charitably hoping for some better measure then hath been hitherto meeted to them as best becomes the scholars of that gracious Master who when he was reviled reviled not again when he suffered he threatned not but committeth himself to him that judgeth righteously but the Crow thinks her own birds fairest and so let them be 31. But you proceed and tell us That if God love them not that is to say the persons whom you so extol you have not yet met with the people whom you may hope he loveth and if he do love them he will scarcely take my dealing will spoken with confidence enough But how came you to know the mind of the Lord or to be of his Councel that you can tell so perfectly whom he loveth or hateth eâ— nos scire Deus voluit quae oportet scire ad vitam aeternam consequendam as the Father hath it God hath communicated to us all those things which are fit and necessary to be known for the attaining of everlasting salvation but keeps such secrets to himself And though we are most sure and certain that the Lord knoweth who are his yet how may we be sure or certain that he hath made you acquainted with it I cannot easily believe that you have been either wrapt up into the third heaven or perused the Alphabetical Table to the Book of Life or have had any such Revelation made unto you by which you may distinctly know whom the Lord loveth or whom he doth not But if you go by outward signs and gather this love of God unto them from the afflictions and chastisements which they suffer under God chastning every son whom he doth receive that mark of filiation runneth on the other side those of your Partie injoying as much worldly prosperity as the reaping of the fruits and living in the houses of other men which you call by the name of carnal accommodations can estate them in If you conclude on their behalf from their outward prosperity you go on worse grounds then before for David tells us of some wicked and unrighteous persons that they are neither in want or misery like other men that they live plentifully on the lot which is fallen unto them and leave the rest of their substance unto their babes And Christ the Son of David tells us that the Lord God makes the Sun to shiâ—e and the rain to rain as well on the sinners as the just All mankind being equally capable of those temporary and temporal comforts and finally if you collect it from those spiritual graces and celestial gifts which
person in that Family used his own way in worshiping the Lord his God Jerusalem could not long have kept the name of a City much lesse the honour of being the City which was at unity in it self And Solomon in the book of Canticles compareth the Church unto an Army an Army terrible with banners now an army is a gallant sight when it moves one way when every Regiment and Troop marcheth in order with and under their proper Ensigns and as long as they do so they may seem invincible but if their files and â—anks be broken if they march either without order or against direction consusi Equites Peditâ—sque in exitium ruunt both Horse and Foot will be easily vanquished and the whole Army put to rout by the weakest Enemies When therefore the Apostle gives us this good counsel that we endeavour to keep the spirit of unity in the bond of peace he seems to intimate that there can be no unity where there is no peace and that peace cannot be preserved without some bond If you destroy all Ceremonies and subvert all Forms you must break the bond and if the bond be broken you must break the peace and if you break the peace what becomes of unity so that it is but a dream of a dry Summer as the saying is to think that without Law or Forms or Ceremonies men may live peaceably together as becometh brethren though they profess one Faith acknowledge one Lord and receive one Baptism and be the sons of that one Father which is in heaven 34. When therefore you subjoin that Scripture and reason and the Primitive practice and great experience do lead in all to another course I would fain know particularly to what that passage doth relate if to the words immediately foregoing in which you tell me that I must not make such rigorous laws to hang up all that are against me I grant indeed that the Church hath no authority to make any such laws either from Scripture or the practice of the Primitive times Neither can any reason justifie or any great experience adde strength to such executions defendendaâ—est religio non occidendo sed moriendo was the rule of old but if those words relate to the former clause as intimating that an union which is built on Laws preserved by Forms and cemented by Ceremonies in Gods publick Worship is neither consonant to Scripture agreeable to Reason conform unto the Primitive times nor countenanced by great Experience there is not any thing in the world which can be more unfitly spoken or more impossible to be proved What may be said in that behalf from Scripture Reason and the practice of the Primitive times hath briefly been presented to you in the former passages and would to God we had not found by too great experience how much our union which made us gloried and renowned in the eyes of the World is broken in pieces for want of those good Laws those religious Forms those decent Ceremonies which were before in use amongst us certain I am that neither Scripture Reason the Primitive times or great Experience do lead us to any other course for preserving union in the Worship of God but by established Laws set Forms and commanded Ceremonies in which if you conceive me to be mistaken you must endeavour to prove it not say it only But this you seem willing to decline telling me that if you could procure my pardon for those words you would expect no more because of our distance My pardon is as easily obtained as asked if you conceive it worth the asking when there is no offence either given or taken But whether you expect any more or not that remains wholly in your self it being a matter of your own seeking that you have so much My desires are to live in peace and not to engage my self in new embroilments having had too many Irons in the fire already howsoever as you like this you may have more if you please the distance of our habitations not being so great but that we may manage these Pen Combates without any great trouble and the distance in our affections being so little that I shall very chearfully embrace the freindship and somwhat ambitiously desire a place in your good opinion Distantia locorum non tollit amicitiam is a known Aphorism in our Ethicks A friendly correspondence being once begun cannot be intermitted by the distance of places or the remoteness of habitations if both parties equally endeavour to maintain the same 35. And here again we might have parted but that you have a mind for what ends I know not to ingage me in some fresh disputes For thinking you had satisfied me you desire that I would satisfie you passing by many other things in three points especially concerning Popery in which you seem to be much unsatisfied such satisfaction as I can I am bound to give you as unto any other man who modestly shall require an account from me for any thing which hath passed my Pen or come within the compass of my small ability and the first thing for which satisfaction is desired is That the Papists are affirmed by me to have been the more moderate Adversaries then the Puritans and the Puritan Faction hurried on with greater violence c. For this you cite the Preface of my Ecclesia Vindicata where I am sure there is no such matter no such thing I am sure delivered in such general tearms as you here express it but with limitations and restrictions unto one particular which is the Argument there handled so that you enter upon these new Disputes concerning Popery with that kind of fallacy which the Logicians call A dicto secundum quid ad dictum simpliciter And how can I hope for a fair end from so foul a beginning Look on that Preface once again and you will find that I speak not generally of all the differences which are betwixt us and the Papists but only of those heats which have passed on both sides about the liturgie for having told the Reader That the Liturgie was faulted by the Papist because it had abolished the Mass and was communicated to the people in the English tongue and blamed by the Genevians for having too much in it of the Roman Rituals I presently subjoyn That the Papist of the two was the moderate Adversary and such whose edges were sooner taken off from the prosecution of the quarrel then others were Would you be satisfied in this You may then please to know that after the first heats were over the Papists presently grew cool and relinquished the quarrel considering seasonably and discreetly that the Liturgie being founded upon those common Principles of faith and piety in which both parties did agree was not so subject to disputes and contradiction as at first it seemed And hereupon it was that Pope PIVS IV. offered to confirm it by his Papal Authority that the English Papists dilligently resorted to
hunts the Hare is the Hare which is hunted so that although the Religion of the Church of Rome had defined the Deposition of Kings by the Pope for denying Transubstantiation c. as it never did yet could not the Popish Religion upon that account be called Rebellion Rebellion by the Law of England 25. Edw. 3. c. 2. is defined to be an actual levying of War against our Soveraign Lord the King in hâ— Realm or an adhering to the Kings enemies in his Realm giving to them aid and comfort in the Realm or elsewhere And by the Civil Law all those qui arripiant arma contra eum cujus jurisdictioni subditi sunt who tak up arms against such persons to whose Authority they are subject are declared to be Rebels for which see Spigelus in his Lexicon of the terms of Law But that Religion which defineth the Deposition of Princes by the Pope because they deny Transubstantiation c. is not an actual levying of War against our Soveraign Lord the King in his Realm or an adhering c.. Nor the the taking up of Arms against such persons to whose Authority they are subject Therefore that Religion which defineth the Deposition of Princes c. neither is really or nominally to be called Rebellion if either the laws of England or the Civil laws do rightly understand what Rebellion is as I think they do And whereas you hope to mend the matter by calling it a Rebellion doctrinal you make it worse on your side then it was before For besides that there is no such thing as Rebell on doctrinal though some Doctrines there may be too frequently preached for inciting the people to Rebellion you find not the word Doctrinal in the proposition which you have undertook to prove and wh en presents it self simply to you in these words that the Religion of the Papists is Rebellion 37. Such being the faultinesse of your Mejor we will next consider whether the Assumption or your Minor be any thing more evident then your Major was Your Minor is that the Popish Religion is such that is to say such a Religion that defineth the Deposition of Kings by the Pope because they deny Transubstantiation c. This is the matter to be proved and you prove it thus That which is defined by a Pope and General Councel is the Popish Religion But the aforesaid Doctrine is defined by a Pope and an approved General Councel viz at the Laterane under Innocent the 3. Erge c. This makes it evident indeed that you never saw the Cannons nor Decrees of the Laterane Councel and possibly your learning may not lie so high but that you took this passage upon trust from some ignorant hand which had seen them as little as your self Your Major I shall grant for true but nothing can be falser or mere unable to be proved then your Minor is Consult the Acts of that Councel search into all Editions of them and into the Commentaries of such Cannonists as have writ upon them and you shall neither find in the one or the other that the Deposition of Kings and Princes by the Pope was defined to be lawful for that I take to be your meaning either for denying Transubstantiation or for any other cause whatsoever Most true it is that the word Transubstantiation then newly hammered on the Anvil by some of the Schoolmen to expresse that carnal presence of Christ in the Sacrament as they then maintained was first received in this Councel and received then ad â—vitandaâ— haereâ—icorum tergiversationes as my Author hath it for avoiding the wranglingâ— and fallacious shifts which Hereticks otherwise might use But that the word was made such an Idol in this Councel that all Christian Kings and Princes which would noâ— fall down and worship it were to be deposed hath neither colour nor foundation in the Acts of that Councel And therefore I wil first lay down the Canon which I think you aim at for otherwise there is none in that Councel which you can pretend to and then acquaint as well with the occasion and the meaning of it and your own mistakings 38. And first the words of the Canon as these now stand in the Tomes of the Councels are these that follow Si quis Dominus temporalis requisitus monitus ab Ecclesia terram suam purgare neglexerit ab hac haeretica foeditate per Metropolitanum com provinciales Episcopos excommunicationis â—inculo innodetur Etsi satisfacere contempserit infra annum significetur hoc summo Poniifici ut ex tunc ipse vassallos ab ejus fidelitate denunciet absolutos terram exponant catholicis occupandam qui eam exterminatis haereticis â—ine ulla contradictione possideant in fidei puritate conservent salvo jure domini principalis dummodo super hoc ipse nullum praestet obstaculum nec aliquod impedimentum oppâ—nat eadem nihilominus lege servata circa eos qui non habent Dominos principales such is the Canon or Decree And this was the occasion of it The Albigenses and Waldenses differing in many points from the received opinions of the Church of Rome and constantly denying the Popes Supremacy amongst other things some years before the calling of this Councel was grown to a very great power and insolencie countenanced therein by the two last Raimonds Earls of Tholouse and some of the Petit Lords of Gascoyn all which though absolute enough in their several Territories in respect of their vassals but were fudataries either to the Empire or the Kings of France as the Lords in chief for the reduction of these Albingenses to the Church of Rome Dominick a Spaniard the Founder afterwards of the Order of Dominical Fryars used his best endeavours in the way of Argument and perswasion but failing of his design therein he instigated Pope Innocent the 3. to call this Councel Anno 1215. and the Prelates there assembled to passe this Canon for the suppressing both of them and their Patrons also for having summed up the principle heads of that Religion which was then publickly maintained in the Church of Rome they framed an Oath to be taken by all secular Magistrates ut haereticos universos ab Ecclesia denotatos bona fide pro viribus ex terminare studeant to use their best endeavours for the exterminating of all Hereticks that is to say all such as did oppose those Doctrines before laid down out of their dominions and then it followeth as before si quis vero dominus temporalis c that if any Temporal Lord being thereunto required by the Church should neglect to purge his Territories of that Infection he should be excommunicated by the Metropolitan and other Bishops of that Province in which he lived and if he gave no satisfaction within the year notice thereof was to be given to the Pope that thereupon he might absolve his vassals from their Allegiance and give their Countries to the next Catholick Invador
were subject to the Pope Neither indeed was there any need at that time of this Councel that any such Definitions should be made no new Heresie or any new doctrine which by them might be called Heresie being then on foot for Luther did not rise in Germany till this Counsel was ended which might create any disturbance to the peace of that Church If any such priviledges were arrogated by Pope Leo the 10. that none should be accounted members of Christ and his Church but such as were subject to the Pope which you cannot find definitively in the Acts of that Councel you must rather have looked for it in the Bulls of that Pope after Luther had begun to dispute his power and question his usurped authority over all the Church In one of which Bulls you may finde somewhat to your purpose where you shall find him saying that the Church of Rome is Mother and Mistress of all Christians and that her doctrines ought to be received of whosoever would be in the Communion of the Church If this be that you mean much good do it you with though this be rather to be taken for a Declaration then a Definition 45. But if your meaning is as perhaps it may be that the Papists Faith may be called Faction because they appropriate to themselves the name of the Church and exclude all other Christians from being members of Christ and his Church which are not subject to the Pope as indeed they do take heed you lose not more in the Hundreds then you got by the County for then it may be proved by the very same Argument if there were no other that the Puritan Faith is Faction and so to be accounted by all that know it because they do appropriate unto themselves the name of the Church as the old Affrican Scismaticks confined it intra partem Donati For proof whereof if you please to consult Bâ—shop Bancrofts book of Dangerous Positions anâ— Proceedings c. part 3. chap. 15. you will find them writing in this manner viz I know the state of this Church make known to us the state of the Church with you Our Churches are in danger of such as having been of us do renounce all fellowship with us It is long since I have heard from you saith one Blake of the state of the Church of London Another By M. West and M. Brown you shall understand the state of the Churches wherein we are A third If my offence may not be passed by without a further confessiâ—n even before God and his Churâ—h in London will I lye down and lick the dust off your feet where you may see what it is which the heavenly-mindednesse the self-denial meeknesse and Humility which the brethren aim at and confesse it c. I have received saith the fourth a Letter from you in the name of the rest of the Brethren whereby I understand your joining together in choosing my self unto the service of the Church under the Earl of Leicester I am ready to run if the Church command me according to the holy Decrees and Orders of the Discipline Lay all which hath been said together and tell me he that can my wits not being quick enough for so great a nicety whether the Papists Faith or that of the Puritans most properly and meritoriously may be counted Faction 46. The third thing in which you seem unsatisfied in what I say concerning Popery is whether it be true or not that the Popes Decretals the body of the Canon Law is to be accepted as not being abrogated which being made for the direction and reiâ—lement of the Church in general were by degrees admitted and obeyed in these parts of Christendome and are by Act of Parliament so far still in force as they oppose not the Prerogative royal or the municipal laws and statutes of this Realm of England These words I must confesse for mine owning Hist Sab. pa. 2. ch 7. p. 202. and not 210. as your Letter cites it your parenthesis being only excepâ—ed and you name it this Kingdome in stead of the Realm of England though both expressions be to one and the same effect In which you might have satisfied your self by M. Dow who as you say gives some reason for it out of a Statute of Hen. 8. But seeing you remain still unsatisfied in that particular I shall adde something more for your satisfaction In order whereunto you may please to know that in the Stat. 29. Hen. 8. ch 19. commonly called the Statute of the submission of the Clergy it is said expresly First that the Clergie in their convocation promised the King in verbo Saâ—erdoris not to enact or execute any new Canons but by his Majesties royal assent and by his authority first obtained in that behalf and secondly that all such Canons Constitutions Ordinances and Synodals Provincial as were made before the said submission which were not contrary or repugnant to the Laws Statutes and Customes of this Realm nor to the dammage or hurt of the Kings Prerogative Royal were to be used and executed as in former times By which last clause the Decretal of preceding Popes having been admitted into this Land and by several Canons and Constitutions of the Church of England and the main body of the Canon-law having for a long time been accounted for a standing rule by which all proceedings in the Courts Ecclesiastical were to be regulated and directed remain still in force and practice as they had done formerly But then you are to know withall that they were no longer to remain in force and practice then till the said preceding Canons and Constitutions as appears by the said Act of Parliament should be viewed and accommodated to the use of this Church by 32. Commissioners selected out of the whole body of the Lords and Commons and to be nominated by the King But nothing being done therein during the rest of the Kings reign the like authority was granted to King Edw. 6. 