is in the Church as National must heal our Breaches The Catholicks are for one Universal Organical Church throughout the World whereof the Pope is Head according to some and the Bishops Convened in a General Council according to others That there is a Catholick Church Visible on earth as well as invisible whereof CHRIST is Head who was on Earth and is now Visible in Heaven is past doubt also with Protestants But that this Church is Organical and under the Government of a Monarchy by the Pope or of an Aristocracy by a General Council it seems a thing not possible in nature because neither can any Oeâ—umenical Council ever be Called or any One Man he sufficient to take on him the Concernmenâ—s of the whole World. A Political Church is a Community of Chrisâ—â—ans brought into an Orber of Superiority and Inferiority by an Head and Members organized for the Exercise of that Government which is proper to it but the whole Earth is not capable of any such Order And Councils therefore which are gather'd out of several Countries or of Bishops belonging to more Dominions than of one Supreme Power may behad for mutual Advice and Concord but not for Government A Nation Empire or Kingdom which consists of one Supreme Magistrate and People who are generally Christians are capable of such an Ecclesiastical Polity and a National Church Political in England is to be asserted and maintained The Church of England then is a Political Society of all the Christians in the Land united in the King as Head and organized by the Bishops for the executing those Laws or Government which he chooses for their spiritual Good and the publick Peace There is this difference between a Church National the Church Catholick and Particular Churches The two latter-are of Divine Right and Essential Consideration but the former is and can be only of Humane Institution for it is manifestly Accidental to the Church of Christ that the chief Magistrate and the whole People should be Christian. Distinguish we here of the Government of the Church as Internal belonging to the Spirit and External which belongs to Men And of the External Regiment thereof which is either Formal belonging to the Ministers or Officers of Christ or Objective belonging to the Magistrate the one being only by the Keyes the other by the Sword. Whether the Community now of Christians in England may be accounted a National Church in respect to any Formal Government of it we leave for dispute to others let them judg according to the foregoing Definition of a Political Church But that the main Body of the Nation are or may be constituted a proper Political Church National in respect to that External Objective Regiment which is or should be exercised by the Bishops as the proper Organs thereof under the King is what we hold reasonable and would lay as the Foundation-Stone of Peace in the matter of Religion between all Persons in the Kingdom Let the Parliament therefore we have be heartily for the Publick Good and thriving of England which must and can be only by an entire Liberty of Conscience in opposition to the narrow Spirit of any single Party or Faction and when such a Parliament as this shall set themselves about the Business of Union to purpose a Bill should be brought in Entituled An Act for declaring the Constitution of our Church of England A Parliament is the Representative of the whole Nation and no doubt but by Consent and Agreement they might upon the account mentioned Make a new Constitution and much more may they Declare the Constitution of it It should be declared then in such a Bill or Act that the Church of England consists of the King as the Head or pars Imperans who is to give Laws thereto and all the several Assemblies of Christians which he shall tolerate as the pars subdita or Body Some Discrimination between the Tolerable and Intolerable is indeed never to be gainsaid by any wise and good Man unto whom there is no Liberty can be desirable which is not consistent at least with these three things the Articles of our Creed a Good Life and the Fundamental Government of the Kingdom It is not for any private persons but a Parliament to prescribe the Terms of National Communion But we would have all our Assemblies that are Tolerable to be made Legal by such an Act and thereby parts of the National Church as well as the Parochial Congregations The Church here therefore must come under a double consideration as the Church of Christ and as the Church of England Take the Church as the Church of Christ and there must be as we have said at first endless Controversy about this point who are the true Members of it but take it under the consideration as National and there will be none at all for those must be Membâ—rs whom the Head by a Law does allow to be parts of the Body and the King under this notion only is made Head of the Church by the Stature that is as it is called Ecclesia Aâ—glicana The Protestant Dissenterâ— of all sorts as well as the Conformists will acknowledg the King to be Supreme Coercive Governour over all Persons and in all Causes Ecclesiastical and Civil throughout his Dominions And will not those who are Roman Catholicks do the like Did they not do so in Henry the Eight's time when they were generally such Again the Dissenters of all sorts even the Congregationalists of every Sect are ready to submit to any power legally derived from the King and upon such an account will admit of a superintendency of the Bishops as Ecclesiastical Magistrates under him when they cannot own any Authority that they have over other Ministers from Iesus Christ and will not Papists also be subject to all Authority that is exercised legally in his Name howsoever they may question the Spiritual Title of the English Clergy and their succession We would have the Bishops then qua Bishops as distinct in Office from Priests declared no other than the King's Officers whose power is but Objectively Ecclesiastical and to act Circa Sacra only by Vertue of his Authority and Commission As Iehoshaphat did comit the Charge incumbent upon him as Supreme Magistrate in regard to all Matters of the Lord unto the care of Amariah being Chief Priest and in regard to the King's Matters unto Zebadiah being as the Chief Iustice of the Realm so should the Diocesian Bishop be in our Ecclesiastical as the Judges are in Civil Matters the Substitutes altogether of His Majesty and execute his Jurisdiction This is indeed at State point which was throughly canvased by Henry the Eight whose Divines did agree on two Orders alone Priest and Deacon to be of Divine Appointment and that the Superiority of a Bishop over a Presbyter or of one Bishop over another was but by the Positive Laws of Men only as appears in that Authentick Book then put out entituled
