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A69887 A new history of ecclesiastical writers containing an account of the authors of the several books of the Old and New Testament, of the lives and writings of the primitive fathers, an abridgement and catalogue of their works ... also a compendious history of the councils, with chronological tables of the whole / written in French by Lewis Ellies du Pin.; Nouvelle bibliothèque des auteurs ecclésiastiques. English. 1693 Du Pin, Louis Ellies, 1657-1719.; Wotton, William, 1666-1727. 1693 (1693) Wing D2644; ESTC R30987 5,602,793 2,988

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death That if they part they shall continue under Penance as long as the Bishop shall think fit The thirteenth ordains That Jews shall not be Judges of Christians nor receivers of Taxes The fourteenth forbids them according to the Edict of Childebert to appear in publick from Holy Thursday till easter-Easter-day The fifteenth forbids Christians to eat with Jews The sixteenth declares That all Christian Slaves who serve Jews may redeem themselves for a price fix'd by the Canon and that their Masters cannot refuse to set them at liberty if they pay them the s●● The seventeenth That those who cause any to give a false Testimony and to swear falsly against others shall be excommunicated till death and those who commit these Crimes shall be declar'd infamous The third Council of Lyons and unworthy to be believ'd in any Testimony The eighteenth ordains That those who accuse the Innocent to their Prince shall be depos'd if they be Clergy-men or excommunicated if they be Lay-men until they have done Penance The nineteenth concerns a Nun who would give her Patrimony that she might come out of her Monastery or at least that she might live more freely She is declared to be excommunicated and all those who shall make the like Donations as well as those who accept them upon that condition The third Council of Lyons THe Archbishop of Lyons and seven other Prelates of France were present at this Council together with some Deputies in the Year 583 in the Month of May They made six Canons By the first Clergy-men are forbidden to keep in their Houses strange Women and those who are oblig'd to Celibacy are forbidden to have any familiarity with their Wives The second ordains That care shall be taken to signifie in the Letters which are granted to recommend Captives the day of their date the Price which is agreed upon the Necessity of the Captives and that care shall be taken to authorize them by Subscriptions which cannot be suspected The third decrees Excommunication against the Nuns who go out of their Monastery The fourth renews the Canons against forbidden Marriages The fifth forbids Bishops to celebrate the Feasts of Easter and Christmas any where but in their own Church The sixth ordains Bishops to take care of the Lepers of their Diocese and to give them something to clothe and maintain them that they may not run from City to City The second Council of Valentia held in 583. THis Council consisting of seventeen Bishops made an Act to confirm the Donations made by The second Council of Valentia in 583. King Gontranus and by the Queen Austegisildis his Wife and by his Daughters Clodeberga and Clotilda to the Churches of St. Marcellus and St. Symphorianus and all the rest The second Council of Mascon held in 585. THis Council was very numerous six Archbishops and seven and thirty Bishops were present at it in person together with twenty Deputies from other Bishops and three Bishops who had no The second Council of Mascon in 585. See They made twenty Canons The first is an Exhortation to the People for the holy Celebration of Sunday Let no Person say they prosecute any Suit of Law on this day let none follow their own business let none yoke Oxen but let all the World apply themselves to sing the Praises of God Let those who are near the Churches run thither to shed Tears there let your eyes and your hands be lifted up to the Lord c. Afterwards they decree Penalties against those who break the Sunday according to the state and condition of the Persons If he be an Advocate they order that he shall be driven from the Bar if he be a Peasant or a Slave that he receive some blows with a stick if he be a Monk that he be excommunicated for six Months Lastly they exhort Christians to spend even the night of Sunday in Prayers In the second it is ordain'd That the Feast of Easter shall be solemniz'd and that all shall refrain from servile Works for the space of six days The third Canon is for hindring the Custom which begun to grow common of baptizing on all the days of the Martyr's Festivals They ordain that Children shall be kept till Easter and that they shall be brought to Church during Lent that having received Imposition of Hands and afterwards being anointed with the Holy Oyl they may be regenerated at Easter with the holy Baptism The third Council of Toledo In the fourth it is ordain'd That Men and Women shall offer every Sunday Bread and wine at the Altar The fifth declares That the Divine Laws have granted to Priests and Ministers the tenth of their Possessions that the Christians have a long time observ'd these Laws but that of late for some time they have not been observ'd which oblig'd them to ordain that the Faithful revive this ancient Custom and give the Tenth to the Ministers of the Altar which shall be employ'd either for relieving the Poor or for redeeming Captives The sixth forbids Priests to celebrate Mass after they have eat and drunk It ordains also that the remainder of the Eucharist shall be eaten up on Wednesday and Friday after Mass by Children In the seventh it is ordain'd upon the Remonstrance of Praetextatus and Papoulus That the Bishops shall take the Slaves who are set at liberty into their protection and that they shall be Judges of the Differences which shall arise upon this occasion The eighth ordains That those who fly to Churches shall not be taken thence by force but if the Bishop finds them guilty he shall give leave to take them away without violating the holiness of the Church In the ninth they declare That it is not lawful for any Judge to take cognizance of the Causes of a Bishop and that they ought to be carried to the Metropolitan The tenth forbids to accuse Priests Deacons or Sub-deacons before other Judges then Bishops The eleventh recommends Hospitality to Bishops The twelfth does not allow a Judge to proceed against Widows and Orphans unless they advertise the Bishop The thirteenth forbids Bishops to keep Birds and Dogs for Game The fourteenth is against those who desire of Princes the Possessions of others that they may invade them without Forms of Law The fifteenth ordains Lay-men to show respect to Clergy-men and to salute them if they meet them on Horsback in the way to light off their Horse and salute them if they meet them on foot The sixteenth forbids the Widows of Sub-deacons Exorcists and Acolythists to marry again The seventeenth forbids to Inter the Dead upon Bodies that are half rotten The eighteenth threatens those who contract unlawful Marriages The nineteenth forbids Clergy-men to be present at the Executions of Criminals The twentieth ordains the Celebration of a Synod every three years which shall be appointed by the Bishop of Lyons and the King in a convenient place After this Council the King Goniranus made an Edict
she be poor and orders him to send the Inventory which he shall make to the Metropolitan In the Tenth they declare the Sons of Clergymen who were obliged to Celibacy uncapable of Inheriting The six following Canons are concerning Ecclesiastical Persons or such as are made free by the Churches and are not now in use The Seventeenth and last lays an Obligation upon the Jews who are newly converted to be present on their ancient feast-Feast-days in the Towns and Assemblies of Christians kept by the Bishop They conclude with making pious Wishes for King Receswinthe They appoint the next Council on the 1st of November following This Council is signed by Eugenius of Toledo and 15. Bishops by 3 Abbots by the Deputy of a Bishop and 4 Lords Therefore we ought not to wonder that these Councils should make Laws about Political Matters because they are properly Assemblies of the States authorized by the Prince in which the Civil Authority was joyned to the Ecclesiastical Power Council X. of Toledo in 656. THIS Council was held a Month later than it had been appointed It made seven Canons Council X. of Toledo In the 1st the Festival of the Virgin was appointed to be kept eight Days before Christmas By the 2d the Clerks or Monks which shall be found to have violated the Oaths taken to the King and the State are deprived of their Dignity yet so as that it shall be free for the Prince to restore them to it if he thinks fit By the 3d Bishops are forbidden to give Parochial Churches or Monasteries to their Kindred or Friends to enjoy the Revenues of them In the 4th it is ordered That Women who have embraced the state of Widowhood ought to make Profession of it in Writing before the Bishop or the Presbyter to take the Habit of it to keep it on always and to wear a Veil of a Black or Violet Colour The 5th decrees that those who leave the Habit of Widowhood after they have worn it shall be excommunicated and shut up in Monasteries The 6th orders That those Children whom their Parents caused to take the Tonsure or the Religious Habit shall be obliged to lead a Religious Life That nevertheless Parents cannot offer their Children before they be ten Years old and after that Age the Children's Consent is necessary The last Canon contains an Advertisement to disswade Christians from selling their Slaves to the Jews There was presented to this Council a Confession in Writing from Potamius Bishop of Braga who was accused of many Crimes They brought him before the Council he owned that Writing declared himself deeply guilty of those Faults and said that nine Months since he had relinquished the Government of his Church and shut himself up in a Prison to do Penance The Council being informed that he had had the carnal Knowledge of a Woman they declared That although according to the Ancient Rules he was to be wholly degraded and deprived of his Dignity yet out of compassion they left him the Title and the degree of a Bishop but they would have him to do Penance all his Life-time and they did chuse Fructuosus Bishop of Dumes to govern the Church of Braga in his room This Decree is put after the Canons of the Council and to it is annexed another Decree disannulling the Bequests of a Will made by Recimer Bishop of Dumes to the Prejudice of his Church This Council is subscribed by 3 Metropolitans Eugenius of Toledo Fugitinus of Sevil Fructuosus of Braga by 17 Bishops and 5 Bishops Deputies A Conference held in Northumberland in 664. THE chief occasion of this Conference related by Beda l. 3. c. 25. of his History was the Dispute about Easterday Colman maintained the Practice of the Britains and Wilfride A Conference in Northumberland that of the R●… King 〈◊〉 was present at it Wilfride founded his Practice upon the universal Custom of the Church which kept Easter on the same Day excepting the Picts and the Britains Colman would have defended their Practice by the Authority of S. John But Wilfride shewed him that he did not agree with this Apostle who kept Easter without staying for the Sunday which they did not follow seeing they staid till the Sunday next after the fourteenth Moon That they did not agree with S. Peter neither for this Holy Apostle kept Easter between the 15th and the 21st Moon whereas they would keep it from the 14th to the 20th so that they did sometimes begin this Feast at the end of the thirteenth Moon Colman alledged for his Defence the Authority of Anatolius Columba and the Ancients of his Country Wilfride answered That they did not agree with Anatolius who made use of the Cycle of nineteen Years which they were strangers to because that Author's Opinion was not that Easter was necessarily to be kept before the 21st Moon but that he had mistaken the fourteenth Moon for the fifteenth and the twentieth for the twenty first As to Columba and his Successors he would not condemn them that he was persuaded they might be excused for their Simplicity in a Time when no Body was able to instruct them But as for them they could have no Excuse if they refused the Instructions given them However that Columba's Authority was not to be preferred before S. Peter's to whom Christ gave the Keys of the Church and said Thou art Peter and upon this rock I will build my church The King struck with these last Words ask'd Colman if it was true that Christ said so to S. Peter Column having confessed it was true the King said That seeing S. Peter was the Door-keeper of Heaven he would not contradict him but would obey his Statutes This Decision was approved by the Company Colman and his Men withdrew refusing to yield to the Practice of the Romans about the keeping of Easter and the Tonsure about which there was also a Contest Men take such delight in Disputes about small Things Council of Merida Concililium Emeritense THIS Council made up of the Bishops of the Province of Portugal was assembled by the Order of King Receswinthe in the Year 666. After having prayed for the King Council of Merida they recited the Creed with the addition of the Holy Ghost proceeding from the Father and the Son Then they decree That on Holy Days they shall say Vespers in their Churches before they sing what they call the Sound that is the Venite exultemus which is thus called because it was sung with a loud sounding Voice In the third Chapter they ordain That whenever the King shall go to the Army the Bishops shall offer every Day the Sacrifice and put up prayers for him and his till his Return The decree in the fourth That Bishops after their Ordination shall give a Writing whereby they shall bind themselves to a chaste sober and honest Life The Metropolitans were to send this Writing to the Bishops of their Province and the Bishops
Sabbath nor the Jews to labour or trade on the Lord's Day not to eat in Lent with them not to eat any Flesh they have killed nor drink any Wine that they sell. Lastly not to converse familiarly with them nor trade with them because they daily Blaspheme the Name of Christ. Then he describes the insolence of the Jews because they found themselves upheld by the Authority of the Commissioners He beseeches him to hear the humble entreaty of Himself and Brethren and rectifie this disorder To this Petition he joyns a Letter written in his Name and in the name of Bernard Arch-bishop of Vienna and another Bishop called Eaof or Taof in which they produce the Authorities of the Fathers and Scripture to justifie the Severity they treated the Jews withall They relate the example of S. Hilary who would not salute them of S. Ambrose who writes that he would rather suffer Death than rebuild a Synagogue of the Jews which the Christians had burnt They add to these two Fathers S. Cyprian and S. Athanasius who wrote against the Jews Then they alledge the Canons of the Councils of Spain and Agda which forbid Christians to eat with the Jews and the Constitutions of the first Council of Masco which declares that according to the Edict of Childebert it is not permitted to the Jews to be Judges or Receivers of the publick Revenues nor to appear in publick in the H. Week and renew the prohibition given the Christians not to eat with them This is Confirmed by the Canons of the First and Third Councils of Orleans and the Council of Laodicea which forbids Christians to converse with them They forget not the Action of St. John who fled from the Bath in which he saw Cerinthus the Heretick entered who was an Heretick of the Sect of the Jews They accuse the Jews of their time to be worse than Cerinthus because they believed God Corporeal and had gross and false Notions of the Divinity allowed an infinite number of Letters and believed the Law to be written several Years before the World were perswaded that there are several Worlds and Earths introduced many Fables about the old Testament and uttered Blasphemy against Jesus Christ published the false acts of Pilate used the Christians as Idolaters because they hated the Saints and did infamous Actions in their Synagogues from whence they conclude that if they ought to separate themselves from Hereticks they ought with more Reason to have no commerce with the Jews which they maintain by several passages of H. Scripture 'T is very probable that Agobard went to Court about this Business He applyed himself to Three Persons who were in great Favour at Court viz. Adelardus Abbot of Corbey Vala the Son of Bernard Brother of Pepin and a Relation to the Emperour and Helesacharius Abbot of S. Maximus at Treves having complained before them of those that defended the Jews they brought him into the King's presence to relate it but he received no Satisfaction and was ordered to with-draw Being returned he consulted those Three Persons by a Letter what he should do with those Jewish Slaves who desired to become Christians and be Baptized He shews by several Reasons that he could not refuse to do it and that the Jews might have no ground of Complaint he says that he offer'd to pay them for those Slaves what was ordered by the ancient Laws But since the Jews would not receive that Price because they were perswaded that the Court Officers were their Friends he prays them to whom he wrote to direct him what to do upon that occasion about which he was much perplexed fearing on the one Side Damnation if he denyed Baptism to the Jews or their Slaves who desired it and on the other Side being fearful of offending the great Men if he granted it to them In Agobard's Letter to Nebridius Arch-bishop of Narbonne he shews how dangerous it is to hold a familiar converse with the Jews and tells him that he hath admonished his People of it all along his Visitation of his Diocess and boldly opposed the attempts of the Emperour's Commissioners Agobard presented another Petition to Lewis the Godly in which he prays him to abolish the Law of Gundobadus which ordered that private Contentions and Differences should be decided by a single Combat or some other proofs rather than by the Deposition of Witnesses He shews that that Law which was made by an Arrian Prince is contrary to the Spirit of the Gospel to that Charity that Christians ought to have one for another and to the peace both of Church and State He observes that it came neither from the Law nor Gospel That the Christian Religion was not established by such sort of Combats but on the Contrary by the Death of him that preached it That the most Wicked and Guilty have often overcome the more Just and Innocent He adds that Avitus Bishop of Vienna who had some Conferences about Religion with Gundobadus and converted his Son Sigismond disallowed this Custom He complains of the little Regard had to the Canons of the Church of France Lastly he says he could wish that all the Kings Subjects had but one Law but because he believed that impossible he desired he would abolish at least that Custom which was so unjust and so prejudicial to the State In the Treatise of the Privileges and Rights of the Priest-hood dedicated to Bernard Bishop of Vienna Agobard Treats of the Excellency of the Priest-hood He says that all Christians being Members of Jesus Christ who is our Chief Priest are Kings and Priests of the Lord. That in the beginning of the World the First Born were Priests and Sacrificers There he produces several Examples taken out of the Holy Scripture and many Authorities to shew that God hath often heard wicked Priests and had no regard to the Sacrifices of good ones because he looks chiefly upon the Dispositions of the Heart of those for whom they offer Sacrifices and that otherwise 't is not the Merit of the Priest nor his Person that God respects but his Ministery and Priest-hood For this Reason it is that wicked Priests may administer Sacraments which the most H. Lay-men cannot do And upon this account Men ought to hear and believe what the Priest teacheth if he do not corrupt the Doctrine of Jesus Christ for if he teach any thing that Christ hath not Commanded he that hears him saith Agobard is a Leper that follows another Leper a Blind Man lead by another Blind Man and consequently both of them ought to be driven out of the Camp and shall both fall into the Ditch This gives him occasion to cite several Texts of Scripture to exhort the Priests of the New Testament to behave themselves worthy of their Ministery and to complain of the Irregularities of his time He observes that the Great Lords of his time kept Domestick Priests in their Houses not to obey them but to employ them
Eusebius Epiphanius and St. Chrysostome and this Letter was made in all probability when the Original Acts were lost BUT we have reason to reject the Thirteen Epistles as well those of Seneca to St. Paul as the others Epistles of Seneca to St. Paul and of St. Paul to Seneca of St. Paul to Seneca as undoubted Forgeries altho' St. Jerome and St. Augustine seem to own them as Authentick For 1 These Epistles are not written according to the style of St. Paul nor in that of Seneca q Are not written according to the style of St. Paul nor in that of Seneca The style of those that are attributed to Seneca is Barbarous and full of words that are scarce Latin The Epistles ascribed to St. Paul do not suit with the Gravity of this Apostle and contain Complements rather than solid Instructions 2. It is declared therein that in the Fire that happened in Rome under Nero there were only 132 Houses burnt which is a manifest falshood since it is certain that a great part of the City was consumed as Tacitus informs us r As it is related by Tacitus He informs us that of Fourteen quarters of the City of Rome there remained but four entire that there were three the Houses whereof were wholly consumed that very little was left in the other Seven and that those that were left were half burnt 3. The date of these Letters is false s The Date of these Letters is false One of them is Dated under the Consulate of Apri●nus and Capit● that is Vipsanius and Capit● Five years before the burning of Rome and the other under the Consulate of Phrygius and Bassus But it was under the Consulate of Lecanius Bassus and Li●inius Cr●ssus that this Fire happened And the Letter is Dated in March whereas the Fire did not begin according to the report of Tacitus till May following 4. They contain nothing that is worthy of Seneca or of St. Paul t They contain nothing that is worthy of Seneca or of St. Paul There is scarcely one Moral Notion in those of Seneca or one Christian Precept in those of St. Paul Lastly it may be easily discerned that they were feigned by some Persons merely to gratifie their Fancy and to Exercise their Faculty of Invention A late Author acknowledging that the Epistles extant at this day under the Name of Seneca to St. Paul and of St. Paul to Seneca are counterfeit and yet not daring to affirm that St. Jerom and St. Augustine who believed them to be Genuine were deceived hath imagined that the real Letters of St. Paul to Seneca and of Seneca to St. Paul were lost since their time and that those that we now have in our Possession were substituted in their room But besides that the respect that we have for these two Fathers ought not to hinder us from believing that they might be mistaken in a matter of so little moment u In a Matter of so little moment It is certain that the Fathers have often cited Apocryphal and counterfeit Books as we have already shewn Natalis Alexander himself the Author of the Opinion which we now confute Confesses it and on the very same Account rejects the Epistle of Jesus Christ to Abgarus and that of Abgarus to Jesus Christ that are more Authorized by the ancient Writers than those Letters of Seneca it is also to be observed that they do not positively assert that those Epistles were Authentick but only that they were generally reputed to be so and that they were read under their Names x But only that they were generally reputed so to be St. Jerom in Catalog I reckon Seneca in the number of Ecclesiastical Authors by reason of certain Letters which are read by many under the Name of Seneca to St. Paul and of St. Paul to Seneca St. Aug. Ep. 14. now the 153. Seneca of whom certain Letters are read written to St. Paul But in Lib. de Civit. Dei Chap. 11. He declares that Seneca neither commended nor censured the Christians and that he hath made no mention of them therefore he did not believe that these Letters were his Moreover it might be easily demonstrated that the Letters which remain in our hands at present and those that were extant in the time of St. Jerom are the same for he declares that Seneca wished in one of his Epistles to be among his Followers what St. Paul was among the Christians which bears a great Analogy with what we find in the 11th Letter of Seneca to St. Paul y Which bears a great Analogy with that which we find in the 11th Letter of Seneca to St. Paul According to St. Jerom Optare se dicit servus ejus esse loci apud suos cujus sit Paulus apud Christianos ●n the 11th Letter of Seneca we find the following Expression Cum sis vertex Alt issimorum montium cac●men haud te indignum in prima facie Epistolarum nominandum censeas nam qui meus tu●s apud te locus qui tuus velim ut me●s If apud tu●s were put instead of apud te these words would express S. Jerom's Sense and they seem not to be capable of admitting any other however it is evident that he alludes to this place It is not known when or by whom these Epistles were forged and it is difficult to determine whether it were on their Account that there is this passage in the false Acts of the Passion of St. Linus that Seneca and St. Paul wrote divers Letters one to another or whether the Narrative of this Author gave the hint to those that forged these Letters as Cardinal Baronius conjectures LAstly among all the profane Monuments that might be quoted for the Confirmation of the Truth of the Christian Religion none seems to be more considerable than this passage of Josephus taken ●assage of Josephus concerning Jesus Christ. from Book 18. chap. 4. of his Jewish Antiquities wherein he declares That at that time there was a wise Man named JESUS if we may only call him a Man for he wrought many Miracles and taught the truth to those that received it with joy who had a great number of Disciples as well among the Jews as the Gentiles that he was the CHRIST and that being accused by the chief of his Nation he was crucified by Pilat's Order That nevertheless he was not abandoned by those that loved him because he had appeared unto them alive on the Third day as was foretold by the Prophets and that he was the Author of the Sect of the Christians which remains at this day This Testimony of Josephus is produced by Eusebius St. Jerome and several others after them as a Record very important for the establishing of the Christian Faith but in these later times when Matters began to be examined more accurately there have been and there are even at present many learned Men who maintain that this passage
nor the Profession of Miltiades he wrote a Book against the Montanists wherein he particularly maintains That a Prophet ought Miltiades c. not to speak in an Ecstasy or Fury a In an Ecstasie or fury This is taken from the Author against the Heresies of the Montanists in Eusebius Book 5. Chap. 17. and the meaning of it is that true Prophets ought never to deliver themselves in a Fury nor to be out of their right Senses as the Montanists were This likewise is the Rule which S. Chrysostom gives for distinguishing the False Prophets from the True Homil. 29. in Epist. ad Corinth 8. And S. Jerom in his Preface upon Nahum Non enim loquimur in Extasi ut Montanus Prisca Maximillaque delirant sed quod Prophetat liber est visionis intelligentis S. Jerom here uses the Term Ecstasie in the same sense with the Anonymous Author Eusebius affirms that he has left evident Proofs of his Skill and the Pains which he took in the Study of the Holy Scripture in those Books which he wrote against the Gentiles and the Jews each of which was divided into two Volumes And that besides these Discourses he wrote an Apology for the Christian Philosophy Dedicated to the Governors of the Provinces b To the Governors of the Provinces 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eusebius and S. Jerom understood these Words of Emperors but since there was but one in this Author's time it is more natural to explain this Expression by Governors of Provinces This Author lived under the Emperor Commodus There were at the same time two different Authors both of which were called Apollonius The false is a Greek Author who wrote against the Sect of the Montanists wherein he Confutes their last Prophecies step by step and Censures the Practice and Manners of those Hereticks Eusebius gives us a Fragment of it in Book V. Chap. 18. where he describes the Exorbitances of Montanus and his Prophetesses he accuses them for taking Sums of Money and Presents He particularly reprehends two Persons of this Sect who boasted of their being Martys Besides Eusebius observes that Apollonius says in this Book that it was forty years since Montanus invented his Prophecies that he makes mention of Thraseas who was a Martyr in his time and that he mentions a Tradition that Jesus Christ had given Orders to his Apostles not to go out of Jerusalem for twelve years The second Apollonius was of Rome a Senator of that City if we may believe S. Jerome c If we believe S. Jerom. Eusebius does not say that Apollonius was a Senator but S. Jerom affirms it in his Catalogue to Magnus We cannot tell whether he knew it certainly or whether it be onely by Conjecture that he says so But it is likely that it was upon the account of his being a Senator that the Praefectus Praetorio sent him back to the Senate to be Tryed there He was accused in the time of the Emperor Commodus for being a Christian and was brought into the Judgment-Hall before Perennis the Praefectus Praetorio His Accuser was Condemned d His accuser was condemned It was his Slave if we may believe S. Jerom and 't is very probable for he was condemned to have his Bones broken the ordinary Punishment of Slaves according to the Law of the Emperor which punished the Accusers of the Christians with Death and Apollonius was sent back to justifie himself before the Senate where he appeared and made a very Eloquent Oration in Defence of his Religion tho' notwithstanding that he was condemned to Death because there was an Ancient Law which ordain'd That those Christians who were once judicially accused for their Religion should not be acquitted if they did not forsake it S. Jerome says that he Composed this Oration to Present to the Senate But Eusebius assures us on the contrary that he spoke it before them But whether he wrote it with a design to speak it or that the Christians had taken care to preserve it it was extant in Eusebius's time among the ancient Acts of the Sufferings of the Martyrs The same Esebius gives us a Fragment of an Anonymous Author against the Heresie of Montanus This by some is attributed to Apollinarius and by S. Jerome sometimes to Rhodon and sometimes to Apollonius Tho' it was not written by either of these Authors but by one more modern who lived as we have said after the Death of Montanus and his Prophetesses It was divided into five Books Eusebius relates some Passages taken from the First Second and Third In that which is taken from the first Book the Author describes the furious Transports of Montanus and his Prophetesses and those who pretended to Prophecy In the Passages taken from the second Book he says That Montanus and Maximilla killed themselves that Theodotus likewise threw himself down head-long and that very Holy Bishops as Zoticus of Comana and Julian of Apamia being willing to Convict the Prophecies of Maximilla of Imposture were hindred by some who favoured that Sect. He adds that Maximilla foretold before she died Wars and Persecutions and yet that after her Death both Church and State enjoyed perfect Peace and Tranquility In the Passage taken from the third Book he says That the Martyrs of which they boast cannot justifie themselves since even the Marcionites likewise have made the same Pretences But that the Martyrs of the Church do carefully avoid Communicating with those of this Sect as has been practised in the City of Apamia by the Martys named Alexander and Caius who were of Eumenia Moreover in the following Chapter Eusebius relates a Passage taken from the same Book where he says That all the Prophets which have been since the time of the New Testament such as Agabus Judas Silas the Daughters of Philip Quadratus were not agitated by the same Spirit of Prophecy as Montanus and Maximilla whose False and Lying Prophecies were made in a sudden Heat accompanied with Lewdness and Impudence which took its Rise from Ignorance and ended in Involuntary Folly But that in the ancient Prophecies nothing like this was to be found That since the time of Maximilla and Montanus there has not been any Person of this Sect who could boast of being a Prophet whereas the true Gift of Prophecy ought to be always in the Church The other Author whereof Eusebius gives us a Fragment without naming him in the fifth Book of his History Chap. 28. had written a Discourse against the Heresie of Artemo who believed that Jesus Christ was only a meer Man It is related in this Fragment that those of this Sect affirmed that till Victor's Days the true Apostolical Doctrine was preserved but that it was corrupted from the time of Zephirinus Which possibly may be somewhat probable says this Author if what they assert had not been first confuted by the Holy Scripture and secondly by the Writings of those Christians who were more ancient than