3. 4. Edw 6. c. 11. And such a progresse was made in it that a Sub-committee was appointed to review all their said former Canons and Constitutions and to digest such of them into form and order as they thought most fit and necessary for the use of this Church Which Sub committee consisted of eight persons only that is to say Thomas Lord Archbishop of Canterbury Thomas Lord Bishop of Eli Dr. Richard Cox the Kings Almoner Peter Martyr his Majesties professor for Divinity William May and Rowland Taylor Doctors of the Law John Lucas and Richard Gooderick Esquires who having prepared and digested the whole work into form and order were to submit the same to the rest of the 32. and finally to be presented to the King for his Royal Assent and confirmation And though the said Sub-committee had performed their parts as appears by the Book entituled REFORMATIO LEGUM ECCLESIASTICARUM ex authoritate primum Regis HENRICI VIII inchâ—aâ—a Deinde
what Grounds I had had to affirm that Dr. Burlow did declare his trouble for some wrong done to Dr. Reynolds c. in relating the Hampton-Court Controversie Sir I will not censure you to have no Ingenuity but yet you must pardon me if I refuse to give you any further account of the matter till I understand first whether you will deal as plainly with me about some things contained in your own Examen Historicum Will you send me word what the names of those men are who said two of your Sermons about the Tares had done more mischief to the Papists then all the Sermons that ever Dr. Prideaux preached against them and what the name of that man is who did by Bishop Williams his appointment give a pension out of his place for the maintenance of a Scholar 2. I would gladly know whether you intend what I write onely for your own private satisfaction and not for publick view 3. I would willingly be informed what you would take for satisfaction whether it will suffice if I prove the business from the mouth of one who was a lover of the English Prelacy Liturgy and Ceremony When you have satisfied me you may suddenly expect an answer from him who again subscribes himself Your humble Servant Henry Hickman Magd. Coll. Ap. 1. 1659. 11. These Answers leaving me as unsatisfied as before I was I found that I had lost both my hopes and labour for the declining of a business which I was not willing to appear in if any satisfaction had been given me otherwise And therefore since he was not pleased to declare himselfe so freely to me in a private way as to beget between us such a right understanding as might prevent all further trouble which his first Letter seemed to wish I see not how I can avoid the making of a more publick business of it then I first intended unless I should betray my self unto scorn and censure My Letters being in his hands cannot be recalled and if I should not now proceed to give the world that satisfaction which I lookt for from him in the retracting of his Calumnies and salfe Reports he and his friends might think I could not In the pursuit whereof I purposed to have gone no further then the vindicating of my self and those whose names are dear unto me from the obstinacy of his Reproaches But he hath hinted me I thank him to another Argument relating to the Historicall part of his discourse of which perhaps I may render you an account also before we part Beginning at the lowest step I shall ascend at last by leisure to the top of the Stairs that having answered for my self I may be credited the more when I speak for others The Answer of P. Heylyn D. D. to Mr. Hickman's Letters of April 1. Relating to some Passages in a Book called The Justification of the Fathers c. 11. IT was good Councel which Demaratus of Corinth gave to Philip of Macedon when he advised him to settle all things well at home before he intermedled in the differences amongst the Grecians In correspondence whereunto I shall first do my best Endeavour to acquit my self from those Reproaches which the Justificator with a Prodigal hand hath bestowed upon me and thereby fit my self the better for advocating in behalf of those eminent persons of whose Renown I am more solicitous then my one Concernments Beginning therefore with my self in the first place I must take notice of his practise to make me clash with the Lord Primate whose Rest I desire not to disturbe upon any occasion He should have first reconciled those two passages which I proposed to D. Barnard p. 103. 104. of Respondit Petrus before he had made it such a wonder that a Doctor of Divinity should so unworthily handle a Reverend person and fasten upon him a dissent from the Church of England in a mater wherein he doth so perfectly agree with her If so if he agree so perfectly with the Church of England how comes he to differ from himselfe and speak such contradictions as D. Barnard nor no other of his great Admirers can find a way to reconcile to the sence of the Church Or if they can or that they think those contradictions not considerable for making his Agreement the lesse perfect with the Church of England you have gained the point which you contended for in your dispute which M. Buâ—le and D. Barnard laboured to deprive you of in his Book of the Lord Primates Judgment intended against none by name but your selfe and me though others be as much concerned in the General Interess 12. Much good may the Concession do you What comes after next the burning of the Book by the common Hangman I thought that Ignis fatuus had had been quencht sufficiently by the assurance which I gave him to the contrary in my Letter of the 19th of March But his desire to have it so is so prevalent with him that he neither doth deny the words nor can find any Reason to be ashamed of them be they never so false And what Ground can we find for so great a confidence 1. He appeals unto an Ordinance made in the year 1646. Which Ordinance he pretends to be still in force but whether it be so or not is a harder Question then a greater Lawyer can determine That Ordinance making â—o Report he flyes next to a common noise which Rings still in his Ears and must gain credit either as a noise or common or as both together though for the most part the louder the noise is and the more common it grows the less credit to be given unto it You know well what the two great Poets say of Fame Fama malum velox quae veris addere falsa Gaudet Eminimo sua per mendacia crescit But yet not seeming to lay much strength upon common Fame though it be one of his best Authors in some other cases he pretends unto a special Revelation from the Privy Council and grows so confident upon the strength of the intelligence that he holds at White-Hall which all great States-men must pretend to that he is sure the Book de Facto had been so disgraced though whether disgraced by being so burnt is another question if the sickness and death of the late Protector had not put the Privy Council upon minding maters of higher concernment The contrary whereof my Postscript unto M. Baxter hath most clearly Evidenced 13. The second charge wherein I stand single by my self is onely toucht at in the Letter where I am said to have bestowed some ugly words upon a Colledge not to be mentioned without honour insisted on more largely in the fag end of the Book without the least coherence or relation to it And there this man of brass makes me worse then a Tinker a rude Expression which declares him to be better studied in his Metaphisicks then his Moral Philosophy in committing more and fouler
Bishop it is distinctly called an Order all which he could not chuse but see in that very Chapter of the Book called Respondit Petrus in which he finds me questioning the Lord Primates Iudgement touching the universality of Redemption by the death of Christ The Books confirmed by Act of Parliament in the 5th and 6th of Edw. 6. Repealed in the first yeare of Queen Mary continuing notwithstanding in use and practise for the first seven years of Queen Elizabeth and reconfirmed by Parliament the next year after upon occasion of a difference between Bonâ—er the late bloody Bishop of London and Horn then Bishop of Winchester His Grace had therefore very good Reason not to change his judgement and to press very hard on Bishop Hall not to wave that point for which he stands censured by our Adversary p. 24. and to insist upon it more then at other times when the Scotish Presbyterians had began to revive the question for which he stands condemned also p 25. 23. But see the Candor of the man and how like he seems to Aesops Dog when he lay in the Manger not giving the Arch-Bishop a good word himselfe nor suffering any other to do it without snarling at him I had signified in my first Letter that the Arch-Bishops memory was too precious amongst all that loved the Church of England to suffer him to be so defamed and by such a person Your Adversary doth not deny because he cannot that in many things he had deserved well of the Vniversity but will not yield himself convinced that his memory should be so precious as my Letter intimates to all that love the Church of England And a squint eye he casts on some body for a Temporizer whose design it was to ingratiate himself with great ones and could complement a Prince so highly as to style himself his Creature and the workmanship of his hands But who it is whom he so decyphereth or whether he means any one man or not but onely casts abroad his censures as Boyes throw their stones without any proper aim or object but the love of the sport I am not able to find out in my best remembrance Passing by therefore such Aenigma's as I cannot unriddle I must needs take notice how he applyes the Character to him of which Isidore Pelusi gives unto one Eusebus a wretched fellow of those times and one who took upon himself the name and office of a Bishop The Character to be found in the 24. Epistle of his second Book and the Epistle recommended to my diligent Reading 23. He tells me that the Character contained therein doth two well suit with the Arch-Bishop but I find it otherwise Eusebius as the Author tells us would not know the difference between the Temple and the Church between the place of the Assembly and the Congregation sparing no cost to build repair and beautifie the one but vexing disquieting and expelling the righteous soul to many of which he had given great matter of offence or scandal dum multis offendiculis causam prebet probos viros expellere c. The same he florisheth over again in the following words concluding with this Observation That in the Primitive times when there were no Temples the Church was plentifully adorned with all heavenly Graces but that in his time the Temples were adorned beyond Moderation Ecclesia vero Canviciis Cavillis in cessitur but the poor Church reproached and reviled upon all occasions such is the Character which Isidore gives to this Eusebus But that this Character should suit too well with the late Arch-Bishop is a greater scandal then ever Eusebus gave to the weak brethren of the Church of Pelusium For will your Adversary confine the Church as some wild Affricans did of old intra partem Donati within the Conventicles and Clancular meetings of the Puritan Faction Or hath he confidence to averre that any Righteous and Religious person was expelled this Church understand me of the Church of England whom either Faction or Sedition in conformity or disobedience spiritual pride or fear of punishment did not hurry out of it Just so it was Railed out by Brother Burton in his Libel falsly called a Sermon where he affirms that the edge of Dscipiline was turned mainly against Gods people and ministers even for their virtue piety and worth and because they would not conform to their the Bishops impious Orders Just so it was once preached in a Latine Sermon at St. Maryes in Oxon by Bayley one of the old brood of Puritans in Magdalen Colledge that good and Godly men were purposely excluded from preferments there ob hoc ipsum quod pii quod boni onely because they were enclined to virtue and piety With spight and callumnie enough but not to be compared with his who so reproachfully hath handled this Renowned Prelate and the poor sequestred and ejected Clergy of the Church of England But Judas did the like before to his Lord and Master And thereupon St. Cyprian very well inferres nec nobis turpe esse pati quae passus est Christus nec illis gloriam facere quae fâ—cerat Judas 24. And here I would have ended with your puissant Adversary but that his Letter carries me to a new ingagement He tells me there that in the Historical part of his discourse he hath proved that till D. Laud sat in the Saddle our Divines of prime Note and Authority did in the five points deliver themselves consonantly to the determination of the Synod of Dort and that they were enjoyned Recantation who were known either to preach or print that which is now called Arminianism and thinks that no body can deny it for a truth infallible But first if we allow this for a good and sufficient Argument it will serve as strongly for the Papists against all those who laboured in the Reformation For what one point do we maintain against those of Rome in which the Divines of prime Note and Authority in the Church of Rome did not deliver themselves as consonantly to the preceding Doctrines of the Schoolmen there and to the subsequent determinations of the Council of Trent and for opposing which manner of Persons were constrained to a Recantation who either preacht or printed in defence of that which is now called Protestantism And 2dly if we behold the constitution of our University when D. Humphrys a moderate non-conformist but a non-conformist howsoever as M. Fuller is pleased to call him possest the Divinity Chaire for almost forty years and D. Reynolds a Rigid non-Conformist publiquely read a Divinity Lecture founded by Sir Francis Walsingham the principal Patron of the Sect as you will find in the beginning of his Lectures on the Books Apocriphal it is no marvail if we find that the Doctrine and Discipline of Calvin should be so generally received by the Students there or being so generally received that they should put all manner of disgraces upon all or any of those