A Collection of Papers Relating to the Present Juncture of Affairs in England VIZ. 1. The Humble Petition of Seven Bishops to his Majesty 2. Articles recommended by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury to all the Bishops and Clergy within his Jurisdiction 3. Proposals of the Arch-Bishop with some other Bishops to his Majesty 4. Petition of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal for Calling a Free Parliament With his Majesty's Gracious Answer 5. Vindication of the aforesaid Petition 6. Extract of the States General their Resolution 7. Prince of Orange his Letter to the English Army 8. Account of a Design to Poison the Prince of Orange before he came out of Holland 9. A Relation of a Strange Meteor representing a Crown of Light seen in the Air near the City of Orange 10. Lord Del r's Speech to his Tenants 11. Prince of Denmark's Letter to the King. 12. The Lord Churchil's Letter to the King. 13. Princes Ann's Letter to the Queen 14. A Memorial of the Protestants of England to the Prince and Princess of Orange 15. Prince of Orange his Declaration of Novemb. 28. 1688. from Sherborn-Castle Printed in the Year 1688. To the King 's most Excellent Majesty The Humble Petition of William Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and divers of the Suffragan Bishops of that Province now present with him in behalf of themselves and others of their absent Brethren and of the Clergy of their respective Diocesses Humbly sheweth THAT the great averseness they find in themselves to the distributing and publishing in all their Churches your Majesty's late Declaration for Liberty of Conscience proceeds neither from any want of Duty and Obedience to your Majesty our Holy Mother the Church of England being both in her Principles and in her constant Practice unquestionably Loyal and having to her great Honour been more than once publickly acknowledg'd to be so by your Gracious Majesty Nor yet from any want of due tenderness to Dissenters in relation to whom they are willing to come to such a Temper as shall be thought fit when that Matter shall be considered and settled in Parliament and Convocation But among many other Considerations from this especially because that Declaration is founded upon such a Dispensing Power as has been often declared Illegal in Parliament and particularly in the Years 1662 and 1672 and in the beginning of your Majesty's Reign and is a Matter of so great Moment and Consequence to the whole Nation both in Church and State that your Petitioners cannot in Prudence Honour or Conscience so far make themselves Parties to it as the distribution of it all over the Nation and the solemn publication of it once and again even in God's House and in the Time of his Divine Service must amount to in common and reasonable Construction Your Petitioners therefore most humbly and earnestly beseech your Majesty that you will be graciously pleased not to insist upon their distributing and reading your Majesty's said Declaration And Your Petitioners as in Duty bound shall ever pray Will. Cant. Will. Asaph Fr. Ely. Jo. Cicestr Tho. Bathon Wellen. Tho. Peterburgen Jonath Bristol His Majesties Answer was to this effect I Have heard of this before but did not believe it I did not expect this from the Church of England especially from some of you If I change my Mind you shall hear from me if not I expect my Command shall be obeyed THE ARTICLES Recommended by the ARCH-BISHOP of CANTERBURY To all the Bishops within his Metropolitan Iurisdiction the 16 th of Iuly 1688. SIR YEsterday the Archbishop of Canterbury delivered the Articles which I send you inclosed to those Bishops who are at present in this place and ordered Copies of them to be likewise sent in his Name to the absent Bishops By the Contents of them you will see that the Storm in which he is does not frighten him from doing his Duty but rather awakens him to do it with so much the more vigor and indeed the Zeal that he expresses in these Articles both against the Corruptions of the Church of Rome on the one hand and the unhappy Differences that are among Protestants on the other are such Apostolical Things that all good Men rejoyce to see so great a Prelate at the Head of our Church who in this Critical Time has had the Courage to do his Duty in so signal a manner I am Sir Yours London Iuly 27 1688. Some Heads of Things to be more fully insisted upon by the Bishops in their Addresses to the Clergy and People of their respective Diocesses I. THat the Clergy often reade over the Forms of their Ordination and seriously consider what Solemn Vows and Professions they made therein to God and his Church together with the several Oaths and Subscriptions they have taken and made upon divers Occasions II. That in Compliance with those and other Obligations they be Active and Zealous in all the Parts and Instances of their Duty and especially strict and exact in all Holy Conversation that so they may become Examples to the Flock III. To this end that they be constantly Resident upon their Cures in their Incumbent Houses and keep sober Hospitality there according to their Ability IV. That they diligently Catechise the Children and Youth of their Parishes as the Rubrick of the Common-Prayer-Book and the 59th Canon injoyn and so prepare them to be brought in due time to Confirmation when there shall be Opportunity and that they also at the same time expound the Grounds of Religion and the Common Christianity in the Method of the Catechism for the Instruction and Benefit of the whole Parish teaching them what they are to believe and what to do and what to pray for and particularly often and earnestly inculcating upon the Importance and Obligation of their Baptismal Vows V. That they perform the Daily Office publickly with all Decency Affection and Gravity in all Market and other Great Towns and even in Villages and less populous Places bring People to Publick Prayers as frequently as may be especially on such Days and at such Times as the Rubrick and Canons appointed on Holy Days and their Eves on Ember and Râ—gation Days on Wednesdays and Fridays in each Week and especially in Advent and Lent. VI. That they use their utmost Endeavour both in their Sermons and by private Applications to prevail with such of their Flock as are of competent Age to receive frequently the Holy Communion and to this end that they administer it in the greater Towns once in every Month and even in the lesser too if Communicants may be procured or how-ever as often as they may and that they take all due Care both by Preaching and otherwise to prepare all for the worthy receiving of it VII That in their Sermons they teach and inform their People four times a Year at the least as what the Canon require that all Vsurp'd and Foreign Jurisdiction is for most Just Causes taken away and abolish'd in this Realm and no
the general Indignation their Proposals met with together with the Noise of the Prince of Orange's Preparations frightned them from a further prosecution of their enormous Attempts He ingenuously confesses the seizing of Charters to have been a fault so there is no Contest between us on that Point but he adds That the Prince of Orange has nothing to do with it now others think him highly concern'd in it for if according to Sir Thomas Moore Rex Potest Iuriper Parta mentem potest destrui or according to the Opinion of latter Times a Parliament may make a Bill of Exclusion a Prince that has so near a Relation to the Crown of England ought not to suffer any foul play in the calling together such an Assembly as may null his Title or preclude him of his Right to the Crown in time to come 'T is true the Counsel for seizing Charters was given in the last King's Reign and most of them then seized but no Man can deny but some have been condemned and seized in the Reign of his present Majesty and restored not till the Apprehension of the aforesaid Invasion so that we are promised a Free Parliament only because they cannot put one of their own framing upon us 10. His tenth Paragraph needs no answer 11. In his eleventh he tells us there were but two Papist Judges as if the Laws were not broken unless the Judges were all Papists or that Judges sitting contrary to Law could give a Legal Sentence Both these defects he supposes supplied by the Dispensing Power a Power sufficiently baffled by those Gentlemen of the long Robe of Counsel for the Bishops and not defended by either Judges or Counsel on the other side for which two of the Judges Iones and Holloway lost their places on the Bench. 