of his first Book of Illustrious Men. In the Poem against Marcion hh In the Poem against Marcion Tertullian in his Book De Animâ chap. 57. says that it was not the Soul of Samuel but only a Phantasm which the Witch raised up and the Author of the Poem in his third Book supposes that it was Samuel himself that was raised to acquaint Saul what was to befall him Tertullian in his Book of Praescriptions makes S. Clemens to succeed S. Peter but this Author places him the Fourth making two Popes of Cletus and Anacletus there are some Opinions different from those of Tertullian There is likewise a Poem to a Senator in Pamelius's Edition one of Sodom and one of Jonas and Ninive in the Bibliotheca Patrum of which we do not know the Authors the first is ancient and the other two seem to be written by the same Author Besides S. Jerom affirms that Tertullian writ several other Treatises which were lost in his time and amongst others a Book Of the Habits of Aaron whereof this Father speaks in his Letter to Fabiola He quotes likewise a Book Of the Circumcision another Of those Creatures that are Clean and of such as are Unclean a Book concerning Extasie and another against Apollonius Tertullian himself cites several other Treatises of his own composing as in his Book Of the Soul a Discourse concerning Paradise and in his Book Of the Testimony of the Soul chap. 2. a Discourse Of Destiny and in another place a Book concerning The Hope of the Faithful and another against Apelles He had also composed a former Work against Marcion which being lost in his own time he was obliged to write a new one Lastly he wrote the Discourses Of Baptism Of Publick Sights and Spectacles and that wherein he proves That Virgins ought to be veil'd in Greek But we have said enough of Tertullian's Works as to what relates to Criticism and Chronology we will now look upon them with relation to what they contain And considering them thus we may distinguish them into three Classes The first comprizing those which were written against the Gentiles The second those which were made against Hereticks And the third those which relate to Discipline and Manners The first Book of this first Classis is his Apology against the Gentiles wherein he shews the Injustice of those Persecutions and Sufferings which they inflicted on the Christians and the Falshood of those Accusations which were laid to their Charge and at the same time proves the Excellency of their Religion and the Folly of that of the Heathens He begins by shewing that there is nothing more unjust or opposite to the very intent and design of Laws than to Condemn without Understanding and to Punish without considering whether there be any just Ground for such a Condemnation And yet that this is put in practise every day against the Christians that they are Hated Condemned and Punished merely upon the account of their being Christians without eve● considering or giving themselves the trouble to be informed what it is to be a Christian. That there are indeed some Laws made by the Emperors which forbid Men to be Christians but that these Laws are Unjust subject to Alteration made by Evil Emperors and contrary to the Opinions of the Justest and Wisest amongst them He afterwards confutes the Calumnies which were spread abroad against the Christians as that they used in their Night-Meetings to cut a Child's Throat and to devour it and that after they had put out the Candles they had filthy and abominable Conversations amongst themselves He shews that there is not only so much as the least Proof of these Crimes alledged against them but that their Life their Manners and the Principles of their Religion were directly opposite to these Abominations We are says he beset daily we are continually betrayed we are very often surprized and oppressed even in the very time of our Meetings But did they ever find this Child dead or a dying Was there ever any one that could be a Witness of these Crimes Has ever any one of those who have betrayed us discovered these things Besides he presses the Heathens further by shewing that these Crimes were frequently committed amongst themselves that they have slain Children in Africa in Honour of Saturn and that they have sacrificed Men in other places that their Gods have been guilty of a thousand shameful and abominable Practises whereas the Christians are so far from killing a Child and drinking its Blood that they do not so much as eat the Flesh of those Beasts that have been strangled and that they are such inveterate Enemies to all kind of Incests that there are several amongst them who preserve their Virginity all their Lives After having thus confuted those Calumnies which were set on foot on purpose to render the Christians odious he gives an Answer to that Objection which was made to them That they did not own the Pagan Deities and that they did not offer up Sacrifices to them for the Prosperity of their Emperors from whence they concluded that they were guilty of Sacriledge and Treason He answers in a word that the Christians did not pay any Honour to the Gods of the Heathens because they were not true Gods and he appeals for a Testimony of this to the Consciences of the wisest of the Heathens themselves He evidently demonstrates that their pretended Gods were Men and for the most part Criminals that were dead and that their Images cannot be Adored without the greatest Folly and Madness in the World that even the Wisest of the Heathens despised them He occasionally confutes what has been objected by some to the Christians that they worshipped an Asses Head and adored Crosses And from thence he takes occasion to explain the Doctrine of the Christians We Adore says he One only God the Creator of the World who is Invisible and Incomprehensible who will Recompence Good Men with Everlasting Life and Punish Wicked Men with Eternal Torments after he has raised them from the Dead He proves this Truth by the whole Creation which so evidently demonstrates that there is a God That it is says he the greatest Wickedness that can possibly be conceived not to acknowledge him of whom 't is impossible that we can be ignorant even by the very Dictates which Nature inspires into all Men which oftentimes cause them to Invoke the True God as when we say If God thinks good if God pleases God sees us and the like And this he calls The Testimony of a Soul that is naturally Christian Testimonium Animae naturaliter Christianae Lastly by the Antiquity of the Books of Moses which are more ancient than all the Writings of the Greeks and by the Authority of the Prophets who foretold those Things that were to come to pass Then after having proved the Unity of God which the Jews acknowledge as well as the Christians he goes on to that Faith
Account of the Belief of the Fathers in this Matter That their Opinion was widely distant from that of the Church of Rome in this Point This first Letter was soon followed by another mentioned by him in his sixth Epistle wherein he commends the Confessors for their Courage and exhorts them to do nothing unworthy of such glorious beginnings Monsieur Lombert is of Opinion that it is lost whereas the Editor of the English pretends that it is the eighty first Letter which Pamelius supposes to have been written during his last Exile but it is more probable that this Letter was written in his first because he there excuses his Absence which he would never have done in his last where he was o Detained against his Will The Five and thirtieth Letter is placed after this in the Edition lately put out in England but it seems to me to have been written towards the end of the Persecution because he there speaks of his Return We are to pass the same Judgment upon the Sixth and Seventh and the fifth which were all written at the same time detained against his Will It happened at this time that a Subdeacon of Carthage named Clementius who had gone to Rome towards the beginning of the Persecution came back to Carthage bringing two Letters with him from the Clergy of Rome during the Vacancy of that See by the Death of Fabian One of them was directed to St. Cyprian and gave him Intelligence of the Martyrdom of Fabian Bishop of Rome the other was addressed to the Clergy of Carthage exhorting them to take care of the Flock of Jesus Christ in the Absence of their Pastor and encouraging the Faithful to continue stedfast in the Faith of Jesus Christ and to raise up those who had the Misfortune to fall to look after the Prisoners the Needy the Widows and Catechumens to reconcile the relapsed Penitents at their Death to the Church and to bury the Budies of the Martyrs It reproached the Pastors who abandoned their Flock in the time of Persecution which Passage seems indirectly to condemn St. Cyprian's Retreat This Letter is the second in the Order of Pamelius St. Cyprian answered this Letter of the Roman Clergy by congratulating them for the glorious Martyrdom of St. Fabian and having received a Copy of the Letter which the Clergy of Rome had writ to his though it was both without Inscription and Subscription yet he sent to Rome to know whether this Letter was really writ by the Clergy of that City giving them to understand that he was concerned at their seeming to disapprove his Retreat This is the third Letter Some time after this the Proconsul coming to Carthage persecuted the Christians after a cruel manner causing some of the Prisoners to be put to Death and among the rest Mappalicus who suffered Martyrdom on the 17th day of April St. Cyprian being informed of this made use of their Example to encourage the other Confessors to imitate their Constancy and Generosity and this he did in the 8th Letter At the same time also he writ the 36th addressed to his own Clergy to whose Care he recommends the Confessors that were in Prison requiring them to inter the Bodies of those who died there to reverence them as Martyrs and to send him word of the Day of their Death that he might offer Sacrifices in remembrance of them Some of the Christians being then returned home from their Exile without receiving Orders to do it St. Cyprian writ a Letter to them which is the 8th according to Pamelius's Account wherein he takes occasion to blame their Conduct Mr. Dodwell in his 5th Dissertation upon St. Cyprian tells us what kind of Sacrifices these are They could not be offered as Propitiations because the Church believed the Martyrs were already Blessed They were only Anniversary Celebrations of the Memory of the Martyrdom of those who suffered so gloriously for the Faith Thus all the Saints were also remembred in the Diptychs of the Church Thus the Patriarchs Prophets Apostles and the Blessed Virgin her self though no Man ever thought they could stand in need of the Prayers of the Faithful But the Christians were careful even in the most Primitive Times to pay all possible Honours to the Memories of those who made a glorious Confession of the Faith The Acts of St. Polycarp's Martyrdom which are the oldest we have shew how solicitous the Christians of Smyrna were to have his Ashes not to worship them as they themselves declare but by paying the last Respect to them that was possible to shew how willing they should have been to suffer in the same Cause if they had had an equal Call Nay all Christians that dy'd in the Communion of the Church had in those early Ages some Honours paid to them after their Death Therefore St. Cyprian commanded that no Honour should be paid to Geminius Victor because he had left Geminius Faustinus a Priest his Executor by his Will And so Du Pin's Words when he speaks of this Business afterwards are to be understood for the same Phrases are used when he speaks of the Commemoration of Martyrs Aniversaries and of this of Geminius Victor there forbidden The Persecution that still continued as it augmented the Number of Martyrs so it augmented the Number of the Lapsed that is to say of those Christians who were so weak as to deny the Faith of Jesus Christ and offer Incense to Idols or else such as to avoid Persecution got Certificates or Attestations under the Hands of some Judge to certifie that they had sacrificed Now those who had once fallen away being thrown out of the Church and excluded from Communion addressed themselves to the Martyrs whose Credit and Authority in the Church at that time was extraordinary who gave them Tickets wherein they desired that they might be admitted to Reconciliation They writ to St. Cyprian on the same account praying him to take this their Desire into consideration and to receive these Persons whom they recommended whenever the Church should be in Peace But some of them happening to abuse these Tickets of the Martyrs demanded to be reconciled immediately and addressing themselves to Felicissimus and some other Priests who were Enemies to St. Cyprian received Absolution from their Hands St. Cyprian being informed of these irregular Proceedings after he had continued some time in silence writ a Letter full of Zeal and Earnestness to his Priests and Deacons this is the ninth wherein he severely reproves the Priests who forgetting their Rank and the Duty they owed their Bishop had rashly absolved those who had fallen into Idolaty He reproaches them with deceiving the Faithful inasmuch as they reconciled them before they had done Penance for their Transgression He remonstrates to them that if in Sins of less Scandal and Consequence it is necessary to undergo publick Penance for some considerable time before the Party offending is re-admitted into the Church by Imposition of Hands from
Thapsus to ordain a Bishop about the Case of some Penitents in the City of Thapsus who having generously confessed Jesus Christ had at last yielded to the Violence of their Torments but had done Penance for it three years afterwards he answers them in the Two and fiftieth Letter that in his Opinion they ought by no means to refuse Pardon to such sort of Persons that their generous Confession ought to attone for the Infirmity of the Flesh and that since it had been judged expedient to grant Reconciliation at the Hour of Death to all those that had fallen we ought to shew greater Indulgence to those who had maintained the Combat a long time than to those who had yielded merely through Cowardise Nevertheless since this was a Question of great importance he promises to propose it to the Synod that was to meet about Easter About this time also he writ against Fortunatianus who had been Bishop of Assuri his Sixty third Letter directed to Epictetus who was Elected in his Place and to the People of that City This Fortunatianus had the unhappiness to fall into Idolatry and was upon that account divested of his Bishoprick After his Deprivation he laboured earnestly to re-possess himself of it and to perform his respective Functions as formerly St. Cyprian condemns these Proceedings in this Letter wherein he demonstrates how necessary a thing Sanctity is to make our Sacrifices acceptable and advises the People not to suffer him to exercise his Office but to separate from him in case he continued in his Design Towards the end of this Letter he exhorts the Penitents that were amongst them not to be impatient at the length of their Penance but to endeavour to satisfie God and to continue knocking at the Gate of the Church Which Passage evidently discovers that it was writ before the Decree of the Council of Carthage which granted Absolution to all Penitents This Council was held in the Year 253 about the time that the Emperors Gallus and Volusian dispatched Letters to all Parts to oblige the People to Sacrifice to Idols so that the Christians had reason enough to apprehend a general Persecution Now to encourage them the more to fight against the Enemies of their Faith the African Bishops thought it convenient to grant Reconciliation to those who were in a State of Penance since their Fall and having accordingly determined it in this Assembly they writ a Letter to Cornelius which is the 53d amongst those of St. Cyprian to acquaint him with their Decree and to advise him to do the like They represented to him that though they had resolved to prolong the Penance of Apostates and not to reconcile them till the Hour of Death yet since they were informed that the Church was going to be persecuted they judged it expedient to strengthen the Christians that so they might the better bear the Attacks of their Enemies and to animate them to the Combat by giving them the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ which would inspire them with Vigour to suffer Martyrdom couragiously That if there were any Bishops who thought themselves obliged to do otherwise it would certainly lye at their Doors to render an Account to God of so ill-timed a Severity that as for themselves they had only done what they owed to Charity as well as to their own Consciences by declaring that the time of Persecution drew near and not hiding that which God had revealed to his Servants A little after this Decree St. Cyprian writ an excellent Letter to the Thibaritans which is the 55th in Pamelius's Order wherein he exhorts them in a very vigorous and moving manner to suffer undauntedly for Jesus Christ. Some time after St. Cyprian being informed that Cornelius was sent into Banishment with many of the Faithful of Rome he writ immediately to him to congratulate him upon the account of his Constancy which he had so visibly shewn by being the first of his Church that confessed the Name of Jesus Christ He extols his Action and from thence takes oceasion to triumph over Novatian saying that the Confession of Cornelius had evidently discovered which of those two was the true Bishop and that the Constancy of those who had fallen away in Decius's Persecution sufficiently proved that there was good reason to reconcile them to the Church At last he exhorts Cornelius to pass Night and Day with all his People in Fasting Watching and continual Praying because the Day of Combat and Triumph was at hand It was perhaps at this time that is to say towards the end of the Reign of Gallus and Volusian that the Empire being invaded on all sides by the Barbarians and several Christians happening to be taken Captives by them in Numidia the Bishops of that Country contributed to redeem them and wrote to St. Cyprian desiring him to assist them in that Conjuncture St. Cyprian intimates to them in the 59th Letter that he was extremely afflicted at the Misfortune that had befall'n his Brethren that Christians being all Brothers one to another ought to be concerned at the Captivity of the Faithful who were carried away Prisoners as much as if it were their own Case That their Suffering ought to represent to them the Person of Jesus Christ who made himself a Captive to deliver us from the Captivity wherein we were inthraled That the extreme Peril of the Virgins who were consecrated to God and had reason to apprehend the loss of their Virginity was a convincing Motive to hasten their Delivery He tells them therefore that he returns them his Thanks because they were willing to let him have a Share in their Works of Charity and for giving him a fertile Field to cast his Seed in that so he might one day reap a plentiful Harvest out of it That all the Christians of his Church had readily and liberally contributed to raise a Sum of Money upon this Occasion That he had sent them this Sum which amounted to an Hundred thousand Sesterces that is to say the 7500 Livres to distribute it as they should think fit and together with it the Names of those who had contributed towards it that so they might remember them in their Prayers and Sacrifices Lucius who was Elected Bishop of Rome after the Death of Cornelius being now returned from his Exile where he had been sent immediately after his Election St. Cyprian writ the 57th Letter wherein he congratulates him at the same time both upon the Score of his Banishment and his Return as he had before writ a Letter to him to Compliment him for s His Election and glorious Confession The English Annalist says that this Letter was written before the Death of Gall●s and Volufian in 252 because St. Cyprian there speaks of the Persecution as not being quite over or at least as being still to be feared but this does not prove that Lucius returned before their Death but only that though these Emperors were dead there was
judge our Actions After this Proposition the Bishops gave their Opinions and concluded all in Favour of St. Cyprian The Persecution of Valerian that was raised against the Church in the Year 257 put an end to the Controversie about the Baptism of Hereticks This Emperor who was pushed on by Marcianus a professed Enemy to the Christians and a great Protector of the Aegyptian Superstitions declared himself against the Christians and published an Edict against them in July that very Year whereby he prohibited them to meet in the Coemeteries or any where else upon Pain of Death Pope Stephen having been found in a Coemetery contrary to the Emperor's Prohibition suffered Martyrdom for it on the Twentieth of August the same Year and z St. Xystus was Elected in his Place This Persecution lasted forty two Months according to St. Denis of Alexandria and Valerian was taken by the Persians in 261 so it began about July 257. Xystus was Elected in his Place On the 30th day of the same Month. St. Cyprian generously confessed the Christian Faith before Paternus the Proconsul and was banished to Curubis At the same time the Praefect of Numidia condemned several Christians to the Mines and amongst the rest many Bishops and Priests of his Province after he had put some of them to Death and ordered others to be scourged St. Cyprian from the place of his Exile sent them a Letter which according as Pamelius has distributed them is the 76th and is the first of the 4th Part of St Cyprian's Letters In it with wonderful Eloquence he heightens the glory of their Confession and encourages them to suffer with Constancy He comforts them in their difficulties and principally the Priests that were not able to offer Sacrifice in those places by representing to them that they themselves continually offer'd up their own Bodies as living Sacrifices to the Lord. He excites them at last to use more fervency in their Prayers that so God may give Grace to all the Confessors to finish their Course couragiously in order to be crown'd with everlasting Glory He sent this Letter to three different places where these Holy Confessors were dispersed and remitted some Money to them to supply their present Extremities It appears by the answers they made him what Consolation and Joy this Letter gave them in the midst of their Sufferings These Answers are the 77th 78th and 79th Letters written from three several places in which they return him their Thanks for his great Charity and Kindness in a simple unaffected Style and assure him that his Letter had raised their declining Spirits healed their Wounds and rendred their pressures more light and supportable to them The 80th Letter which is directed to the Confessors in Prison was rather writ in his first Exile than in this as we have observed after the Author of the English Edition The 81st was writ at the beginning of the year 258 after the Death of Pope Xystus and the return of St. Cyprian It is addressed to one Successus a Bishop and in it he sends him word That he was informed by some Letters he had received from Rome that Valerian had directed a Rescript to the Senate by which he ordered all Bishops Priests and Deacons to be put to Death without delay and that the Senators the Roman Knights and all other Persons of Quality who were Christians should be deprived of their Offices and Estates and that if they continued after this Edict to make Profession of the Christian Religion they should be condemned to Die That the Ladies should not only forscit all their Fortunes but ●e Banished and that those of Caesar's Houshold should be sent to Prison He adds that this Emperor had dispatched Letters to the Governors of Provinces wherein he enjoyn'd them to Punish the Christians with all Rigour and Severity who daily expected to see these Orders put in Execution against them That Pope Xystus had suffered Martyrdom on the sixth day of August and one Quartus along with him That the Praefects of the City of Rome were very violent against the Christians causing some of them to be executed every day and that they confiscated the Goods of all those that were presented before them In fine he desires this Bishop to communicate the news to the rest of his Brethren that all Christians might prepare themselves the better for the Combat The last Letter of St. Cyprian is that which he writ a little before his Martyrdom when he with-drew from his Gardens where he was ordered to Reside because he received information that the Pro-consul had sent some Soldiers to carry him away to the City of Utica and he was not willing to suffer Martyrdom in a place distant from his own Church and People But least this retirement should be interpreted to proceed from a fearful degenerous Spirit he acquainted his Clergy and People with the reasons that moved him to preserve himself and at the same time conjures them not to raise disturbances but to preserve Peace and Unity and that no body should be permitted to present himself of his own accord to the Gentiles since it was sufficient to speak courageously when they were apprehended by them Besides these Letters of St. Cyprian the time of whose writing we know there are five others that respect some points of Discipline and have no certain Date The Author of the English Edition has placed four of them at the head of all the Letters and affirms that they were written by St. Cyprian before his first Banishment in the Year 246. The first which is the Sixty Sixth in Pamelius's Order is directed to the Clergy and People of Furni and is writ against one Geminius Victor who by his Will had nominated a Priest called Geminius Faustinus to be Guardian to one of his Relations He sends them word That both himself and his Colleagues were extremely surprized when they were informed of it because it had been prohibited long before by a Council of Bishops to name any Clergy-man in a Will to be a Guardian or Executor since those that were honoured with the Priesthood and undertaken the Office of Clerks ought only to serve at the Altar and the Holy Sacrifices and should not take any other employment than that of Praying to the Lord. He shews them that for this very reason the Laity supplied them from time to time with all things necessary for Life as in the time of the Old Testament they paid Tithes to the Levites and Priests He concludes that since Victor had violated a Constitution made some time ago by a Council they ought not to Pray for him after his Death or suffer his Memory to be honoured in the Prayers of the Church The second which is the Sixty first in Pamelius's Order was writ upon the occasion of an Actor upon the Stage who after he had turned Christian continued to follow his Profession St. Cyprian tells Eucratius who had consulted him to know
very different because the Good after their Death are sent into a place of Refreshment whereas the Wicked are thrown headlong into a place where they are Tormented for ever that the first dye to be put into a better state of security and the last to be more severely punished That Sicknesses prepare us for Martyrdom and make us Martyrs of Jesus Christ that for this reason we ought not to be afflicted because they deprive us of the glory of Confession since not to mention that it does not depend upon our selves to be Martyrs and that it is the Grace of God to let us dye with a Will of suffering Martyrdom God will crown us as if we had really suffered it That it would be to no purpose to beg of God that his Kingdom may come if the Captivity wherein we are does still please us That we ought not to bewail those of our Brethren whom God has taken to himself since we have not lost them and they have only gone a Journey before us which we are all to make one time or another That we do in some sort distrust the promises of Jesus Christ if we concern and afflict our selves at the Death of our Neighbours and Friends as if they were no more and that we ought rather to rejoyce that they are passed into a better Life and enjoy a state of repose and tranquillity that will never end At last he exhorts all Christians heartily to wish for the happy day of their Death which will free them from the exile of this Life and give them admission into the Kingdom of Heaven which is their Country where they will be everlastingly in the Company of the Saints and with Jesus Christ. His Treatise to Demetrianus hh After the Death of Gallus and Volusian This Treatise was written during the Plague to shew that the Christians were not the cause of it He there speaks of the late Fall of Kings which is to be understood of the Death of Gallus and Volusian who were killed by their Soldiers a Judge in Africa was likewise composed during the rage of this Pestilence immediately after ii Judge It has been commonly believed that he was Proconsul But the Author of the English Edition has very well observed that St. Cyprian does not speak to him as to a Proconsul and that what he says of him viz. that he often came to him to dispute with him and that he drew several Persons over to his Party is by no means suitable to the Character of a Sovereign Magistrate of Africk the Death of Gallus and Volusian He there refutes a Calumny which the Pagans frequently formed against the Christians for being the cause of those Wars Famines Plagues and other Calamities that wasted the Roman Empire He shews that those misfortunes that daily happen in the World which grows old every day ought to be rather attributed to the Crimes and Impiety of Men and that the Christians were so far from being the occasion of them because they did not adore false Gods that the Pagans rather drew down all these heavy Visitations upon Mankind because they did not Worship the true God and Persecuted those that Worship'd him That all this was the immediate hand of God who to revenge himself for the contempt they shew'd of him and of those that served him punished Men after this rigorous manner and made them feel the weight of his displeasure That the Gods of the Pagans were so far from being able to exercise this Revenge that they were fettered and ill used as I may say by the Christians who ejected them by force out of the Bodies of those Persons whom they had possest That the Christians suffered patiently as being assured that their Cause would be soon revenged that they endured the same Evils which the Pagans did in this World but that they comforted themselves because after their Death they should possess everlasting Joy whereas the Pagans at the day of Judgment would be condemned to everlasting Torments He exhorts them at last with great zeal and ardour to quit their Errors and to repent of them while they are in a condition to do it because after this Life is once over there is no room for Repentance and afterwards the Satisfaction is useless since it is here upon Earth that every Man renders himself worthy or unworthy of everlasting Salvation That neither Age nor Sins ought to hinder any one from suffering himself to be Converted since as long as we are in this World there is still time for us to Repent the Gate of the Divine Mercy being never shut to those that diligently search the Truth Though you were says he at the point of Death if you pray'd to have your Sins forgiven and implored the goodness of God you would obtain remission of your Crimes and pass from Death to Immortality Jesus Christ has procured this favour for us by conquering and triumphing over Death on the Cross by redeeming those that Believe with the price of his Blood by reconciling Man to God and communicating a new Life to him by a celestial Birth Let us follow them all if it is possible and receive this Sacrament and his Sign c. It is probable that the kk The Treatise of the Works of Merey and Alms-giving This Treatise is cited by Pontius by St. Jerome Ep. ad Pamm by St. Austin contr Jul. contr Pelagianos alibi Treatise of Mercy and Alms-giving was writ when St. Cyprian gathered considerable Alms to redeem the Christians who had been taken Prisoners by the Barbarians towards the Year 253. He demonstrates in this Book by several Authorities of Scripture and many Convincing Reasons the necessity of giving Alms he refutes the frivolous excuses and vain pretences used by Rich Men to avoid the doing such acts of Charity and observes that in his time every one brought a Loaf at the Celebration of the Eucharist which was always once a day in the Morning before it was Light and often at Night after Supper St. Cyprian tells us himself in his Letter to Jubaianus that he composed his Book of Patience upon the occasion of a Question concerning the reiteration of the Baptism of Hereticks to shew that we ought to preserve Charity and Patience in all Disputes with our Brethren So this Treatise was composed at the beginning of the Year 256 and St. Cyprian ll He sent to Jubaianus a Bishop Ep. and Jub Teneatur à nobis patienter firmiter Charitas animi Collegii honor vinculum fidei concordia sacerdotii propter hoc etiam libellum de bono patientiae quantum valuit nostra mediocritas permittente Domino inspirante conscripsimus quem ad te pro multâ dilectione transmisimus Pontius mentions it St. Jerome cites it advers Lucif and St. Austin in several places sent it as soon as it was finished to one Jubaianus a Bishop together with the Letter which he writ to him