in him then art thou written in the book of life and shalt be saved 29. In the last place we are to note that there is a clause in the end of the Article viz. that we are to receive Gods promises in such wise as they be generally set forth to us in holy Scripture then which nothing can be more contrary to the Doctrine of the Supralapsarians which restrains Election unto life to few particulars without respect had to their Faith in Christ or Christs death for them and extendeth the Decree of Reprobation to the far greatest part of Manking without relation to their incredulity or unbelief And though your adversary tells us that he who reads the common Prayer Book with an unprejudiced mind cannot chuse but observe divers passages which make for a personall and eternal Election yet I find but little ground for the affirmation the Promises of God as they are generally set forth unto us in Holy Scripture being the ground of many Prayers and Passages in the Publique Liturgie for in the General Confession it is said expresly that the Promises of God in Christ Jesus our Lord are declared not to this or that man particularly but to all mankind declared to all because first made to all mankind in Adam in the promise of Redemption by the seed of the woman Gen. 3. 15. Secondly it is said in the Te de um that when our Saviour Christ had overcome the sharpness of Death he did open the Kingdom of Heaven to all Believers Thirdly we find a Prayer for the day of the Passion commonly called Good-Friday which is so far from pointing to any personal Election that it bringeth all Jâ—ws Turkâ— and Infidels within the possibility and compass of it Morciful God so the Church teacheth us to pray who host made all men and hatest nothing which thou hast made nor wouldest the death of a sinner but rather that he should be converted and live have mercy upon all Jews Turks Infidelâ— and Hereticks and take from them all ignorance hardness of heart and contempt of thy word and so fetch them home blessed Lord to thy flock that they may be saved amongst the remnant of the true Israelites and be made one fold under one Shepherd Jesus Christ our Lord who liveth and reigneth c. Can your Antagonist read this Prayer and observe those passages and think the Liturgy so contradictory to it self as to afford him any proof that such a personal Election from all Eternity as an unprejudiced mind may desire to meet with If not why doth he talk so confidently of divers passages which a careful Reader cannot chuse but observe in the Common Prayer Book which enclines that way yea let him direct us to those passages and reconcile the differences which he finds betwixt them 30. And though it was not my intent to produce any arguments at this time in Justification of the Doctrine of the Church of England as by you maintained yet since your Adversary stands so much on the 17th Article and thinks it makes so strongly for defence of the Calvinists I will here lay down the Judgment of two Godly Martyrs who had a chief hand in the Great Work of this Reformation and therefore must needs know the meaning of the Church therein more then any of us The first of these shall be Bishop Hooper who in the Preface to his Exposition on the ten Commandments hath expresly told us That Cain was no more excluded from the Promise of Christ till he excluded himself then Abel Saul then David Judas then Peter Esau then Jacob that God is said to have hated Esau not because he was dis-inherited of Eternal Life but in laying his Mountains and his Heritage waste for the Dragons of the Wilderness Mal. 1. 3. that the threatnings of God against Esau if he had not of his own wilful malice excluded himself from the Promise of Grace should no more have hindred his Salvation then Gods threatnings against Nineve c. That it is not a Christian mans part to say that God hath written Fatal Laws as the Stoick and with necessity of destiny violently pulleth the one by the hair into Heaven and thrusteth the other headlong into Hell that the cause of Rejection or Damnation is Sin in man which will not bear neither receive the Promises of the Gospel c. And secondly we shall find Bishop Latimer in his Sermon on the third Sunday after the Epiphany speaking in this manner viz. That if the most are damned the fault is not in God but in themselves For Deus vult omnes homines salvos fieri God would that all men should be saved but they themselves procure their own Damnation and despise the passion of Christ by their own wicked and inordinate living He telleth us also in his fourth Sermon preached in Lincoln shire That Christ only and no man else merited Remission Justification and sound felicity for as many as will believe the same that Christ shed as much blood for Judas as for Peter that Peter believed and therefore was saved that Judas did not believe and therefore was condemned the fault being in him only and in no body else More to which purpose I have elsewhere noted as afore was said and give you this only for a tast to stay your stomack And though Archbishop Cranmer the principal Architect in the work spent his endeavours chiefly against the Papists yet that most holy Martyr tells us somewhat in his fifth Book against Gardiner fol. 372. which doth directly look this way Where speaking of the sacrifice which was made by Christ he lets us know That he took unto himself not only their sinnes that many years before were dead and put their trust in him but also all the sinnes of those that until his coming again should truly believe in his Gospel so that now we may look for no other Priest nor sacrifice to take away our sins but onely him and his sacrifice that as his dying once was offered for all so as much as pertained unto him he took all mens sinnes unto himself In all which passages and many others of like nature in the other two there is not any thing which makes for such a personal absolute and irreversible decree of Predestination as Calvin hath commended to us and therefore no such meaning in the 17th Article as his Disciples and adherents in defence of themselves and their opinions would obtrude upon it For if there were your Adversary must give me some better Reason then I think he can why Cranmer Ridly Hooper and the rest that laboured in this Reformation should command the Paraphrases of Erasmus to be translated into English studied by Priests and so kept in Parish Churches to be read by the People whose Doctrines are so contrary in all these particulars to that of Calvin and his followers 31. But I return again unto your Adversary who in the next place remembreth us of a Catechism
published by John Poynet Bishop of Winton which he sets forth with many circumstances to indear it to us as namely that it was publick in the next year after the passing of the Book of Articles in the Reign of K. Edw. 2dly That being by that King committed to the perusal of certain Bishops it was by those Bishops certified to be agreeable to the Scriptures and Statutes of the Realm and 3dly That upon this Certificate the King prefixt his Royal Epistle before it charging their moral Schoolmasters within his dominions that diligently and carefully they should teach the same Thus have we seen the Mountain now comes out the Mouse for having thus swelled our expectation we had reason to look for some great matter but finde none at all Instead of laying down some clear passages out of Poynets Catechism which might evince the point he aims at he asks the Question answer him any man that dares How do the Master and the Scholar plainly declare themselves to be no friends to any of the Tenents M. P contends for A Question which a very well studied man may not easily answer that Catechism being so hard to come by that scarce one Scholar in 500. hath ever heard of it and hardly one of a thousand hath ever seen it But your Antagonist hath good reason for what he doth there being somewhat in that Catechism which more confirms the points M. Pierce contends for then he is willing to make known witness this Passage of the Catechism in the Anti-Arminianism from which your Adversary makes the greatst parts of his proofs evidence p. 44. After the Lord God faith the Catechism had made the Heaven Earth he determined to have for himself a most beautiful Kingdom and holy commonwealth The Apostles and ancient Fathers that wrote in Greek called it Ecclesiâ— in English a Congregation or Assembly into the which he hath admitted an infinite number of men that should be subject to one King as their soveraign and onely head him we call Christ which is as much as to say anointed c. to the finishing of this Common-wealth belong all they as do truly fear honour and call upon God duly applying their minds to holy and Godly living and all those that putting all their hope and trust in him do assuredly look for bliss of everlasting life But as many as are in this faith stedfast were fore-chosen predestinate and appointed to everlasting life before the world was made For though he seems to make such onely to be the members of the Church as were predestinated unto life from all Eternity yet we must understand it of them chiefly as being the most Excellent Members of it not of them alone For afterwards he enlargeth the acception of the word Ecclesia according to the natural and proper construction of it telling us that the Church is the company of those who are called to eternal life by the Holy Ghost The company of all those which are called to Eternal life and therefore not of those onely which are chosen or elected out of the number For many are called but few are chosen saith our Lord and Saviour Secondly it is not said that such as are Members of this Church were chosen to this end and purpose that they might be stedfast in the Faith and being stedfast in the faith might in the end obtain everlasting life but that being stedfast in the faith that is to say considered and beheld as such in the eternal Prescience or fore-knowledge of Almighty God they were predestinate and appointed to eternal life before the beginning of the world And Thirdly if these words or any other which he finds in Poynet may be drawn to any other construction which may serve his turn he must be made to speak contrary to the three Godly Bishops and Martyrs before remembred who being men of greater age and more experience in the affairs of the Church the chief Architects in the Great work of Reformation withal being three for one are more to be relyed on for delivering the true sence of the Church then any one single witness who speaks otherwise of it 31. For whom speaks Poynet in this place for M. Peirce or Mr. Hickman If he had spoke for M. Hickman we shovld have heard of it more at large as in that which followeth out of Nowel and if he do not speak for him it must speak for you more plainly speak the Answers unto certain Questions to which M. Prinne directs him in the end of the Bible Printed by Robert Barker Anno 1607. But the worst is they signifie nothing to the purpose which they were produced for For I would fain know by what Authority those Questions and Answers were added to the end of that Bible If by Authority and that such Authority can be proved the Argument will be of force which is taken from them and then no question but the same Authority by which they were placed there at the first would have preserved them in that place for a longer time then during the sale of that Edition The not retaining them in such Editions as have followed since show plainly that they were of no authority in themselves nor intended by the Church as a Rule to others and being of no older standding then the year 1608. they must needs seem as destitute of Antiquity as they are of Authority So that upon the whole matter your Adversary hath limited me with a very strong argument that they were foysted in by the fraud and practise of some Emissaries of the Puritan Faction who hoped to have them pass in time for Canonical Scripture such piae Fraudes as these are we have too many were those once allowed of some prayers were also added at the end of the Bible in some Editions and others at the End of the publick Liturgie which being neglected at the first and afterwards beheld as the authorized prayer of the Church were by command left out of those Books and Bibles as being the Compositions of private men not the Acts of the Church and never since added as before 32. In the next place it is said That the Composers of the 39. Articles were the Disciples and Auditors of Martin Bucer and Peter Martyr or at least such as held consent with them in Doctrine none of them their Disciples and but few of them their Auditors I am sure of that Our first Reformers were too old Bishops and Deans most of them to be put to School again unto either of them And as for their consent in points of Doctrine it must be granted in such things and in such things onely in which they joyned together against the Papists not in such points wheâ—â—in those learned men agreed not between themselvâ—â— Bucer being more enclined to the Lutheran Doctrines and Martyr as it afterwards appeared unto those of Calvin Besides it is to be observed that the first Liturgy of K. Edw. 6. which was the Key to
as a secret to himself for some new discovery 35. For M. Nowel who sate Prolocutor in the Convocation Anno 1562. he takes a leap to the year 1587. in which he findes a Book published by D. John Bridges Dean of Salisbury and afterwards Lord Bishop of Oxon Entituled A Defence of the Government established in the Church of ENGLAND And that he might come to it the sooner he skips over the admission of Peter Barro a French man to the Lady Margarites Professor-ship in the University of Cambridge Anno 1574 who constantly held these points in a contrary way to that of the Calvinian plat-form and relinquished not that University till after the year 1595. of which more hereafter And he skips over also Doctor Harsâ—ets Sermon at Pauls Cross Octob. 27. 1584. in which he so declared himself against the Calvinistical Doctrines of Predestination that neither Mountague nor any that have writ since him did ever render them more odious unto vulgar cars But being come to him at the lâ—st what finds he there Marry That D. Bridges was of opinion That the Elect fall not finally and totally from Grace and so did D. Overal also of whom more anon who notwithstanding disallowed the Doctrine of Predestination as maintained by Calvin and puts not any such Comment on the 17. Article as your Antagonist contends for The like he findes in M. Hookers Discourse of Justification from whence he concluded no more but that M. Hooker was of a different opinion from you in the point of falling away from Grace Which point he might maintain as D. Overal D. Bridges and some others did and yet not be of the same judgment with the Calvinistical party either sub or supra touching that absolute and iresistable decree of Predestination the restriction of the benefit of Christs death and passion to particular persons and the invincible or rather irresistable operations of the grace of God in the conversion of a sinner which were so rigidly maintained in the Schools of Calvin I see then what is said by D. Bridges and what is said by M. Hooker but I see also what is said by the Church of England in the 16. Article in which we find That after we have received the holy Ghost we may depart from Grace given and fall into sin and by the grace of God we may arise again and amend our lives No such determination as either totally or finally to be found in the Article nor suffered to be added to it when it was motioned and desired by D. Reynolds in the conference at Hampton Court that old saying Non est distinguendum ubi lex non distinguit being as authentical as true and as true as old Howsoever I am glad to hear from your adversarie that M. Hooker could not tell how to speak Judicially as he saith he could not and then I hope he may be brought in time to approve of all things which he hath written so judiciously in behalf of the Liturgie and all the Offices Ceremonies and Performances of it which whensoever he doth I make no question but but that he may come to like the Episcopal Government and by degrees desert the Presbiterians both in Doctrine and Discipline as much as he Certain I am that M. Hooker maintained no such determination of humane action by any absolute decree or prelimitation as the Calvinists do and declared his dislike thereof in Cartwright the great Goliah of that Sect who had restrained all and every action which men do in this life to the preceding will and determination of Almighty God Even to the takeing up of a straw a fine piece of Dotage 36 But he demands How the Church came to dispose of the places of greatest influence and trust to such as hated Arminianism as the shadow of death If she her self consented to those opinions which he calls Arminian amongst which reckoning the Arch Bishops till the time of Laud he first leaves out Arch Bishop Cranmer the principal instrument under God of this Reformation which plainly shews that Cranmer was no favourer of those Opinions which your Antagonist contends for and consequently that the Articles were not fitted in these points unto Calvin's fancie And secondly he brings in Parker and Grindal whom M. Prinne whose diligince few things have escaped which serve his turne hath left out of his Catalogue in which he hath digested all our English Writers whom he conceived to be Antiarminianly enclined in a kind of Cronologie Thirdly he brings in Bishop Bancroft as great an enemy to the Predestinarian and Puritan Faction as ever sate in the See of Canterbury he had not else impeacht the Doctrine of Predestination as it was then taught by the Calvinians for a desperate Doctrine You have the whole passage in the Conference at Hampton Court impartially related by D. Burlow though your Adversary hath some invisible vileness or other to affirm the contrary Whereon a motion made by D. Reynolds about falling from Grace The Bishop of London this very Bancroft whom we speak of took occasion to signifie to his Majesty how very many in these days neglecting holiness of life presumed too much of persisting Grace If I shall be saved I shall be saved which he tearmed a desparate Doctrine shewing it to be contrary to good Divinity and the true Doctrine of Predestination Wherein saith he we should reason rather ascendendo then descendendo thus I live in obedience to God in love with my neighbour I follow my vocation c. therefore I trust that God hath elected me and predestinated me to salvation Not thus which is the usual course of argument God hath predestinated and chosen me to life therefore though I sin never so grievously yet I shall not be damned for whom he once loveth he loveth to the end so little a friend was this great Pralate to the Calvinian Doctrine of Predestination and persisting Grace 37. But your Adversary not content with this hath found some proofs as he conceives That Bancroft hated that which he calls Arminianisme like the shadow of death he telleth us that in his time came out the Book called The Faith Religion Doctrine professed in the Realm of England and Dominions thereof In this as much mistaken as in that before that Book being published in the time of Arch-Bishop Whitgift Anno 1584 as he might have found in Mr. Fullers Church History lib. 9 fol. 172. being twenty years almost before Bancroft came to the See of Canterbury and 12. at least before he was made Bishop of London And being then published was as he saith disliked by some Protestants of a middle temper whom by this his Restrictive Comment were shut out from a concurrence with the Church of England whom the discreet â—uxity of the Text admitted thereunto And if disliked by Protestants of a middle temper as he saith it was there is no question to be made but that it was disliked much more by all true Protestants such as