12 13. His twelfth and thirteenth concern Ireland and Scotland and therefore I will leave them untouch'd to the Gentlemen of those Nations who best understand and are most sensible of the Oppressions they are under 14. In his fourteenth he pleads the Validity of the King's Declaration for Liberty of Conscience tho' that pretended Prerogative has been discuss'd and baffled in Parliament within these few years and deserted as such by His late Majesty he affirms that the King as Head of the Church might oblige the Bishops to cause the Declaration to be read in the Churches which if they had complied with in the Opinion of many good Protestants they had precluded themselves of their Votes in Parliament against it for with what Forehead could they Vote against the Declaration when they caused it to be read in their Churches An Act amounting to no less than maintaining or owning the Dispensing Power 15. In his fifteenth he allows the Prince and Princess of Orange have in terms full of respect signified to the King their deep regret which all these things have given them and their Thoughts abour Repealing the Test and Penal Laws as an Expedient of Peace but blames him it seems for doing all this so respectfully and privately and would rather had it done by a Manifesto that some of the Prince's Friends might be imprisoned for delivering it as Captain Lenham is for bringing over the Declaration He tells us next the King has come up almost to Fagel's Letter which was the Declaration of their Minds viz. The Church-of England-Test and Laws of Supremacy to remain then urging the King's Concessions which may be observ'd to bear date only from the report of the Prince's Preparations for England 16. He tells us in his sixteenth That the Prince thinks a Free Parliament to be the last and great Remedy for these Evils but complains these Wicked Counsellors are against it for fear of being called to Account that they had preingaged Voices to take off the Penal Laws and the Test and regulated Corporations and Burroughs that so they might assure themselves of the Members of Parliament He allows the Charge but says What has all this to do with the King No Man says it has and the Prince only requires the removal and punishment of those Evil Counsellors in a Free Parliament 17. Next our Reflector tells That there never was a Parliament absolutely Free but that Drink Mony and other Evil Arts have had a great sway in Elections This is true but no reason that we should consent to a General or Fundamental Corruption of our Elections because we cannot avoid some few and casual Ones Then he would have had the Prince have desired the King to have laid aside those Evil Counsellors as if it were not Notorious that the Princes dislike of some Men has been their ready way to Preferment in our Court and Embassadors for Holland have been of late chosen out of those he has most aversion for as if these Wicked Counsellors feared nothing so much as a good Understanding between His Majesty and the Prince of Orange 19. In the nineteenth he tells The Prince and Princess of Orange's Question concerning the Birth of the Prince of Wales saying That during the Queen's pretended Bigness and in the manner in which the Birth was managed there have appear'd so many just and visible grounds of Suspicion that not only the Prince himself but all good Subjects in England do vehemently suspect that the pretended Prince of Wales was not born of the Queen 20. Next our Reflector tells us That the Prince ought to have writ to the King for a private satisfaction in this Matter which the King would no doubt have given in the manner that all reasonable Men do when they are examined against themselves All Men allow the imputation of such an Imposture to be a great Reflection on their present Majesties But some think they have in a great measure drawn it upon themselves by omitting to have those Witnesses by and those Methods observed that our Laws require to prove the Birth of a Legitimate Prince of Wales 'T is not perhaps enough to say that there were as many Witnesses and as good Proof of it as the Law exacts still the Question returns Why not the same Persons a Legal Proof admits of no Equivolent Our Reflector will not deny but that there has been common Fame all over Europe that this Prince of Wales was not Born of the Body of her Majesty and common belief of it among Protestants this of it self were enough to make the next Heir to the Crown look about and move every Stone that the Matter might be examined by impartial Methods in a Free Parliament which is all that the Prince and Princess of Orange aims at for their Proofs to the contrary 't is not to expected they should acquaint the World with them before the Trial. 22. In his two and twentieth Reflection on the eighteenth Paragraph where the Prince says He was invited to this Expedition by many Lords both Spiritual and Temporal and many Gentlemen and Subjects of all Ranks Our Reflector is pleased to tell him he is
Theologian and will seem to be a good Bishop and to have a great care of his Diocess and would heretofore seem a great Preacher I have hinted in my last the Reasons why I cannot altogether like him which are needless to repeat The Arch-bishop of Paris is always the same I mean a gallant Man whose present Conversation is charming and loves his Pleasures but cannot bear any thing that grieves or gives trouble though he is always a great Enemy of the Iansenists which he lately intimated to Cardinal Camus He is always with me in the Council of Conscience and agrees very well with our Society laying mostly to Heart the Conversion of the Protestants of the three Kingdoms He also makes very good Observations and Designs to give some Advice to your Reverence which I shall convey to you I do sometimes impart to him what you write to me My Lord Kingston has embrac'd our good Party I was present when he Abjur'd in the Church of St. Denis I will give you the Circumstances some other time You promised to send me the Names of all Heretick Officers who are in his Majesty's Troops that much imports me and you shall not want good Catholick Officers to fill up their places I have drawn a List of them who are to pass into England and his most Christian Majesty approves thereof Pray observe what I hinted to you in my last on the Subject of the Visits which our Fathers must give to the Chief Lords Members of the next Parliament those Reverend Fathers who are to perform that Duty must be middle-aged with a lively Countâ—nance and fit to perswade I also advised you in some of my other Letters how the Bishop of Oxford ought to behave himself by writing incessantly and to insinuate into the People the putting down the Test and at the same time calm the Storm which the Letter of Pentionary Fagel has raised And his Majesty must continue to make vigorous Prohibitions to all Booksellers in London not to print any Answers as well to put a stop to the Insolency of Heretick Authors as also to hinder the People from reading them In short you intimate to me That his Majesty will follow our Advice It 's the quickest way and I cannot find a better or fitter to dispossess his Subjects from such Impressions as they have received His Majesty must also by the same Declaration profess in Conscience