Christ who is the end and accomplishment of the Law has given liberty to Men to eat of all sorts of Meats provided they don 't violate the bounds of Christian Sobriety and from thence he takes occasion to reprove the Irregularities and Disorders of some Christians who lived intemperately He observes that this is by no means fitting for those Persons who are to pray Night and Day At last out of the number of Meats that are permitted to be eaten he excepts those that have been offered to Idols from which the Primitive Christians abstained very Religiously and he concludes all with these Words that are an Abridgment of his whole Discourse Having therefore shewn what is the nature of Meats for he had before discovered the Genius of the Mofaical Law and explained the nature of the Evangelical Liberty Let us live up to the Rules of Temperance and abstain from things Offered to Idols giving thanks to our Lord Jesus Christ his Son to whom be Praise Honour and Glory forever and ever Amen Some think that Novatian writ this Letter during the Persecution of Decius before he had separated from the Church but his way of speaking at the beginning makes me rather believe that it was composed after he became Chief of the Party in the Persecution of Gallus and Volusian This Author has abundance of Wit Knowledge and Eloquence his Style is pure clean and polite his Expressions choice his Thoughts natural and his way of Reasoning just He is full of Citations of Texts of Scripture that are always to the purpose and besides there is a great deal of Order and Method in those Treatises of his we now have and he never speaks but with a world of Candor and Moderation Saint MARTIALIS SAint Martialis came into France with St. Dionysins a Under the Emperor Decius St. Gregory of Tours is the Man that fixes this Epocha of the coming of St. Denis Martialis and their Colleagues into France There is no Author extant who is either more ancient or more worthy to be believed than St. Gregory that has given us any Account of their arrival there any sooner under the Emperor Decius towards the year of our Lord 250. Two Letters attributed to him one written to the People of Burdeaux the other to those of Tholouse which were said to be found in the Vestry of b Peter of Limoges This Story is related by a Monk called Gausius in a Chronicle which is to be found in the Bibliotheca Patrum p. 288 289. first printed in the year 1521 with Abdias and afterwards in 1571 and 1614. St. Peter of Limoges in the Eleventh Century and have been since c Frequently Printed They were first printed by Badius in the Year 1521 afterwards by B●rdes in the Year 1573 with the Notes of Elmenhorstius at Helmstad in 1614 at Basil in 1655 at Colen in 1560. frequently Printed and inserted into the last Bibliotheca Patrum though no man questions that these Letters are Supposititious For in the first place the Author tells us that he lived with Jesus Christ which can by no means agree with him who was Bishop of Limoges in 252. Secondly in the Eighth Chapter of the Second Letter he saith that he Baptized King Stephen and another Tyrant with his Noblemen Now in the time of Martialis there was neither King nor Tyrant in France Thirdly he tells us that in his time the Temples of the Gods were demolished and that Churches were built by the Kings Authority which does not agree with the time of St. Martialis Fourthly the Texts of Scripture quoted in these Letters follow the vulgar Translaation which was composed long after Fifthly the Author tells us that he had eaten with Jesus Christ at the last Supper though it is certain that none but the Apostles were there The Life of St. Martialis Printed at the end of Abdias which carries the Name of Aurelian Bishop of Limoges is a spurious Piece no less than the Epistles of that Bishop and full as Fabulous as the History of Abdias to which it is joyned The Author by a very gross Error supposes that Vespasian succeeded Nero immediately He tells us that St. Martialis received from Jesus Christ after his Resurrection the same Power which the Apostles had that he never suffered either Hunger Thirst or Pain and recounts several other Fables concerning him which are no less ridiculous than those that are to be found upon the same Subject in the two Councils of Limoges held in the Years 1029 and 1031. SIXTUS or XYSTUS Sixtus IT is a long time ago since under the name of Pope Sixtus who presided in the Roman Chair in the Year 257. Ruffinus published a Book of a certain Pythagorean Philosopher named Sixtus translated out of Greek into Latin a Saint Jerome often reproaches him with this Imposture Ep. ad Ctesiphont contra Pelag. in Cap. 22. Jerom. in Cap. 18. Ezechielis St. Jerome often reproaches him with this Imposture St. Austin suffered himself at first to be deceived by it and has cited it in his Book of Nature and Grace as if it had been composed by Pope Sixtus but afterwards b He retracts this Error Aug. lib. 2. retract c. 42. he retracts his Error Gelasius placed it amongst the Heretical Books supposing it to have been written by some Christian. c It is still extant In the Bibliotheca Patrum but I cannot tell whether it was ever Printed by it self It is still extant being a medley of Philosophical Sentences useful indeed in themselves and serviceable to the Truth but having little of the Spirit of Christianity in them There is no mention made in it either of Jesus Christ the Holy Ghost the Prophets or the Apostles and it is full of the Errors of the Pythagoreans and the Stoics It renders Man equal to God and affirms that he is made of a Divine Substance and would have him be without Passion according to the Principle of the Stoics and without Sin pursuant to the Doctrine of the Pelagians There are several other Pelagian Errors to be found in it Saint GREGORY THAUMATURGUS SAint Gregory whose Name at first was Theodorus and afterwards Surnamed Thaumaturgus that is to say the Worker of Miracles by reason of the great number of Miracles he is supposed to have wrought both in his Life-time and after his Death was born in the City of Neo-Caesarea in Pontus descended of a Family that was very considerable as well for its Nobility as for its great Possessions He was educated in the Idolatrous Worship having a Father who was extreamly bigotted to Paganism After he had lost him at the Age of Fourteen years his Mother would have him study Rhetoric to qualifie himself for the Bar. His Sister being married to a Lawyer who was afterwards Governour of Palaestine and being obliged to follow her Husband Gregory and Athenodorus her Brothers went along with her intending to go as far as Berytus and
same time several places of the Apostle Photius has cited these Explications all along and added besides what the same Author has delivered about those Persons that were raised up to Life before Jesus Christ about the Apparitions of the Dead and the Parable of Dives and Lazarus in which he concludes that Souls keep the Form of their Bodies in another World and are there punished and rewarded before the Day of Judgment There still remains a certain Passage of it which is supposed to belong to the same Work quoted by St. John Damascene in his Third Oration concerning Images wherein he says That Christians make Golden Images representing Angels for the Glory of God But I very much question whether this Passage belongs to Methodius or if it does it must be taken in another sence than that in which Saint John Damascene understood it and that by Angels Principalities and Powers he means the Kings of the Earth as the Words that immediately precede seem to intimate The Treatise of Free-Will was composed in Form of a Dialogue or Dispute between a Valentinian and a Catholick The former affirms That Matter which is Eternal was the cause of Evil or of Sin On the other hand the Orthodox Christian makes it appear that there could not be two Eternal Principles that if Matter were Eternal yet Evil would not be Eternal because the qualities of Matter could not be Eternal that Matter is not the cause of Evil and that God is not the cause of Evil because Evil consists not in a real thing but in the ill use that we make of our Liberty that Man having been created with a Liberty either to obey or not to obey the Commandments of God he sins when using this Liberty the wrong way he does things contrary to the Law of God These are the Works of Methodius which St. Jerome mentions Photius has made an Extract of a Treatise about created things written by Methodius In the First he says That these words of Jesus Christ Cast not Pearl before Swine ought not to be understood of Doctrine but of Vertues and that the meaning is not that we must conceal Mysteries from the Infidels but that we must not prophane the Christian Vertues such as Chastity Temperance and Justice with the Pleasures of the World that are signified by the Swine In the Second he confutes those that thought the World had no beginning an Opinion which he attributes to Origen In the Third he says That the Church is so called because it calls Men to fight against Pleasures In the Greek Ecclesia which signifies a Church or any Assembly of Men comes from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to call because the Publick Assemblies were convened by publick Cryers who called the People together In the Fourth he says That there were two Vertues or Powers that concurred to the Creation of the World the Father that created it of nothing and the Son that polished and compleated the Work of the Father The Son says he who is the Almighty hand of the Father In the Fifth he asserts That Moses was the Author of the Book of Job and he explains the first Words of the Book of Genesis In principio in the beginning of the Wisdom of God He observes that God the Father begot the Word or the Wisdom which was in Him before the Creation of the World that this Wisdom being a Principle without Beginning became the Principle of all things which is a Catholick way of speaking and far remote from the Arian Opinion though it does not seem to be altogether conformable to the Expressions of our Age. To conclude In the last Fragment he cites a Passage of Origen who would endeavour to prove by Allegories That the World existed long before the Six Days that preceded the formation of Adam Methodius looks upon this as a trifling Opinion Theodoret in his first Dialogue cites a Passage taken out of a Sermon of Methodius concerning the Martyrs where he says that Martyrdom is so admirable and so much to be desired that Jesus Christ the Son of God would honour it himself and that he who was equal to his Father was willing to Crown Humane Nature to which he himself was united with that excellent Gift The Sermon composed upon the Nativity of Jesus and upon his being presented in the Temple entituled Simeon and Ann published by Pantinus in the Year 1598 and afterwards Printed by Father Combefis amongst the rest of the Works of Methodius is neither cited by any of the Ancients nor mentioned by Photius though it is written in Methodius's Style The Author of it endeavours to confute the Errours of Origen and calls himself the Author of the Banquet of Virgins in the beginning of his Discourse which shews that it belongs to Methodius Though we must own that he speaks so clearly of the Mysteries of the Trinity of the Incarnation of the Divinity of the Word whom he calls in several places Consubstantial to the Father of the Hymn called the Trisagion of the Virginity of Mary even after her Delivery and of Original Sin that it gives us some reason to doubt whether some thing has not been since added to this Sermon Besides the Style of it is more swelling and fuller of Epithets than that of Methodius Besides all this Father Combefis upon the Authority of a Manuscript in the King's Library has restored to Methodius another Sermon upon Palm-Sunday that was formerly Printed under the Name of Lucian St. Chrysostom by Sir Henry Savil upon the Authority of another Manuscript It is certain that it approaches nearer to the Style of Methodius than of St. Chrysostom but he explains the Mystery of the Trinity so clearly in one place and opposes the Hereticks so very plainly that there is some reason to believe that either this place has been since added or that this Homily was not written by Methodius Father Combefis has likewise collected some other Fragments attributed to Methodius cited by St. John Damascene and by Nicetas drawn out of his Books against Porphyrie But besides that we cannot intirely depend upon the Authority of these two Authors who are not very exact these Fragments have nothing considerable and we think it not worth the while to say any thing more concerning them We shall not take any notice of some Latin Prophecies about Antichrist attributed to Methodius that are Printed in the Bibliotheca Patrum since it is agreed on all hands that they are not his The Style of Methodius is Asiatick that is to say diffuse swelling and full of Epithets His Expressions are Figurative the turn of his Sentences affected he is full of Comparisons and far-fetched Allegories his Thoughts are mysterious and he says a few things in abundance of Words Setting these things aside his Doctrine is sound and free from some Errours that were common to the Ancients particularly concerning the Virginity of Mary concerning Original Sin concerning Guardian Angels and several other
going out of Milan they allow'd the Christians by a second Edict the Publick Exercise of their Religion and commanded that those places should be restor'd to them wherein they had usually kept their Assemblies A short time after this the two Emperours quarrelled and declar'd War against one another in the Year 314. Licinins lost at first a great Battel in Pannonia but at the second in Thracia the Advantage was equal on both Sides which induc'd the Emperours to make Peace for that time The Wars and Affairs of the Empire did not hinder Constantine from concerning himself with the Affairs of the Christians For having receiv'd Complaints in behalf of the Donatists against Caecilian and other African Bishops he appointed for Judges such as liv'd out of Africk and summon'd a Council to meet at Rome under Miltiades about this Matter But the Donatists still complaining of this Decision c But the Donatists still complaining of this Decision Valesius has prov'd in his Dissertation about the History of the Donatists That the Donatists did not appeal from the Synod at Rome but only complain'd to the Emperour that their Cause was not fully examin'd and that they appeal'd afterwards from the determination of the Council at Arles to that of the Emperour he call'd a Council at Arles where they were condemned anew and at last when they appeal'd from the Determination of this Council to the Emperour either because he believ'd that he might take cognizance of the Matter since there was nothing alledg'd but a particular Accusation against Caecilian which was Matter of Fact or because he would oblige the Donatists to yield as St. Austin observes he himself gave Judgment at Milan in favour of Caecilian condemn'd the Donatists and wrote against them in Africk caus'd an Information to be drawn up against Silvanus who was of their Party and their Temples to be taken from them but yet he recommended them to be gently dealt withal as a means to bring them back again into the Bosom of the Church About this time he made many Laws in favour of the Christians He permitted Masters to grant Liberty to their Slaves that were within the Church in presence of the Bishop and the People He made Laws for the due Observation of Sunday forbidding all sorts of Persons to Travel on that Day and allow'd Men to leave their Goods to the Church by Testament On the contrary Licinius Emperour of the East publish'd Edicts against the Christians caus'd their Churches to be demolish'd and themselves to be Persecuted or at least conniv'd at those that did so Constantine declar'd War against him in 324 conquer'd him near Adrianople and Chalcedon and then besieged him in Nicomedia whither he had retir'd after his Defeat Licinius seeing that he was not able to maintain the Siege came and threw himself at Constantine's Feet who gave him his Life at the instance of his Wife who was Licinius's Daughter and then sent him to Thessalonica where a little after he caused him to be put to Death under pretence that he design'd to stir up Sedition After this Constantine Abrogated the Edicts of Licinius against the Christians and commanded that those who were Condemn'd to the Mines or Banishment or had been depriv'd of their Honour or Goods upon the account of Religion should be releas'd and re establish'd in their former Estate That the Goods of the Martyrs which had been Consiscated should be return'd to their Heirs That the Churches of Christians should be Rebuilt and their Burial-places restor'd unto them Then he Exhorted all his Subjects very earnestly in a Letter to embrace the Christian Religion And he did not only take care to preserve the Church in Peace against the Attempts of its Enemies but he us'd his utmost endeavours to hinder all Divisions in its Bowels by the Disputes of those who were its profess'd Members He applied himself to allay the Controversy between Arius and Alexander by writing a Letter to them wherein he earnestly Exhorts them to Peace in a most moving and persuasive manner assuring them that he had delay'd his Voyage to the East for fear of finding them there at Variance and praying them to open by their good Agreement his Passage to the East which they had hitherto as one may say stopt up by their Differences He sent this Letter by Hosius Bishop of Corduba a Man commendable for his Worth and Prudence This Bishop having call'd a Synod in the City of Alexandria did all that in him lay to appease their Differences but not being able to compass his Design Constantine judged that the best way to restore Peace to the Church was to summon a General Council of the East and West in the City of Nice in Bithynia He himself Assisted at it Exhorted the Bishops to Peace and refus'd to receive the Accusations which one Party form'd against the other He made them agree in the same Doctrine and approv'd the Decision of the Council to which they all Subscribed except Secundus and Theonas He wrote himself to all the World and Exhorted all the Bishops to receive the Decrees of this Council He banish'd Arius and two Bishops that had taken his Part in the Synod he caus'd the Books of that Heretick to be burnt he forbad all his Subjects to keep them and wrote in particular two very earnest Letter against Arius and his followers In short He treated the Bishops of the Council magnificently testified a great deal of Friendship to them and sent them away laden with Presents Eusebius and Theognis having publish'd anew their Errors after the Council altho' they had Subscribed to its Decrees were by him sent into Banishment After this he caus'd the Sepulchre of Jesus Christ to be found out in Jerusalem and built a stately Church there as well as at Bethlehem and at the Mount of Olives It 's said That he discover'd the Cross of Christ and some pretend that many Miracles were then done by it And yet it is very strange that Eusebius an Eye-witness of those things who has exactly described all the Circumstances of the Discovery of Christ's Sepulchre and who forgets nothing that may be to the Advantage of Religion should not say one word neither of the Cross of Christ nor of the Miracles that are pretended to be wrought by it About the same time he gave the Name of Constantinople to the City of Byzantium and endow'd it with the same Privileges which Old Rome enjoy'd from whence it had the Name of New Rome After this he labour'd more than ever he had done to aggrandize the Church he made Laws against Hereticks wrote to the King of Persia in favour of the Christians destroy'd the Temples of Idols gave great Gifts to Churches and caus'd magnificent Copies of the Bible to be made In a word he did so much for Religion that he had good right to be call'd Bishop of the Church as to those things that concern its External Policy And
the Declaration which they make having obtain'd Pardon of their Sins shall be bound and loosed in Heaven according to the Apostolical Judgment In the 19th after he has spoken of those that voluntarily make themselves Eunuchs to preserve their Chastity he speaks of Riches and the use we should make of them He says That 't is no Crime to enjoy them but that we should observe Moderation and employ them innocently That 't is dangerous to desire to enrich our selves and that an innocent Man finds himself overcharg'd when he is taken up in purchasing in preserving and encreasing his Riches From whence he concludes That tho' 't is not absolutely impossible for a rich Man to be sav'd yet very few of them shall be sav'd because it is so difficult a thing to make use of the Goods of this World as we ought In the 20th he affirms That Moses and Elias shall come with Jesus Christ at the last Judgment and that they shall be put to Death by Anti-Christ he rejects the Opinion of those who thought that Enoch or Jeremy should come before Jesus Christ. In the 23d he says That Spiritual Persons ought not to entangle themselves in the Affairs of this World but that they ought to render unto God that which is due that is to say their Heart their Soul their Will He shows the Necessity of Loving God in Order to Salvation In the 25th he observes That Nicholas one of the Seven Deacons was a false Prophet and a Heretick and that the last Judgment shall be given in the place where Christ suffer'd In the 26th he speaks of the uncertainty of the time of the last Judgment and observes That 't is useful to keep all Men upon their Guard In the 27th he observes That tho' all Christians are oblig'd to Watchfulness yet the Princes of People and the Bishops are more particularly oblig'd to Watch over themselves and their Flocks In the 30th he asserts That Judas was not present when Jesus Christ distributed the Sacrament because he was unworthy of those Eternal Sacraments He says That when St. Peter said so boldly that he would not be offended because of Christ he did not consider the weakness of the Flesh. In the 31st he thinks that Jesus Christ had no fear of Death at all He says He was Consecrated in the Sacrament of that Blood which he was to shed for the Remission of Sins This Opinion seems not easily reconcileable with the Account which the Evangelists give of the Agonies of our Saviour in the Garden and upon the Cross. In the 32d he observes That St. Peter's Denials were still more and more Criminal At first says he he only answered That he knew not what she meant then he deny'd that he was of the number of Christ's Disciples and at last he said That he knew him not But presently he wept after that Fault which he could not avoid tho' he was fore-warned of it In the 33d he says That the Words of Jesus Christ upon the Cross My God my God why hast th●● forsaken me Belong'd to his Body which complain'd of its Separation from the Divine Word He compares the Crime of those who abuse the Gifts given to the Church with that of the Scribes and Pharisees who gave Money to Judas to betray Jesus Christ and with the Souldiers who Guarded his Sepulchre that they might say He was not risen Lastly He observes upon the Words of Jesus Christ Go and teach all Nations baptizing them c. He observes I say That Instruction ought to precede Baptism because the Body ought not to receive the Sacrament of Baptism unless the Soul has receiv'd the Truth of Faith There is a Preface prefix'd to the Commentaries of St. Hilary upon the Psalms wherein he treats of some Critical Questions He says That some Jews have divided the Psalms into Five Books and that others have entituled them The Psalms but for his part he gives them the Title of The Book of Psalms He maintains That they are written by the Persons whose Names they bear at the beginning and is of Opinion That those that carry no Name are written by the same Author with the last foregoing Psalm where the Name of some Author is to be found He says There are some that are falsly attributed to Jeremy Haggai and Zachary since those Names are not found in those Copies of the Version of the Septuagint which he thinks to be authentick He objects to himself That there is a Psalm which bears the Name of Moses wherein Samuel is mention'd who liv'd many Ages after He contents himself with answering this difficulty by saying That Moses nam'd Samuel by the Spirit of Prophecy He attributes to Ezrah that Collection of the Psalms which we have at present He maintains That all the Psalms ought to be Expounded with a reference to Jesus Christ and the Gospel He observes that the Hebrews call the Psaltry Nabla and he thinks that they never distinguished the Psalms at all He makes the LXX Interpreters Authors of their Distinction and observes that they have not always follow'd the Order of Time From this Distribution he passes on to the number of Canonical Books He reckons 22 of them according to the Hebrews and says that some have added Tobit and Judith He observes That the Lord's Day is a Day of Prayer and of Rest for Christians and that they are forbidden to Prostrate themselves or Fast on that Day He explains afterwards the Titles of the Psalms in general * This Distinction of the Titles of the Psalms is according to the LXX in that Translation some Psalms are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Psalms Others ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Songs Others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Psalms of a Song Others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Songs of a Psalm Others again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Psalms or Hymns He says That those which are called Songs were made to be sung without any Instrument of Musick That those which are entituled Psalms were made to be Play'd upon Instruments of Musick without Singing That those which are call'd Songs of a Psalm were such as the Chorister Sung after the Instrument but those which are call'd Psalms of a Song are such as the Chorister Sung before the Instrument of Musick Lastly That those which are call'd in Psalms are such wherein there is a change both of the Person and the Voice He gives also some Moral Interpretations of those Titles which are too useless to be repeated After all he says That the Key for understanding the Psalms is to enquire what Person it is to whom they agree for some of them agree to David and others to Jesus Christ and others to some Prophet and so of the rest In his Commentary upon the First Psalm he says That there are three or four degrees of Happiness mark'd in those words Blessed is the Man who hath not stood in the Counsel of the