no other issue could be expected then the curse of God in making a perpetual rent and destruction in the whole body of the state pag. 39. was not because they were so in and of themselves but for other Reasons which our great Masters in the Schools of policy called Reason of State That King had said as much as this comes too of the Puritans of Scotland whom in the second Book of his Basilicon Doron he calls the very pests of a Common-wealth whom no deserts can oblige neither Oaths nor Promises bind breathing nothing but sedition and calumny c. Advising his Son Prince Henry then Heir of the Kingdom not to suffer the Principles of them to brook his Land if he list to sit at rest except he would keep them for trying his patience as Socrates did an evil wise And yet I trow your adversary will not grant upon these expressions though he might more warrantably do it in this case then he doth in the other that Puritans are not to be suffered in a State or Nation especially in such a State which hath any mixture in it of Monarchical Government Now the Reason of State which moved King James to so much harshness against the Remonstrants or Arminians call them which you will was because they had put themselves under the Patronage of John Olden Barnevelt a man of principal authority in the Common-wealth whom the King looked upon as the profess'd Adversary of the Prince of Orange his dear Confederate and Ally who on the other side had made himself the Patron and Protector of the Rigid Calvinists In favour of which Prince that King did not only press the States to take heed of such infected persons as he stiles them which of necessiry would by little and little bring them to utter ruine if wisely and in time they did not provide against it but sent such of his Divines to the Synod of Dort as he was sure would be sufficiently active in their condemnation By which means having served his own turn secured that Prince and quieted his neighbouring provinces from the present distemper he became every day more willing then other to open his eyes unto the truths which were offered to him and to look more carefully into the dangers and ill consequence of the opposite Doctrines destructive in their own nature of Monarchial Government a matter not unknown to any who had acquaintance with the Court in the last times of the King Noâ— makes it any thing against you that his Majesties repeating the Articles of the Creed two or three days before his death should say with a kind of sprightfulness and vivacity that he believed them all in that sense which was given by the Church of England and that whatsoever he had written of this faith in his life he was now ready to seal with his death For first the Creed may be believed in every part and article of it according as it is expounded in the Church of England without reflecting on the Doctrine of Predestination and the points depending thereupon And secondly I hope your Adversary doth not think that all the bitter speeches and sharp invectives which that King made against Remonstrants were to be reckoned amongst those Articles of his faith which he had writ of in his life and was resolved to seal with his death no more then those reproachful speeches which he gives to those of the Puritan Faction in the conference at Hampton Court the Basilicon Doron for which consult my answer to Mr. Baxter neer 29. and elsewhere passim in his Writings 44. The greatest part of his Historical Arguments being thus passed over we will next see what he hath to say of his Late Majesties Declaration printed before the Articles An. 1628. and then proceed unto the rest He tells us of that Declaration how he had learned long since that it was never intended to be a two edged Sword nor procured out of any charitable design to setle the Peace of the Church but out of a Politique design to stop the mouths of the Orthodox who were sure to be censured if at any time they declared their minds whilst the new upstart Arminians were suffered to preach and print their Heterodox Notions without controul And for the proof hereof he voucheth the Authority of the Late Lord Faulkland as he finds it in a Speech of his delivered in the House of Commons Anno 1640. In which he tells us of these Doctrines that though they were not contrary to Law yet they were contrary to custome that for a long time were no ofter preached then recanted Next he observes that in the Recantation made by Mr. Thorne Mr. Hodges and Mr. Ford it is not charged upon them that they had preached any thing contrary to the Doctrine of the Church according to the ancient Form of the like Recantations enjoyned by the ancient Protestants as he calls them but onely for their going against the Kings Declaration which but only determined not having commanded silence in those points Thirdly that the Prelatical oppressions were so great in pressing this Declaration and the other about lawful Sports as were sufficient in themselves to make wise men mad 45. For answer to these Arguments if they may be called so I must first tell you that the man and his Oratour both have been much mistaken in saying that his Majesties Declaration was no two edged sword or that it tyed up the one side and let loose the other for if it wounded Mr. Thorn and his companions on the one side it smote as sharply on the other against Dr. Rainford whose Recantation he may find in the Book called Canterbury's Doome out of which he hath filched a great part of his store He is mistaken secondly in saying that this Declaration determined nothing for it determineth that no man shall put his own sence or Comment to be the meaning of the Article but should take it in the Literal and Grammatical sense which Rule if the Calvinians would be pleased to observe we should soon come to an agreement Thirdly if the supposition be true as I think it be that the Doctrines which they call Arminianism be not against the Law but contrary to custome only then is the Law on our side and nothing but custome on theirs and I think no man will affirm that Custome should be heard or kept when it is against Law But fourthly if the noble Oratour were mistaken in the supposition I am sure he is much more mistaken in the proposition these Doctrines being preach'd by Bishop Latimer and Bishop Hooper in King Edwards time by Dr. Harsnet and Peter Baroe in Queen Elizabeths time by Dr. Howson and Dr. Laud in King James his time none of which ever were subjected to the infamy of a Recantation Fiftly if the Recantation made by Mr. Thorn and his companions imported not a retracting of their opinions as he saith they did not it is a strong argument of the
them and one that hated the Idolatries and superstitions of the Church of Rome with a perfect hatred This Reverend Father must not be consulted in the business for fear it might be thought that it was not to be done without him A Parish Vestry must be called by which M. Sherfield is inabled to take down the offensive Pictures and put new white Glass in the place though he be transported with a fit of unruly zeal instead of taking it down breaks it all in pieces Here then we have an Eldership erected under the Bishops nose a Reformation undertaken by an Act of the Vestry in contempt of those whom God and his Majesty and the Laws had made the sole Judges in the case An example of too sad a consequence to escape unpunished and such as might have put the people upon such a Gog as would have leâ—t but little work to the late Long Parliament Non ibi consistent Exemplaubi ceperunt sed in tenuem recepta tramitem latissime evagandi sibi viam faciunt as my Author hath it 52. But he proceeds according to his usual way of asking Questions and would fain know in what respect they may be accounted the obedient Sons of the Church who study by all their learning to take off that ignominous name of Antichrist from the Pope of Rome which had bin fastned on him by King James Archbishop Whitgift Bishop Andrews and the late Lord Primate and finally by the whole Clergy in their Convocation An. 1605. In the recital of which Proof I find not that the name of Antichrist was ever positively and and in terminis ascribed unto the Popes of Rome by any Article Homily Canon or injunction or by any other publick Monument of the Church of England which leave it to the Liberty of every man to conceive therein according as he is satisfied in his own mind and convinced in his understanding Arch-bishop Whitgift the Primate Bishop Andrews conceived the Pope to be Antichrist and did write accordingly Archbishop Laud and Bishop Mountague were otherwise perswaded in it and were not willing to exasperate those of the Popish Party by such an unnecessary provocation yet this must be accounted amongst their crimes For aggravating whereof he telleth us that the Pope was proved to be Antichrist by the Pen of King James which is more then he can prove that said it K. James used many Arguments for the proof thereof but whether they proved the point or not may be made a question Assuredly the King himself is to be looked on as the fittest Judge of his own intentions performance And he declared to the Prince at his going to Spain that he writ not that discourse concludingly but by way of Argument to the end that the Pope and his Adherents might see there was as good Arguments to prove him Antichrist as for the Pope to challenge any temporal Jurisdiction over Kings and Princes This your Antagonist might have seen in his own Canterburies doom fol. 264. Out of which Book he makes his other Argument also which proves the name of Antichrist to be ascribed unto the Pope by the Church of England because the Lords spiritual in the upper house and the whole Convocation in the Act of the subsidy 3. Jacobi so refined â—â— If so If any such Definition passed in the Convocation it is no matter what was done by the Lords Spiritual in the upper House of Parliament for that I take to be his meaning as signifying nothing to the purpose Wherein Gods name may such an unstudied man as I find that definition not in the Acts of Convocation I am sure of that and where there was no such point debated and agreed upon all that occurs is to bee found onely in the preamble to the Grant of Subsidies made at a time when the Prelates and Clergy were amazed at the horror of that Divellish plot for blowing up the Parliament Houses with the King Prelates Peers Judges and the choicest Gentry of the Nation by the fury of Gun-powder But were the man acquainted amongst Civilians they would tell him that they have a Maxime to this Effect that Apices juris nihil ponuns The Titles and preambles to Laws are no definitions and neither bind the subject in his purse or Pater-noster 53. As for the rest of the Bishops I find two of them charged particularly and the rest in General Mountague charged from D. Prideaux to be merus Grammatius and Linsel charged from M. Smart to have spoken reproachfully of the first Reformers on the Book of Homilies But as Mountague was too great a Scholar to be put to School to D. Prideaux in any point of Learning of what kind soever so Linsol was a Man of too much sobriety to use those rash and unadvised speeches which he stands accused of And as for Mr. Smart the apology of D. Cosens speaks him so sufficiently that I may very wel save myself the labour of a Repetition More generally he tells us from a speech of the late Lord Faulkland that some of the Bishops and their adherents have destroyed unity under pretence of uniformity have brought in superstition and scandal under the title of Reverence and decency and have defiled our Churches by adoring our Churches c. p. 40. and not long after p 64. That they have so industriously laboured to deduce themselves from Rome that they have given great suspition that in Gratitude they desire to return thither or at least to meet it half way Some have evidently laboured to bring in an English though not a Romish Papacy not the out side and dress of it onely but equally absolute a blind dependence of the People on the Clergy and of the Clergy on themselves and have opposed Papacy beyond the Sea that they might settle one beyond the water But these are onely the evaporations of some discontents which that noble Orator had contracted He had been at great charges in accommodating himself with necessaries for waiting on his Majesty in his first expedition against the Scots in hope of doing service to his King and Country and gaining honour to himself dismist upon the Pacifiation as most of the English Adventurers without thanks of honour where he made himself more sensible of the neglect which he conceived he suffered under then possibly might consist with those many favours which both Kings had shewed unto his Father But no sooner had that noble soul dispers'd those clouds of discontent which before obscured it but he brake out again in his natural splendor and show'd himself as zealous an advocate for the Episcopal order as any other in that house witness this passage in a speech of his not long before the dismissing of the Scottish Army Anno 1641. viz. The Ground of this Government by Episcopacy is so ancient and so general so uncontradicted in the first and best times that our most laborious antiquaries can find no Nation no City no Church no Houses
under any other that our first Ecclesiastical Authors tell us of that the Apostles not onely allowed but founded Bishops so that the Tradition for some Books of Scripture which we receive as Cunonical is both less ancient less General and less uncontradicted then that is We have lived long happily and Gloriously under this form of Government it hath very well agreed with the Constitutions of our Laws with the disposition of our people How any other will do I the less know because I know not of any other of which so much as any other Monarchy hath had eperience they all having as I conceive at least superintendents for life and the meere word Bishop I supposed is no mans aim to destroy nor no mans aim to defend c. so that if we should take away a Government which hath as much testimony of the first Antiquity to have been founded by the Apostles as can be brought for some parts of Scripture to have been written by them my fear is least this may avert some of our Church from us and rivit some of the Roman Church to her So he when he was come again to his former temper and not yet entred or initiated into Court Preferments 54. And thus at last I shall end my trouble and your own having performed as much as I proposed to my self in answer to the Historical part of your Antagonists discourse in which he laboureth to evince that the Calvinian Doctrines by you opposed are no other then the establisht Doctrines of the Church of England In the managing whereof I could wish he had carried himself with more Respect towards some great persons whom he ought not to have looked on but with eyes full of Duty and reverence and that he had not given me so just cause to think that by his speaking Evil of Dignities he may be also one of those who despise Dominion I could have wisht also that both M. Baxter and himself would have given me leave to have worn out the remainder of my days in peace and quiet without engaging me in any of those disputes by which they have given so much trouble to themselves and others For your part happy man be your doâ—e I see there is a way chalkt out for your Redintegration It is but going over to your Adversary in the point of Election and Gods invincible working on the hearts of his chosen ones then he doth asture you of a speedy agreement or at the least that you should easily bear with one another in the present Differences Can M. Pierce remain so obstinate as not to hearken to a Pacification on such easie terms as giving to his Adversary the right hand of fellowship captivating his own judgement to the sence of Calvin the great Dictator in the Churches of the Reformation to whom so many knees have bowed and much tribute of obedience hath been paid both with heart and hand Why do not you offer the same terms to so kind an adversary and tempt him to a Reconciliation on the like conditions which if he be not willing to accept when offered you may then keep your selfe at that honest distance which hitherto hath made you unaccessible to all approaches and kept you out of the reach of their shot whether bolts or shafts What fortune will befall my selfe upon this encounter I am not able to determine having done nothing to deserve the just displeasure and little hoping to obtain the favour of those men who shall think themselves concerned in it some men are so in love with their own opinions that they do not onely hate to be Reformed in the Psalmists Language but carry an evil eye towards those who have laboured in it looking upon them with as much disdain indignation as Hanun the King of Ammon did on Davids Messengers when he returned them to their Masters with their beards half shaven and their Garments cut off in disgrace to their very buttocks 2 Sam. 10. 4. But be my fortune what it will it will be a most infinite content unto me that by my weak endeavors I have contributed any thing to the Glory of God the vindication of the truth the edification of the Church and the satisfaction of those pious souls who heartily do pray for the peace of Jerusalem and most effectually endeavor to promote the Work Amongst which number there is none who can more possionately desire to be entertained then Your most affectionate friend and Brother in Christ Jesus Peter Heylyn Lacies Court in Abingdon April 15. 1659. A POST-SCRIPT To the former Papers SIR AFter I had dispatched the Papers foregoing to the Press I called to mind a passage in a Letter sent from Dr. Ridley then Bishop of London to Mr. Hooper Bishop of Glocester which you shall find amongst many others in the Acts and Monuments in which he signifieth unto him that though they had sometimes differed in matter of Ceremony yet there had been an uniform consent between them in matter of Doctrine So that unto the testimonies of Arch Bishop Cranmer Bishop Latimer and Bishop Hooper in maintenance of the cause which you contend for you may add also the concurrence of Bishop Ridley whose judgement in carrying on the Reformation was of such Authority that Canmer more relied on him then on any other I have been also further advertised of two Letters which are to be seen of M. Barrets own hand writing the one to D. Goad Master of Kings Colledg the other to Mr. Chatterton Master of Emanuel Colledge in Cambridge in which he plainly lets them know That he would never yield to make that recantation to which for fear of losing his fellowship and being expelled the Vniversity endeavoured to draw him as also that D. Cosens and D. Martin making a diligent search into the Registers of the University could never find any such Recantation to have been made by the said Barret as is exemplified unto us in the Anti Arminianism from thence taken by M. Hickman though he do not so much as once acknowledg by whom he profiteth I am the more apt to believe that Barret never made the Recantation which is fathered on him because it appears clearly by the Acts themselves that though he did confess the Doctrines wherewith he was charged to have been positively and expresly delivered by him yet he averreth as expresly Quod contenta in iisdem Religione Ecclesiae Anglicanae omnino noti repugnant That they contained nothing contrary to the Doctrine of the Church of England All that I find in the said Acts is the enjoyning of a Recantation the drawing of it into form and the delivering of it to Barret on the 5. of May by him to be published in S. Maries Church on the Saturday after and all this done when neither the Margaret Professor was of the same judgement with Barret nor the Vice-Chancellor himself whom it concerned as much as any were consulted in it But that Barret