that if complied with he will not only keep his Word to maintain and protect the Church of England but will also confirm his Promises by such Laws as the Protestants shall be contented with This is the true Politick way for by his granting all they cannot but consent to something His most Christian Majesty has with great success experienced this Maxim And though he had not to struggle with Penal Laws and Tests yet he found it convenient to make large Promises by many Declarations for since we must dissemble you must endeavour all you can to perswade the King it is the only Method to effect his Design I did also in my last give you a hint of its Importance as well as the ways you must take to insinuate your selves dexterously with the King to gain his good Will. I know not whether you have observed what passed in England some Years since I will recite it because Examples instruct much One of our Assisting Fathers of that Kingdom which was Father Parsons having written a Book against the Succession of the King of Scots to the Realm of England Father Creighton who was also of our Society and upheld by many of our Party defended the Cause of that King in a Book Intituled The Reasons of the King of Scots against the Book of Father Parsons And though they seem'd divided yet they understood one another very well this being practised by order of our General to the end that if the House of Scotland were Excluded they might shew him who had the Government the Book of Father Parsons and on the other Hand if the King happened to be restored to the Throne they might obtain his good Will by shewing him the Works of Father Chreighton So that which way soever the Medal turn'd it still prov'd to the advantage of our Society Not to digress from our Subject I must desire you to read the English Book of Father Parsons Intituled The Reform of England where after his blaming of Cardinal Pool and made some observations of Faults in the Council of Trent he finally concludes That suppose England should return as we hope to the Catholick Faith in this Reign he would reduce it to the State of the Primitive Church And to that end all the Ecclesiastical Revenue ought to be used in common and the Management thereof committed to the care of Seven Wise Men drawn out of our Society to be disposed of by them as they should think fit Moreover he would have all the Religious Orders forbidden on Religious Penalties not to return into the Three Kingdoms without leave of those Seven Wise Men to the end it might be granted only to such as live on Alms. These Reflections seem to me very judicious and very suitable to the present State of England The same Father Parsons adds That when England is reduced to the True Faith the Pope must not expect at least for Five Years to reap any benefit of the Ecclesiastical Revenue but must leave the whole in the hands of those Seven Wise Men who will manage the same to the Benefit and Advancement of the Church The Court goes this day for Marli to take the Divertisements which are there prepared I hope to accompany the King and will entertain him about all Business and accordingly as he likes what you hint to me in your Letter I shall give you notice I have acquainted him with his Britannick Majesty's Design of building a Citadel near Whitehal Monsieur Vauban our Engineer was present After some Discourse on the Importance of the Subject his Majesty told Monsieur Vauban that he thought it convenient he should make a Model of the Design and that he should on purpose go over into England to see the Ground I have done all I could to suspend the Designs of our Great Monarch who is always angry against the Holy Father both Parties are stubborn the King 's natural Inclination is to have all yield to him and the Pope's Resolution is unalterable All our Fathers most humbly salute your Reverence Father Roine Ville acts wonderfully about Nismes amongst the New Converts who still meet notwithstanding the Danger they expose themselves to I daily expect News from the Frontiers of the Empire which I shall impart to your Reverence and am with the greatest Respect Yours c. Paris March 7. 1688. Popish Treaties not to be rely'd on In a Letter from a Gentleman at York to his Friend in the Prince of ORANGE's Camp. Addressed to all Members of the next Parliament THE Credulity and Superstition of
they are more proper for the Gravity of an Historian or the Authority of a Parliament to handle than for a private Gentleman in a Letter to his Friend The Bishops Papers and the Prince of Orange's Declarations are the best Memoires of them but they only begin where the two parts of the History of the growth of Popery and Arbitrary Government left off and how far we may trust to Catholick Stipulations Oaths and Treaties the Facts of past and the present Age are the best Criterions and Rules to guide and determine us for what happens every day will in all probability happen to morrow the same Causes always produce the same Effects and the Church of Rome is still the same Church it was an hundred Years ago that is a Mass of Treachery Barbariety Perjury and the highest Superstition a Machine without any Principle or setled Law of Motion not to be mov'd or stop'd with the weights of any private or publick Obligations a Monster that destroys all that is Sacred both in Heaven and Earth so Ravenous that it is never content unless it gets the whole World into its Claws and tears all to pieces in order to Salvation a Proteus that turns it self into all shapes a Chameleon that puts on all Colours according to its present circumstances this day an Angel of Light to morrow a Beelzebub Amongst all the Courts of Christendom where I have conversed that of Holland is the freest from Tricks and Falsehood and tho I am naturally jealous and suspicious of the Conduct of Princes yet I could never discover the least Knavery within those Walls it appear'd to me another Athens of Philosophers and the only Seat of Justice and Vertue now left in the World. As for the Character of the Prince of Orange it is so faithfully drawn by Sir William Temple Doctor Burnet and in a half sheet lately printed that I who am so averse from Flattery that I can scarce speak a good word of any Body or think one good thought of my self will not write any further Panegerick upon his Highness only that he is a very Honest Man a Great Souldier and a Wise Prince upon whose Word the World may safely rely A late Pamphleteer reviles the Prince with breaking his Oath when he took the Stat-holder's Office upon him not considering that the Oath was impos'd upon his Highness in his Minority by a French Faction then jealous of the aspiring and true Grandeur of his Young Soul that the States themselves to whom the Obligation was made freed his Highness from the Bond and that the Necessity of Affairs and the Importunities of the People forced that Dignity upon him which his Ancestors had enjoy'd and he so well deserv'd that he sav'd the sinking Common-wealth their Provinces being almost all Surpriz'd and Enslav'd by the French compared to the gasping State of Rome after the loss at Cannae His Highness was no more puft up with this Success than he had been daunted with Hardships and Misfortunes always the same Hero Just Serene and Unchang'd under all Events an Argument of the vastness of his Mind whereas on the contrary Mutability sometimes Tyrant sometimes Father of a Country sometimes Huffing other times Sneaking is often-times a Symptom of a Mean and Cowardly Soul vile and dissolute born for Rapine