and his Confessions He confesses both in the one and the other place with much humility that he had spent his Life in Sin and Vanity 'T is true that he says in his Testament that he had not reproach'd any body and that he had no quarrel with any of the Faithful but then he says nothing contrary to this in his Confessions and though he should have said it yet he might speak so in humility as many pious Persons do in this kind of Confessions wherein they speak oftentimes in the Person of another I shall now draw up a Catalogue with an Account of the Subjects of St. Ephrem's Works which are divided into three Tomes The 1st Discourse of the first Tome is of the Dignity of the Priesthood which he exalts as high as it can be exalted Towards the latter End he speaks against those who intrude into the Priestly Office without being worthy of it and without being call'd to it He observes that the Sacerdotal Dignity is conferr'd by imposition of Hands The 2d is an Answer to one of his Monks who had ask'd him who they were that might use that Liberty which St. Paul gives to Marry rather than to Burn. He answers That it concerns only those who are not bound and who live in the World but not those who have renounced the World and embraced a Religious Life The 3d. is concerning the Softness of Eli the High-Priest who would not chastise his Sons In the 4th he exhorts Christians to celebrate the Festivals and to approach the Holy Mysteries with Purity The 5th is concerning Charity towards our Neighbour The 6th is concerning the usefulness of Singing Psalms There he condemns idle Songs and Dancing The 7th is of the Value and Necessity of Prayer The 8th is of Love of the Poor and of Alms. The 9th of Fasting The 10th explains that Passage in the Gospel There shall be two Men in the field the one shall be taken and the other left He is of Opinion that the Just are those who shall be taken and the Wicked those who shall be left He seems to explain Hell Fire Mystically The 11th is concerning the Miseries of this Life The 12th is of the inequality of Happiness He observes that tho' all the Happy enjoy the same happiness yet there are different Degrees of it He assures his Auditory That there is no middle between Hell and the Kingdom of Heaven Here then by our Author 's own Confession is a positive Proof that an Eminent Father of the Fourth Century disbelieved a middle State which not only destroys Purgatory but also the Necessity of Praying to the Saints The 13th is also of Blessedness The 14th of the Contempt we ought to have of the Riches and Pleasures of this World The 15th is against those who every day do Penance and always relapse into the same Sins After these Discourses follows a Treatise divided into many Chapters concerning Vertues and Vices In the Preface he shows great Humility in debasing himself below those that had prayed him to Instruct them Afterwards he discovers to them the good Effects of the Fear of God of the Love of our Neighbour of Meekness Patience Sincerity Obedience Hope and Continence and the bad Effects of the contrary Vices After these Instructions follow 91 Maxims of Piety and 96 Advices concerning a spiritual Life directed to a young Monk The 16th Discourse is against those who forsake a Monastick Life after they have once embrac'd it to return into the World The 17th is concerning perfect Self-denial and concerning the Peace of Mind which every one should have in Solitude The 18th is of the Sighing of a Soul under Temptation and of the Tears of Repentance The 19th is of the Fear of Death The 20th is an humbling Discourse wherein he acknowledges himself guilty of many Faults and prays his Brethren to implore the Divine Mercy for him The 21st is an Exhortation to Christian Vigilance The 22d is an Exhortation to the Practice of good Works The 23d is concerning the Grace of Jesus Christ. He exhorts those to whom he addresses himself to follow the attractives of Divine Grace if they would attain to perfection The 24th is concerning Faith or rather concerning Trust in the Providence of God The 25th is against those who say that Earthquakes are caused by the Concussions of the Earth and not by the Providence of God This discovers that the Author of those Discourses had not much Learning since it may be truly said that Earthquakes proceed from natural Causes tho' they are order'd by the Providence of God The 26th is against the Superstitions of the Pagans There he relates that when the Plague was at Constantinople a Physician nam'd Domnus being desirous to preserve himself by the Superstitions 〈◊〉 the Pagans was seiz'd with the Plague and died tho' he dwelt in a high place where there was very good Air that one of his Companions nam'd Macedonius seeing his lamentable Death quitted the Pagan Religion and became a Monk After this he brings many Passages of Scripture to prove that the Plague and those other Calamities wherewith Men are afflicted are the Effects of God's Vengeance and that we must make our Application to him to preserve us from them He observes that God sends these Miseries upon Men to bring them to the knowledge of themselves and to Repentance The 27th is against Pride and a good Opinion of one's self The 28th is against those who having enter'd into Monasteries are guilty of Vices and particularly of Ambition Laziness and Disobedience At the latter end he exhorts his Brethren to discharge all the Offices of a Religious Life The 29th is against Detraction The 30th is upon those Subjects which Christians ought to lament The 31st is against Plays and Shows There he blames those who after they have been present at Divine Offices go to Dancing and Sing idle Songs To Day says he they are United to Jesus Christ and to Morrow they Dishonour him they Deny him to Day they are Christians and to Morrow Pagans to Day they have Piety and to Morrow they are Impious to Day they are Faithful and the Disciples of Jesus Christ and to Morrow they are Apostates and the Enemies of God to Day they hear the Word of Jesus Christ and to Morrow they apply themselves to hear the Voices and Instruments of Musick which sing or play profane Songs The 32d is against the Unchast The 33d is of that Charity wherewith we should reprove our Brethren that are fallen into any Sin The 34th is against Curiosity and of shunning the occasions of Sin The 35th is against Lewd Women The 36th is of the means of avoiding the Sin of the Flesh. The 37th is of the Praise of Charity The 38th is of the Preservation of this Vertue and of the Unhappiness of those that lose it The 39th is a Description of that unhappy State to which a Man is reduc'd by Concupiscence He prays
So that every thing may be call'd Scandal which is contrary to the Will of God He adds That 't is also Scandal to do a thing though it be lawful when it is the cause of the loss or fall of the Weak He observes also That there is sometimes a Scandal taken without cause In the 11th he shows That 't is never lawful to do those things which are forbidden by the Law of God nor to obey those that command such things and that we must never use our Reason to exempt our selves from Obedience to the Law of God In the 12th he shows That we ought not only to take care of those Persons that are under our Conduct but that our Charity also must extend to all other Christians and that a Bishop ought in case of Necessity to help all the Churches In the last he proves by Scripture That we must endure all and suffer all even Death it self rather than fail in our Duty or disobey the Law of God This Treatise appears to be rather of Morality than Doctrine but though he treats there of Moral Questions yet he handles them Dogmatically and founds his Decisions upon all the Testimonies of Scripture which belong to his Subject The Treatise of true Virginity contains many Precepts for preserving Virginity In it he extols very much the state of Virgins and discovers the Dangers to which they are expos'd There are in this Treatise some Passages which may offend nice Ears but 't is to be consider'd that 't is address'd to a Bishop and not to the Virgins themselves setting that aside 't is very Eloquent and very well written In Homily 28. of Penance he proves against the Novatians That those who have sinned after Baptism have still the Remedy of Penance but he admonishes them that they ought not to sin in hopes of doing Penance That commonly those who sin with this disposition of Mind are deprived of Repentance That in truth there is hope of Pardon when they have sinned but still it is like a Wound that can be healed which leaves some Scar forever behind it We are now insensibly faln into the Homilies of Morality out of which we shall make our Extracts before we come to the Ascetical Treatises The First is a Homily about Fasting After he has in the First Part admonish'd us that we must Fast with a pleasant Countenance then he Exhorts Christians to Fast alledging many Authorities and Examples to that purpose He shows the Necessity of Fasting and answers the Excuse that is most commonly alledg'd for dispensing with it which is the want of Health or Sickness Do not alledge to me says he your Indisposition Don't tell me that you cannot endure Fasting 'T is not to me that ye alledge these Excuses 't is to God from whom nothing can be hid But tell me Can you not Fast say you Alas Can you fill your selves with Victuals can you charge your Stomachs with all sorts of Meats Do not the Physicians prescribe to those that are Sick Abstinence and Dieting themselves rather than abundance of Food How come you then to say that you can Eat very much and that you cannot Diet your selves At last St. Basil says That our Fasting should be accompanied with Abstinence from Evil That we must fast from our Passions and Vices and that without this bodily Fasting is unprofitable Take heed says he that you make not your Fast to consist only in Abstinence from Meats True Fasting is to refrain from Vice Tear in pieces all your Unjust Obligations Pardon your Neighbour forgive him his Debts Fast not to stir up Strife and Contention You eat no Flesh but you devour your Brother You drink no Wine but you cannot refrain from doing Injury to others You wait till Night to take your Repast but you spend all the Day at the Tribunals of the Judges Woe be to you who are Drunk without Wine Anger is a kind of Inebriation which does no less trouble the Mind than real Drunkenness He speaks afterwards against those who use Fasting to prepare themselves for larger Drinking and Eating or who indulge themselves as much as they can after they have Fasted as if it were to redeem the time they have lost He gives a natural and frightful representation of Drunkenness sufficient to beget a horror of it he disswades from it also from the Consideration of the Body of Jesus Christ which they are to receive He says That Fasting and Abstinence are Ornaments to Cities secure the Tranquillity of Publick Assemblies the Peace of Families and the Preservation of our Estates He says That to be perswaded of this they needed only compare the Night of this present day in which he Preached with the Night of the next Day From whence it appears that this Day was a Publick Fast. At last he wishes That in these Days wherein Christians are called to the Practice of Fasting they might learn to know the Efficacy of their Temperance to prepare them for that Great Day wherein God will reward their Vertue The Second Homily is also an Exhortation to Fasting Therein he condemns those who allow'd themselves great Liberties in Eating and Drinking before their Fasting He says That all Christians of all Ages and Conditions are obliged to it Lastly He speaks of the principal Disposition for profitable Fasting which is to abstain from Vice The Third Homily about Fasting publish'd by Cotelerius is shorter than the two preceding but it is written upon the same Principles and upon the same Subject In the Third Homily upon these words Take heed to your selves St. Basil recommends that Vigilance and Care which one ought to have over himself that 's to say over his Soul and his Behaviour He says That this Care is necessary for Sinners that they may amend their ways and for the Innocent lest they should fall That the first have need to watch over themselves to cure themselves You have committed says he a great Sin you must then endure a long Penance you must shed bitter tears you must pass whole Nights in watching you must Fast continually Though you have committed but a slight Sin yet you must watch over your selves to do Penance for it for it often happens that those who have but a slight Sickness become dangerously Sick when they neglect it After this he shews That this Watchfulness is necessary to fulfil the Duties of all States and Conditions He reproves those that watch for the Faults of others but never think of their own He shews That this Watchfulness is necessary to every Man in whatsoever state he is and that it is a Remedy to all our Evils and to all our Passions If you are ambitious says he if you are lifted up above measure ●…her upon the account of your great Riches or because of your Nobility if you take Pleasure in your Beauty if you are inspir'd with a Passion for Glory if you are Lovers of Pleasures you have nothing to do but to
the Kingdom of Heaven through much Trouble and Labour Those who do the Works of the Devil have they less Trouble than we Are they more exempt from Labour c. But 't is difficulty say you to preserve the Treasure of Grace and the Innocence of Baptism Must we then refuse a good thing for fear of being deprived of it If you watch over your selves if you be constant in Praying in Fasting in Singing of Psalms and in the practice of the other Exercises of a Christian you shall preserve your Treasure Afterwards he represents in a lively manner the Remorse which they shall have at the Day of Judgment who shall see themselves condemn'd for want of receiving Baptism He represents the Despair which shall seize upon them and concludes from all these Motives that they ought quickly to Purge away their Sins by Baptism This Exhortation is admirably suited to the Christians of our Age who delay from day to day to do Penance for their Sins and forsake their Disorders The 24th Homily to Young Men about Reading Gentile Books is very curious He does not absolutely forbid the Reading and Study of Profane Books but he desires First That they would not dwell upon them and that they would not look upon this Study as the principal Thing of their Life but that they would be perswaded that the principal Knowledge is that of working out their own Salvation and that this Knowledge is to be learnt in the Holy Scripture 2. That they should Read Profane Books with Discretion and not give Attention to the Evil that 's in them but only to the Examples and Discourses which may be Useful and which lead Men to Vertue He relates a great Number of Examples and Instructions which he drew from all sorts of profane Authors These are all the Moral Homilies of St. Basil I have now only to speak of his Panegyricks for that of Julita is rather a Moral Discourse than a Commendation of that Saint In the Exordium of the Panegyrick of St. Gordus St. Basil says That Christians celebrate the Festivals of Saints and praise their Actions to glorifie God in his Servants to rejoyce the Righteous and to excite all the Faithful to their Imitation He observes that the Saints have no need of our Praises That 't is sufficient to relate their Lives that so their Vertues may serve for a pattern to others He adds That the Nobility of Extraction the Family the Education the Masters are the Subject of Praise in Profane Panegyricks but Christians have no other Subject of Praise but the peculiar Vertues of those whom they commend After this he gives an Account of the Life of St. Gordus He says That this Saint was of Caesarea and that he had the Command of a Hundred Men in the Emperour's Army That in his time a furious Persecution was rais'd against the Church which St. Basil describes That then this Saint of his own accord quitted his Office of Captain and retir'd into a Solitary place That after he had been there exercis'd purified and prepared for the Combate he came into the City one day when all the People were assembled to see a Publick Show which was presented upon the Theatre and declar'd who he was That being led to the Tribunal of the Judge he made Profession of Christianity That nothing could shake his Constancy but he went with Courage to the place of Punishment and that after he was fortified with the Sign of the Cross he boldly receiv'd the stroak of Death St. Basil describes this History very eloquently and introduces this Martyr saying many fine things and well-worthy of his Constancy I wonder that he did not excuse his Zeal for coming and presenting himself to the Combate which seemed to be contrary to Christian Prudence to the Rules of the Church and the Determinations of the Holy Fathers 'T is believ'd that this Saint suffer'd Martyrdom under Licinius The History of the Forty Martyrs related in the following Homily happen'd also under this Emperor St. Basil begins it with saying That the Martyrs could not be praised too much for the Three Reasons which he alledg'd in the preceding Panegyrick First Because we testifie by this Remembrance of those who were the Servants of God the respect we owe to our common Master Secondly Because we celebrate the Praises of the Martyrs that we may make our own Wills suffer Martyrdom And Lastly That Men may be induc'd to imitate their Vertues These 40 Martyrs were 40 Souldiers who being at Sebastea during the Persecution of Licinius declar'd that they were Christians When the Governor of the City saw that their Constancy could not be shaken nor they persuaded by fair means to change their Religion he order'd them to be expos'd in the Night all naked to the rigor of the Air at a time when a Pond near the City was quite frozen over They resolv'd all to endure this Torment with Constancy but one of them being overcome by Pain renounc'd the Faith of Jesus Christ but he lost his Soul and could not save his Life for he was no sooner put into warm Water to bring some heat into him again but he expir'd However God permitted that the number of the 40 Martyrs should be compleat for one of their Guards perceiving the Angels who distributed to each of them a Crown made Profession of being a Christian and put himself in their Number and was baptiz'd in his own Blood and sav'd by his Faith The next Morning they were all Burnt and their Ashes thrown into the River This is the History of the 40 Martyrs as it is related by St. Basil. 'T is commonly believ'd that they were expos'd all Night in the Pond But this proceeds from a mis-understanding of St. Basil's words who say● expresly That they were expos'd to the Air in the Middle of the City at a time when the Pond hard by was all frozen over 'T is this which makes the Confusion He adds one notable Circumstance That the Mother of one of those 40 Martyrs exhorted her Son to suffer boldly Lastly he says That those 40 Martyrs protect the City of Caesarea That the Christians can find assistance by their Prayers That if we should ardently desire for us the Prayers of one Martyr only we ought much more to beg the Intercession of 40 That whether we be in affliction or in a joyful condition 't is good to have recourse to them either to be deliver'd from Evil or to be continued in Prosperity That they hear the Prayers of Mothers who pray for their Children and of Women who pray for the Return or Health of their Husbands Let us pray then together with these Martyrs says he concluding his Discourse Let us joyn our Prayers with theirs In the Panegyrick of the Martyr Mamas which is the 24th he Praises this Holy Martyr who had been a Shepherd seeing that he probably had but little to say of him he enlarges in this Homily
made Regulations of this Business but since there were many who would also have his Opinion he thought himself obliged to write his Thoughts and tho' the difference at present was only about the Celebration of the next Easter yet he would shew what Day should be observed for time to come whensoever the like Question should return He says That there are two Things to be observed concerning the Celebration of Easter the 14th Day of the Moon and the First Month That this time was fixed for the Passover under the Old Testament and that Jesus Christ observed this Law by celebrating the Passover on Thursday the 14th Day of the Moon of March and by being crucified on Friday the 15th and rising the Sunday following That therefore Christians ought to Celebrate the Feast of the Resurrection on the Sunday after the 14th Day of March-Moon a Day on which it is not any more lawful to Fast and when the 14th Day of the Moon happens to be Sunday as it will fall out to be quickly we must put off the Solemnity of Easter till the following Sunday because we must not Fast upon Easter-Day nor break our Fast upon the 14th Day which is the Day wherein Jesus Christ was delivered up to be crucified He proves by Examples that this is the Custom He speaks afterwards of the First Month and shews that 't is not necessary to Celebrate the Day of the Resurrection in the First Month Provided the Day of the Passion happens in it He makes this Remark because he was treating of the Passover for the Year 387. which was to be celebrated on the 23d of April a Day which seem'd not to belong to the same Lunar Month. 'T is certain that St. Ambrose speaks of the Easter of that Year as being quickly to come to pass quod futurum est proximè and that he speaks of the Easter of the Year 380 as being already pass'd some Years ago superioribus temporibus which proves that this Letter was written in 386 or 387 tho there be a place in this Letter which seems to prove that it was written in the Year 381 because he speaks of the Easter for the Year 378 as being two Years before But this must be a Fault in the Transcriber for what probability is there that he should take so much Pains to fix an Easter which was not to happen till Six Years after and that he should speak of it as the next Festival In Letter 24th St. Ambrose gives an Account to the Emperour Valentinian to whom it is addressed of his Embassy to Maximus which the Emperour had entrusted with him the Second time in the Year 386. He tells him That when he came to Triers he desired to discourse with Maximus in private but he would not say any thing but in his Council tho' he was told that it was not the Custom for Bishops to do so That when he was admitted there Maximus came to salute him but he would not receive his Kiss till after much Discourse That Maximus accus'd him of putting a Trick upon him in his First Embassy and hindring his Passage into Italy that he excus'd himself and prov'd from the several Steps that he had made that he had no Design to deceive him That he came to treat about a Peace in the Name of his Prince and that not being able to conclude it he return'd That he had not pass'd his Word to him that Valentinian should come and meet him That he had never dissuaded this Emperour from doing it That this Resolution of his was taken before he return'd and that he had sent Deputies to acquaint Maximus that he would not come That he had acted with all the Moderation that is possible That he had sent back his own Brother to him tho' Maximus had put Valentinian's to death and by an unheard-of Inhumanity refuss'd still to restore his Body That Valentinian had preferr'd Peace to War tho' he might hope for Succors from the Huns and Alanes against the Barbarians whom Maximus had brought into the Empire That Maximus ought not to blame those who being with Valentinian made their Escape and fled to Theodosius for Refuge since he put all to death that he could lay hands upon and among the rest one Vallion who was a brave Captain That after this Discourse he receiv'd no other Answer from Maximus but that he would consider what he had to do St. Ambrose adds that Maximus understanding that he would not communicate either with the Bishops who had receiv'd him into Communion or who had desired the death of some Hereticks he receiv'd Orders to be gone immediately and at his going away he had the dissatisfaction to see the Holy Bishop Hyginus sent into Banishment and us'd with all possible Rigour so that his Age and bad Usage reduc'd him to that condition which left him no hopes but of death The Two following Letters are about a Question which Studius had put to St. Ambrose Whether a Magistrate ought to condemn Criminals to death and whether he that condemns such Persons should be excommunicated The practice in St. Ambrose's time was not very certain Some Bishops excluded them from Communion others on the contrary received them nay there was also an example of some Bishops who a little while before desir'd the death of the Priscillianists Some Magistrates themselves abstain'd from these things St. Ambrose confesses that we ought not to excommunicate a Magistrate who according to the Duty of his Office Condemns a Man to death and Orders him to be Executed but he wishes that Judges would abstain from doing it and would have no Criminal condemn'd to death but only to a Prison or some other Punishment that so they may have opportunity to reform themselves and do Penance if they be baptiz'd or to receive Baptism if they be Catechumens To prove that a Christian Magistrate ought to use this Clemency he alledges the Judgment which Jesus Christ gave of the Woman taken in Adultery and makes many Reflexions upon this Action in this Letter and the next These Letters were written after Judgment was given against the Priscillianists about the Year 386. The Seven following Letters to Irenaeus contain Allegorical Explications of some Difficulties about Passages of the Holy Scripture There are Four of them which were formerly among the Treatises upon the Holy Scripture 'T is thought they were written about the Year 386 but there is no convincing proof of it The order in which they are to be plac'd is better ascertain'd because it is authoriz'd by the First Words at the beginning of each Letter The Three Letters to Orontianus were written immediately after one another In the Third he speaks of his own persecution and therefore they were written after the Year 386. These are also about some Difficulties of Scripture The Letters 37th and 38th to Simplicius are about Morality In them St. Ambrose shows that none but a wise Man can be truly Free and
Charles Martel Maire of the Palace or General of France 19. Charles the Bald. Gives up to the Romans the Right of Soveraignty 19. Suffragans how Ordained 129 130. Their Power 249 250. 257. Christian. The Name useless to those who lead a Life unworthy of a Christian 142. Christophorson Judgment upon his Translation of the Ecclesiastical History 4. Church Authority and Mark of the Catholick Church 81 82 111. But one Catholick Church spread over the whole Earth 90 112. Principal Mark of that Church 90 91. Churches of the East Divided upon occasion of that of Antioch 123. 130. 130 137 c. 187 188. Church of Rome It s Authority 90. Churches Principal and their Rights Church of Jerusalem Establishment of their Dignity 107. 252. Churches of Gaul Difference for Primacy 285. Circus Canon against those which run in the Circus 247. Ciriha City of Numidia 〈◊〉 there in 305. The Names of the Bishops that assisted in it 241. Clergy Canons concerning the Qualities Life and Manners of Priests Bishops and other Clerks 141 142 143. 205. 207. 247 248 249 250. 268. 270. 273. 276 277. 280 281. 284 285 c. Not subject to Publick Penance 26. 143. Immunities and Exemptions 15 16. Edicts of Constantine in their favour ibid. Cologne Council of Cologne in 346. against Euphratas 258. Communion How it ought to be Received 114. Of Frequent Communion 137. Confirmation Given by the Bishop with the holy Chrism conferrs the Holy Ghost 85. Constantius Emperour of the East 30. Causes Pope Liberius to be imprisoned 18. Constantinople Council there in 336 against Marcellus of Ancyra 255. Another in 338 against Paul Bishop of that City ibid. Another in 360. by the Acacians 265. Constantine the first Christian Emperour 11. His Parents ibid. Proclaimed Emperour by his Souldiers ibid. Defeats the Tyrant Maxentius ibid. Goes to Milan to Celebrate the Marriage of his Sister with Lioinius 12. Quarrels with him ibid. His care for the Church and what belonged to it ibid. Assembles a Council at Rome ibid. Gives Judgment at Milan in favour of Caecilian against the Donatists ibid. Declares War against Licinius ibid. Makes Laws in favour of the Christians and for the Celebration of the Lord's Day ibid. Abrogates the Edicts of Licinius against the Christians ibid. Labours to appease the Quarrel between Alexander and Arius ibid. Assembles a Council of both the East and West at Nice where he Assists What pass'd there ibid. What he did at Jerusalem 13. His Zeal for the Christian Religion ibid. Unblamable if he had not Favoured the Bishops of Arius's Party against St. Athanasius ibid. He recalls to Tyre the Fathers of the Council of Jerusalem and Why ibid. Banishes St. Athanasius to Triers ibid. His Baptism ibid. In what Place and by whom ibid. His Death and how long he Reigned 14. His Character ibid. Is put among the Saints by the Greeks 14. Account of his Speeches by Eusebius 14 15. Discourse upon the Feast of Easter 15. Letters ibid. and 16. Edicts in Favour of the Christian Religion 16 17. Suppositions donation 17 c. Constantius Chlorus The only Emperour in the Tenth Persecution that did not persecute the Christians 11. and a. Constans Emperour Protector of St. Athanasius Died in 350. 31. Consubstantial When and where that Word was first used 2. Councils History and Abridgment of the Councils held in the Fourth Century 241 c. to the end Councils of Cabarsussa and Bagais in 393 and 394. 277. Councils of Constantinople I. In 381. 271. II. In 382 ibid. III. In 383. 272. Another in the Year 394. 285. Cousin President His French Translation of Eusebius's Ecclesiastical History and his Judgment upon that Author 4. Creed Of the Creed of St. Cyril 110. Cross. Sign of the Cross 111. 115. Apparition of a Cross 12 115. Invention of the true Cross 13. St. Cyprian the Martyr His Character by St. Gregory Nazianzen 166. Cyprus Council of Cyprus in the Year 399 where the Books of Origen were Condemned 285. St. Cyril of Jerusalem Life and Ordination 107. Judgments for and against him ibid. 115. His Quarrel with Acacius who Assembled a Council against him in which he is Deposed and upon what Pretence 107. And is so again in the Council of Constantinople ibid. His Successors ibid. Catechetical Lectures justified ibid. d e f. Letters attributed to him 115. Judgment upon his Stile and Doctrine ibid. Different Editions of his Works ibid. D. DAmasus Pope His Ordination disturbed by Ursicinus 120. His Genuine Letters 121. Supposititious Letters 122. Poems and Epigrams ibid. Editions of his Works ibid. Council under Damasus 270. Tome sent to the East by Damasus 271. Deacons Canons concerning them 247. 248. 253. 257. 261. 269. 276. 278. 280. 284. 285. Dead Prayer of the Church for the Dead 8. 237. 238. 289. Dedication Dedication or Consecration of a Church necessary before Celebration in it 39 40. Deposition What is necessary for the Deposition of a Bishop 285. Desiderius King of the Lombards invades the Exarchate of Ravenna 19. Destiny Against Destiny 6. 15. 179. 188. 206. Dianius Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia enemy to St. Athanasius 122. 132. Dictinius Errors and Writings of this Priscillianist 191. Didymus of Alexandria His profound Learning 103. Catalogue of his Works ibid. Abridgment of his Book of the Holy Ghost ibid. c. Excellency of that Book 104. Commentaries upon the Canonical Epistles 105. Treatise against the Manichees ibid. Diodorus of Tarsus His Life 188. His Writings ibid. His Doctrine 125. 189. Dionysius of Alexandria His Opinion upon the Trinity 42. Discipline of the Church Canons concerning the Discipline of the Church 140 141. 195 196 197. 242. c. to 245. 247 248 c. 252 256 c. 260. 267 268. 273. 276 c. 280. 283 c. Abridgment of the Discipline of the Church in the Fourth Century 287 c. to the end Regulation of the Discipline of the Church See the Extract of the Canons of the Councils from p. 241. to the end Diviners Canons against those who pretend to Divination 143. 249. Divine Qualities necessary in a Divine 170. Divinity of the Jews by whom embraced 5. Doctrine Abridgment of the Doctrine of the Church in the Fourth Century 287. Donatists History of them 12 c. 15 c. 241. 246. Refutation of their Error 87 88 c. Convicted of delivering up the Scripture and of making a Schism 89 90. Judgment given against them 90 c. Several Books against them 93 94 95 96. Donatus Bishop of Carthage chief of the Donatists not Bishop of Calama 66. and a. Writ several little Treatises ibid. and b. Duties of Christians and principally the Ecclesiastical 205 c. Drunkenness A Discourse against this Vice 153. E. EGypt Council of the Bishops of Egypt in 363 held at Antioch 266. Elvira Council held in that City in the Year 305. The time of this Council not certainly known nor the Name of the City 242. and a. b. St. Ephrem