ever made this Recantation or that this Recantation was the same in all particulars with that which he was required to publish depends upon the credit of a scattered Paper those which have most insisted on it appealing rather to private Authors for the proof thereof then to the authentick Records of that Vniversity So that when it is said so positively by M. Prinne that this Recantation was made by M Barret on the 10th of May 1595. in the University Church of S. Marys in Cambridge out of him repeated by Mr. Hickman with as great a confidence they do both wrong the dead and abuse the living For it appeareth by a Letter sent from the heads of Cambridge to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh then being Chancellor of that University that Barret had not made that Recantation on the 8 of March which was full ten months after the said 10 of May in which the publishing of this Recantation is affirmed of him About a year past say they amongst divers others who here attempted publickly to teach new and strange opinions in Religion one M. Barret more boldly then the rest did preach divers Popish Errors in St. Marys to the just offence of many which he was joyned to retract but hath refused so to do in such sort as hath been prescribed him Out of which Letter bearing date the 8th of March 1595. exemplified by M. Prynn in the Anti-Arminianism 254 and therefore seen by M. Hickman in the course of that Book I conclude three things 1. That M. Prinne and M. Hickman have â—aid a Defamation upon Barret which they cannot justifie as being contrary to their own knowledge in that particular 2. That besides Barret there were diuers others who preacht the sad new and strange opinions in Religion as the Letter calls them though not so confidently and boldly as Barret did and 3. That it is not said in the Letter that Barrets Doctrines gave offence to all or the greatest part but that they gave offence to many and if they gave offence but to many onely there must be many others and possibly the greatest part in that University to whom they gave no offence at all I find also in the Title to this Recantation as it stands in the Anti-Arminianism p. 56. that M. Harsenet of Pembrook-Hall is there affirmed to have maintained the supposed Errors for which Barret was condemned to a Recantation And 't is strange that Harsnet should stand charged in the Tiltle of another mans sentence for holding and maintaining any such points as had been raked out of the Dunghil of Popery and Pelagianism as was there affirmed for which he either was to have been questioned in his own person or not to have been condemned in the title to the Sentences passed on another man Which circumstance as it discredits the Title so the title doth as much discredit the reality of the recantation Adeo mendaciorum natura est ut coherere non possint said Lactantius truly Besides it is to be observed that Harsnet did not only maintain the said Opinions in the Vniversity but preacht them also at S. Paul's Cross Anno 1584. not sparing any of those dious aggravations with which the Calvinian Doctrines in those points hath been charged by others and yet we cannot find that any offence was taken at it or any recantation enjoyned upon it either by the High Commission or the Bishop of London or any other having Authority in the Church of England as certainly there would have been if the matter of that Sermon had been contrary to the rules of the Church and the appointments of the same And thereupon we may conclude were there no proof else that where Doctor Baroe had for 14. or 15. years as is said in that Letter maintained those Opinions in the Schooles which M. Hickman noveliseth by the name of Arminians and such an able man as Harsnet had preached them without any control and the greatest Audience of the Kingdome did stand to him in it There must be many more Barrets who concurred in the same opinions with them in that Vniversity though their names through the envy of those times are not come unto us And this appears more fully by that which followed on the death of D. Whitacres who died within few days after his return from Lambeth which the nine Articles so much talkt of Two Candidates appeared for the Professorship after his decease Wotton of Kings Colledge a professed Calvinian and one of those who wrote against Mountague's Appeal Anno 1626. Competitor with Overal of Trinity Colledg as far from the Calvinian Doctrine in the main plat-form of Predestination as Baroe Harsnet or Barret are conceived to be But when it came unto the vote of the Vniversity the place was carried for Overal by the major part which plainly shows that though the Doctrines of Calvin were so hotly stickled for by most of the heads yet the most part of the members of that learned body entertained them not And thereby we may guess at another passage which I finde in yoâ— Adversary where he declares that Peter Baroe's Arminianism câ—â— him the loss of his place and which was worse lest him the affect ons of the University Where first it may seem very strange thâ— Baroe should loose his place for Arminianism An. 1595. when as tâ—â— name of Arminianism was not known in England til the year 16â—â— Secondly that he should loose the affection of the University â—â— maintaining those Doctrines in which there was such a good compliance betwixt him and Overal And therefore thirdly it is verâ— improbable that Baroe should be put out of his place by those whâ— haâ— brought Overal in after no less then twenty years experience â—â— his pains and studies In which respect it is more likely that he relinquished the place of his own accord in which he found his Doctine crossed by the Lambeth Articles his peace disturbed by severâ— Informations preferred against him by some of the Calvinians anâ— thereupon a Letter of complaint presented to the L. Treasurer Burleigh of whose affections towards him he seemed more diffident then there was good cause for so that the most that can be said is no more then this that he was willing to depart from that place in peace in which â—e saw he could not live without disturbance and therefore that he rather left the place then the place left him though possibly he might see that he could not keep it without loosing himself I began this Post-script with Bishop Ridley and shall end it with a note relating to Bishop Laud Reproached by your Antagonist for justifying the picturing of God the Father in the form of an old man out of that place of Daniel where he is called the Ancient of Days and this saith he I have from a Gentleman of good repute though that Gentleman must not be named for fear of being taken notice of for his best Benefactor the story you may find
more desirous of a private and retired life then of such an agreeable conversation But the window of my shop being almost shut almost all my Wares plundered with the loss of my Library it is high time for me to give over this trade leaving to nimbler Pens the managing of these Political Discourses wherewith mine hath been already dulled P. H. Lacies Court in Abingdon December 24. 1658. AN APPENDIX To the former Papers in Answer to some passages in M. FULLERS late Appeal for INJURED INNOCENT 1. IT is observed of Cicero that renowned Orator that having spent the greatest part of his life in the service of the Commonwealth and in defence of many of the principal Citizens whose cause he pleaded when they stood in need of so great an Eloquence there was none found to advocate in his behalf when his occasions most required it Cum ejus salutem nemo defendisset qui per tot annos publicam civitatis privatam Civium defenderat as Paterculus hath it An infelicity which I have some reason to expect though I do not fear it when after so many services to the Church in Generall and appearing in defence of so many particular persons of most note and eminence I shall be loaded with reproach by some and contempt by others Two adversaries I have lately drawn upon me for my love to truth my zeal unto the Church and the injured Clergy By one of which notwithstanding my Respectful usage of him I have been handled in so rude and scurrilous a manner as renders him uncapable of any honest correction there being no Pen foul enough to encounter with him which would not be made fouler by engaging in so foul a subject From the other though more exasperated I have received a well studied Answer composed with ingenuity and judgment not standing wilfully in an Error of which he finds himself convinced though traversing many points in debate between us which with more honour to the truth might have been declined And in the end thereof I find a Letter directed or superscribed unto me tending especially to the begetting of such a friendly correspondence betwixt us as may conduce to the establishment of a following Peace Which Letter I shall first lay down and after some considerations had and made on the book it self I shall return as fair an Answer Now the words of the Letter are as followeth To my Loving Friend Dr. Peter Heylyn 2. I Hope Sir that we are not mutually unfriended by this difference which hath hapned betwixt us And now as Duellers when they are both out of breath may stand still and Parley before they have a second Pass let us in cold blood exchange a word and mean time let us depose at least suspend our Animosities Death hath crept into both our Clay-Cottages through the Windows your Eys being Bad mine not Good God mend them both and sanctifie unto us those monitors of mortality and however it fareth with our corporall Sight send our Souls that Collyrium and Heavenly Eye-salve mentioned in the Scripture But indeed Sir I conceive our Time Paines and Parts may be better expended to Gods Glory and the Churches Good then in these needless Contentions Why should Peter fall out with Thomas both being Disciples to the same Lord and Master I assure you Sir what ever you conceive to the contrary I am cordial to the Cause of the English Church and my Hoary Hairs will go down to the Grave in sorrow for her sufferings You well remember the Passage in Homer how wise Nestor bemoaned the unhappy difference betwixt Agamemnon and Achilles O Gods how great the grief of Greece the while And Pryams self and Sons do sweetly smile Yea all the Trojan Party swell with laughter That Greeks with Greeks fall out and fight to slaughter Let me therefore tender you an expedient intendency to our mutual agreement You know full well Sir how in Heraldry two Lioncels Rampant endorsed are said to be the Embleme of two valiant men keeping appointment and meeting in the Field but either forbidden to fight by their Prince whereupon Back to Back neither Conquerors nor Conquered they depart the Field several wayes their stout stomacks not suffering them both to go the same way least it be accounted an injury one to precede the other In like manner I know you disdain to allow me your Equal in this Controversie betwixt us and I will not allow you my Superiour To prevent further trouble let it be a drawn Battel and let both of us abound in our own sence severally perswaded in the truth of what we have written Thus parting and going out back to back here to cut off all contest about Precedency I hope we shall meet in Heaven Face to Face hereafter In order whereunto God willing I will give you a meeting when and where you shall be pleased to appoint that we who have Tilted Pens may shake hands together S. Paul writing to Philemon concerning Onesisimus saith For perhaps he therefore departed for a season that thou mightest receive him for ever To avoid exceptions you shall be the Good Philemon I the Fugitive Onesimus Who knoweth but that God in his providence permitted yea ordered this difference to happen betwixt us not onely to occasion a Reconciliation but to consolidate a mutual friendship betwixt us during our lives and that the survivor in Gods pleasure onely to appoint may make favourable and Respectful mention of him who goeth first to his Grave The desire of him who Remains SIR A Lover of your Parts and an Honourer of your Person Tho. Fuller 3. This Letter I must needs confess to be very civil and the addâ—ess agreeable enough to my disposition so that I am obliged both in point of manners and good nature to return such an answer to it as may sufficiently declare that my contentions rather aim at Truth then Victory or Victory no further then it triumpheth in the vindication of an injured truth But first I am to enter into consideration of some particulars relating to the late Appeal my Adversary my self and finally to some few differences which remain between us 4. And first concerning The Appeal for by that name he calls his Answer to my Animadversions I cannot make a fitter Resemblance of it then to a well digested Answer to a Chancery Bill which for the most part endeth with these formal words viz. Absque hoc that any matter or thing material or effectual for him the defendant to make Answer unto in this his Answer is not sufficiently Answered confessed or avoided traversed or denyed to the best of his knowledge Many particular Errors which were charged upon him he hath ingeniously confessed and promised to correct them in the next Edition so that I must needs think that I have not bestowed my labour in vain in case it produce no further good effect upon him as I hope it will some he endeavoureth to avoid and seeks
all Subterfuges which wit or cunning can devise to save himself from the sence and guilt of a conviction In which Respect as the Lord Chancellor Egerton was wont to say of Dr. Day then being Dean of Windsor and Provost of Eaton that he was the best at creeping out of the Law of any that ever came before him so it may be affirmed of the present Appealant that he hath an excellent way of avoiding that Argument the strength whereof he cannot Master as will appear to any equal and judicious Reader And other Arguments there are which he â—o avoideth as to make no Answer to them at all of which sort most especially are those Charges in the Adnimadversions as that about the Brittish Laws a Copy whereof was desired from Luciuâ— by Pope Euleutherius num 14 His bringing the Hâ—ns and Vandals out of the Cimbrick Chersonese the first whereof inhabited beyond the Fennes of Meotis in the Greater Asia the othes in the Dukedom of Mertlenburg on this side of the Bullich num 49. His bringing of the Brittish Lawes into the Collection made by K. Edward the â—onfessor num 53. that about St. Stephens Chappel num 64. His making of Cardinal Beawfort to be the founder of the Hospital of S. Owsse near Winchester num 106. His skipping over the Head of Henry of Albret the second Husband of the Dutchess of Alanzon sister to King Francis the first of France num 108. His making Cain to be one of the four primitive persons in the beginning of the world which must be understood of the time when he killed his Brother num 129. His not distinguishing between the first Liturgy of K. Edw. the 6th and a form of administring the Communion made the year before And numb 136. his not Answering to the Argument in behalfe of the Articles agreed upon in Convocation An. 1552. nor numb 141. to that against Conning of Loyalty by Heart out of the Statute of succession derived from the short time which intervened between the making of that Statute and the Raign of Queen Mary And num 143. His making Callis not to be worth the charge which it cost in keeping num 150. His Ascribing the precedings of some Bishops to a power given them by the Canons at what time no such Canons were made as the Author dreams of num 165. His passing over the Statute 23. of Eliz purposely made for suppressing the impetuosities of the Puritan faction num 175. His two mistakes in making Bancroft Bishop of London to be present at the framing of the Lambeth Article and num 189. and the Lady Margarets Professor in Cambridge to continue in his place from three years to three years num 190. Thesulri his placing the Earl Marshal before the Constable as if the one had gone before the other in that Royal Pomp when as they march by two and two num 229. Some he cuts off with an c as numb 130. in Baulking the Discovery of such Lands as are held Tith free under colour of belonging to the Cistercians Templers and Hospitalers and num 135 about the sitting of the Lords of the Councell on Sundays as well as others Holy-days for affairs of State and num 144. about the Priviledges granted in the Convocation by Act of Parliament and num 855. touching the reasons which induced Queen Elizabeth not to commissionate the Clergy in her first Convocation to treat of any thing which concerned Religion besides divers others And many Paragraphs there are in the Animadversions which he hath totally preter mitted without taking any notice of them at all as viz. Num. 130. 135. 138. 140. 158. 163. 176. 177. 178. 182. 197. 201. 202. 204. 207. 208. 209. 210. 212. 218. 275. 278. 279. 280. 282. 297. 312. 320. to which for brevity sake I refer the Reader and to his Judgment also I refer the consideration of all those particulars whether he thinks them pretermitted as unanswerable or not worth the answering 5. Such being his Avoidings in matters which relate to the story only we must next see how he doth traverse such Indictments as had been brought against himself He stands suspected in the Animadversions for harbouring some disaffection to the Regal and Episcopal Government the power and Rulers of the Church and the Orders and the members of it First being touched in point of Loyalty for laying down a dangerous Doctrine in reference to the person of King Henry 6. Lib. 4. to 190. he pleads the benefit of one of the Erratas in the Animadversions where fol. 109. is mistaken for 190. and finding nothing to the purpose in the place mistaken conceives himself to be discharged by Proclamation from the Crime objected But when it comes to be considered in its proper place he maks so sorry a defence that the last words of it though but few viz. The less we touch this Harsh-string the better Musick make the best part of the Answer pag. 2. fol. 52. In the beginning of the Raign of Queen Elizabeth he advocates iâ— behalf of some violent spirits who being impatient to attend the leisure of Authority fell before hand to beating down of some superstitious Pictures and Images and several reasons are alledged for their justification without pretending unto any other Author out of whom he had them and this he traverseth by saying that he subjoyned somewhat in confutation of their extravigancies and somewhat is subjoined indeed but that which rather speaks the sense of others then his own Others saith he condemned their indiscretion herein because although they might reform the private persons and families yet publique reformation did belong to the Magistrate Where first those others whom he speaks of are of a different sense from him who puts such tempting reasons into the mouths of those violent hot-spurs and then he makes those others to be so indifferent as to condemn them only of some indiscretion and no higher Crime pag. 2. fol. 53. 6. Being indicted for pleading so coldly for the Hierarchy of Bishops as if he had a minde to betray the Cause he traverseth the point and tells us that possibly he might do it weakly for want of ability but not coldly for want of affection and therefore that from thence-forward he would stand by and resigne his place at the Barr to better pleaders then himself More fully thus in the Church History fol. 143. I will now saith he withdraw my self or at leastwise stand by as a silent Spectator whilst I make room so for my betters to come forth and speak in the present controversie of Church Government call it not cowardise but count it caution in me if desirous in this difference to ly at a close ward and offer as little play as may be on either side which words of his whether they do not argue rather a coldness for want of affection then any weakness or want of ability is left to the verdict of the Jurie Acoused for mitigating the scandalous offences of the