and Destruction As for the Princess she may without any flattery be stiled the Honour and Glory of her Sex the most Knowing the most Vertuous the Fairest and yet the best Natur'd Princess in the World belov'd and admir'd by her Enemies never seen in any Passion always under a peculiâ—r sweetness of Temper extreamly moderate in her Pleasures taking delight in Working and Study humble and affable in her Conversation very pertinent in all Questions charitable to all Protestants and frequenting their Churches The Prince is often seen with her at the Prayers of the Church of England and â—he with the Prince at the Devotion of his Church She dispences with the use of the Surplice bowing to the Altar and the Name of Jesus out of Compliance to a Country that adores her being more intent upon the Intrinsick and Substantial Parts of Religion Prayer and Good Works She speaks several Languages even to Perfection entirely obedient to the Prince and he extreamly dear to her In a word She is a Princess of many extraordinary Vertues and Excellencies without any appearance of Vanity or the least mixture of Vice and upon whose Promise the World may safely depend As for the many Plots and Conspiracies against this Royal Couple a short time may bring them all to light and faithful Historians publish them to the World. Lastly We may observe that whereas it hath been the Maxim of several Kings both at home and abroad of late Years to contend and outvie each other in preying upon and destroying not only their Neighbours but their own Protestant Subjects by all methods of perfidiousness and cruelty the only way to establish Tyranny and to enslave the natural Freedom of Mankind being to introduce a general Ignorance Superstition and Idolatry for if once People can be perswaded that Statues and Idols are Divinities and adorable and thaâ— a Waâ—er is the Infinite God after two or three ridiculous words utter'd by a vile Impostor and impudent Cheat then they may easily be brought to submit their Necks to all the Yokes that a Tyrant and a Priest can invent and put upon them for if once they part with their Reason their Liberty will soon follow as we behold every day in the miserable enslav'd Countries where Popery domineers On the contrary it hath always been the steady and immutable Principle of the House of Orange to rescue Europe from its Oppressours and to resettle Governments upon the Primitive and Immortal Foundation of Liberty and Property a Glorious Maxim taken from the Old Roman Common-wealth that Fought and Conquer'd so many Nations only to set them Free to Restore them wholsome Laws their Natural and Civil Liberties a Design so Generous and every way Great that the East groaning under the Fetters and Oppressions of their Tyrants flew in to the Roman Eagles for Shelter and Protection under whose Wings the several Nations liv'd Free Safe and Happy till Traitours and Usurpers began to break in upon the Sacred Laws of that vertuous Constitution and to keep up Armies to defend that by Blood and Rapine which Iustice would have thrown in their Face and punished them as they deserved the Preservation and Welfare of the People being in all Ages call'd the Supreme Law to which all the rest ought to tend From the foregoing Relation of matter of Fact it appears most plain that the Roman Catholicks are not to be ty'd by Laws Treaties Promises Oaths or any other bonds of Humane Society the sad experience of this and other Kingdoms declares to all Mankind the invalidity and insignificancy of all Contracts and Agreements with the Papists who notwithstanding all their Solemn Covenants
with us a Force sufficient by the Blessing of God to defend us from the Violence of those Evil Counsellors And We being desirous that our Intentions in this may be rightly understood have for this end prepared this Declaration in which as We have hitherto given a true Account of the Reasons inducing us to it so we now think fit to declare that this our Expedition is intended for no other Design but to have a free and lawful Parliament assembled as soon as possible and that in order to this all the late Charters by which the Elections of Burgesses are limited contrary to the Ancient Custom shall be considered as null and of no force and likewise all Magistrates who have been injustly turned out shall forthwith resume their former Imployments as well as all the Buroughs of England shall return again to their Ancient Prescriptions and Charters And more particularly that the Ancient Charter of the great and famous City of London shall again be in force and that the Writs for the Members of Parliament shall be addressed to the proper Officers according to Law and Custom That also none be suffered to choose or to be chosen Members of Parliament but such as are qualified by Law and that the Members of Parliament being thus lawfully chosen they shall meet and sit in full Freedom that so the two Houses may concur in the preparing such Laws as they upon full and free debate shall judg necessary and convenient both for the confirming and executing the Law concerning the Test and such other Laws as are necessary for the Security and Maintenance of the Protestant Religion as likewise for making such Laws as may establish a good Agreement between the Church of England and all Protestant Dissenters as also for the covering and securing of all such who will live peaceably under the Government as becomes good Subjects from all Persecution upon the account of their Religion even Papists themselves not excepted and for the doing of all other things which the two Houses of Parliament shall find necessary for the Peace Honour and Safety of the Nation so that there may be no more danger of the Nations falling at any time hereafter under Arbitrary Government To this Parliament we will also refer the Enquiry into the Birth of the pretended Prince of Wales and of all things relating to it and to the Right of Succession And We for our part will concur in every thing that may procure the Peace and Happiness of the Nation which a Free and Lawful Parliament shall determine since We have nothing before our Eyes in this our Undertaking but the Preservation of the Protestant Religion the covering of all Men from Persecution for their Consciences and the securing to the whole Nation the free Enjoyment of all their Laws Rights and Liberties under a just and legal Government This is the Design that We have proposed to our Selves in appearing upon this occasion in Arms In the Conduct of which We will keep the Forces under our Command under all the strictness of Martial Discipline and take a special care that the People of the Countries through which we must march shall not suffer by their means and as soon as the State of the Nation will admit of it We promise that We will send back all those Foreign Forces that we have brought along with us We do therefore hope that all People will judg rightly of us and approve of these our Pâ—oceedings but We chiefly relie on the Blessing of God for the Success of this our Undertaking in which We place our whole and only Confidence We do in the last place invite and require all Persons whatsoever all the Peers of the Realm both Spiritual and Temporal all Lords-Lieutenants Deputy-Lieutenants and all Gentlemen Citizens and other Commons of all Ranks to come and assist us in order to the executing of this our Design against all such as shall endeavour to oppose us that so we may prevent all those Miseries which must needs follow upon the Nations being kept under