du Pin may hereafter print upon Ecclesiastical Matters because Fear of giving Offence will make him extreamly cautious and he will dread a severe Inquisition that may set upon every thing which he shall write Those who are unacquainted with Antiquity will be hereby further confirmed in their Opinion of the Impartiality of our Author in his Abridgment of the Writings of these Ancient Doctors of the Church when they see how severely he has been dealt withal upon that account Otherwise it is very probable that some might think him too favourable in his Accounts of Monkery Invocation of Saints and some other Superstitions which arose very early and which were a means of introducing in a course of Ages such enormous Abuses into the Church but tho' some Errors have a more ancient Original than is commonly believed yet that ought not to be wondred at by any Man who believes that the Church was never Infallible since the Apostle's Days Still as we read downwards we shall see how that Primitive Simplicity which adorn'd the Profession of the first Christians who were almost always under Fear of Persecution lessened and wore away Those who were sensible of the decay of the Primitive Zeal sought to retrieve it by placing great Merit in the practice of monastical Austerities whereby they hoped to obtain that Reward which was believ'd to be peculiarly reserved for those who laid down their Lives for the Name of Christ This put them upon all those Opinions that tended to mortify not only forbidden Lusts but also the allowed Appetites of Human Nature which the Christian Religion intended to regulate and not to remove And when those who could not be Martyrs saw what Honours were paid to those who had formerly suffered for the Truth it raised in them an Emulation to do something for the sake of Jesus Christ that should be more disagreeable to Flesh and Blood than Death itself This I believe is the most probable Reason of that great Ardour wherewith so very many Persons bound themselves under Vows to embrace a Monastical Life in the fourth and fifth Ages of the Church The first Monks were some Aegyptians who in the tenth Persecution fled into the Deserts of Thebais there they accustomed themselves to Retirement and Use taught them to relish the Satisfactions of a Contemplative state When the Storm was over they returned home and easily perswaded others who had then as they thought no other way of shewing their Zeal for Jesus Christ to embrace this austere Course of Life In such warm Climates this was not so extraordinarily difficult Those Esstern People could live upon a very little better than other Men so that the terrible Mortifications mentioned in the oldest Ascetical Books were not so impracticable as we at this Distance of Place and Time may be apt to think them The Monk in Sulpicius Severus who heard Posthumianus give an account of the Abstinences of the Eastern Monks cries out Edacitas in Graecis Gula est in Gallis natura Excessive Eating is Luxury in a Greek it is Nature in a Gaule And though one can hardly believe all that Posthumianus there relates of the Abstinence of the Monks of Nitria and Cyrene yet it is most certain that they put a mighty Force upon Nature such a one as nothing but the modern Practices of some of the Mahometan Dervises could make us believe to be possible But though the Honours paid to Martyrs which gave Rise to an Opinion That they could intercede for us in Heaven or at least hear our Prayers together with the Love which most Men then shewed for a single and a retired Life may seem too excessive yet the Opinions and Practices of these Ages were generally speaking very venerable One sees a great and a serious concern for the Truths of the Gospel in almost all their Writings one sees a sincere Respect paid by Men of all Parties to the Censures of the Church and to the Persons of those with whom they were entrusted They always distinguished between the Faults of Men and their Character and Employment and when they punished the one they took care not to cast a Disrespect upon the other by which means they preserved a real Veneration for Holy Things in their Minds though their Divisions run as high and were as eagerly managed as ever they have been since This is not the only Age wherein Men have met with Temptations and have shewn their Frailty by being too weak to withstand them so that an Acquaintance with the Opinions and Practices of these earlier Ages before a general Corruption had infected the Church will be of great Use to such as value Religion and Godliness for their own sakes when it suggests such Thoughts as can only be effectual to restore that Sense of Piety and Charity which is so generally lost among us July 25. 1693. W. W. ERRATA PAge 96. line 10. from bottom read 140th ibid. l. ult r. that Hoshahna p 97. l. 22. r. against Jovinian p. 99. l. 3. r. altered in it p. 100. l. 15. from bot for speaking r. when he speaks p. 112. l. 12. r. published five ibid. l. 25. for Sons of Men. r. Sons of God p. 192. l. 6. from bot del being p. 204 l. ult for yea r. yet p. 206. l. 5. r. working by Love ibid. l. 18. from bot for suspicious r. suspected l. ult r. Opinator p. 208. l. 28. r. Zozimus's l. 29. r. for their making default p. 215. l. 16. r. he maintains p. 217. l. 2. r. This Practice is forbidden in very strong Terms and upon p. 222. l. 20. for retract r. re-examine p. 226. l. 16. for Parents r. Relations Proper Names mistaken Rufinus for Ruffinus Zosimus for Zozimus Province of Byzacena for Provincia Byzacena passim S. Maura p. 106. for S. Maurus Lodevae p. 210. for Lodeve CONTENTS of the Third Volume Of the Lives and Writings of the Ecclesiastical Authors that Flourished in the Beginning of the Fifth Century viz. EVagrius Ponticus 1 Mark the Hermit 2 Simplicianus Bishop of Milan 3 Vigilius Bishop of Trent 3 Prudentius 4 Diadochus Bishop of Photice 5 Audentius 5 Severus Endelechius 5 Flavianus Presbyter of Antioch 6 St. John Chrysostom 6 Antiochus and Severianus 52 Asterius of Amasea 53 Pope Anastasius I. 58 Chromacius Bishop of Aquileia 58 Gaudentius Bishop of Brescia 59 John Bishop of Jerusalem 61 Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria 62 Theodorus Bish. of Mopsuestia 64 Palladius 66 Pope Innocent I. 67 St. Jerom 73 Rufinus Toranius 107 Sophronius 111 Sulpicius Severus Ibid. St. Paulinus 113 Pelagius the Monk 119 Coelestius Disciple of Pelagius 120 Niceas 120 Olympius 120 Bachiarius 121 Sabbatius 121 Isaac 121 Paulus Orosius 122 Lucian Avitus Evodius and Severus 122 Marcellus Memorialis 123 Eusebius 123 Ursinus Monk 123 Macarius Monk 123 Heliodorus Presbyter of Antioch 123 Paul 123 Helvidius and Vigilantius Hereticks 124 St. Augustin 125 The first Vol. of his Works 126 The second Volume 135 The third Volume
Antioch in the absence of the Bishop He commends the Martyrs and treats of Contrition of Heart and of Alms-deeds The Seventieth is upon the Feast of S. Bassus Bishop and Martyr upon an Earthquake that happened at Antioch and upon the Words of Jesus Christ Matthew c. II. v. 29. Learn of me for I am meek and lowly of heart The Seventy-first is a Panegyrick upon S. Drosis The Seventy-second is a Sermon of Penance mention'd in the Ninth Homily of Penance All these Sermons now mention'd were preached at Antioch by S. Chrysostom when he was Priest of that Church There are but two more in this Volume preached at Constantinople the first was after the expulsion of Gainas from the City and the other was after S. Chrysostom's return from his first Exile At the latter end of the Fourth Volume there are Three Sermons of the same The First was preached at Antioch by S. Chrysostom immediately after his being made Priest This Sermon is a Panegyrick upon Flavianus who Ordained him It is the First that S. Chrysostom ever preached The Two others in the same place were preached towards the latter end of his Life The First at the time when they contrived his Deposition and former Banishment the Second after he was recalled In it there is an excellent Comparison of Sarah seized upon by the King of Egypt and of the Church of Constantinople deprived of his presence by the Caballings of Theophilus an Egyptian Bishop and a dextrous Commendation of the Empress Eudoxia The first Volume contains several other Sermons preached for the most part at Antioch The first Twenty-one are called Sermons of Statues because they were preached at the time and upon the occasion of a sedition in Antioch in the beginning of the Year 388 wherein the People had thrown down and dragged about Streets the Statues of Theodosius and of the Empress Flaccilla The first Sermon is upon these words of S. Paul to Timothy Use a little Wine for thy Stomach's sake and often Infirmities wherein he alledgeth several reasons why God permits his Saints to be afflicted he preached it sometime before that Tumult which obliged him to discontinue his preaching But the heat of that sedition was no sooner over and the People of Antioch astonished with the fearfull Threatnings of the Emperour had acknowledged their fault and turned their fury into Mourning but he resumed the Chair for the comfort of that desolate People And Flavianus their Bishop as a good Father went to the Emperour to asswage his Anger The first Sermon of S. Chrysostom upon this Subject is that which is called the second of Statues There he bewails the Unhappiness of that City exhorting the Inhabitants to implore the Mercy of God by fervent Prayers and turn away his Wrath by good Works to prevent the Danger that threatned them This Discourse is very eloquent Here are some Fragments whereby one may judge of the rest What shall I say What shall I speak of Our present Condition calls for Tears rather than Words Lamentations rather than Discourses and Prayers rather than Sermons The blackness of our Action is so great the Wound we have given to our selves is so deep and so hard to be cured that we have need to apply our selves to an Almighty Physician Then having compared the Misery of that City to that of Job he adds Seven Days have I kept silence as formerly did Job's Friends Give me leave to open my Mouth and bewail our Misery I groan I weep not for the severity of the Threatnings but for the excess of our Folly For though the Emperour were not angry with us and should forbear to punish us how should we suffer the shame of our Action After this he describes very elegantly the Happiness which that City enjoyed before that Mutiny and the Misery it was now reduced to and concludes this Description with these Words The great City of Antioch is in danger of being utterly destroyed she that lately had an infinite Number of Inhabitants will shortly prove a Wilderness none in this World can help her For the offended Emperour hath no equal upon Earth he is the Sovereign and the Master of all Men. All we can do is to make our Application to the King of Heaven let us address our selves to him and call upon him for help If we obtain not Mercy from Heaven we have no remission to hope for He observes that God permitted that Mischief to punish the People for their Blasphemies and teaches rich Men what use they are to make of their Riches The next Sermon was preached when Flavianus was gone to Court to sollicite the Business of the City of Antioch There he represents the Charity of Flavianus who would undertake that Journey He tells them the things that the Bishop was to represent to the Emperour and bids them hope that these Remonstrances will be heard affirming that he is confident of all through God's Mercy God says he will stand betwixt the petitioning Bishop and the Emperour addressed to he will soften the King's Heart and put in the Bishop's Mouth the Words which he should speak He intreats the People to pray earnestly that God would mollifie the Spirit of the Emperour He speaks of fasting in Lent affirming that right fasting is to abstain from Sin At last he advises the People to avoid three Vices Evil speaking hatred of their Neighbour and Blasphemy He goes on to instruct and comfort the People of Antioch in the following Sermons In the 4th he praises God that the Christian's Affliction in the City of Antioch had put them upon thoughts of their Salvation and exhorts them to Patience And in the last place inveigheth against Swearing and promises to speak of it all the Week This Sermon was preached upon Munday of the First week in Lent Next day he continued the same Subject encouraging the People of Antioch to bear with Constancy and Generosity all the Threatnings against them and not to fear either Death or Sufferings He shews that Sin is the only thing that Christians ought to fear and he speaks again eagerly against Swearing The 6th Sermon was preached the next Day after for the Consolation of the People that were intimidated by the Magistrate He giveth God thanks that Flavianus was arrived before those that carried the News of the Mutiny He tells the reasons that the Bishop was to use to the Emperour and explains a Law that was to be urged He tells them That Sin only was to be feared and that Swearing ought to be avoided The 7th and 8th were preached upon Thursday and Friday of the same Week He comforts the People and explains the beginning of Genesis which was then begun to be read in the Chuches in Lent He discourses against Swearing and reminds them that it was the sixth Day that he had preached against that Sin and that it should be the last time Which shews that the 15th Sermon followeth this for there he tells them
least he should abide in the East dreading the Burden of the Episcopal Charge they not only sent Deputies to him with a Letter to desire his Return but wrote a Letter besides to the Eastern Bishops to intreat them that they would not admit him to the Communion if he refused to come and govern the Diocess of which he was chosen Bishop Whereby Gaudentius found himself obliged to accept of that Charge and being come back was ordained by S. Ambrose and the Bishops of his Province All these Circumstances are recorded in the Discourse which he made to them immediately after his Ordination He was but young when they chose him as he says in the same place He was one of the Deputies sent to Constantinople in 404 or 405. by the Western Bishops to demand S. John Chrysostom's Re-establishment in his See Possibly he lived a great while afterwards To this Bishop is attributed the Life of his Predecessor S. Philastrius which Surius Printed upon the Eighteenth day of July Yet I cannot believe that it is certainly his but we find in the Bibliotheca Patrum Nineteen Instructions or Sermons which are unquestionably Genuine and which he collected himself to send them to one Benevolus one of the most considerable Men in Brescia who had formerly been Receiver of the Emperor's Memorials and Injunctions and who had quitted that Employment that he might not be obliged to doe any thing against his Conscience in obedience to the Empress Justina who Countenanced the Arians and persecuted S. Ambrose This Benevolus was constant at Divine Service and heard the Sermons of Gaudentius with Pleasure but having been hindred by Sickness from hearing those which this Holy Bishop preached at Easter he prayed him to commit them to writing and to Answer the desire of this Man the Holy Bishop did write his Sermons almost in the same words that he preached them He joyned to them four small Treatises upon some places of the Gospel and a Fifth upon the Martyrdom of the Maccabees As to the other Sermons which the Copyers writ as Gaudentius was preaching he will not own them for his fearing that there may be some Errors in them this Gaudentius declares in the beginning of his Preface Afterwards he comforts Benevolus in his Sickness showing that God permits often Saints and righteous Men to be afflicted with Poverty and Sicknesses whereas he lets the wicked enjoy a perfect Health and much Wealth because both Punishments and Rewards are reserved to the Day of Judgment that in the mean time he inflicteth visible Chastisements upon the impious and refractary to frighten others by their Punishments but permits likewise the righteous to be afflicted for Three Reasons 1. to Correct 2. to Purifie and 3. to try them The severity he useth towards them is a Fatherly severity He sends them Afflictions to manifest their Vertue both to Men and Angels and so all the Sufferings of the righteous are either for their Profit or for their Glory Whosoever honoureth and loveth God truly thinks himself Happy in the midst of Tribulations and blesseth God for all that happeneth to him The first of those Sermons preached on Easter-Eve is directed to the Catechumens that were to be baptized He begins it with a thought that is rather subtle than solid to give a Reason why Easter is celebrated in the Spring after the ill Weather of Autumn and the severity of Winter and before the heat of Summer It is saith he to show that Jesus Christ the Son of Righteousness dissipates by his light the Darkness of Jewish Errors and softens the hardness of the Heathens Hearts preventing with his Beams the hot Fire of the Judgment of the great Day He adds That the World having been created in the Spring it is just that it should be repaired in the same Season Afterwards he compareth the Christian's Passover with that of the Jews and the deliverance of the People of Israel from Egypt thro' the Red Sea with the Regeneration of Sinners by the waters of Baptism The Second Sermon is directed to the Novices Gaudentius expoundeth in that instruction the Mystery of the Eucharist which was hid from them till that time He compares it with the Jews Paschal Lamb taking notice that That was but the Figure and not the real thing Whereas in the truth of the New Law it is the same Lamb dead for all which being offered in all Churches nourishes under the Mystery of Bread and Wine those that offer it giveth life to them that have a lively Faith and sanctifieth by Consecration those that consecrate the same This is the Flesh of the Lamb this is his Blood .... It is the same Lord Creator of all things who having made Bread out of the Earth forms his Body of this Bread because he is able and hath promised it He who formerly changed Water into Wine now changeth Wine into his Blood Having expounded thus plainly the Mystery of the Eucharist he speaks of the Dispositions that Men ought to be in to come to it He findeth them all represented by the Ceremonies observed by the Jews in eating the Paschal Lamb but his Similitudes are so far fetcht that one would hardly have observed them For who can believe that the Leathern Girdle that the Israelites were girded withall was a Figure of the Mortification of Sins Who would imagine that when they are forbidden to break a bone of the Lamb the meaning is that the Scripture-precepts ought to be observed And who can conclude from burning the remainders of the Lamb that Men should consume by a lively Faith the doubts which they might have about the Eucharist These Allegories and such-like in this place are something forced and I question whether many people can relish them At last he exhorteth the new baptized strongly to believe that Mystery and giveth Two mystical Reasons why Jesus Christ chose Bread and Wine to be the matter of that Sacrament He prosecutes in the Five following Sermons his Lecture upon that place of Exodus which speaketh of the Circumstances and Ceremonies wherewith the Jews offered the Paschal Lamb and he applies them to the Sacrifice of Jesus Christ upon the Cross and to what is done among Christians and sometimes he draws from them some Moral instructions The Eighth and Ninth are upon the Gospel of the Marriage in Cana of Galilee He commendeth Virginity reproving those at the same time who condemn Matrimony and warneth Parents that though they may inspire into their Children the love of Virginity yet they cannot enjoyn them the Vow of perpetual Continency He maintains that the Virgin Mary did not lose her Virginity in bringing Jesus Christ into the World Both these Instructions are full of many Similitudes He exhorteth the new baptized not to lose the Grace of their Baptism The Tenth Instruction is upon Exodus There he brings many Allegories upon the Passover and upon the Lord's Day He seems to be perswaded that the World shall end
deserved and ever since led a scandalous Life St. Augustin takes notice that he dealt not so with those that proffered to come into the Church If they be found guilty of any Crime they are not admitted but upon Condition t●at they submit themselves to the humiliation of Penance He shews how abominable this Custom of the Donatists was to perswade such as were to be chastised for their Disordets to come over to them and be Re baptized At last he t●lls Eusebius That if by this means he doth not obtain an Answer from Proculianus he will cause these Things to be notifi d to him formally by a publick Officer He speaks beside of a Donatist Priest who had been troublesome to one of the Church's Tenants and of a Woman of that Party that had affronted him The thirty sixth Letter to Casulanus concerning Saturday's Fast seems to have been written before St. Ambrose's Death of whom he speaketh as holding still the See of Milan whereby it appears that it belongs to the Year 396 or 397. There he refuteth the Writing of a certain Roman who had asserted That all Men were obliged to fast on Saturdays according to the Practice of the Church of Rome St. Augustin lay down this Rule That in those Things where the Scripture hath determined nothing certain the Customs received among Christians or settled by our Ancestors are to be instead of a Law and no Contests ought to be admitted about such Matters Afterwards he examineth the Writing which Casulanus sent him and shews that it is made up of false Suppositions and unconcluding Consequences Having answered this Writing he explains his own Notion saying That he finds indeed that Fasting is enjoyn'd in the Gospel and in the Writings of the Apostles but that neither Jesus Christ nor the Apostles ever appointed the days wherein we should fast nor the days in which we ought to forbear That he thinks it more convenient not to fast upon the Saturday and yet whether we fast or fast not we ought to maintain Peace and this Precept of the Apostle is to be observed Let not him that eateth condemn him that eateth not neither let him that eateth not condemn him that eateth That there is no great Inconvenience in observing the Saturday's Fast since the Church of Rome observes it as well as some other Churches But it would prove a great Scandal to fast upon Sundays especially since the Manichees affect to command their Disciples to fast upon that day That notwithstanding it were pardonable to fast upon Sunday for those who are able to carry Fasting so far as to be more than a week without eating that so they draw nearer to the Fast of Forty Days St. Augustin saith that some have done it and that he was inform'd That a certain Person had continued fasting full Forty Days This is hard to be believ'd yet St Augustin saith that he heard it from credible Persons Having refuted the Reasons of the Manichees who affirming That Sunday is to be kept as a Fast he saith that the Church observes fasting upon Wednesdays and Fridays because the Jews resolved upon Wednesday to put Christ to Death and Executed it upon Friday That on Saturday the Body of Jesus Christ having rested in the Grave gave occasion to some to forbear fasting on that day to mark thereby the resting of Christ's Flesh and that others fast upon it because of that Humiliation of our Saviour but that the former Celebrate that Fast once only on the Saturday before Easter to renew the Remembrance of the Disciple's Sorrow All these Notions having but little Solidity he concludes with an excellent Rule which St. Ambrose had taught him upon that Subject For having asked his Opinion concerning his Mother's Scruple who being at Milan doubted whether she ought to observe Saturday's Fast according to the Custom of her own Church or according to the Custom of the Church of Milan that observed no Fast on that day This Holy Bishop answer'd him Let her do as I do When I am here I do not fast upon Saturdays when I am at Rome I fast upon that day and so in what Church soever you are keep to its Customs if you mean to scandalize no body or to be scandalized at no body But because he was then in Africa and that among the Churches of the same Countrey and even among the Christians of the same Church some fasted upon Saturdays and others not St. Augustin saith That we must conform our selves to those that bear Rule over the People and so he adviseth him to whom he writeth not to resist his Bishop in that Case but to do as he did The Thirty seventh Letter to Simplicianus is a Preface to the Books that he Dedicated to that Bishop that were written in 397. In the Thirty eighth to Profuturus St. Augustin being sick recommends himself to his Prayers and desires to know what Bishop succeeded in the Primacy of Numidia after the death of Megalius Bishop of Calama who had been dead Twenty days In the Council of Carthage assembled in August 397. Crescentianus wrote that he was Primate of Numidia Thus the death of Megalius happening some time before serves to fix the date of this Letter There are two excellent Notions of Morality the one of Patience and the other against Anger The former is this Tho' I susfer yet I am well because I am as God would have me to be for when we will not what he wills 't is we that are in the fault and not he who can neither do nor permit any thing but what is just The latter is equally valuable It is incomparably better to shut the door of our Heart against just Anger when it offers to come in than to give it entrance being uncertain whether we can turn it out again when we find it growing from a Thredd to a Beam The Th●●ty ninth Letter is a Note from St. Jerom who recommends Praes●●ius and presents his Service to Alypius It is written in the Year 397. The Fortieth from St. Augustin to St. Jerom is about their Disagreement concerning St. Peter's Action St. Augustin also desires to know the Title of his Book of Ecclesiastical Writers and exhorts him to make a Collection of Origen's Errours and of those of other Hereticks The Forty first Letter written in Alypius and St. Augustin's Name to Aurelius Bishop of Carthage commending that Bishop for preferring the good of the Church before the Honour of the Episcopal Order by permitting contrary to Custom that Priests should Preach God's Word in his presence This Letter was written within few Years after St. Augustin was a Bishop The Forty second is a Note from St. Augustin to St. Paulinus never before Published intreating him to write to him and to send him his Book against the Gentiles It is of the latter end of the Year 397. The Forty third and forty fourth Letters to Glorius Eleusius give an Account of a Conference
they are 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 H● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon Original Sin upon the Fall of M●●● and Angels upon the 〈◊〉 of a 〈◊〉 of Baptism and Grace upon the Distinction of Ve●ial and 〈◊〉 S●●s upon the Eternity and the Inequ●lity of the Pains of the Da●●ed upon the Ex●… of the VVill of God to save Men upon F●●e-Will and upon the State of Souls till the Day of Judgment Having thus explained what concerns Faith he comes to Hope and he ●●●th That Christians ●●●ght to Hope in God alone and that whatsoever we Hope for is co●prehended in the Lord's Prayer upon which he makes some Reflections Lastly he treateth of Charity without which he pretends That no Man can be Rig●…eous To which he 〈◊〉 all the 〈◊〉 of God and Advices of the Gospel This Book was written after St. Jerom's Death who dyed in 420. as is plain by the 87th Chapter where St. Augustin speaks of him as one dead The Book inti●●led The C●●b●● of a Christian has much the same Design with the foregoing St. Augustin co●posed i● 〈◊〉 after he was a Bishop in a plain Stile that it might be the more proper to instill the Doctrine and Pr●●●pts of Christian Religion into those Christians who were not Skilfull in the Latin Tongue He exhorts them at first to fight against the Devil Then he shews Th●● Men get the Victory over him when they overcome their Passions and bring their Bodies under Subjection which is only done by submitting to God to whom every Creature ought to be subject either Willingly or out of Necessity He adds That in this Combat Man is armed with Faith and with the Assistances which Christ me●●●ed for us by his Death At last he runs through the Articles of the Creed and refutes the contrary Her●s●●s The Book of Instruction for these that have no Knowledge of our Religion was written at the Request of a Deacon of Carthage who desired of St. Augustin Rules and a Method to Ca●e●●i●e his People acceptably and usefully The Father comforts him at the beginning upon his being very often not pleased with his own Discourses since it sometimes happens that a Discourse which displeases the Speaker is very acceptable to the Hearers He adviseth him to teach them cheerfully and not to be tired with it and then furnishes him with Rules how to instruct them right in their Religion He saith in the first place That perfect Instruction should begin at the Creation of the World and end with the present Age of the Church B●● for this there is no need of learning by heart or reciting all the Books of the Bible one needs only chuse the best the most admirable and most diverting Passages He layeth down in the second place his usual Rule That every thing ought to be referred to Charity That Care must be taken that the A●ditor may believe what is spoken Hope what he Believes and Love what he Hopes for And he would have him inspired with a wholsome Fear of God's Judgments and kept from all prospects of temporal Interest and Advantage that he might have by being a Christian. He observes That the same Method is not to be followed with the Learned as with the Ignorant and he lays down very prudent Rules how they are to be dealt withal He shews what Things commonly ti●● the Heare●● and he gives excellent Remedies how they may be avoided and at last makes Two instructive Speeches one pretty long the other shorter but composed with a great deal of Art to serve for an Example or Pattern of such Instructions as ought to be given This Treatise shews That to instruct Men well in Religion is an harder Task than most Men imagine and that the Method formerly used was nobler and larger than that which is now observed This Book is of the Year 400 or thereabouts Though St. Augustin does not mention his Treatise of Continency in the Review of his Works yet he owns it in the 262d Epistle and Possidius reckons it among his VVorks This Book is a Discourse upon these VVords of the 140th Psalm Set a Watch O Lord before my Mouth and keep the Doors of my Lips O let not my Heart be enclined to any evil Thing let me not be occupied in ungodly Works with the Men that work Wickedness He shews That true Continency consists in suppressing ones Passions and he recommends the Necessity of Grace to overcome them He speaks against the Proud who excuse their Sins and particularly against the Manichees who charged their Sins upon an evil Nature that was in them This Sermon is thought to be of the Year 395. or thereabouts Both the following Treatises are written against the Errour of Jovinian This Enemy of Virginity had drawn aside several Roman Virgins from their Design of continuing so and perswaded them to marry saying to them Are you better than Susanna or Anna or so many other Holy Women Though Jovinian's Opinion was rejected at Rome yet this Heretick's Disciples gave out That none could refute him without condemning Marriage To undeceive those that were of this Opinion St. Augustin writ a Book intituled Of the Advantage of Matrimony before he undertook to speak of the Excellency of Virginity Wherein he saith first That the Union betwixt the Husband and the Wife is the most Ancient and the most Natural After that he examineth a Question rather Curious than Useful namely How Men could have had Children had they persisted in the State of Innocence He observes a Four-fold Advantage in Marriage The Society of both Sexes the Procreation of Children the good Use of Lust which is regulated by a Prospect of having Children and the Fidelity which Husband and Wife preserve towards each other He saith That every Union between a Woman and a Man is not Marriage He doth not think That this Name is to be given to that Union whose aim was only to satisfie their brutish Passion if they endeavoured to prevent their having Children He declares That Man guilty of Adultery who should abuse a Virgin when he has a Design of Marrying another As for the Young Woman he judgeth her guilty of Sin but not of Adultery if she is true to that Man and Designs not to marry when he leaveth her Nay he preferrs her before several married VVomen who abuse Matrimony by their Intemperance He doth not excuse from venial Sin either the Man or the VVoman who have another Prospect in Marriage than the begetting of Children In a word he distinguishes Three Things in Marriage The Fidelity which married Persons owe one to the other which is of natural Right the Procreation of Children which ought to be the end of Marriage and the Sacrament ●r mysterious Signification which makes it indissoluble For which Reason he determines That though humane Laws permit a Man to marry again when he is divorced from a former Wife yet it is not Lawful for Christians to whom St. Paul forbids it He concludes That Marriage is