Martin Mar-Prelates in their reviling of the Bishops by passing no other censures on them then this viz. That wits will be working and such as have a Satyrical vane cannot better vent it then in lashing of siâ— He complains of being dis-ingeniously dealt with by the Prosecutor because he lets us see in the following words that whatsoever his own judgment and opinion was yet the most discreet and devout sort of men even of such as were no great friends to the Hierarchy did condemn the practise pag. 2. fol. 89. His disaffection to the Church and the power thereof being urged against him in his congratulation for taking away the High Commission and the Oath Ex Officio which had been formerly the greatest curbs of the Puritan Faction and the strongest Bulwarks of the Church he pleads no otherwise to the first part of the charge then by praying That God would please to restore the Church in his good time so her just rights and give her wisedom moderately to use it And to the second part thereof that he desireth from his heart that no such analogical Oath that is to say no Oath which carrieth any analogy to the Oath Ex Officio may be offered to him but giving the Animadvertor leave to have it to himself if he doth desire it Ibid 7. Impeached for reckoning the Cross in Baptism amongst the Popish trinkets the Episcopal Ornaments for trifles the Leâ—any Surplice and other Ceremonies in Service and Sacraments counted both as superfluous and superstitious He answereth to the 1 that though he call the Cross in Baptism a Popish trinket yet it is not called so simply and absolutely that he holds it for an ancient and significant Ceremony though it be neither essential to or completory of the Sacrament but that it is high time to tearm them superstitious trinkets when that or any others Ceremonies shall intrude themselves as necessary and essential pag. 1. pag. 155. neither of which I mean necessity nor essentiallity hath hitherto been ascribed to the Cross in Baptism by any of the greatest Trinketers in the Church of Rome So that he might have spared those words in reference at least to the Church of England A Chain of Gold is an eminent Ornament â—bout the neck but it may be drawn so close as to choak and strangle the wearer thereof And in like manner Ceremonies though decent and useful when pretending to essentiality become as Luther saith carnificinae conscientiae and therefore justly may we beware thereof pag 2 fol. 9. The second part of that charge for calling the Episcopal Ornaments by the name of irâ—fles he exonerates on the Duke of Northumberland as better able to bear it pag. 2. fol. 78. though the words plainly are his own And in full Bar to the third he appeals to all such as knew his conformity in the Colledge Chappel Country Parishes and Cathedral of Sarum for his compurgators pag. 2. fol. 80. 8. And finally not to descend to more particulars having reproacht the sequestred Clergy by the name of Baals Priests unsavory Salâ— not fit to be thrown upon the aâ—nghil and charged them with such foul offences as did not onely cry to â—â—stiâ—e for punishment but were too shameful to bâ—â—â—ported He Traverseth the point and saith That his Pen and Tongue hath been and shall be tender of their Reputation p. 3. fol. 56. And this is such a kind of Protest as the Civilians call Protestation contraria facto when the Protestation made of a Man 's own innocencâ—es is evidently contrary to the fact against which he protesteth though for the clearer proof hereof as in the former part of the charge he had fathered his own words on the Duke of Northumberland so in this last he assumes those deâ—ences upon himself which in his Histo he ascribes to the Oxford Royalists alledging many just exceptions for their sequestred Friends against the proceedings of the Houses Which Traverses of his whether they wil hold good or not must be left to the judgement of the Court Certain I am that by these Traverses on the one side and his Avoydings on the other he seems to be as much distracted betwixt Science and Conscience as was Medea in the Poet betwixt judgement and Passion rather Resolved to plead not guilty to the Bill whatsoever it be then to stand mute or to be taken pro confesso and have a verdict pass against him by a nihil Dicit 9 The Generall Avoidings and particular Traverses which together with the Points or Articles confessed make up the greatest part of The Appeal being thus passed over I should proceed according to the method and style before remembred to the Considertion of those few Charges which in the Answer are denyed and so remain in difference between us as at first they did But first I must prepare my way by taking notice of such Maâ—â—â—â—â—s and Things as most especially relate unto my Adversary and my self And if I do begin with my self I shall refer it to my Adversaries Determination whether I do it in reference to the old Rule in the Accidence That the first person is more worthy then the second and the second more worthy then the third or to the Proverb which instructs us That charity begins at home or Egomet proximus sum mihi as the Latines have it First then he chargeth me with Cavils Cavils without cause and Cavils without measure and yet observes it to be so easie a peece of work that a Pigmy may be a Giant enough for such a purpose p. 1. If so then either I must be a Pigmy compared to such a Giant such a Son of Anak in Historical matters or such an easie peece of work must be much beneath me whom he is willing to acknowledge to be of abler parts and Learning then indeed I am in hope to gain the greater Honour by his victory on me But my exceptions are too just to be called Cavils too few to be reckoned without measure and too well grounded to be accompted without cause for otherwise what need was there on his part for so many confessions such frequent Traverses and Avoidings of those Accusations from which he could not clear himself by a positive Answer And yet he makes the caâ—sless Cavils so frequent in me and the humour of Cavilling so Predominant in my affections as to be able to affright all those from writing Histories who have both commendable Inclinations and proportionable qualifications for such undertakings * For saving to my self the benefit and advantage of exception now and at all times hereafter against the injustice of such a false and undeserved calumnie I do hereby assure the Appeallant and all others whosoever theâ— be who shall apply themselves to writing of Histories that my Pen shal never be imploy'd about them to the disgracing of their persons or the discountenancing their performance in what sort soever And in persuance hereof I shall be somewhat
there must be some guilt some doubt at least that all is not well as it should have been The Animadvertor was not of such eager spirit as to let fly at every one which came in his way and possibly might never have heard of this Church History living far of and no such trading in the Books of the time if the frequent clamours of the wrongs done to the Church and Clergy had not come to his ears before the Book it selfe had been brought to his hands And when it was brought into my hands it found me so far unresolved to do any thing in it that nothing but invincible importunity could have drawn me to the undertaking The Appealant therefore may be sure that I never sent him any such message as that if I had not been visited with blâ—ndness I would have been upon his bones before that time of which whosoever did it from him he knew as little of my corporal blindness which I thank God is not yet fallen on me as he did of my secret intentions as to that particular so far as I was from sending anysuchmessage to him that I resolved not to be known for the Author of those Animadversions whensoever they should come abroad and to disguise my self the better related in the Margin to a passage in my own Cosmogrophy fol. 19 which now the Appealant chargeth on me as a solecism in point of Heraldy in laying mettal upon mettal p. 2. fol. 12. 18. My Authors first fears being fallen upon him he finds himself brought under a new debate whether he should return an Answer to the Animadversions or sit down in silence The cause being pleaded on both sides he resolves at last to return a plain full and speedy Answer fol. 3. Full enough I confess of needless questïons and disputes which rather showed a Resolution not to bear the Quarrel then an ability to maintain it I remember I have somewhere read of a famous Wrastler who being many times overthrown who did suddenly start up and by an Eloquent Oration perswaded the people that he rather fell by the slip of his own foot then by the strength of his Adversary Such a wrastler I have met with in the present Appealant who imputes all his faults to slips slips of the Pen slips Pretal as he words it and slips of memory To which three heads the Greatest Errors and mistakes which occurs in the faltiest and falsest writing may notunfitly be reduced so much the fuller in regard he hath incorporated the greatest part of the Animadversions into the body of his Book which if abstracted from the rest of the Authors one would make the Greater Book of the Law upon a just a perfect Calculation of the line and folio's by one part in five Fuller then otherwise it needed or could have been by making use of such of the additionall Notes intended more for supplement and illustration then the disparagement of the Author or disgrace of the work But my Adversary thinks his work so perfect as to stand no more in need of Illustration then it doth of Correction supplements supposing some defects as Corrections presuppose some Errors Onely I hope the Animadversions will be well paid for before all is done the Authors being so well paid for the first Original as is said before and the Appealant better paid by the Book-sellers and his many Patrons to whom they are presented like the prayers of some old Mendicants at the doors of their good Masters and Dames for the transcript of them 19. But whether it be full or not I am sure it is more full then speedy For though the Appealant would be thought to be furnished with the Pen of a ready Writer yet had he time and leisure more then enough for a greater Work considering what helps he had to set it forward and therefore I may say in the words of Sampson that if he had not ploughed with my heifer he must have askt more time though otherwise he had time enough to have read my Riddle If Mason one of the Correctors to some Presses in London had not falsely and unworthily communicated the sheets to him as they came from the Press we might have heard of this Appeal about Michaelmas next in case it had not cooled in the heats of Summer and been retarded by the leisure of a long vacation But making use of this Advantage and having all such other helps as the Libraries and shops in London the use of his own hands and eyes the contribution of his friends and an excellent memory to boot could supply him with it could not come abroad against Easter term without the Midwifery of three Presses to assist at the Labour The making of a full and speedy Answer for it must be both could not else have agreed with that want of leisure his many various imployments and coming twice a Lords day to the Pulpit which without oftentation he pretends to in that very Chapter But some like Aesops fellow servants whom he tells me of presumes so much upon themselves as to promise that they can do all things and that whatever thing they do shall be full and speedy though there be little speed and less fulness in them 20. So much being said of the Appealant in reference to his engaging and dispatch let us behold him next in his qualifications One of the fellow servants of the Animadvertor a fellow sufferer with him in the cause of the King and one of the same party in the Church All this I am very glad to hear of and am sorry I did not hear it sooner especially if there be any truth as I hope there is in the insinuation My fellow servant if he were it must not be in the capacity of a Chaplain in Ordinary for I never saw his name in the list of the forty eight accompanied with his fixt times of Attendants as the others were but supernumerary and at large of whom there is no notice taken in the Court though they may make som noise in the Country And a sufferer he could not be because he willingly relinquisheth both his cure and prebend which he advanceth by the name of none of the worse Benefices and one of the best Prebends in England not holding both or either of them till they were forcibly taken from him as well as from the rest of his brethren fol. 2. no suffering where no injury or wrong is offered and there can be no injury done in disposing that which he so willingly abandoned as he saith himself for volenti non fit injuria as the saying is never applyed more aptly then on such emergencies And if he were of the same Party in the Church as he saith he was he would have show'd some greater zeal in maintenance of the intress and concerments of it some greater measure of compassion towards those poore men who being spoiled of their Goods and Livings by the infelicity of the times must afterwards be