Arbitrary Government and Slavery and that all the Violences and Disorders which have overturned the whole Constitution of the English Government may be fully redressed in a FREE AND LEGAL PARLIAMENT And We do likewise resolve that as soon as the Nations are brought to a State of Quiet We will take care that a Parliament shall be called in Scotland for the restoring the Ancient Constitution of that Kingdom and for bringing the Matters of Religion to such a Settlement that the People may live easie and happy and for putting an end to all the injust Violences that have been in a course of so many Years committed there We will also study to bring the Kingdom of Ireland to such a State that the Settlement there may be religiously observed and that the Protestant and British Interest there may be secured And we will endeavour by all possible means to procure such an Establishment in all the three Kingdoms that they may all live in a happy Union and Correspondence together and that the Protestant Religion and the Peace Honour and Happiness of those Nations may be established upon lasting Foundations Given under our Hand and Seal at our Court in the Hague the Tenth day of October in the Year 1688. WILLIAM HENRY PRINCE OF ORANGE By His Highnesses special Command C. HUYGENS. His Highnesses Additional Declaration AFter We had prepared and printed this our Declaration we have understood that the Subverters of the Religion and Laws of those Kingdoms hearing of our Preparations to assist the People against them have begun to retract some of the Arbitrary and Despotick Powers that they had assumed and to vacate some of their unjust Judgments and Decrees The sense of their Guilt and the distrust of their Force have induced them to offer to the City of London some seeming Relief from their great Oppressions hoping thereby to quiet the People and to divert them from demanding a Secure Reestablishment of their Religion and Laws under the shelter of our Arms. They do also give out that we intend to Conquer and Enslave the Nation and therefore it is that we have thought fit to add a few words to our Declaration We are confident that no Persons can have such hard Thoughts of us as to imagine that we have any other Design in this Undertaking than to procure a Settlement of the Religion and of the Liberties and Properties of the Subjects upon so sure a Foundation that there may be no danger of the Nation 's relapsing into the like Miseries at any time hereafter And as the Forces we have brought along with us are utterly disproportioned to that wicked Design of Conquering the Nation if we were capable of intending it so the great Numbers of the principal Nobility and Gentry that are Men of Eminent Quality and Estates and Persons of known Integrity and Zeal both for the Religion and Government of England many of them
to be in such a Condition that they need fear nothing but the Almighty Power of God miraculously exerting it self as in the case of Sennacherib which they neither feared nor suspected The Non-resisting Doctrine had so ty'd the hands of the Church of England Men that they thought they might safâ—ly inâ—â—l over us and ridicule the Bond that bound us to our good Behaviâ—ur The Dissenters were as they thought so obliged by the Liberty of Conscience and the fulsom Applications they had made to them in many ill writ pieces and by the Favours â—eâ—â—owed on Pen and Lob the two Patriarchs as they would have been thought of that Party That they not only suspected no oppositions from them but really conceived they would have been more than Scaffolds in the ruining Design they had then on foot The Gentry were reduced to the utmost degree of Contempt and the Nobility who only were capable of putting a stop to such notorious and impolitick Encroachments on our Birth-rights and Liberties were not only closeted examin'd re-examin'd turn'd out of their Stations brow-beaten ridicul'd at Court and in short driven into the Country but they were also by all the Arts that were possible rendred odious to the Crown contemptible to one another and of no use to their Inferiours The Army which was the next great Engine to bring about their Design was managed with more Art than is commonly considered for first there was a Party of Roman Catholicks mixed with the Common Souldiers to be as it were Spies and Tempters to creep into all the places of their resort to observe their Words Looks and Actions and to take the opportunity of all their Needs Crimes Vices and Follies to pervert them and draw them over to the Church of Rome and in the mean time to secure them from contriving any thing that might interrupt their Projects upon us Secondly They punished all who deserted the Service with the utmost Rigour and Severity to keep up â—hâ—ir numbers And thirdly They sent them to quarter in those places that had in any degree refused to comply with their Wills and not only suffered but encouraged them to outrage and sometimes to murder their Hosts but to be sure in all places they very much impoverish'd those that entertain'd them and in the Interim they kept all in awe and quiet whilst the State-Mountebanks practised upon their Lives Consciences Liberties and Properties A People thus harassed and beset one would have thought had been consigned to Ruin and Destruction for where could our Deliverance begin The Parliament which is our last resort was at the same time practised on with all the Art and Address that the Wiâ— of Men or Dâ—vils could invent and he must be of a deep Reach or a Sanguine Complexion who in the beginning of September last could hope to see a â—ree and a quiet Parliament meet and sit one Month to represent with any degree of Liberty our deplorable State and Condition much less to redress any of our Grievances We had one Hope which if they had left us still we had certainly been as quiet and patiâ—nt as Iob himself and that was that the Princess Mary of Orange would when God thought fit succeed his Majesty and then we promis'd our selves a Day of Redemption from all our Calamities and Oppressions so that our Posterity would at worst see better days To deprive us of this remote Comfort that Scene was laid and the Lady of Loretto sollicited to procure a Prince of Wales to reduce us to an utter Desperation of any Redress for ever And now they thought they were so secure of the Day that they might attack the Heretical Bishops and the whole body of our Clergy at once and make them eat their own Dung in the Faces of their respective Congregations if they had comply'd the whole Nation would have abhorred them as a parcel of Cowards if they did not the Ecclesiastical Commission was to have mowed them down by whole sale and when the People had been once deprived of their faithful and learned Shepherds the Wolves in Sheeps-clothing hoped to have had much better Success than hitherto but the Bishops interposing so united the inferior Clergy that this Design proved abortive and the declaring the Bishops Petition a Seditious Libel and so much the more dangerous because penn'd with great Modesty and Humility so far opened the Eyes of all Men that the most Ignorant saw nothing less than the Extirpation of the Protestant Religion was aim'd at The Army however which was the great Wheel in this most dreadful Machine was for the most part Protestant and had express'd so much Joy at the acquittal of the Bishops in the Camp at Hownslow-Heath that they clearly saw till it was new-modell'd it could nâ—t bâ— relied on and therefore the French and Irish were to be