appears that he had never seen S. Cyril's Thesaurus because he quotes the Second Book of that Work which was never divided into Books Urban IV. hath alledged it after S. Thomas but upon the Credit of that Author In the Council of Florence S. Cyril's Thesaurus is quoted in general but when it was seasonable to produce this Passage there is nothing said of it All this makes it evident That neither this Passage nor any other like it cited by the same S. Thomas in his Catena upon S. Matthew as being in S. Cyril's Thesaurus which is not found there no more than the former are not nor can be this Father's nor are taken out of his Thesaurus I wonder that F. Labbe should so openly profess himself a Defender of these two supposititious Passages The Style of S. Cyril's Dialogues is not so rough and scholastick as that of the foregoing Book There are Seven of them upon the Trinity and Two upon the Incarnation He proves in these last That Jesus Christ is one only Person made up of the Humane and Divine Nature At the end of this Volume we find some clear Resolutions upon the Mystery of the Incarnation where he Answers the Objections which were propounded to him Photius speaks of this little Book in the One hundred sixty and ninth Volume of his Bibliotheca To this Treatise may be joyned a Discourse of the Orthodox Faith to Theodosius the Treatise addressed to the Empresses the Sermon which is annexed to it which are in the Second Part of this Tome In them he proves That Jesus Christ is God and that all the Properties of the Divine Nature may be attributed to him To prove this he makes use of a great number of Texts of Holy Scripture and the Testimonies of some Fathers These Treatises are also in the Acts of the Council of Ephesus Paschal Homilies are not peculiar to S. Cyril It was the Custom of the Bishops of Alexandria whom the Council of Nice had particularly charged with the care of publishing Easter-day I say It was the Custom to declare it in Alexandria by a solemn Discourse Theophil●s S. Cyril's Predecessor had made that Usage very famous and S. Cyril kept it up with a great deal of Splendor so that so long as he was Bishop there passed no● a Year but there was a Sermon● at the end of which he gave notice of the beginning of Lent and of easter-Easter-day Of the Thirty which he made we have Twenty nine The ordinary subject of these Sermons was the Use and Advantage of Fasting and the way how Christians ought to ●it themselves for the celebration of Festivals In them also he sometimes exhorts the Faithful to joyn Alms-giving and Charity with Fasting He speaks in some of them of double-mindedness In ●…y of them he treats of the Trinity and Incarnation against the Arians and ●●torians He sometimes speaks also against the Jews and Idolaters These Sermons are flat and tedious they are nothing else almost but a contexture of Texts of Scripture which he mingles with mystical Explications There are also here some other Discourses of this Father which are for the most part against the ●●ror of Nestorius The First and Second are entirely upon that Subject They were preached at Ephesus The Third is a small Discourse which he made after the Sermon of Paul Bishop of Emesa about the Time that the Oriental and Aegyptian Bishops were reconciled to each other The Fourth and Fifth are two Sermons preached at Ephesus against Nestorius The Sixth is against John Bishop of Antioch The Seventh is a Discourse which he delivered also at Ephesus when he was imprisoned The Eighth is upon the Transfiguration The Ninth upon the Lord's Supper In this he speaks very strongly for the Presence of the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist as well as in his Commentary upon S. John's Gospel The Tenth is a Discourse in praise of the Virgin Mary preached at Ephesus The Eleventh upon the Feast of the Purification The Twelfth upon the Feast of Tabernacles The Last is upon the Day of Judgment These Sermons are written in a close Style and more sententious than the former They are full of Points Allusions and Jinglings of Words There is also a short one upon the Incarnation which is extant in Latin only Almost all his Letters concern the History of the Council of Ephesus and the Disputes which S. Cyril had with John Bishop of Antioch and the other Eastern Bishops for which Reason it is that we intend to speak of them when we come to treat of the Council of Ephesus where they are inserted Nevertheless there are Five or Six at the end which relate to other Matters The First is the Letter of Atticus Bishop of Constantinople to S. Cyril wherein he exhorts him to put the Name of S. Chrysostom into the Diptychs among the Bishops that died in the Communion of the Church as he had done by the Example of Alexander Bishop of Antioch S. Cyril returns him answer That he disapproved his Action being contrary to the Decrees of the Council of Nice and that John Bishop of Constantinople having been degraded in his life-time by the Judgment of the Church he could not put him among the Bishops in the Communion of the Church after his Death That what he had done had given great Offence in all the Provinces of Aegypt He takes notice that they were counted but Six viz. Aegypt Augustamnicum Arcadia Thebais Libya and Pentapolis The Third of the Letters of which we are speaking is written to Domnus Bishop of Antioch Athanasius Bishop of a City belonging to the Patriarchate of Antioch although far distant from that City being offended by some of his Clergy who would expel the Stewards out of his Church against his Consent made his Complaint to a Synod held in Constantinople where S. Cyril was But since Athanasius was not subject to the Jurisdiction of the Bishops of that Synod they would not judge of his Cause But S. Cyril wrote in his behalf to Domnus relating to him the Trouble which this Bishop unjustly suffered and desiring him to constitute Judges who might summon the Stewards accused and their Accusers and condemn the Guilty He tells him That the Metropolitan was mistrusted by the Bishop and that the City of which he was Bishop was far from Antioch These Circumstances are remarkable for otherwise the Judgment of it did in the first Place appertain to the Metropolitan or if he were excepted against to the Patriarch In this Example we see 1. The Authority of Patriarchs over their Patriarchate 2. The Antiquity of making such Persons Judges as were near to the Accused and Accusers 3. How exactly the Bishops of one Patriarchate kept themselves within the Bounds of their own Jurisdiction without meddling in other's 4. That this Caution did not hinder them from helping Persons afflicted and persecuted which fled to them but yet only by Intercessions for them
because he speaks of himself as Bishop of Rome for tho' indeed some say that S. Leo made use of S. Prosper yet I shall never be persuaded that so Eloquent a Pope as S. Leo was hath Craved the Pen of another and Preached to his People the Sermons that another made M. Anthelmi must pardon me if I preferr M. Faber's Judgment before his and if without relying upon the Authority of that MS. we acknowledge the first Sermon to be S. Leo's But why doth it bear S. Prosper's Name in that Ancient MS Do we not know that there is a great confusion in the most Ancient MSS. about the Titles of Sermons and that often they are very faulty Witness the Two Ancient MSS. a Thousand Years old of which F. Mabillon speaks in the Preface to S. Maximus's Homilies Mus. Ital. T. 1. P. 4. where the Homilies of S. Maximus bear the Name of S. Austin We need not then wonder if a Sermon of S. Leo's carries the Name of S. Prosper in a MS. of 900 Years old And yet this doth not prove that it is this Fathers nor that he hath put it under his own Name because it was known even then that S. Prosper made S. Leo's Sermons or that it was Copied out of a Manuscript wherein the Sermons of S. Leo were attributed to S. Prosper M. Abbot Anthelmi owns That in the time of S. Prosper the Sermons which were made for S. Leo did bear the Name of that Pope Why then was the Name of S. Prosper affixed to them Three Hundred Years after Whence did he that wrote the Manuscript learn that they were S. Prosper's Why had not all his other Sermons the same luck What necessity is there for amending all other Manuscripts by this wherein there are no more than Three of S. Leo's Sermons The Transcriber might easily mistake he might Copy the first Sermon from a Manuscript which had been S. Prosper's or written by S. Prosper and take the Name of him that wrote the Manuscript or the Person 's whose it was for the Name of the Author He might find this Sermon at the end of S. Prosper's Works and so attribute it of his own head to S. Prosper However that he it often happens that we find in the most Ancient Manuscripts the Sermons of S. Maximus and S. Caesarius under the Name of S. Austin and Ambrose which in our time have been restored to their true Authors upon the account of the mere agreement of Stile with the other Sermons of S. Maximus and Caesarius and without the Authority of any Manuscript And why may we not do the same to the Sermon of S. Leo A Negative Argument taken from the silence of Gennadius Gelasius and Anastasius is of little consequence Gennadius often passes over in silence many excellent pieces of those Authors of whom he speaks Gelasius had no design to speak of his Sermons and Anastasius never uses to mention the Writings of Popes We must then leave S. Leo in possession of his Sermons The Four First are Discourses upon his own Promotion to the See of the Roman Church The First was Preached according to some a Year after according to others on the Day of his Ordination but it is more probable that it was on the Octave after it for he speaks of his Election as lately past and of some time that came between and yet he signifies that he did not Preach it upon the same Day that he was Ordained but recurrente per suum ordinem Die quo 〈◊〉 ●…s Episto●… offici●… 〈◊〉 ●…re principiu●… The same Day ●…ing in its course on which the Lord was pleased to give a beginning to my Episcopal Charge which agrees very well to the ●…e He gives God thanks in this Sermon for the favours which he hath received of 〈◊〉 and more especially That he had permitted him to return again to Rome after a long absence to Govern that Church He declares to his People the grateful sense he had of their good-will to him in chusing him their Bishop beyond his desert He desires them to help him by their Prayers that he may govern the Church in Peace He assures them That he will always have that Day in great Honour in which he was advanced to his See because altho he ought to tremble by reason of his unworthiness yet 〈◊〉 was obliged to rejoyce in the favour which God had shewn him hoping that he who hath permitted him to be put into a Charge of so great Weight will help him to undergo it and give him strength that he may not ●…t under the Burden of that Dignity Lastly He testifies the Joy that he hath to see the Bishops his Brethren assembled and makes them to hope that S. Peter is with them and that he governs that Church in the Person of his Successor In the Second Discourse Preached a Year after his Ordination he says That tho' all Bishops ought to give God the Honour of their Ministry yet he had greater reason than any Body else to Attribute it wholly to the Divine Mercy when he considers on the one hand his own Weakness and on the other the Excellency of his Ministry That the very thoughts of it made him tremble because nothing is more to be feared than Labour by the Weak g●… Dignity by Mean Persons and an Office by Men of no desert Labor fragili sublimit●…●●●mist dig●… non ●…l That nevertheless he doth not despair nor is faint-hearted because he puts his Trust in him who works in and by Man That the Psalm which they are about to sing is very proper to humble 〈◊〉 Bishop and to give all the Glory to Jesus Christ that it speaks of Melchisedeck an Eternal Priest whose Parents are not known which is a Type of the New Law and the practice of the Church which bestows not the Priesthood upon Persons of Quality or of a particular Family nor by Succession but chuses such Men as the Holy Spirit hath fitted for it insomuch that it is not the Prerogative of Birth that qualifies for the Sacerdotal Unction but 't is the Heavenly Grace that makes Bishops That the Church is still governed by Jesus Christ who hath given to S. Peter the Apostolick Power That that Apostle never forsakes his Church but continues to be the Foundation of it that his Authority and Power still lives in his Successors and that it is to him that that little good which he doth in his Charge is to be attributed That it is S. Peter also that he ought to Extol upon that Day that it is the Feast of that Apostle That the Bishops his Brethren were assembled not so much to Honour him as S. Peter who is not only Bishop of the Roman Church but the Head of all the Churches in the World Upon this Account he Exhorts the Christians of the Church of Rome to excel the Christians of all other Churches in the World in Vertue In the Third Discourse upon the same
Pentecost for the Two Sundays in Advent Ash-Wedncsday for Palm-Sunday for the Passion-Week There are also some for the Saint's-Days viz. for S. Stephen S. John Baptist S. Peter S. Paul S. Larwence S. Cyprian S. Eusebius of Verceille S. Michael and the Martyrs of Turin There is one upon the Creed another upon Watchfulness another upon that Custom of giving Thanks after Meat Two against Covetousness Two more upon Alms-giving a Discourse upon the Eclipse of the Moon and a Sermon upon these words of Isaiah Thy Wine is mixt with Water In all there are Sixty Three of them Several others are mingled among the Sermons of S. Austin and S. Ambrose for it is apparent that they are not those Fathers but this Bishops For besides that they are for the most part taken notice of by Gennadius they are of the same Stile It is likely that there are also others among the Sermons of the Latin Fathers which ought to be restored to this Father His Sermons are short and weak they have neither Ornament Beauty nor Lostiness the Stile of them is mean and the Sence ordinary they contain nothing in them very remarkable They have been Printed at Cologne in 1535 at Antwerp 1618 at Rome in 1564 and 1572 at Paris in 1614 and 1623 with the Works of S. Leo and in the Bibliotheca Patrum Tome VI. Part 1. At Lyons in 1633 and again at Cologne in 1678 with Chrysologus's Homilies joined to them F. Mabillon in the First part of his Musaeum Italicum hath Published Twelve Homilies of S. Maximus's which he thought to be new but they had been Printed Three times before among the Works of S. Ambrose VALERIAN VALERIANUS or VALERUS Bishop of a Cemele Cemele Celle or Comelle was the Capital City of the Vediantians a People of the Sea-Alps It was a long time the Seat of a Bishop S. Leo joined it to the Castle of Nicaea which hath been a Bishop's See since Cemele being destroyed so that there are no Remainders of it Cemele a City of the Sea-Alps an Ancient Bishoprick subject to the Metropolis of Ambrun flourished in the Popedom Valerian of S. Leo. We have a Letter of this Pope's to the Bishops of France in the Inscription of which we find the Name of Valerian and a Letter of the Bishops of France in the Subscription of which we find it also He was present at the Council of Ries in 439. at the 3d. Council of Arles in 455 to which he was summoned by Ravennius to determine the difference between Theodorus Bishop of Frejus and Faustus Abbot of Lerins He took the part of Faustus and the Monastery of Lerins of which he was once a Monk We have 20 Homilies of this Author and one Letter to the Monks The 1st is of the Usefulness of Discipline The 2d and 3d. is of the narrow way to Salvation The 4th is upon the obligation of paying of Vows and giving to God what is promised The 5th is of the Abuse of the Tongue The 6th is of idle Words wherein he blames vain Talk Detraction Rallery Songs and whatsoever tends not to the Edification of our Neighbour The 7th 8th and 9th are upon the obligation that lies upon Men to be Charitable He requires among other things That Christian Charity should extend it self to all the World excepting no Man The 10th is an elegant Satyr upon the Life of Parasites The 11th teaches the Faithful to humble themselves by acknowledging That they are beholding to God for all the good they do yet he maintains That Man contributes to it by his Free-will But as it would be ridiculous in a Soldier to attribute the Victory to himself altho' he fought in it so it would be a foolish thing for a Christian to arrogate to himself the Honour of the good he does by the Assistance of the Holy Spirit We must give God the Praise of all our Labours because they belong to him The 12th and 13th are about the Love of Enemies and the Benefit of Peace The 14th is concerning the necessity and conditions of Christian Humility The following Three are upon the Advantages of Martyrdom The 18th is in Honour of the 7 Macchabees The 19th opposes the Disorders of those who follow their Debaucheries upon the Sundays in Lent under pretence that it is allowed not to Fast upon those days Valerian exhorts the Christians to keep up the Lent-discipline even upon those days and not run to any Excess The last Homily is against Covetousness The Letter to the Monks is a very little thing The Stile of these Homilies is not lofty but plain and without Ornament yet perspicuous and familiar It hath neither Allegories nor Clinks of Words nor harsh Figures They are moral Discourses very useful where we may find very edifying Instructions and profitable Maxims The Opinions of the Monks of Lerins and Priests of Marseille about Grace and Free-will are scattered up and down his Sermons He holds a necessity of Grace in order to doing good but gives Man an absolute Liberty He supposes That the beginning may proceed from him and that God never denies Grace for the Accomplishment This Author was published at Paris in 1612. Octavo by F. Sirmondus and after Printed at Lyons in 1623. 1633. with the Works of S. Leo. They are in Bibl. Patrum Tome VIII VICTOR CARTENNENSIS VICTOR Bishop of Cartenna a City of Mauritania wrote a Treatise against the Arians which he caused the Orthodox to present to King Gensericus as the Preface Victor Cartennensis makes me think He also composed a Tract upon the Repentance of the Publican wherein he lays down Rules for Penitents about the manner how they may live conformable to the mind of Holy Scripture He sent also a Book to one named Basil in which he comforts him for the Death of his Son by the Hopes of the Resurrection This Work is full of solid Instructions Lastly he hath composed many Homilies which have been carefully kept and divided into several Books by those who have been diligent to collect Works of Piety Let the Reader consider what Gennadius saith of this Author We have none of his Works under his own Name but there is among the Works of S. Basil a Latin Treatise entituled Consolation in Adversity which hath also been put among the Works of S. Eucherius which in all likelihood is that which Gennadius speaks off Because it was written to Basil 't was thought S. Basil's but 't is plain it belongs to a Latin Author and what Gennadius speaks of Victor's Treatise agrees to this for therein he speaks of the Resurrection and the Book is full of Authorities and Examples of Holy Scripture There is also a Treatise of Repentance among the Works of S. Ambrose which is certainly Victor's for it ends with these words Remember Victor in your Prayers This together with the Testimony of Gennadius puts it out of all doubt that this Treatise of Repentance is Victor's of
that day when it is done for health and not for pleasure B. 11. Ep. 3. Of the last Judgment WHensoever there happen'd any great Revolutions in the World the Christians were easily perswaded that the end of the World was approaching Now St. Gregory had seen some very considerable in his time and fore-seeing the Ruin of the Roman Empire to be very near at hand which some thought should never be till the end of the World he became of that Opinion that the last Judgment was drawing near This he affirms in many places of his Letters and chiefly B. 2. Ind. 11. Ep. 62. B. 3. Ep. 44. B. 7. Ind. 2. Ep. 128. c. Jesus Christ preach'd only to those Souls departed who had believed in him and led a good Life B. 6. Ep. 15. The Letters of St. Gregory against the Defenders of the three Chapters ALtho the Church of Rome approv'd the Condemnation of the three Chapters yet its example was not follow'd by all the Bishops of Italy Many did not only persist in their Resolution not to Condemn them but also separated from the Church of Rome and the other Bishops who had receiv'd this Condemnation or who communicated with the Bishops that had sign'd it St. Gregory being concern'd to see so many Bishops separate from the Church for a Question of so little Importance us'd all his Endeavours to bring them back again by ways of Meekness and Civility For this end he invited at the beginning of his Pontificat Severus Bishop of Aquileia and the other Bishops of Istria who were more obstinate to come to Rome there to treat amicably of this Controversie and promis'd to remove the Scruples they might have about it But these Bishops refus'd to admit of this Accommodation and maintain'd their Principle with so much stiffness that they attributed the Calamities wherewith Italy was then afflicted to the Condemnation of the three Chapters The City of Aquileia being afterwards taken by the Lombards Severus was forc'd to retire to Gradus from whence he was carried by the Emperor's Order to Ravenna where he condemn'd the three Chapters But finding a way to obtain Letters from the Emperor which forbad to disturb those who defended the three Chapters in the West he declar'd himself anew for the defence of them and so agreed the matter with the Lombards that he was restor'd to Aquileia where he died After his death Agilulphus King of the Lombards caus'd John to be chosen in his room who was a Defender of the three Chapters and the Pope being supported by the Exarch sent Candidian to Gradus for opposing John Many other Bishops of Italy submitted to the Dominion of the Lombards who would not approve the Condemnation of the three Chapters Nay they had so great an Aversion to those who condemn'd them that they separated from the Communion of Constantius Bishop of Milan whom they suspected to have sign'd this Condemnation and Theodolinda Queen of the Lombards follow'd their Example St. Gregory advis'd this Bishop to hold his peace and say nothing upon this subject and told him that he ought not to affirm that he had not sign'd them He wrote also to Theodolinda many Letters to perswade her that those who condemned the three Chapters receiv'd the Council of Chalcedon He speaks every where as one that was not too much convinc'd either of the Justice or Necessity of Condemning the three Chapters but he would not have any to separate from their Communion who did condemn them Against the Donatists ST Gregory stood up against the Donatists of Afric with the same boldness He hindred a Donatist Bishop from being Primate of Numidia and chose in his room one Columbus whom he made his Delegate and Agent in Afric He order'd him afterwards to hold an Assembly of the Bishops of Numidia to judge a Bishop who was accus'd of taking money to suffer a Donatist Bishop in his City and desires that he may be Depos'd if he was convicted of this Crime For it is very just says he that one who hath sold Jesus Christ for money to a Heretick should henceforth be disabled to dispense the holy Mysteries B. 2. Ep. 33. On the other hand he exhorted Pantaleon Governor of Afric to put a stop to the progress of this Schism B. 3. Ep. 32 35. He made an Order forbidding to admit the Donatists who were converted into the Clergy The Affair of Maximus of Salonae NAtalis Bishop of Salonae dying who had led a very licentious Life St. Gregory would have Honoratus chosen in his room and excluded Maximus B. 3. Ep. 15. Nevertheless this last was chosen and tho the Emperor at first scrupled to consent to his Election yet afterwards he approv'd it Maximus having received Orders from Court got himself Ordain'd and put in Possession of the See of Salonae St. Gregory understanding this wrote to Maximus forbidding him and all those who had Consecrated him to perform any part of the Sacerdotal Function until he was inform'd of the Truth in this case Whether the Letters of the Emperor upon which he was Ordain'd were true or forg'd At the same time he cited him to Rome to give an Account of his Ordination there Maximus did not much value this Letter but caus'd it to be torn in pieces and asserted that there was nothing to be blam'd in his Ordination and that he ought to be judged upon the place The Emperor also acquainted St. Gregory That he would not have the Ordination of Maximus medled with But this Order did not shake the Constancy of St. Gregory who as himself said upon this occasion was resolv'd rather to die then suffer the Church of St. Peter to lose its Authority and Rights by his Negligence Yet he declar'd that he would willingly Sacrifice his own Interest and admit the Ordination of Maximus altho it was done against his will But then he inform'd the Empress that as to what concern'd the Simony Sacriledge and the other Crimes whereof Maximus was accused he could not dispense with using all the Severity of the Laws against him if he did not come to Rome in a short time to justifie himself At last seeing that Maximus continued to Discharge the Sacerdotal Function and refus'd to come to Rome he Excommunicated him and all the Bishops who had Ordain'd him or were engag'd on his side and even those who should Communicate with them for the future The Emperor being desirous to put an end to this Contest order'd Calli●icus the Exarch to accommodate the difference between Maximus and St. Gregory By his Mediation it was agreed that Maximus should transport himself to Ravenna and there perform what the Archbishop Marinianus should enjoyn him He did so and having publickly asked Pardon for his Fault and purg'd himself by Oath before the Sepulchre of St. Apollinaris he receiv'd Absolution from Marinianus by the order of St. Gregory and in the presence of Castorius his Envoy who presented to Maximus a Letter from
refutes Severus's Error That the Two Natures became one in Christ. The same Subject is also handled in the next Writing directed to a Lord named Peter The 14th Letter which is the 41st piece of this Volume is also on the Mystery of the Incarnation but in the end of it he speaks of the Incursions of the Arabians which spoiled the Frontiers of the Empire The 15th is a Scholastical Tract of the Union and Distinction of the Two Natures in Christ directed to Conon a Deacon of Alexandria To it is joined a Letter directed to the same Deacon to exhort him to stand up in the defence of the Truth without being dismayed at the sufferings attending the defence of it The 17th is directed to Julian It is also about the distinction of the Two Natures The 18th is written in the Name of George a Noble-Man of Africa to some Nuns of Alexandria engaged in the Error of the Mon●●helites to dissuade them from it The 19th is written to Pyrrh●s before he was Patriarch and ●ad declared himself openly against the Church Maximus asks him How his saying is to be understood that there was but one Vertue or Operation in Christ. The following Letters to divers private persons are shorter than the former and contain nothing but some Moral or Mystical Discourses The Five Dialogues upon the Trinity which were Published under Athanasius's Name are here restored to S. Maximus upon the Authority of the Greek Manuscripts and Authors which have Quoted them under this Father's Name We have shewed already that Combefis was in the right to put them under Maximus's Name and that they are none of Theodoret's as F. Garner pretended After so many Writings of the Ancients upon the Trinity there is no need to make an Extract of this where that Mystery is handled after Maximus's Genius Scholastically and in the form of a Conference Maximus's * Or an Exposition of the Publick Liturgy of the Church Mystagogy are Considerations of the Church-Ceremonies He says there That the Church is the Figure and Image of God the World Man and the Soul That the Introitus of the Mass is a representation of Christ's entrance into our Souls That the Lessons signifie the Faith of Christians That the Songs are signs of the Spiritual Joy That the Gospel figures the Consummation of the World and the Perfection of Christians That when the Bishop descends from his Chair he represents Christ descending from Heaven in the Day of Judgment That the going out of Catechumens teaches us that those that have not Faith shall be rejected That the Doors shut the Kiss of Peace the saying of the Creed are the figures of the perfect Union of Christians That the Trisagion and the Sanctus are Types of our future Glory and present Adoption This whole Book is full of such Allegories Lastly The last of Maximus's his Works is a Collection of sundry passages of Ecclesiastical and Prophane Authors set down under different Titles concerning Vertues Vices Women ' Duties Moral Precepts and Maxims We have moreover a Comment or Scholia of Maximus's upon the Books ascribed to the Areopagite which is Printed with Dionysius's Works He writ also some Scholia upon S. Gregory Nazianzen which were Printed at Oxford in 1681. Petavius hath Published a Kalendar for Easter ending in the Year 641 ascribed to Maximus Photius saith This Author hath extraordinary well turned Periods but that he often useth Hyperboles and Transpositions and is not careful at all to speak properly which renders his Writings obscure and difficult That he affects a kind of harshness of swelling Stile which renders his Discourse unpleasing and ungrateful to the Ear That in his Rhetorical Figures he does not make choice of that which is neat and handsome That he tires out his Reader with his Allegorical and Mystical Explications so far distant from the Letter and the truth of History that one cannot see any coherence between his Answer and the Question That yet he excells in the Allegorical and Mystical way and that they who take delight in it can meet with nothing more accomplished That his very Letters are not without obscurity which is the only Epistoler Character he hath kept to That he is plainer and clearer in his Treatise of Charity and in his Maxims meerly Moral Lastly That the Conference with Pyrrhus is of a Stile somewhat low and that he hath not kept the Laws of Logick One may add to this Judgment of Photius That Maximus handles matters after a meer Scholastical manner That he Speaks and Reasons as a Logician That he gives his Definitions Terms and Arguments in form That he maketh use of great big Words signifying no more than what might be expressed in other terms That he is acute and close striketh his Adversaries home and stands firm to his own Principles That he was very quick of Apprehension of Reasoning and Disputing very free of Speech Stiff and Firm. He was of the Opinion of the Latins about the procession of the Holy Ghost Original Sin Christ's Grace and the Celibacy of Bishops and the Greatness and Power of the Roman Church He had the Monastick Life in high esteem and was much given to Mystical Thoughts In a word He was a Scholastical Mystical and Speculative Man ANASTASIUS Disciple of Maximus ANASTASIUS Disciple of Maximus who suffered so much with him for the same cause wrote a Letter to the Monks of Cagliari against the Monothelites wherein he refutes Anastasius those that said That in Christ there was One and Two Wills from whence he concluded that they admitted Three It is in the Collections of Anastasius Bibliothecarius Published by Sirmondus at Paris 1620 and among Maximus's Works He Died in Exile at Lazica ANASTASIUS Apocrisiarius of Rome THIS * A Commissary or Chancellor to a Bishop Apocrisiarius of Rome suffered also the same Persecutions for the same cause He wrote a Letter to Theodosius Presbyter of Gangra upon S. Maximus's Death There he Anastasius Quotes some fragments of the Writings of Hippolytus Bishop of Porto It is in Anastasius's Collections and among Maximus's Works THEODOSIUS and THEODORUS THESE Two Brothers made an Historical Memorial of the Life and Conflicts of Anastasius and the other Champions of the Faith This is also found among Anastasius's Theodosius and Theodorus Collections THEODORUS THEODORUS Presbyter and Abbot of Raithu to whom Maximus directed his Treatise of the Essence and Nature wrote a Tract upon the Incarnation There he sets Theodorus down at first the Errors of Manes Paulus Samosatenus Apollinarius Theodorus of Mopsuesta Nestorius and Eutyches about that Mystery Then he Expounds the Faith of the Church opposite to those Errors He shews How they have been revived by Julian of Halicarnassus and Severus to whom he opposed the Fathers Testimonies but we have not now this last part This Work was Published in Greek and Latin by Beza and Printed at Geneva in 1576 Quarto Since that time it was