explicitely and implicitely is comprehended in the former Article in which there is a particular mention of Christs sufferings crucifying death and Burial This appears secondly by the exposition of this Article in the Catechism of Mr. Alexander Nowel Dean of St Pauls who being Prolocutor of the Convocation Anno 1562. when this Article by reason of those words of S. Peter touching Christs preaching to the spirits in prison which before was in it was brought under debate is not to be supposed to be ignorant of the Churches meaning in that point And he accordingly in that Catechism commanded to be taught in all the Schools of this Kingdom doth declare expresly ut Christus corpore in terrae viscera ita anima corpore seperate ad inferos descendit c. that is to say according to the English Translation of it published in the year 1512. as Christ in his body descended into the bowels of the Earth so his soul severed from the body he descended into Hell and that therewith also the virtue of his death so pierced through to the dead and to very hell it self that both the souls of the unbelieving felt their painful and just damnation for infidelity and Satan himself the Prince of Hell felt that all the power of his tyranny and darkness was weakened vanquished and fallen to ruine And thirdly it appears by the learned and laborious work of D. Thomas Bilson Bishop of Winton a coâ—temporary for the greatest part of his life which the said M. Nowel and a stout assertor of this Doctrine of a Local descent against the new sence put upon the Article by the Sect of Calvin not to descend to â—any instances of a lower date Which Arguments if they do not seem sufficient to make good the point let our Author answer them and then as he now confesseth himself to be one of that party I shall so afterwards account him for Pars Magna too one of the principal pillars and supporters of it 31. He tells us in his History of a Statute made in the thirteenth of the Queen against covetous conformists by which it was provided That no Spiritual person Colledg or Hospital should lâ—t a Lease other then for twenty one years or three lives For which being justly taxed by the Animadvertor there being no such thing as covetous Conformists to be found in that Statute he justifies himself by saying That if the Animadvertor will say they were Conformists as indeed they were he then dares sweaâ— if called hereunto that they were covetous as who by unreasonable Leases as the Statutes call them wâ—steâ— the Lands of the Church till they were seasonably retrenched by that wholesom Law But first the Animadvertor will not say because he cannot that they were Conformists having already said the contrary in his Animadversions for there it may be found expresly that the Nonconformists by that time had got a great part of the Church Preferments and were more likely to occasion those delapidations then the regular and conformable Clergy this latter looking on the Church with an eye to succession the former being intent only on the present profit And thereupon he ads this note that covetousness and inconformity if we mark it well are so married together that it is not easie to divorce them though here the crime of Covetousness be wrongfully charged on the Conformists to make them more odious in the eye of the vulgar Reader All which the Appealant cunningly cuts off with an c. p. 2. so 88. And then cryes out with admiration how much he wondreth at the Animadvertor advocating for their actions so detrimental to the Church who though otherwise they might be Regular in other things were in this one Regular to the Rules of Avarice So tender is our Author of his non-â—onformists as not to bring them to the light or suffer there name to come in question aâ— Parcel Guilty at the least if not obnoxious altogether to the acculation and thereupon to mend the matter he tells us that if the Epithet of Covetous be so offensive he will change it in his next Edition into sacrilâ—gious as in a line or two before that though conformity did not make them Covetous yet Covetousness perhaps might make them conformable which dashes more disgrace upon them though he seem studiously to decline it then any thing that ever was laid upon them by any whelp of old Martins Litter when the Heats were greatest 32. This Passage with some other which are next to come begin to stagger me and make me very apt to think that the Lord Bacurius was in the right when he delieved there was no such conversion from coward in Captain Bessus as report made of it For look upon him in his judgement about the power of the Church and we should find but little cause to give much credit to his protestations and Declarations as to that particular He tells us p. 1. fo 45. that he never deprived the Church of her authority and fo 53. that he derogates not in the least degree from the power of the Church and p. 2. fo 55. that if his Back would Buttress it up it should not be wanting wishing as formerly was noted that if by his Pen or practise he had done any thing unworthily to the betraying of the Church of England that the Church would not onely spit in his face but spew him out of her mouth fol. 14. But for all this he still persists in his own Error in denying any power to the Church of making Canons which are of force to binde the subject till confirmed in Parliament In defence whereof he mustereth all his strength together p. 2. fo 28 as afterwards fo 67. 68. 69. Declaring plainly fo 67. in that in all the Animadvertors long discourse upon that subject he finds very little that he hath learnt thereby and less if any thing which he is to Alter And notwithstanding all that hath been said by the Animadvertor touching the not expiring of the Convocation An. 1640. by the death of the Parliament yet he resolves upon the question that after the dissolution of the Parliament the Clarks thereof elected for their several Cathedrals and respective Diocesses desisted from being publick persons and lost the notions of Representatives and returned to their private conditions In which capacity they might have given for themselves what summes they pleased but could not vote away the estates of other Clergy-men except the respective Cathedrals and Diocesses had re elected them which had it been done they might no doubt have justified the giving away of Subsidies as authorized thereunto though the Parliament had been dissolved 33. So the Appealant hath resolved it and if old Nicholas Fuller of Grays-Inne whom he so much magnifieth that Fuller of Devotion if I much mistake not of whom I find such honourable mention in the Verses on the Parliament F were alive again he could not have mooted on the point with more
zeal and ignorance A writing is subscribed on the 10th of May by Finch Lord Keeper Manchester Lord Privy Seal Littleton Chief Justice of the Common Pleas Banks Atturney General Witsield and Heath his Majesties Serjeants at the Law in which it was declared expresly that the Convocation being called by the Kings writ ought to continue till it was dissolved by the Kings Writ notwithstanding the dissolution of the Parliament But what makes this unto the purpose Our Author a more learned Lawyer then all these together hath resolved the contrary and throw it out as round as a boul that after the dissolution of the Parliament the Clarks of Diocesses and Cathedrals desisted from being publick persons and lost the notion of Representatives and thereby returned to their private condition The Animadvertor instanced in a convocation held in the time of Queen Eliz. An. 1585. which gave the Queen a Benevolence of two shillings in the pound to be raised on the Estates of all the Clergy by the meer censures of the Church without act of peachment Against which not able to object as to the truth and realty of it in matter of Fâ—ct he seems to make it questionable whecher it would hold good or not in point of Law if any turbulent Clergy-man had proved Recusant in payment and having slighted by the name of a blâ—ck â—wan a single instance of an unparliamented inpowred Convocation he imputes the whole success of that â—ash adventure rather unto the popularity of so Peerless a Princess the necessity of her occasions and the tranquillity of the times then to any efficacy or validity in the act it self And to what purpose all this pains but to expose the poor Clergy of the Convocation An. â—640 to the juster censure for following this unquestioned precedent in granting a more liberal benevolence to a gracious soveraign by no other authority then their own 34. If the â—ppealant still remain unsatisfied in this part of the Churches power I shall take a little more pâ—ins to instruct him in it though possibly I may tell him nothing which he knows not already being as learned in the Canons as in the common Law In which capacity I am sure he cannot chuse but know how ordinary a thing it was with Bishops to suspend their Clergy not onely ab officio but a Beneficio and not so onely but to sentence them if they saw just cause for it to a deprivation Which argues them to have a power over the property of the Clergy in their several Diocesses and such a power as had no ground to stand on but the authority of the Canons which conferred it on them And if our Author should object as perhaps he may that though the Canons in some cases do subject the Clergy not only to suspentions but deprivations of their cures and Benefices â—in which their property is concerned yet that it is not so in the case of the Laity whose Estates are not to be bound by so weak a thred I must then lead him to the Canons of 1603 for his satisfaction In which we find six Canons in a row one after another for providing the Book of Common Prayer the Book of Homilies the Bible of the largest Edition a Font for Baptism a fair Communion Table with a Carpet of Silk or other decent stuff to be laid upon it a Pulpit for Preaching of Gods Word a Chest to receive the alms for the Poor and finally for repairing of the Churches or Chappels whensoever they shall fall into any decay all these provisions and reparations to be made at the charges of the several and respective Parishes according to such rates as are indifferently assest upon them by the Church wardens Sides men and such other Parishioners as commonly convened together in the case which rates if any did refuse to make payment of they were compellable thereunto on a presentment made to the Ordinary by the said Church-wardens and other sworn Officers of the several and respective Parishes And yet those Canons never were confirmed by Act of Parliament as none of the like nature had been formerly in Queen Eliz time though of a continual and uncontroled practise upon all occasions The late Lord Primate in * a Letter more lately published by D. Barnard assures the honourable person unto whom he writ it that the making of any Articles or Canons at all to have ever been confirmed in that Kingdom by Act of Parliament is one of Dr. Heylyns Fancies And now it must be another of the Doctors Fancies to say that never any Articles or Canons had ever been confirmed by Act of Paliament in England though possible they may relate unto the binding of the subject in point of Poperty 35. But our Author hath a help at Maw and making use of his five fingers hath thrust a word into the proposition in debate between us which is not to be sound in the first drawing up of the issue The Question at the first was no more then this whether such Canons as were made by the Clergy in their Convocations and authorized by the King under the broad Seal of England could any further bind the subject then as they were confirmed by Act of Parliament And Secondly Whether such Canons could so bind either at such times as the Clergy acted their own Authority or after their admission to King Hen. the 8. in such things as concerned Temporals or temporal matters otherwise then as they were confirmed by national Customes that is to say as afterwards he expounds himselfe until they were consirmed by Act of Parliament Which points being so clearly stated by the Animadvertor in behalf of the Church that no honest evasion could be found to avoid his Argument the Appealant with his five fingers layes down life at the stake and then cryes out that the Animadvertor arrogates more power unto the Church then is due unto it either by the laws of God or man maintaining but he knows not where that Church men may go beyond Ecclesiastical Censures even to the limbs and lives of such as are Recusants to their Constitutions p. 2. so 53. And having taken up the scent he hunts it over all his Book with great noise and violence assuring us that such Canons were constantly checkt and controlled by the Laws of the Land in which the temporal Estate life and limbs of persons were concerned p. 2. fol. 27. As also that the King and Parliament though they directed not the proceedings of Ecclesiastical Courts in cases of Heresie which is more then his History would allow of yet did they order the power of Bishops over declared Hereticks without the direction of the Statute not to proceed to limb and life p. 2. fol. 45. And finally reduceth the whole Question to these two Propositions viz. 1. The proceedings of the Canon Law in what touched temporals of life limb and estate was alwayes limited with the secular Laws and national Customes of England And
2ly That the King by consent of Parliament directed the proceedings of Ecclesiastical Courts against declared Hereticks so that they could not punish them in life or limb but as directed by the statute p. 2. fol. 69. In confutation of which Proposition the Animadvertor is cunningly tempted to write two or three sheets upon assurance that it will be richly worth the Writers and the Readers pains and the hope of having an answer to it from no worse a hand then that of the Appealant himselfe This I shall be ready to do whensoever he shall show me in what place of my Animadversions or any other Book of mine whatsoever I have maintained that the Church hath power of making Canons which may extend either unto the life or limb of the English subject Certain I am that no such thing ever past my hand or câ—me into my head sleeping or waking sick or sound and therefore this must be a device of his to render me as distastful to all sorts of people as he hath made himselfe to all the true Sonnes of the Chruch of England whether they be High-Royalists or covetous Conformists as our Authoâ— words it 36. He puts it to the Readers Judgement whether any man alive can from these words viz. The right lay not in this Henry but in Mortimer Earl of March in for an insinuation that Kings may legally be deposed And I confefs as readily as any other man whatsoever that no such insinuation can be gathered from those words of his as they are laid down in the Appeal But then the Appealant should have took his rise a little higher where it is said as positively and plainly as words can speak it that granting Kiâ—g Richard either deservedly deposed or naturally dead without issue the Right to the Crown lay noâ— in this Henry but in Edmond Mortimer Ea of March c. for which consult Ch. Hist lib. 4 fo 153. And therefore let the Reader judge whether without more Perspicacity in the Organ or perspicuity in the Object any man may not easily perceive such an Insinuation in the words foregoing that Kings deservedly or legally may be deposed All further medling in which point as I then declined so I have greater Reason to decline it now And on that reason I shall spare to press him whether another of his Inferences Apothegmes and Maxims of State in reference to the person of King Hen. 6. and the calamiâ—ous death of that religious but unfortunate Prince which I find him willing to shift off with this one evasion which the change of times hath made more passable then before that the less we touch on this harsh string the better the Musick p. 2. fol. 53. 37. These points relating to the King and the Church being thus passed over the residue of the things or matters material and effectual to be Answered and by him denyed are neither very many nor of any great consequence though truth be as much violated in a matter of the smallest moment as in that of the greatest That which comes first and I must fetch a great leap to it a great part of the intervening Animadversions being either out off with aâ— c. or otherwise avoyded without making any answer to them at all as farre as to the middle part of Queen Eliz. Raign where I found our Author advocating in behalf of Peoples sidings as they were used in those times and show the dangerous consequents and effects thereof not onely in the apprehension of King James but of Queen Eliz. All which the Appealant shifts aside and thinks to satisfie all expectations in changing onely one of his expressions which made those peoplefidings to be grounded on the words of S Paul And therefore if you read in the next Edition that those people sidings were but pretended to be grounded on the words of St. Paul we muâ—â— then think the Arch-bishop Gryndal did well in pleading for them to the Queen that the Queen did ill in causing them to be suppressed and that King James was more miserably our in dreaming of so many dangers in that Apostolical Institution which our Father entitles plainly by the name of Gods and the Ghurches Cause as were not to be found in it at any rate In the Historians relating the story of Martin Mar-Prelate and the great injury done to the Bishops by those scandalous Libels an occasion is taken by the Animadvertor to put him in remembrance of a rule of his to this effect That the fault is not in the Authour if he truly cite what is false on the credit of another Which rule so dangerous in it self and so destructive to the truth so advantatageous to the slandering of the godliest men and mis-reporting the Occurrents of all times and ages is very justly faulted by the Animadvertor and thereupon he thus proceeds in his Animadversions That this rule whether true or false cannot be used to justifie our Author in many passages though truly cited considering that he cannot chuse but know them to be false in themselves and he that knowing a thing to be false sets it down for true not only gives the lye to his own Conscience but occasions others also to believe a falshood And from this charge I cannot see how he can be acquitted in making the Bishops to be guilty of those filthy sins for which they were to be so lashed by Satyrical wits or imputing those base Libels unto wanton wits which could proceed from no other fountain then malitious wickedness All which the Appealant passeth over without taking the least notice of it and to say truth he had good reason so to do knowing that dangerous rule to be so recessary for his justification and indempnity upon every turn And thereupon fixing himself upon this Rule That the Wâ—iter is faultless who truly cites what is false on the credit of another he thinks he hath sufficiently confuted the Animadvertor by telling him that if this Rule should not be true he must needs have a â—ard task of it in making good all things in his own Geography on his own knowledge who therein hath traded on trust as much as another I must have been a greater Travellor then either the Greek Vlisses or the English Mandivile all Purchas his Pilgrims many of our late Jesuits and Tom Corriot too into the bargain if it had been otherwise if in describing the whole world with all the Kingdoms Provinces Seas and Iles thereof I had not relyed more on the credit of others then any knowledge of my own if the Appealant could have charged me with citing any thing for truth which I know to be false and justified my so doing upon the credit of any Author whom I know to be mistaken in his information he had said somewhat to the purpose And when he can say that I desire no favour either from him or any other whatsoever In the mean time if any Gentleman Merchant or other Travellor