invited over and the Companies changed by degrees and when six of the Oâ—ficers at Portsmouth had with the greatest Humility imaginable only desired leave to fill up their Companies with such Men of this Nâ—tion as they judged most serviceable to the King or otherwise that thâ—y might be permitted with all imaginable Duty and Respect to lay â—own their Commissions for this Offence they were brought up Prisoners to London and it was given out they should be hanged as perhaps they had been if Monsieur de Avaux's Memorial given in at the Hague had not come in that very Post to enlighten our little Statesmen and shew them their approaching Danger and yet after all the 10 th of September last they were cashier'd at Windsor And when the Storm from Holland seemed unavoidable with what Insolence did they treat the Eleven Proposals made by the Bishops and the Petition presented the 17 th of November last by the Bishops and Peers about the Town So that till the Army began to go over to the Prince of Orange and the greatest part of the Nation had declared for him No Parliament was to be thought of and the Dispensing Power was the most Sacred of all the Prerogatives of the Crown That we may not imagine all this was undertaken and entred upon without good Consideration of the Difficulties the Roman Catholicks were to met with I would desire the Reader to peruse a small Piece by them published in the Year 1685 during the first Session of Parliament of Iames the Second stil'd Salus Britannica or the Safety of the Protestant Religion against all the present Apprehensions of Popery in Folio The Design of which as the Author himself tells us is to examine what National Operation or Influence a Real Popish Crown'd Head can have over the Lives Liberties or Estates of English-men as now enjoyed and the Religion of the Kingdom as at present Establish'd and by confuting even the most substantial of their imagined Dangers to dissipate those false fears of Popery c. page 1. And in truth I believe no Man can deny but he has very effectually
Conscience sake If his Majesty now of Great Britain out of some deep Sense that he being a Roman Catholick cannot rule and be true to his Religion which he may suppose does oblige him to an Establishment thereof by all the ways and means of his Church though never so destructive to ours but it will be to the Hurt not Good of us who are Protestants hath been pleased to withdraw himself from his Government to make us more quiet and happy We are in all Gratitude to acknowledg his Piety Goodness and Condescention to be so much as very few of his Subjects could ever have suspected But if it be out of another Mind he hath done it We have still more Reason to bless Almighty God who does often serve his Providence by Mens Improvidence and cutting off Mens Ends from their Means he uses their Means to his own Ends when he is pleased to work Deliverance for a People as he hath at this Season so graciously and wonderfully done for Us that there is nothing more needful even to the most scrupulous Conscience than an humble and awful Acquiescence in the Divine Counsel to give Satisfaction in this Matter King IAMES the First his Opinion of a KING of a TYRANT and of the English Laws Rights and Priviledges In two Speeches The First to the Parliament 1603 the Second 1609. In his Speech to the Parliament 1603 he expresseth himself thus I Do acknowledg that the special and greatest Point of difference that is betwixt a Rightful King and an Usurping Tyrant is in this That whereas the proud and ambitious Tyrant doth think his Kingdom and People are only ordained for satisfaction of his Desires and unreasonable Appetites The Righteous and Iust King doth by the contrary acknowledg himself to be Ordained for the procuring of the Wealth and Prosperity of his People and that his great and principal worldly Felicity must consist in their Prosperity If you be Rich I cannot be Poor if you be Happy I cannot but be Fortunate And I protest your Welfare shall ever be my greatest Care and Contentment And that I am a Servant it is most true that as I am Head and Governour of all the People in my Dominion who are my natural Subjects considering them in distinct Ranks So if we will take in the People as one Body then as the Head is ordained for the Body aâ—d not the Body for the Head so must a Righteous King know himself to be ordained for his People and not his People for Him. Wherefore I will never be ashamed to confess it my principal Honour to be the great Servant of the Common-Wealth and ever think the Prosperity thereof to be my greatest Felilicity c. In his Speech to the Parliament March 21. 1609 he expresseth himself thus IN these our Times we are to distinguish betwixt the State of Kings in the first Original and between the State of settled Kings and Monarchs that do at this Time Govern in Civil Kingdoms For even as God during the Time of the Old Testament spake by Oracles and wrought by Miracles yet how soon it pleased him to settle a Church which was Bought and Redeemed by the Blood of his only Son Christ then was there a Cessation of both He ever after governing his Church and People within the Limits of his revealed Will. So in the first Original of Kings whereof some had their beginning by Conquest and some by Election of the People their Wills at that Time served for a Law yet how soon Kingdoms began to be settled in Civility and Policy then did Kings set down their Minds by Laws which are properly made by the King only but at the Rogation of the People the King 's Grant being obtained thereunto and so the King came to be Lex loquens a speaking Law after a sort binding himself by a double Oath to the Observation of the Fundamental Laws of his Kingdom Tacitly as by being a King and so bound to protect as well the People as the Laws of his Kingdom and expresly by his Oath at his Coronation So as every just King in a settled Kingdom is bound to observe that Paction made to his People by his Laws in framing his Government agreeable thereunto according to that Paction which God made with Noah after the Deluge Hereafter Seed-time and Harvest Summer and Winter Cold and Heat Day and Night shall not cease so long as the Earth remains And â—herefore a King Governing in a settled Kingdom leaves to be a King and degenerâ—tes into a Tyrant as soon as he leaves off to rule according to his Laws In which Case the King's Conscience may speak unto him as the poor Widow said to Philip of Macedon Either Govern according to your Law aut ne Rex â—is or cease to be King and tho no Christian Man ought to allow any Rebellion of People against their Prince yet doth God never leave Kings unpunished when they transgress these Limits For in that same Psalm where God saith to Kings Vos Dii estis Ye are Gods He immediately thereafter conclude But ye shall die like Men The higher we are placed the greater shall our Fall be Vt casus sic dolor as the Fall so the Griâ—f the taller the Trees be the more in danger of the Wind and the Tempest beats sorest upon the highest Mountains Therefore all Kings that are no Tyrants or Perjured will be glad to bound themselves within the Limits of their Laws and they that perswade them the contrary are Vipers and Pests both against them and the Common-Wealth For it is a great difference betwixt a King's Government in a settled Estate and what Kings in their Original Power might do in Individio vago As for my part I thank God I have ever given good proof that I never had Intention to the contrary And I am sure to go to my Grave with that Reputation and Comfort That never King was in all his Time more careful to have his Laws duly observed and himself to govern thereafter than I. That Just Kings will ever be willing to declare what they will do if they will not incur the Curse of God. I will not be content that my Power be disputed upon but I shall ever be willing to make the Reason appear of all my Doings and rule my Actions according to the Laws And afterwards speaking of the Common Law of England which some conceived he contemned saith to this purpose That as a King he had least cause of any Man to dislike the Common Law for no Law can be more favourable or advantageous for a King and extendeth further his Prerogative than it doth and for a King of England to despise the Common Law is to neglect his own Crown It is true that no Kingdom in the World but every one of them hath their own Municipal Laws agreeable to their Customs as this Kingdom hath the Common Law. Nay I am so far from disallowing the Common