says That as Christ was really and substantially born of the Virgin so likewise w Christians do truly receive under the Mysteries the Lord's Body and Blood De veritate Carnis Sanguinis tho' 〈◊〉 appearance of the Bread and Wine remain This and such like Expressions which might be produced in great Numbers from the Books of the Ancients who unanimously teach That in the Sacrament is the Body and Blood of Christ. And tho' before the Consecration it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 meer Bread and Wine yet afterward 't is verily the Body of Christ. Truly his Flesh truly his Blood are really no more than the very words of Christ This is my Body This is my Blood and are only true in a figurative Sence i. e. by a Change of Condition Sanctification and Usage In which Sence the Church of England thus delivers herself in the Catechize That the Body and Blood of Christ is verily and indeed taken and received by the Faithful in the Lord's Supper For we are so certain That to eat Christ's Body Spiritually is to eat him Really that there is no other way to eat him Really but by Spiritual Manducation Christ is as really present Spiritually as Corporeally and we receive it as well by Faith as by Bodily Eating There can therefore be no Grounds from the Words of this Father to inferr a Transubstantiation in the Sacrament since they may be better understood of the Spiritual Presence Nay these Expressions The appearance of Bread and Wine remain under the Mysteries plainly shew this to be the Sence They are to the Sences Bread and Wine to the Soul they are really the Body and Blood of Christ on them we feed by Faith And thus we must understand the Expression of the same Father p. 37. seq ad w Christians do truly receive under the Mysteries the Lord's Body and Blood tho' the appearance of the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because Men would abhor drinking Blood and eating Flesh but there can be no doubt but it is verily received De veritate Carnis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He confesseth the Apostles did not receive 〈◊〉 Fasting but he says That 〈◊〉 all that they ought not to find Fault with the Custom of the Universal Church which requires That it be always received Fasting because the Holy Spirit whereby she is 〈◊〉 in Honour of so great a Sacrament would have Christ's Body to enter into the Christian's Mouths before any other Meat was received in and it is upon that Account that this Practice is observed every where Lastly he treats of the Question of frequent Communion and enquires whether it be good to Communicate every day Thereupon he says That there be some Persons who wish That they would make choice of those days in which Men live more Soberly and Godly but others think That if they be not guilty of any Sin that deserveth being debarred from the Altar put to Penance and then reconciled by the Bishop's Authority they may come very often to the Sacrament He leaves every one at his Liberty to do as he shall think best according to his Godly Motions and propounds after S. Austin the Examples of Zacchaeus and the Centurion He warns Christians that if they exclude themselves from the Eucharist they shall perish with Hunger but yet if they come to it unworthily they shall Eat and Drink their own Damnation Lastly he does vehemently urge great Sinners to Repentance and to procure their own Separation from the Altar by the Judgment of the Bishop and prays them to consider That that State of Separation is an Image of the final Judgment when they see the Just coming to the Eucharist whilst themselves are excluded from it In the beginning of that Homily there are some Periods taken out of a Sermon of Caesarius of Arles but in that time they commonly used that Bishop's Sermons In the Ninth Homily he exhorts Sinners to cure themselves of their Sins by Repentance In the Tenth he speaks also of the Ceremonies of the Thursday before Easter that on that day they set some Prisoners at Liberty The Eleventh Homily is also upon the Thursday before Eastor he speaks to the Faithful and the Penitents To the first he recommends Faith and Charity towards God and their Neighbours on which Vertue he bestows a large Encomium and recommends the forgiving of Enemies He speaks of the Practice of the Church to say every day x Canonical Hours The Ancients had their several Hours for Prayer and Devotion both by Day and Night in imitation of the Apostles This must be acknowledged on an hands Tertullian mentions them as of common use among the Christians in his time 〈◊〉 semper ●…que omni tempore orandum est tamen ●●es 〈◊〉 ut insigniores in 〈◊〉 human 〈◊〉 itae sole●…ores 〈◊〉 in precibus Divinie quod 〈◊〉 Danielis argumentum ter die Orantis As Daniel prayed three times a day so did Dan. 6. 10. the Christians in the first devout times The same also doth S. Jerom deliver as an Hieron ad Eust●… Apostolical Tradition Tria sunt tempora quibus 〈◊〉 flectenda sunt Genus 〈◊〉 Horam Sextam Nonam Ecclesiastica Traditio intelligit Denique 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Spiritus super Apostolor sexta 〈◊〉 volens comedere ad Orationem ascendit in Canaculum Non● P●●rus Joannes ascen●… in Templum Wherein S. Jerom tells us That it was an Ecclesiastical Tradition to Act. 2. 1 15. 10. 9. 3. 1. be observed by the Christians in imitation of the Apostles to Pray at the Third Sixth and Ninth Hours And so also the same Father prescribes Hours of Prayers Hieron ad Eustoch Athan. de Virgin Basil. Quaest. 37. in the Night and particularly enjoyns Mid-night so to be observed But as their Hours for Prayers were but Three by Day and Two or Three by Night so they were for private not publick Devotion freely and voluntarily performed not imposed and being thus used are highly to be approved But as they have since degenerated into Ceremony and Superstition and have not only received an Addition of four Hours more to make them up seven but are imposed on the Priests only in the Ramish Church and by them are made a Burden Pol. Virg. l. 6. c. 2. or a Task rather than a Duty they have been justly abolished by our Reformers not but that 't is lawful and commendable for any pious Persons to follow the old Apostolick Custom if they see it helpful to Devotion the Canonical Hours He stirs up all Christians to Prayer Fasting and Repentance he prescribes to Sinners the Confession of their Sins in order to doing Penance for them and at last directs his Speech to Penitents after this manner To those Persons saith he who stand here in a Penitential Habit with a foul mournful Countenance their Hair torn and flying abroad testifying as far as we can judge by their Actions That they have lamented
their Sins and mortified in themselves the Vices of the Flesh. He lets them know they are to understand That altho' they be 〈◊〉 to receive the Imposition of Hands nevertheless they ought to be persuaded they shall not receive the absolution of their Crimes if the divine Goodness do not pardon them giving them the Grace of Contrition because as S. Gregory saith the Bishop's Absolution is then only true when it is agreeable with the Judgment of him who judges the Secrets of the Hearts which is figured by the Resurrection of 〈◊〉 whom Christ raised to Life first before he ordered his Disciples to loose him and thus all Pastors must have a care to loose and absolve none but such whose Souls Christ hath quickened again by his Grace After these words he invites them to shew some Marks of their Conversion which they having done by lifting up their Hands to Heaven he went on in his Discourse setting forth the effects of true Repentance which are to satisfy God to lament their Sins past and to commit them no more The 12th Homily is upon Charity on Holy Thursday The 13th for the same day He exhorts all Christians to purge themselves from their daily Sins by Prayer and Almsgiving and he advertiseth them in the end That they should not abhor publick Penitents as being great Sinners because among those that are not doing Penance there may be some guilty of more grievous Sins He deploreth the misery of those who do not confess them nor do Penance for them In the 14th he exhorts Christians diligently to prepare themselves for the worthy receiving of the Eucharist at Easter In the 15th he speaks again very earnestly of the real Presence Know ye my dear Brethren says he and firmly believe That as the * Vid. Note w Flesh which Jesus Christ took in the Virgins Womb is his true Body which was offered up for our Salvation so likewise the Bread which he gave to his Disciples and which the Priests consecrate daily in the Church is the true Body of Christ. They are not two Bodies 't is the same Body which is broken and sacrificed This is Jesus Christ which is broken and sacrificed tho' he remains sound and whole Then he exhorts all Christians Clerks Laicks and Religious who perceive themselves guilty of the Sins of Envy Calumny Hatred Fornication and Perjury to purifie themselves on this day confessing their Iniquity to God And as to those that have committed greater Crimes and are doing Penance publickly he warns them to fall no more into those Sins He adds That there be grievous Offenders whose Crimes are so secret that they cannot be admitted to do publick Penance That those Offenders are to be excluded from the Church for a while because that altho' they be not reconciled by the Imposition of Hands and receive not Absolution they ought to mortifie their Bodies by Works of Repentance and heal their Souls by good Deeds This would make one think That publick Offences only were then liable to publick Penance and as to them whose Crimes were altogether secret and hidden they did only advise them to separate themselves from the Church Assemblies and to do Penance secretly and privately This appears yet by the 16th Homily for having exhorted all Christians generally to Repent and to abstain from grievous Crimes for the future he directs his Speech to two Persons whom a publick Offence had obliged to do publick Penance He exhorts them sincerely to lament their Sins and to commit them no more In that Homily there is an unwarrantable Proposition related under the name of the Wise Man That it is as great a Crime for a Man to lie with his Wife as to eat Flesh in Lent Besides these Homilies we have a Letter of S. Eligius's among those of Desiderius Bishop of * Of Cadurcum Cahors S. Eligius was an able and learned Man for his time he had read S. Cyprian S. Austin S. Gregory and some other Latin Fathers and imitated them He was a Lover of Ecclesiastical Discipline and a Follower of the Tradition of those Fathers as near as the Age he lived in could permit His Sermons are better than those of several other Latin Preachers both for Matter and Stile AGATHO POPE Agatho may deservedly be rank'd among Ecclesiastical Authors because of the long Letter he writ to the Emperor Constantine inserted in the Acts of the 6th Council in Agatho which he does largely confute the Error of the Monothelites But we ought not to value much another Letter ascribed to this Pope directed to Ethelred King of the Mercians to Theodorus of Canterbury and to the Abbot Sexulphus which seems to be a Supposititious Piece made by some English Monk and contains nothing remarkable We shall speak of this Pope's first Letter when we come to treat of the Acts of the 6th Council and of another Letter written upon the same Subject and the same Occasion by Datian Bishop of Pavia in the name of Mansuetus Bishop of Milan which is also among the Acts of this Council This Pope died the 10th of January in 682. after he had governed the Church of Rome 3 years 6 Months and 25 days LEO II. AFTER Agatho's death Leo II. was chosen in his Room Constantine the Emperor hearing of his Election did immediately write a Letter to him set down in the end of Leo II. the 6th Council but Leo was not ordained till August in the year 682. After the return of John Bishop of Porto one of the Legates whom Agatho had sent to the Council And some believe his Ordination was put off till August in the year following But it is not likely for in May of this year he did examine and approve in a Synod the Acts of the 6th Council and in the end of the same year sent them into Spain He died the year after viz. June 28. 684. The Emperor's Letter directed to Leo wherein he acquaints him That the Council hath confirmed Pope Agatho's Doctrine and what was done in the 6th Council is in the Acts of that Council Baronius pretends That these two Letters are Supposititious but his Conjectures are grounded only upon false dates a False dates In the Title of the 1st Letter it is said That it was sent in December Indict X. Agatho was then living but they must set down some other Month for it was delivered in June Indict X. It is known That these Titles before the true Inscriptions are added The second Letter hath no date in the Greek and the date in the Latin is visibly false In the Body there is mention made of the X. Indict of June before which agreeth very well with our Hypothesis Leo was chosen in the beginning of 682. Indict X. In June he receiveth the Acts of the Council and the Emperor's Letter he was ordained in August following and he writes an Answer in the beginning of the next year Indict XI A●●stasius hath turned
to oppose them He tells him That he hath sent him some of S. Gregory's Letters which he had taken out of the Library of the Church of Rome and which he thought not common in England He desires of him some of Bede's Works He requests the same thing in the following Letter of the Abbot Huctbert and recommends himself to his Prayers In the 10th he exhorts in his own Name and in the Name of eight Bishops that were with him the Priest Herefrede to shew the Memoir which they sent him to the King of the Mercians and exhorts him to follow their Advice 'T was to hinder the Debaucheries and Disorders of his Kingdom In the 11th Letter he consults the Bishop Pethelmus about the Customs of France and Italy by which it was forbidden to marry her to whose Child he had been Godfather Whereupon he says That till then he thought there was no harm in it having never found that it was forbidden by the Canons or Decrees of the Holy Bishops He desires him to let him know whether he hath met with any thing about it in any Ecclesiastical Writings The 12th to King Ethelbald contains nothing remarkable The 13th 14th and 16th are directed to the Abbess Eatburg in them he recommends himself to her Prayers In the 15th to Nothelmus Bishop of Canterbury he prays him to hold the same Friendship and Correspondence with him which he had with his Predecessor Berthwald He earnestly requests him to send him a Copy of S. Austin's Questions to S. Gregory and this Pope's Answers in which he allows Kindred in the third Degree to marry He desires him to examine carefully whether these Answers be S. Gregory's because they are not in the Library of the Roman Church He asks his Opinion about a Person who had married a Widow to whose Daughter he had been Godfather and prays him to tell him if he had met with any Decree about it in the Canons or Holy Fathers Lastly he desires him to tell him in what Year of Jesus Christ the Persons whom S. Gregory sent to preach the Gospel in England arrived there The 17th is sent to certain Monks who had lost their Abbot In it he names another to them and gives them several Directions about a Monastick Life He also nominates a Priest and a Deacon who should have the Care of Divine Service and preach the Word of God to the Brotherhood The 18th contains some special Tokens of Christian Friendship and Love to the Arch-deacon to whom it is written The 19th is a Letter sent in the Name of Boniface and five other Bishops to Ethelbald or Ethelwald King of the Mercians Having commended this Prince for his Virtues particularly for his Liberality to the Poor and his Justice they tell him with a great deal of freedom that they have heard that he lives in Incontinence and shew him the enormous Nature of that Crime They reprove him also for depriving certain Monasteries of their Priviledges and Revenues and account it worthy of the Name of the great Sin of Sacriledge They complain also that his Magistrates and Justices imposed Taxes upon the Monks and Clergy they say that the Churches of England had enjoyed their Priviledges from the coming of Austin to the Reign of Chelred King of the Mercians and Ofred King of * Of Northumberland rath●r for Brnicia and Deria which had been two Kingdoms were united by Oswy and so made the Kingdom of Northumberland a little before Osred Reigned the Bernicians that these two Kings had committed very great Sins in abusing and wronging the Monks and destroying their Monasteries but had been punished for their Impiety and died most miserably They exhort him not to follow their Example and in the conclusion lay before his Eyes the shortness of this Life and the torments which attend Sinners in another The 20th Letter is to an Abbess who had laid down the Government of her Nunnery that she might live a more peaceable and quiet Life She had desired his advice Whether she should undertake a Journey to Rome He doth not disswade her from it but advises her to stay till the Disturbances in Italy were over In the 21st he writes to the Abbess Eatburg the Visions which a certain Person had seen who thought that his Soul was separated from his Body for a time He imagined himself to be taken up into Heaven and from thence to behold evidently all that pass'd in this World and in the other to hear the Angels and Devils disputing about the state of the Souls which were come out of the World that the Sins which they had committed stood up to accuse them but the few Virtues which they had practised appeared in their defence that he had seen Pits of Fire in the bottom of which were the Souls condemned to Eternal Flames and at the Mouths were those who should one day be delivered from their Punishments that he had seen Paradise and the way that the Souls of Just Men go thither when they depart out of the World that some fall into a River of Fire as they pass which throughly purges them who have smaller Sins to expiate Lastly that he saw the Storms which the Devils raised upon Earth and the Sins into which they plunged Men. The following Letters of Boniface are Letters of Compliment Thanks or private Matters The 32d is a Letter of Recommendation written by Charles Martel Controller of the Houshold to Chilperick King of France and Father of Pepin the next King in favour of Boniface The next are several Letters written to Boniface or Adelm The 44th is a Letter of Adelm to * Britannorum Cornubi-ensium Rex Uss. King Geruntius against some particular Customs in Ireland concering the Shaving of Clergy-Men and the Celebration of Easter After this come several Letters written by Lullus the Scholar of S. Boniface who succeeded him and by other English-Men In the 62d Lullus ordains a Week of Abstinence and two Days of Fasting to obtain fair Weather The 70th is a Letter of Cuthbert Archbishop of Canterbury and his Synod written to Lullus and to the Christians of Germany after the Death of Boniface In it he shews the respect they had for the Memory of Boniface and assures him that they determine to celebrate his Festival and take him for their Patron with S. Gregory and S Austin the Apostle of England They exhort the Bishops of Germany to discharge their Ministry with Vigilance and Sanctity and pray them to offer the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass for them promising to do the same on their part In the 87th Magingok Bishop of Wirtemberg consults Lullus about the inseparable Conjunction made by Marriage and observes the different Opinions of the Fathers about it The 91st is Boniface's and is directed to Pope Steven He desires him to continue the same Friendship and Protection to him which his Predecessors had granted him he promises for his part to continue his Labors and always bear
although there was no Invocation of Saints yet many Doctrines and practices were allowed and believed which laid the Foundation of Saint-Worship which was introduced soon after As 1. It was held That the Souls of the Martyrs were every where present but especially at their Tombs where several Miracles were wrought 2. Many of the eminent Fathers both for Learning and Devotion made Rhetorical Panegyricks of the Christians deceased wherein by Apostrophe's and Prosopopeia's they seemed to invoke Souls departed Thus S. Jerom in his Epitaph of Paula saith Farewel O Paula and ●y thy Prayers help the decrepis Age of him that honours thee And so Nazianzen in his Invectives against Julian saith Hear O ●●ou S●ul of great Constantine c. 3. The Christians in their Prayers at the Commemoration of the Memories of the Martyrs not only used many unwary Expressions implying a sort of Invocation of them but did formally pray to God to grant them such Blessings as they stood in need of through their Intercession for so Austin says We mention not them as Aug. in Joan. tract 84. though we prayed for them but that they may pray for us These Doctrines and Practices so prepared Men's Minds for the Invocation of Saints that about the Year 60● S. Gregory inserted Petitions to them in the publick Litanies among the Latins as Petrus G●ap●aus had some time before among the Greeks and it was quietly received and allowed and so continued to the Times of Charles the Great and downward till the Reformation without any considerable Opposition So apt are Men to cherish Will-worship was much used Relicks and the Cross were reverenced ii Relicks reverenced Altho the Reverence of Bones and other Relicks of Saints seems as absurd a piece of Idolatrous Worship as the Heathens themselves were guilty of yet it was the first that crept into the Church through the Policy of Satan which was effected by this Means It pleased God for the Testimony of his Doctrine and Truth to work great Miracles by the dead Bodies of his Saints in witness that they had been his Messengers and Instruments of his Will But that which was intended by God for the good of Men and Conversion of Souls became a Snare to lead them into Error for their admiration of the vertue which God seemed to put into them stirred them up not only to seek for them and use them as Amulets and Remedies against all Evils and Distempers but also made them give them a singular Respect and Veneration as we may gather from S. Austin's Words I know many Aug. de Eccles Man c. 34. that worship Graves Images c. Indeed there was a Respect always paid to the Martyrs deceased by the Christians by celebrating their Memories at their Tombs upon the anniversary of their Martyrdom and by bestowing a neat and convenient Burial upon them but it was never allowed by the Orthodox Fathers to give them a Divine Honour Yea S. Gregory says That it is not lawful to bring the Greg. lib 3. ep 30. Body of the Saints into a publick view or handle them with the Hands 'T was Satan's Subtilty to insinuate Idolatry by an intemperate Devotion But in France no veneration of Images was allowed The Prohibition of contracting Marriages was extended to the fourth degree of Consanguinity Spiritual Affinity kk Prohibition of Marriage to the fourth Degree of Consanguinity Spiritual Affinity To avoid all incestuous Marriages such Canons as these prohibiting Marriage within certain degrees are very convenient to be imposed and ought to be observed And tho' indeed this may seem too strict restraining such Kindred from Marriage as the Word of God it self doth seem to permit Lev. 18. being extended to the fourth degree of Consanguinity yet 't is better to prohibit something in it self lawful where there is little or no inconvenience consequent upon it than to permit a thing which in strictness perhaps is lawful but is in appearance evil and scandalous as a Marriage-Conjunction of Persons near-a-kin is commonly accounted But as to Spiritual Consanguinity or Affinity as it is no real Relation so to hinder such as are thus allied from Marriage is an Instance of Papal Tyranny and Usurpation no Persons being really better qualified for Marriage together than such as are Brethren and Sisters in the Lord So that though the Constitution for not marrying to the fourth degree is tolerable enough yet the latter since it may produce many Inconveniences among Men deserve no Regard or Observation and it is to be believed that it had long since expired had it not been much for the Advantage of the Papal Hierarchy by creating an abundance of Dispensations began then to take Place The Celebration of Sundays was then very solemn On this Day they did forbear all manner of servile Work and Christians were obliged to be present at Divine Service which was solemnly perform'd The keeping of publick Markets was prohibited on this Day This is the number of the Holy Days then kept set down in the 158th Chapter of the first Book of the Capitularies The Festivals of Christmas S. Stephen S. John the Evangelist the Innocents the Octave of the Lord the Epiphany the Octave of the Epiphany the Purification of the Blessed Virgin eight Days at Easter the great Litany the Ascension Whitsunday S. John Baptist S. Peter and S. Paul S. Martyn and S. Andrew As to the Virgin 's Assumption it is said We leave it out to enquire into it Churches were built with as much splendor and Magnificence as the Age would permit they were decked and adorn'd the Altars consecrated and covered with Linen-Cloath the Service was performed with great Pomp. The Roman way of singing was brought into the Churches of France but they kept still their own peculiar way of Singing They took great care of the Church-Books and Singing Women were forbidden to come near the Altars and Abbesses to give the Blessing to make the Sign of the Cross upon Men's Heads and to give the Veil with the Sacerdotal Benediction Simony was severely forbidden They made Laws against Usury then not only in Ecclesiastical but Laymen There were many Hospitals for the Poor and the Sick The paying of Tithes was become obligatory and all sorts of Persons were constrained to pay them to Church-Men They were forbidden exacting any thing for the Sacraments or for Ecclesiastical Offices Church-Revenues were divided into three Parts one part was for the repairing of Churches the other for the Poor and the last for Churchmen They began to oblige the Clergy of Cathedrals to live together canonically They made divers Constitutions to keep Monks in order They forbad to receive Children without the Parent 's Consent and to veil Virgins before 30 Years of Age and Widow-Women before the thirtieth Day after their Husbands Decease They prohibited a Sort of Clerks which wore the Religious Habit and would live neither as Monks nor Clergymen The Rectors of Country Parishes
one day it is just that the People and Count both should meet at the Bishops nevertheless to prevent such an accident and for the good of Peace it was ordained without any prejudice to the power and dignity of the Bishop that he that first sends out his Summons shall hold his Court. The Tenth renews the Canon of the Council of Carthage which orders that no Bishop shall be deposed unless it be by 12 others a Priest by 6 and a Deacon by 3. The Eleventh inflicts the punishment of Deposition upon those Deacons and Priests who have committed Murther although against their Wills The Twelfth orders that the Sacrament of Baptism shall not be administred but at the Solemn Times i. e. at Easter and Whitsuntide The Thirteenth commands that the Tithes and Oblations of the Church shall be divided into Four parts one for the Bishop two for the Clergy the third for the Poor and a fourth for the Reparation of the Church The Fourteenth preserves the Tithes to the ancient Churches and annexes the Tithes of new broken-up Lands to them but if new Houses be built Four Miles from other Churches in a Wood or other place and a Church be built there by the consent of the Bishop they may put in a Priest and give him the new Tithes The Fifteenth says that the Dead shall be Buryed if possible in the City or some Monasteries but if that can't easily be done then in the Church to which they pay their Tithes The Sixteenth forbids exacting any thing for a Burial And the Seventeenth prohibits the Burying of Lay-men in Churches The Eighteenth forbids the use of Wooden Pattins and Chalices The Nineteenth orders that Water and Wine be mixed in the Chalice but twice as much Wine as Water The Twentieth is against them that Misuse Clergy-men The One and twentieth provides that no Oaths be required of Priests The Two and twentieth says that those that are accused of any Crime which they have no proof of shall clear themselves by Oath But if there be any just cause of suspicion they shall undergo the Proof of Red-hot Iron in the presence of the Bishop or his Commissioner The Three and twentieth revives the Laws against those who Marry Virgins Consecrated to God The Four and twentieth imports that a Maid who hath taken the Veil by her own desire and without any Constraint before she is 12 Years old she is obliged to retain her Virginity if she hath worn that Habit a Year and a Day and no Body may take her out of the Monastery The Twenty Fifth forbids Bishops to give the Veil to Widows and obliges them to a single Life who have taken it before The Twenty Sixth allows Monks who will not go out of their Monastery to preserve themselves or others to do it with the consent of the Bishop Abbot and their Brethren but orders those to be punished who get out to avoid the severity of the Discipline The Twenty Seventh forbids the Clergy to forsake their Office and gives the Bishops power to keep them to it and take them up if they are fled to take a secular Habit. The Twenty Ninth forbids that a Slave be ordained till he hath gotten perfect Liberty The Thirtieth appoints that in Memory of St. Peter the H. Roman and Apostolick See ought be honoured it being just that that Church which is the Mother of the Priestly Dignity should be the Mistress of Ecclesiastical Order so that 't is fit that Men bear and endure the Yoke she lays upon them although it be almost insupportable Nevertheless 't is ordered that if any Priest or Deacon be accused of carrying forged Letters from the Pope to stir up any Troubles or lay any Snares for the Ministers of the Church the Bishop may with due Respect to the Pope stop his Proceedings till he hath written to the H. See The Thirty First is against Thieves The Thirty Second orders that if the Right of Patronage to any Church be disputed by several Co-heirs which can't agree to hinder the Disorders which may follow upon it the Bishop shall remove the Reliques out of the Church shut it up and provide that no Mass be celebrated in it till all the Heirs shall agree together to present one Priest and that they shall neither put in nor remove any Priest without the Bishop's consent The Thirty Third revives those Canons which exclude such Persons from H. Orders as have made themselves Eunuchs or maimed themselves but it excepts such from this Law as have lost any of their Members o● are made Lame by any Distemper or other Accident The Thirty Fourth treats those Men gently who in the Wars with the Barbarians have slain by chance some Christians which they took for Pagans by imposing on them only 40 Days Penance The Thirty Fifth forbids that any Pleadings or other Civil Assemblies be held on Sundays Holidays Fasts or in Lent and commands that all Christians be present on Holy-days and Sundays at the Vigils Divine Service and Mass and that in Lent and other Fasts they fast with Devotion pray with Zeal and Fervour and give Alms according to their Abilities The Thirty Sixth declares that if it happens that a Man who is cutting down a Tree and seeing it ready to fall bids his Companion stand out of the way and he doth not do it but it falls upon him he that cut down the Tree shall not be reproved or blamed for it The Thirty Seventh is a like Case If a Woman leaves her Child near boiling Water and the Water still boiling scalds the Child the Woman shall be put to Penance for her Negligence but she that set the Water on the Fire hath committed no fault The Thirty Eighth orders that every Free-man that marries a Woman made Free shall keep her as his Wife The Thirty Ninth orders the same thing to such as marry Strangers The Fourtieth declares the marriage of a Man and a Widow null who have committed Adultery together in the Life of her Husband if he hath promised to marry her at that time The Fourty First imports that if a Person who is unable to do the Duties of Marriage marry a Woman and his Brother abuse her they shall be parted and she shall not have Commerce with either of them nevertheless the Bishop may permit her to marry again after the Guilty Person hath done Penance The Fourty Second asserts that if any Person change his Diocess after he hath committed incest he shall be taken up and put to Penance by the Bishop of the Place where he committed it The Fourty Third is that if a Person commit Fornication with a Woman who hath had carnal knowledge of his Son or Brother without his Knowledge and he deposeth upon Oath that he is not Conscious of any such thing he may be allowed to marry after he hath done Penance The Fourty Fourth says that if one Brother marry a Woman with whom another Brother hath had carnal