part of those who so much admire him content with the enjoying without the enjoyning their private practises and opinions in others Conceived in this to have a fling at Archbishop Laud he disclaims all reflecting on him in that passage confessing that he had an eye in that expression to another person relating unto Bishop Andrews whom since he doth forbear to name I shall not force him to it by my Reply being as well able by this short Character to find out the name as he is to direct me to him But then the Reader is to know that though the Appealant hath transferred the charge from one man to another yet it lies as heavy where he leaves it as it did before and that person whosoever he is must be Reproched with enjoyning his own private Practises and Opinions upon other men And this he is so farre from retracting and thereby making Reparation to the party wronged that he resolves to stand his Ground To which end he telleth us that the controversie in hand is about additional Ceremonies enjoyned by no Canons save some mens over imperious commanding and others â—ver officious complying justly deserving the censure of private Practises Take him Bacurius to thy charge for I begin to find my self deceived in my expectation 42. But he will make the Archbishop a large amends and having disclaimed all Reflections on him in the former charge preferreth him to be of the Quorum in the commission granted to the five Bishopâ— for exercising the Archi-Episcopal Jurisdiction of the Province of Canterbury Being certified of the mistake which he might have seen rectified before in the Observations he makes it more rediculous by his learned Gloss telling us p. 3. fol. 10. that he used the word Quorum not in the legal strictnesse thereof but in that passable sence in common discourse viz. for one so active in a business that nothing is though it may be done without him therein which Exposition of the word never heard before deserves for the excellency and significancy of it to have a place in the next Edition of Cowels Interpreter and there I shall bespeak one for it or else in Minshaws Dictionary who hath filched all his Law terms from that learned Doctor if that first come out As much unprofitable paines he takes in making Mr. Prinne to be born about Bath in Glocestershire And unto this expression he resolves to stand though satisfied that Bath is a chief City in the County of Sommerset accusing the Animadvertor to have dealt disingeniously with him touching that particular But I do not mean to quarrel with the Appealant about M. Prynne and hope that the two Counties of Glocester and Sommerset will not fall out about him neither as the seven Cities once contended for the birth of Homer For my part I alwayes took Mr. Prynne to have been born in Sommersetshire but if he prove a Glocestershire man as I doubt he will not he will be so much nearer to me then he was before 42. He hath informed us in his History That Orders made by some of the Judges for suppres-pressing of Wakes and Revels in their several Circuits had been enjoyned the Church-wardens to deliver Copies thereof to the Minister of every parish * which Ministers were to publish the same on the first Sunday in February and the two first Sundays before Easter every year but how the two Sundays before Easter every year can be both called the first Sundays I believe would puzzel the most learned Constable that ever served any such Order upon the Minister of his Parish prest by the Animadvertor that the Bishop might as lawfully command the Ministers in the several Diocesses to publish his Majestieâ— declaration about lawful sports as the Judges to make publication of their several orders he now demurs upon the point not knowing whether the said orders were mandatory or by way of Advice by which the Ministers were desired to do that which might be advantagious to Religion From which doubt being desirous to free him I shall subjoyn so much of the said Order as concerns this business viz. And to the end that this order may be better observed it is further Ordered that the Clark of Assize shall leave a a Copy hereof with the Clark of the Peace and the under Sheriff and from them or one of them every Constable shall take a Copy for his several Hundred and Liberty and shall particularly deliver a copy to the Minister of every Parish within his several Hundred and Liberty and shall take a Note of every Minister under his hand of the day upon which he received it from him and that every Minister which so receiveth it shall publish it yearly in his Parish Church the first Sunday in February And it is likewise further Ordered that every Constable shall at every Lent Assize present to the Judges of this Circuit a note of the Receipt of the said Order under the hands of the Minister I shall make no Gloss upon this Clause but present it nakedly as I find it to the Eye of my Author who though he will not not take upon him to â—udge the Judges and I know no man who desires he should for laying any such command upon the Ministers yet he will take upon him to condemn the Bishops for requiring no more of them in their several Diocesses then the Judges did so strongly is he hurried by the transport of his own affections as to make that a crime in the one which may be justified in the other 44. But never did he make a clearer discovery of himselfe then he doth now upon occasion of the contest about placing the Communion Table Whereas saith he the Animadvertor saith That an Expedient would not have tended to that uniformity that was designed herein before God and man I will speak out my thoughts That multiformity with mutual charity advanceth Gods Glory as much as uniformity it self in matters merely indifferent which as the Pipes of an Organ may be of several length and bigness yet all tuned into good Harmony together And if the Organs did not make a better Harmony then our Authors Pipe is like to do which is so tuned that every man may dance his own dance after it we should have very sorry Musick and such a face of confusion over all the Church as could not find a paralell in the worst of times For what can else ensue upon it but a possibility that every ward in some great City and every street in that ward and every Family in that street and perhaps every person in that Family might use his own way of worshipping his Lord his God which whether it would prove the means to make Jerusalem preserve the name of a City and much less the honour of being a City which was at unity within it self I leave unto the Judgment of the equal and unbiassed Reader But whereas for a proof of this strange assertion
he instanceth in that great contention between the Eastern and Western Bishops in the Primitive times about the day on which they were to celebrate the Feast of Easter I must needs say he could noâ— instance in a worse or find out any other example for this inconformity which could be more destructive of the hopes which he builds upon it For though he verily believeth as he saith he doth that God was equally honored by both by such as religiously observed it I cannot think but that he also doth believe that the contention much redounded to the dishonour of God the disgrace of Religion the renting of the Church into Schisms and Factions the grief of many sober and pious Christians and the great rejoycing of the Gentiles that difference begetting such animosities between the Churches and proceeding from one heat to another they fell at last to mutual Excommunications of the opposite parties One thing I must confess I am glad to hear of that is to say that God is honoured by such men who do religiously observe the Feast of Easter but what offence he may give by it to some others as I cannot guess so neither shall I make it any part of my care And therefore I shall leave him as he doth the Judges as best skilled in his own faculty to make good his own Acts. 44. Charged by the Animadvertor for making the distractions and calamities which befel this Kingdom to be occasioned primarily by sending a new Liturgie to the Kirk of Scotland he positively denies that he ever said any such word as that the Liturgie did primarily occasion the war with Scotland Rather saith he the clean contrary may by charitable Logick be collected from my words when having reckoned up a compliaction of heart burnings among the Scots I thus conclude Ch. Hist Lib. 11 163 Thus was the Scotish Nation full of discontents when this Book being brought amongst them bare the blame of their breaking forth into more dangerous designes as when the Cup is brim full the last though least superadded drop is charged alone to be cause of all the running over and then he adds Till then that the word primarily can be produced out of my Book let the Animadvertor be held primarily as one departed from truth and secondarily as a causless accuser of his brother I have stood behind the Curtain all this while to hear the Appealant rant himself out of breath without fear of discovery and that being done I shall take him gently by the hand and walk him to the beginning of the Scotish tumults where we find thus viz. But now we are summoned to a sadder subject from the suffering of a private person to the miseries and almost mutual ruine of two Kingdoms England and Scotland miseries caused from the sending of a Book of Service or new Liturgie thither which may sadly be tearmed a Rubrick indeed dyed with the blood of so many of both Nations slain on that occasion Ch. Hist Lib. 11. fol. 159. 160. And now I would fain know with what charitable Logick any thing else can be collected out of those words but that the miseries and calamnities which befel the Kingdom of England were occasioned primarily by sending a new Liturgie to the Kirk of Scotland For first in Marshaling the Causes of those miseries and ruines in which both Kingdoms were involved he makes the sending of the Book of Service and new Liturgie thither to be the prime cause both in order and nature of the whole disturbance Secondly he speakes plainer in these words to confute himself then had been formerly observed by the Animadvertor the Animadvertor charging him for no more then saying that those calamities and miseries were occasioned by sending the new Liturgie thither which now he plainly doth affirm to be caused by it And thirdly though the word primarily be not found in that passage yet he must be a very charitable Logician who will not find it in the order and method of Causes which are there offered to his view deduced they may be from his book though it cannot be produced out of it and therefore he may take the departure from the truth on himself alone and send for the accuser of the Brethren to keep him company 45. Concerning the release of the twelve Bishops for now he grants them to be twelve which before he did not he hopes to have me upon some advantage for denying them to have continued eighteen moneths in the Tower without any intermediate discharge pro tempore but not being willing out of his abundant charity to have me persist wilfully in any error he directeth me to be informed by Bishop Wrenn that none of them were released before May 6. And from that reverend Prelate I could as willingly take my Information if I had any convenient opportunity to ask the Question as from any other whosoever but being I am at such a distance I must inform my self as well as I can by my Lord of Canterbury who in his Breviate tels us this That on February 14. 1641. there came an Order that the twelve Bishops might put in bail if they would and that they should have their hearing upon Fryday and that on Wednesday the 15. they went out of the Tower Assuredly my Lord of Canterbury cannot be thought to be so ignorant in the affairs of his Brethren being then fellow Prisoners with him as not to understand their successes whether good or bad or to be of such a careless Pen as to commit so gross an error in matter of fact especially in such things as were under his eye and therefore I resolve as before I did till I shall see some better reason to the contrary then I have done hitherto that there was a general Order for the discharge of the twelve imprisoned Bishops on Feb. 14. and that they were remanded back again by the power and importunity of the House of Commons upon the reasons formerly laid down in the Animadversions 46. And here I would have left the Bishops to enjoy their liberty but that I am called back again to congratulate with the Archbishop of York for holding the Deanry of Westminster in commendam on so good an account I thought till now that he received it as a favour not an act of Justice but the Appealant hath enlightned my understanding with a clearer notion telling me that King Charls confirmed that Deanry upon him for three years in lieâ— of the profits of his Archbishoprick which the King had taken sedâ— vacante If so his Majesty must be either more just or more indulgent to Bishop Williams then he had been to Bishop Neil his old trusty Servant whom I find not to be gratified with any such commendam or compensation either when he was promoted from Durham to receive Winchester or translated from Winchester to the See of York and yet the King had taken the vacant profits of those Sees for a longer time that is to say
whensoever any equal judicious Auditor shall trouble himself in casting up the Reckonings which are between us And in this hope I shall apply my self to Answer Mr. Fullers Letter whom I thus salute To my Loving Friend Mr. THOMAS FULLER SIR AT the End of your Appeal which came not to my hand till Friday the sixt of this moneth I find a very civil Letter directed to me in which you propose a breathing time after some wearinesse in the encounters which have past between us and the suspending of such Animosities as we may be supposed to harbour against one another But for my part as I have had no such long breathing time since those Papers which relate to you first past my hands as might make me the more ready for this second onset so you may take as long or little time as you please to consider of it before you return to the encounter Animosities I have none against you and therefore none to be suspended in this Inter-Parleance My affections being fair to your person though not to the cause for which you seem most to have appeared in the whole course of your History And if you had appeared so onely to my apprehension I had been the more inexcusable both to God and Man and the more accomptable to you for conceiving otherwise of you then you had deserved But I am confident there are very few true Sonnes of the Church of England who could make any other judgement of you out of your History then was made by me and therefore you must thank your selfe if any greater noise hath been made about it then you could willingly have heard You know what Caesars Resolution was about his wife for having her as free from the suspition as the crime of Incontinency and therefore if your Conscience do acquit you from the crim it self in Acting any thing against the Interest of the Church your Mother you had done very well and wisely had you kept your selfe free from the suspition also of such disaffections You tell me that you are cordiall to the Cause of the English Church and that your hoary hairs will go down into the Grave in sorrow for her sufferings But then as Samuel said to Saul What meaneth this bleating of the sheepe â—in my Ears and the lowing of Oxen which I heare What mean those dangerous Positions and those many inconvenient expressions that I may give them no worse name which occur so frequently in your Book and which no man who is cordial to the Cause of the English Church can either read with patience or pass over with pardon If you would be believed in this you must not speak the same Language in your second Edition as you have done in the first or leave so much in it of the former Leven as may soure the whole lumpe of your performance Nor would I have you think it to be any dishonour to cast aside those soure Grapes whensoever they shall come to a second gathering at which so many of the teeth of your Mothers Children have been set on edge there being no greater Victory to be gained in the World then what a Man gets upon himself You have said as much as could be in your own defence and therefore may come off with satisfaction to your self and others In altering all or any of those passages which have given occasion of offence to the most of your brethren And you may take this occasion for it not as necessitated thereunto by the force of Argument but as Sylla resigned his Dictator-ship rather out of his good affections to the peace and happiness of the Common-wealth then compelled by Arms. You are pleased to take notice of some Parts that God hath given us thinking we might have used them better then in these Pen Combates and that the differences betwixt us will occasion such Rejoycings in the common Enemy as was amongst the Trojans on the fallings out of Agamemnon and Achilles But I hope you doe not think in earnest that either of us are so considerable in the sight of our Enemies as those Great Commanders were in theirs or that any great matter of Rejoycings can be given them by our weak contentions In which what satisfaction you are able to give your selfe for spending so much of your Parts Pains and Time in the drawing up of your Appeal is known onely to God and your own Conscience But for my part I am not conscious to my selfe of any mispendings in that kind in reference to the writing of my Animâ—dversions in which as I had no other end then the vindicating the truth the Church and the injured Clergy so I can confidently say that I have writtten nothing in the whole course of that Book to the best of my knowledge which was not able to abide the touchstone of truth whensoever it was brought unto it The smallest truth is worth the seeking and many truths are worth the finding No loss of time or mis-imployment of our parts or pains to be complained of in that pursuit And therefore I shall say in the Words of Judicious Doctor Hackwell That such is the admirable Beauty and Soveraignty of truth in it self and such infinite content doth it yeild the soul being found and embraced that had I proposed no other end to my self in this present Treatise then the discovery and unfolding thereof I should hold it alone a very ample recompense and sufficient reward of my labour Fracta vel leviter imminuta Auctoritate veritatis omnia dubia remanebant as S. Augustine hath it You tell me also that as you know I will not allow you to be my equal so you will not acknowledg me to be your superiour whereby you tacitly conclude your self for the better man as much above me in the fortune and success of the present Duel as Cesar was above Pompey in the War between them In which though I may suffer you to enjoy the jollity of your own opinion yet it is more then probable that such as have observed the conduct of the action on either side may think otherwise of it Which being referred to the finall sentence of those only who are made Judges of the field I shall not be unwilling to shut up the Quarrel upon such conditions as are propounded in your Letter one only of my own being added to them I conceive that having offered these short notes to the publick view I might do it without any disadvantage of reputation By some passages in your Book and Letter I find that you take notice of a remediless infirmity and decay of sight which is fallen upon me rendring me almost wholly unfit for further engagements of this nature and I finde also on the other side that you have many advantages above me both in friends and Books of both which by the plundering of my Library and the nature of a Country life I am almost totally unfurnished Which though it may give you many