Counsellors whom he had pardoned and was in Honour bound to protect them having himself forced them to be Criminals 3. The third was The consenting to the entire Ruin of Popery in England by hanging many of his Priests and Jesuits and banishing all the rest and pulling down all the Schools and Chappels they had erected all over England a sure Sign they were built upon an Immortal Prince of Wales though this was done before by the unaccountable Zeal of the Mobile 4. He foresaw such a Parliament would not only damn the Ecclesiastical Court that Beast with seven Heads and the Dispensing Power but would in all probability lessen his Revenue and bind up the Prerogative which his great Spirit could not bear 5. The Prince he foresaw would have demanded some Forts to be put into his Hands and the Parliament for their Security so said he If I stay I shall be but a Nominal King of England and only be an Instrument to ruin my Religion my â—riends the Monarchy and the Child also At first he alledged That the Disorders the Preparations to repel the Invasion caused would not suffer a Parliament to meet Secondly After the Prince was landed that all the Countries he had under him would not be free Thirdly That all that had joined with him ought not to sit but when he saw the whole Army and Nation the Roman Catholicks excepted of the same mind mere Force drove him to consent to Call a Parliament and when he had again considered the Consequences of it he at last resolved to throw up the Crown and Government all at once rather than to submit to all these Hardships He seems to have had at the same time a fluttering hope that 1. We should never be able long to agree after he had made it impossible for us to have a Legal Parliament by burning the Writs 2. That the Church of England Principles would when the fear and disorder was over form for him a potent Army in the Nation And 3. That the French King would lend him potent Forces and good store of Mony and if he recovered the Throne by force he should be freed of all these Miseries and have what he only wanted before a Popish Army to insure the Slavery of England for ever Now I would desire those Protestants who pretend now too late to be so zealous for him to consider whether what I have said would not have been expected from him by them for their Security and what they would have done had he called a Parliament and refused them all these things and have insisted That they should have taken his Word as to the Birth of the Prince of Wales have suffered him to have been educated in France and have suffered the Army the Prerogative the Ministers and the Revenues to have continued entirely as they were upon a Promise He would have used them better for the future If they say No They would have had the best Security that Law or Reason could have required Then all the hard things I have mentioned must have been granted them and I much question whether he would now return to the Throne on those terms If they say We ought however to have treated with him have offered him terms I say it would have come to a separate Treaty and the Church the Liberties of the Nation and the Government would have been ruined that way and when all had been done no Bond that he could have broken would have held him longer than the Necessity had continued The only Advantage we could pretend to have by the coming over of the Prince of Orange with an Army was to force the King to what he would never have yielded without that Force Now when he had accordingly passed his Word to the Nation in the Proclamation of the Thirtieth of November That there should be a Free Parliament and to the Prince of Orange in his Message by the three Lords That he would consent to every thing that could reasonably be required for the Security of those that come to it and yet without any Provocation would burn the Writs and resolve to withdraw his Person before these Lords couâ—d possibly return him any Answer for he promised the Queen to follow her who went away the day before him I say this breach of his Word so solemnly made and given both to the Nation and the Prince shew that he was not Master of himself but turned about by others whither they pleased Now suppose the Prince had suffered him to continue at Whiteâ—al and to call a Third Parliament what aâ—surance could he have given that in the end of another forty days we should not have the same trick play'd us and then in March or April have been left in the same state of Confusion we were in in December to the certain Ruin of these three Kingdoms and Holland into the bargain And when all had been done the Scruples would have been the same they are now the Obligations of the Oath of Allegiance the same and the sin of Deposing a Lawful Prince who resolved to do the Nation no Right would have been much greater and more scandalous than barely to take him at his Word and since he had left the Throne empty when he needed not to resolve he should ascend it no more Lastly Suppose the Prince had been Expelled by the King Would the King have then granted us what he would not grant us now Would he not have Disbanded his Protestant Army and have kept the Irish Forces in Pay and have every day encreased them What Respect would he ever after this have shewn to the English Laws Religion or Liberties when he had no longer any thing to fear The memory of what happened after the Monmouth defeat though effected only by Church of England Men will certainly never be forgotten by others whatever the Bigots of this sort of Loyalty may pretend or say That Expression of the Lord Churchil's in his Letter That he could no longer joyn with Self-interested Men who had framed Designs against His Majesty's true Interest and the Protestant Religion to give a pretence by Conquest to bring them to effect ought to be seriously considered by all the Protestants of the Nation This one Argument prevailed upon him when he ran the hazard of his Life Reputation and Fortunes and now they are all on the other side I should consider very seâ—iously if I were one of them what Answer I could make to this turned into a Question in the Day of Death and Judgment before ever I should Act the direâ—t contrary to what he has done For my part I am amazed to see Men scruple the submitting to the present King for if eveâ— Man had a just cause of War he had and that creates a Right to the thing gained by it the King by withdrawing and disbâ—nding his Army yielded him the Throne and if he had without any more Ceremony ascended it he had done no more