choose his Successor a Rule which it is very dangerous to break Nevertheless Agobard enjoyed his See peaceably till he was put out by Lewis the Godly for taking part with his Son Lotharius and having been one of the Principal Authors of his Deposition at an Assembly of Bishops held at Compeigne in 833. for Lewis the Godly punishing the Injustice and Violence which had been done to him by Lotharius and the Bishops of his party had a Process drawn up against them at a Council of Thionville held in 835. Ebbo who was Arch-bishop of Rheims was forced to confess his fault and submit himself to his Deposition Agobardus who fled into Italy with the other Bishops of his party was cited to the Council three times and not appearing was Deposed The Examination of their cause was began the next year at an Assembly held near Lyons but was left undetermined by reason of the absence of the Bishops to whom alone it belonged to depose their Brethren Lastly The Children of Lewis the Godly having made peace with him they obtained that Agobardus should be Restored and he was present at a Synod held at Paris by the Order of Lewis the Godly He likewise obtained the favour of that Emperour with whom he Died at Xaintonge in 840 on the 15th day of June This Bishop had no less share in the Affairs of the Church of his time than in those of the Empire and hath shown by his Writings and Government that he was not more Learned and Skilful in Divinity than expert in Politick Affairs The Catalogue and Extract of his Works follow His Treatise against Felix Orgelitanus is dedicated to Lewis the Godly In it he explains the Tract of Felix which he Composed by way of Question and Answer and published against what Agobardus had asserted in the City of Lyons where he was then in banishment after the Recantation he had made of his Error at the Council of Aix la Chapelle Agobard observes that Felix had suppressed several Expressions which he had used before and had added new Errors He acknowledged that that Bishop lived a very Holy Life but says that we must judge of a Man's Faith not by the Holiness of his Life but of his Manners by his Faith Non est vitâ hominis metienda fides sed ex fide probanda est vita He excuses the plainness of his Style and prays them who will take the pains to read his Writings to content themselves with the consideration of the passages of the Fathers which he hath cited and to compare Felix's Opinion with them After he hath spoken in general of the Error of Nestorius and Eutychius he says that he hath heard that Felix in his Life-time did Teach That Jesus Christ as Man was ignorant of many things as of the place where Lazarus was Buried because he asked his Sisters where they had laid him the Day of Judgment the Discourse which the Disciples that went to Emmaus had together the Love St. Peter had for him That Agobard knowing that he Taught these things found them out reproved him for them explained those places to him and sent him several passages of the Fathers contrary to those Errors that having read them he promised to amend them that things remaining thus he did not think it his Duty to publish the Errors asserted by him because it did not concern him to doe it But after his Death some of the Faithful told him That he had asserted That it was not certain that the Son of God Suffer'd or was fixed to the Cross but that ought to be affirmed of the Manhood onely which he had assumed an Error which arises from the ignorance of the Substantial Union of the Word with the Flesh although he seemed to admit but one Person onely in the Person of Jesus Christ. He shews that Nestorius spake after the same manner He consults that Assertion of Felix That in the Nativity of the True Son of God of the Substance of his Father his Nature preceded his Will so that he is necessarily the Son of God but in his Humane Nativity it was from his Will and not from Necessity That he was the Son of God Agobardus affirms that this Expression makes Jesus Christ to be believed not to be the true and natural Son of God He also blames Felix for teaching that though the Virgin Mary be the Mother of God yet she is otherwise the Mother of the Man than of God He says that this Expression is not only new and not heard of before but impious That the Virgin can't be one way the Mother of the God-head and another of the Manhood in Jesus Christ since she was the Mother of a God-man at the same time and the Divinity and Humanity make but one Person in Jesus Christ. He also opposes that opinion of Felix that Jesus Christ was different ways the Son of God according to his different Natures That according to his Divinity he was a Son by Nature in Truth and Substance whereas according to his Humanity he was a Son only by Grace Election Will Predestination and Assumption From this Principle he draws this Consequence That since Jesus Christ is a Natural Son in one Sense and an Adoptive in another we must acknowledge two Sons and two Persons 'T is true that Felix disowns this Consequence but Agobard affirms it to follow directly from his Doctrine and says that Nestorius used that very Expression He confutes this principle and the Consequences Felix draws from it by several passages of the Fathers And Lastly answers to those that Felix had alledged to prove the Adoption of Jesus Christ shewing that the Fathers never said that Jesus Christ was an Adoptive Son but that the Humane Nature was adopted by the Divine i. e. the Divine Nature was united with the Humane so that the Person made up of both Natures was the true and natural Son of God and not meerly by Adoption and Grace The Book of Agobard concerning the Insolence of the Jews is a petition addressed to Lewis the Godly in which he Complains that the Commissioners which he had sent to Lyons took part with the Jews against the Church and had sealed Letters and Ordinances bearing his Name which were favourable to them They had carryed the Business so far that they spoke openly in favour of the Jews and so threatned some Bishops Agobard who was absent when this happened being gone to the Monastery of Nantonē to accommodate a difference that had happened among the Monks wrote about it to the Commissioners but they had no regard to his Letters whereupon he addressed himself to the Emperour and represented it to him that the Jews did persecute Him and his Fellow-Bishops because he preached to the Christians that they should not sell any Slaves to the Jews nor suffer the Jews to sell Christians into Spain nor keep Christians for their Houshold Servants not to suffer Christian Women to keep the Jewish
Imposition of Hands but only by receiving the Cover and Chalice from the Hands of the Bishop and the Christal Bottle and Napkin from the Arch-Deacon He says nothing particular of the lesser and inferiour Orders I shall pass by the Remarks he makes upon the likeness of our Ministers with those of the Old Testament and the Mystical significations he gives to the Bishops Habits To come to what he teaches concerning the Sacraments He says That Baptism Chrism and the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ are called Sacraments because that under the Vail of Corporal things the Divine Power produces Salvation and Grace after a secret manner by the power of the Holy Ghost which works this Effect insomuch that they are equally Efficatious whether they be Administred by the Good or the Bad. That Baptism is the first because it must be received before Confirmation and before the Receiving the Body and Blood of our Lord. That in this Sacrament Men are dipt in Water to denote that as Water outwardly purifies the Body so Grace inwardly does the Soul into which the Holy Ghost descends He relates afterwards the Order of Administration and the Ceremonies of Baptism and from thence passing to Confirmation he Remarks that the Bishop dispenses the Holy Ghost by Imposition of his Hands and that he Anoints the Believer a second time with the same Chrism the Priest had done before with this difference only that his Anointing is on the Forehead whereas the Priest's was on the Crown of the Head He attributes to this last Unction the Sanctification and Grace of the Holy Ghost At last speaking of the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ which he considers as two different Sacraments He asks the Question Why Jesus Christ has comprehended the Mystery of his Body and Blood under things which we eat and drink And why of all the sorts of Food we eat he has made choice of Bread and Wine To which he Answers That Jesus Christ has given us his Body and Blood in the form of Nourishment because effectively his Flesh is such and his Blood Drink That he hath made use of the Fruits of Earth because he was upon Earth and that he has chosen Bread and Wine to accomplish the Sacrifice of Melchisidech and to show that as Bread and Wine consists of many Particles which together make but one Substance so we are all United into the same Church by the same Charity being all made Members of the same Body by this Sacrament He adds That this Sacrament serves for Nourishment to our Flesh and converts itself into our Substance and that by vertue of this Sacrament we are changed into Jesus Christ. That we participate of his Spirit and Grace and in a word that we become his very Members That the Bread which is made use of is without Leaven to denote that those which approach it ought to be exempt from all Impurities That Water is mixt with the Wine because we read in the Gospel That Blood and Water came out of the Side of our Saviour And that as it is good for them that are not separated from it by their Sins often to approach this Sacrament so it is very dangerous for such as have committed such Crimes as debar them from it to receive it before they have Repented After having treated of the Sacraments he speaks of the Celebration of Mass which he believes to have been so called because of the dismissing of the Catechumens with these words Ita Missa est He says That the Mass is a Sacrifice which the Priest offers to God instituted by Jesus Christ practised by the Apostles and used by all the Church He acknowledges that at first they did not Sing as they do at present but he believes they read the Gospel and the Epistles of the Apostles he ends this Book with a short Exposition of the Ceremonies and Prayers of the Mass. In the second Book after he hath spoken of the Hours for Divine Service and the different sorts of Prayer He treats of the Confession the Litanies or publick Prayers and the divers kinds of Fasts He distinguishes three sorts of Lent the first that which precedes Easter the second the Fast observed after Pentecost and the third that which begins in November and ends at christmas-Christmas-day He notes that the custom of his time was to Fast Friday and Saturday He does not forget to speak of the Fasts of the four Ember-weeks He approves of other Fasts ordered by the Bishop on any particular occasion or practis'd thrô Devotion by Christians In speaking of abstaining from Wine and Flesh he observes that Birds are allowed to those who are forbid to eat of any four-footed Creature because that 't is thought they were formed out of Water as well as Fish He distinguishes two different sorts of Alms and ranks amongst this Number the good Works we do for our Salvation which are as Alms we bestow upon our selves He defines Penance a Punishment by which a Man corrects himself for what he has done amiss He says that Penitents let their Hair and Beards grow wear Sack-cloth throw themselves on their Faces on the Ground and besprinkle their Bodies with Ashes That Repentance is a second remedy for our Sins after Baptism That to effect a true Repentance it does not suffice only to bewail ones Sins past but we must never commit them again That this is the satisfaction followed by Reconciliation That Penance and Reconciliation ought to be publick for publick Transgressions but as to those whose Sins are concealed and who have confest them secretly to a Priest or a Bishop they may do Private Penance such as the Priest or Bishop will order and afterwards be reconciled when they have performed their Penance That the ordinary time for Reconciliation is Holy-Thursday but Absolution may be granted at other times to those that are in danger of their Lives He afterwards Treats copiously of the Solemn Celebration of Feasts and Sundays He speaks by the by of the Oblation of the Sacrifice of the Mass for the Dead of the Dedicating of Churches the Prayers of Divine Service the Songs the Psalms Hymns Anthems Responses and Lessons He makes a Catalogue of Canonical Books which comprehends all that are at present acknowledged for such He tells you those that he believes to have been Authors of the greatest part of them He speaks of Ecclesiastical Benedictions viz. That of Oyl and that of Salt and Water which he says are made use of to comfort the Sick against the Illusions of the Devil to heal the Flock and to drive away Distempers At last having spoken of the Apostles Creed and given an Abridgment of the Doctrines agreeable to the Faith he sets down a very imperfect Catalogue of Heresies in which he forgets some and reckons others which are altogether unknown as the Canonians and Metangismonites The last Book is concerning the Learning of Clergy-Men He says they are not allowed to be ignorant of
mutual Esteem and Value for each other In the Two Hundred and Thirtieth he writes to the Cardinals of Ostia Frescati and Palestrine to relieve the Church of Mets which for some time had rather been in the hands of a Woolf than a Shepherd He speaks of Stephen Bishop of that City and Nephew to Pope Calixtus II. who came to the Bishoprick whilst he was young which occasions St. Bernard to say that he began like a little Woolf but now being become a great one he ravaged the Herd of Christ by Rapines Conflagrations and Murthers The Two Hundred Thirty First is written to the same Cardinals in favour of the Abbot of Lagny accus'd at Rome to have refus'd receiving the Pope's Nuncio to have torn his Holinesses Letter to have imprisoned certain Monks and to have given divers Lands of his Monastery to his Relations St. Bernard after having exceedingly commended this Abbot proceeds to reply to his Accusations First he says he did not entertain the Nuncio which his Holyness sent into England by reason that the Provost Humbert promis'd to do it for him that the Letter which he was accus'd to have torn was yet whole that he never imprisoned any Monks but only sent some that were of a very turbulent Spirit to other Monasteries and as for giving away the Monastery Lands to his Relations he never did without a Clause of Reversion and a Rent reserv'd according to Custom and which likewise was executed in presence of the Bishops of Soissons and Auxerre and of Thibaud Count of Champagne Conservator of the Rights and Privileges of the Monastery As to the rest he said it was unaccountable that a proud rebellious and ambitious Monk should obtain his Liberty of the Holy See Formerly says he you have been accus'd of domineering over the Clergy and the Consciences of all the World contrary to the precept of the Apostle and now you add something more to this Presumption in showing an Inclination to dispose absolutely of all Religious Persons insomuch that I know not what remains for you to desire more unless you would likewise command over the Angels I do not impute this to my Lord Pope Innocent who might easily have been over perswaded being but a Man and I beg of God not to impute it to him not in the least doubting but when he shall come to a knowledge of the Truth he will abbor the favouring of so pernicious and dangerous a Person as that Monk was In the Two Hundred Thirty Second he writes to the same Cardinals that if the Abbot of St. Theofroy commonly called St. Cha●●re in the Diocess of Puy in Vellay be guilty of those things whereof he is accused they ought not to favour but speedily punish him In the Two Hundred Thirty Third he writes to John Abbot of Busey in the Diocess of Nantes perswading him to return to his Abby which he had quitted for some time before In the Two Hundred Thirty Fourth he desires Herbert Abbot of St. Stephen of Dijon to pardon one of his regular Canons though he had written injuriously against him In the Two Hundred Thirty Fifth written in the Year 1143 to Pope Celestine II. He writes very bitterly against William who had got possession of the Arch-Bishoprick of York being guilty of several Crimes which he was not clear'd from but by a false Oath The Cause was removed to Rome and he obtain'd of Pope Innocent a Bull in his Favour whereupon St. Bernard begs of Celestine not to suffer so ill a Man to continue in possession of the Arch-Bishoprick of York In the following Letter he writes upon the same subject and after the same manner to the Prelates of the Court of Rome In the Two Hundred Thirty Seventh he writes to the same concerning the Elevation of Bernard Abbot of St. Anastasius to the Sovereign Pontificate Eugenius III. who succeeded Lucius II. in the Year 1145. He admires how they could draw him out of his Cloyster where he was at quiet to bring him into the World and lay the whole Care of the Church upon him which he says makes him very much doubt whether he will be able to sustain the Weight and therefore recommends to them to support him therein The Two Hundred Thirty Eighth is Addressed to Pope Eugenius then but newly rais'd to the Holy See St. Bernard acquaints him with his Joy intermixt with Grief and Fear for his Elevation to that Dignity And afterwards he exhorts him to sustain with Apostolick Zeal the sublime Ministry which was committed to him and to endeavour to answer the Opinion people generally had of his Virtue He writes to him particularly concerning the irregular Lives of the Arch-Bishop of York and the Bishop of Winchester At length he recommends to him to abolish the wicked Custom crept into the Court of Rome of bestowing Favours for Money and moreover admonishes him to remember at all times that he is a Man and to think often of Death by Reflecting how little time the Pontificates of several of his Predecessors have lasted In the Two Hundred Thirty Ninth and the Two Hundred and Fortieth he writes again to the Pope against the Arch-Bishop of York and presses his Holiness to suspend him The Two Hundred Forty First is written to Hildefonsus Count of Tholouse concerning the Errors of Henry Disciple to Peter de Bruys whom this Count favoured How many Disorders says he do we every Day hear that Henry commits in the Church of God That ravenous Wolf is within your Dominions cloathed in a Sheeps ' Skin but we know him by his Works The Churches are forsaken the People are without Bishops and the Bishops are no more respected In a Word the Christians are without Christ the Church are like Synagogues the Sanctuary despoil'd of its Holyness the Sacraments look'd upon as prophane Institutions the Feast days have lost their Solemnity Men grow up in Sin and every day Souls are born away before the Terrible Tribunal of Christ without being first reconciled to and fortify'd with the Holy Communion In refusing Christians Baptism they are denyed the Life of Jesus Christ. A Man that Teaches and Acts so contrary to the Will and Word of God cannot be from God And yet alass he is hearkened to by many and finds those that are ready to believe him He would have People believe that the Church of God is at an End and reduc'd only to that small number that he imposes on After having been driven out of France he nevertheless finds an Asylum in your Dominions Consider with your self Great Prince if this Person does you any Honour he is an Apostate for after having quitted his Cloyster to live loosely and not being willing to tarry in his own Country or rather having been whipp'd out of it he went about begging his Bread and Preaching for a wretched Sustenance and whenever it hapned that he got any thing over and above he did not fail to consume it at Play or at
The Ninth forbids Regular Canons or Monks to study the Civil Law or the Art of Physick in order to make profit by the Practice of those Sciences The Tenth enjoyns Laicks who have Churches or Tithes in their Possession to restore them to the Bishops under pain of Excommunication prohibits the conferring of Arch-deaconries or Deanries on any Persons but Priests and Deacons declares that those who have procur'd them without entering into Orders shall be depriv'd of them if they refuse to be ordain'd And in like manner forbids the granting of them to young Men who are not admitted into Orders or the demising of Churches to Priests for Rent The Eleventh ordains That Priests Clerks Monks Travellers Merchants and Country People shall have free Liberty to come and go with Safety at all times The Twelfth specifies the Days and Times when it is forbidden to make War and exhorts the Christians to Peace The Thirteenth condemns Usury and Usurers The Fourteenth prohibits military Combats that were practised at Fairs and ordains that those who are mortally wounded in such Rencounters shall be depriv'd of Christian Burial although Penance and the Viaticum ought not to be deny'd them The Fifteenth denounces an Anathema against those who abuse a Clergy-man or a Monk and prohibits the Bishops to give them Absolution except in case of necessity till they have made an Appearance before the holy See The same Canon re-establishes the right of Sanctuary for Churches and Church-yards The Sixteenth is a Prohibition to lay claim to Prebends or other Benefices by right of Succession The Seventeenth re-enforces the Laws against Marriages amongst Relations The Eighteenth denounces an Anathema against Incendiaries and declares them to be unworthy of Christian Burial forbids to give them Absolution till they have made Restitution for the Damage done by them and enjoyns them for Penance to take a Journey to the holy Land or to Spain for the Service of the Church The Nineteenth suspends for a Year and condemns to restitution the Archbishops or Bishops who shall take upon them to remit the Rigour of the Punishment ordain'd in the preceeding Canon The Twentieth imports That Kings and Princes have a Power to execute Justice in consultation with the Bishops and Archbishops A Canon which cannot be understood but in reference to Ecclesiastical Persons The Twenty first forbids to admit into Orders the Sons of Priests unless they have led a Religious course of Life in Monasteries or in Canonical Houses In the Twenty second Priests are admonished not to suffer Laicks to be deceiv'd by false shews of Penance and it is observ'd therein that that Penitence is of none Effect when only one Crime is repented of without reforming the others or when one continues to dwell in the confines of Sin by retaining an Office or Employment that cannot be exercised without Sin or when one bears Malice in the Heart or when one refuses to give Satisfaction to an injur'd Person or when we do not freely forgive those who have done us an Injury or lastly when an unjust War is maintain'd The Twenty third is against Hereticks who condemn the Sacraments The Twenty fourth forbids to exact any Thing for the holy Chrism for the consecrated Oils and for officiating at Burials The Twenty fifth deprives those Persons of their Benefices who receive them from the Hands of Lay-men The Twenty sixth prohibits Nuns to reside in private Houses In the Twenty seventh they are likewise forbidden to appear in the same Choir with Monks or Canons in order to sing the Divine Offices The Twenty eighth prohibits the Canons of Cathedral Churches under pain of Anathema to exclude Persons of known Piety from the Election of Bishops and declares those Elections to be null that they make without sending for and advising with them The Twenty ninth denounces an Anathema against Slingers and Archers The Thirtieth declares to be null the Ordinations made by Peter of Leon and other Hereticks or Schismaticks The Third General Council of Lateran POPE Alexander III. conven'd in the Year 1179. a great Council at Rome which is call'd The Third General Council of Lateran the Third General of Lateran to reform a great number of Abuses that had crept into the Church to make Constitutions about Matters of Discipline to condemn the Albigeois and other reputed Hereticks to maintain the Immunities of the Church and to redress many Grievances that were become very common This Council which began to fit on the Second Day of March was compos'd of about Three hundred Bishops and published Twenty seven Capitularies or Articles of Canons The First is a Decree for preventing the Schisms of the Church of Rome in the Election of the Popes ordaining That if all the Cardinals cannot agree to chuse the same Person he shall be esteem'd as Lawful Pope who shall obtain Two thirds of their Suffrages in his Favour but that he cannot be ordain'd or acknowledg'd as such who has less than Two thirds of the Votes Provided nevertheless that this Constitution shall not be prejudicial to the Custom of other Chapters in which the Consent of the greater and sounder Part usually prevails by reason that the Contests which arise in those Bodies may be determin'd by the Judgment of the Higher Powers whereas the Church of Rome cannot have recourse to any Tribunal that is Superior to it The Second declares to be null the Ordinations made by the Three Anti-popes Octavian Guy and John de Struma deprives those of Benefices who receiv'd them from their Hands abrogates the Alienations of Church-Revenues made by the said Anti-popes and suspends from Orders those Clergy-men who took an Oath to maintain the Schism The Third ordains That a Person nominated to be chosen Bishop shall be Thirty Years old that he shall be born in Lawful Wedlock and noted for his Learning and the probity of his Manners That when his Election is confirm'd when he has taken Possession of the Revenues of his Church and when the time prescrib'd by the Canons for his Ordination is expir'd he who had a right to dispose of the Benefices which he enjoy'd before he was made Bishop shall have free Liberty to confer them That the Deaneries Arch-deaconries Curacies and other Church-Livings with the Cure of Souls shall be granted only to those who have attain'd to the Age of Twenty five Years That they who are advanced to a higher Dignity if they do not cause themselves to be ordain'd in due time shall be depriv'd of their Benefices without a possibility of re-instating themselves by vertue of an Appeal It is also declar'd that this Constitution shall be observ'd not only with respect to those who shall receive induction to Benefices for the future but also in reference to Incumbents if the Canons require it That those who neglect to observe it in carrying on their Elections shall be depriv'd of their Right of Electing and even of their Benefices for Three Years And lastly if the
Pope approves the Institution and the Constitution of the Carthusian Order     1177 XVIII An Interview between Pope Alexander and the Emperor Frederick at Venice in the Month of July where the Peace of the Church is establish'd By virtue of this Treaty William King of Sicily obtains a Truce of fifteen Years with the Emperor and the Lombards one of seven XXVI XXXV William of Champagne the Brother-in-law of the King of France is translated from the Archbishoprick of Sens to that of Rheims and made Cardinal Stephen of Tournay is translated from the Abbey of St. Everte at Orleans to that of St. Genevieve at Paris after the Death of the Abbot Aubert The Pope sends a Legate to a King of the Indies commonly call'd Prester John A Council at Venice held by the Pope September 16. in which the Peace is confirm'd and the Anathema renew'd against those that were not return'd to the Bosom of the Church   1178 XIX The Pope is re-call'd from Anagnia to Rome by the Clergy Senate and People of that City The Anti-pope Calixtus obtains Pardon upon his Prostration at the Pope's Feet XXVII XXXVI Escilus Archbishop of Lunden Primate and Legate of the See of Rome in Denmark and Sweden and Regent of both Kingdoms quits all these Dignities to turn Monk at Clairvaux where he dies four Years after Absalon succeeeds him in the Archbishoprick of Lunden Saxo Grammaticus Provost of Roschild is sent to Paris by Absalon Archbishop of Lunden to bring Monks of St. Genevieve into Denmark A great number of Dissenters from the Church of Rome are discover'd at Thoulouse who being branded with the odious Name of Hereticks are Excommunicated and Banish'd by the Pope's Legate with the assistance of some Bishops and who retire to the Country of Albigeois where Roger Count of Ally receives 'em favourably and makes use of 'em to detain the Bishop of his City Prisoner since that time these People were call'd Albigenses or Albigeois The Pope confirms the Rights ●nd Privileges of the Archbishop of Colen     1179 XX. XXVIII Lewes the Young King of France causes his Son Philip to be Anointed and Crown'd at Rheims XXXVII William Archbishop of Tyre assists in the Council of Lateran and draws up the Acts. The Albigeois or People of Alby are Condemn'd and Excommunicated in the General Council of Lateran which declares that they were call'd Cathari Parians and Publicans and that they had many other Names Laborant is made Cardinal John of Salisbury ordain'd Bishop of Chartres A III. General Council at Lateran begun March 2.   1180 XXI XXIX The Death of Lewes the Young King of France on the 10th or 20th Day of September His Son Philip Augustus succeeds him XXXIII Manuel Comnenus dies Octob. 6th ALEXIS COMNENUS succeeds him Arnold Bishop of Lisieux having incurr'd the displeasure of the King of England retires to the Monastery of St. Victor at Paris Peter Abbot of Cisteaux is ordain'd Bishop of Arras   John the Hermit writes this Year the Life of St. Bernard Thierry or Theodoricus a Monk in like manner composes his History in the same Year Richard Prior of Hagulstadt Stephen Bishop of Tournay The Death of St. Hildegarda Abbess of Mont St. Robert The Death of Philip de Harveng Abbot of Bonne Esperance The Death of Adamus Scotus a Regular Canon The Death of Nicolas a Monk of Clairvaux in the same Year 1181 XXII Alexander III. dies on the 27th day of August or on the 21. of September LUCIUS III. is chosen to supply his place XXX I. Henry Bishop of Alby having in quality of the Pope's Legate levy'd certain Troops marches into Gascogne to expel thence the People call'd Publicans who were Masters of a great number of Castles They make a shew to avoid the Storm of abjuring their Opinions but the Bishop being gone they live as before John de Bellemains is translated from the Bishoprick of Poitiers to the Archbishoprick of Narbonne and afterwards to that of Lyons Baldwin of Devonshire Abbot of Ferden is ordain'd Bishop of Winchester   The Death of Alanus at Clairvaux 1182 I. XXXI II. Peter de Celles Abbot of St. Remigius at Rheims install'd Bishop of Chartres in the place of John of Salisbury   Cardinal Laborant writes his Collection of Canons The Death of John of of Salisbury Bishop of Chartres The Death of Arnold Bishop of Lisieux August 31. 1183 II. XXXII Henry the Youngest of the three Sons of the King of England dies I. ANDRONICUS COMNENUS causes Alexis to be put to Death and Usurps the Imperial Throne Above seven thousand Albigeois are destroy'd in Berri by the Inhabitants of the Countrey     1184 III. XXXIII II.     A Council at Verona held in the presence of the Pope and the Emperor Frederick concerning the Execution of the Treaty of Peace concluded at Venice 1185 IV. Lucius III. dies at Verona Novemb. 25. URBAN III. succeeds him XXXIV III. ISAAC ANGELUS kills Andronicus and takes Possession of the Empire Contests arise between Pope Urban and the Emperor Frederick concerning certain Lands left by the Princess Mathilda to the Church of Rome about the Goods of Bishops after their Decease to which the Emperor laid claim as his Right and about the Taxes that were levy'd for the maintenance of Abbesses Baldwin of Devonshire is translated from the Bishoprick of Winchester to the Archbishoprick of Canterbury after the Death of Richard the Successor of Thomas Becket   Baldwin Arch-bishop of Canterbury Joannes Phocas a Greek Monk goes in Pilgrimage to the Holy Land and at his return writes a Relation of what he had seen and observ'd Petrus Comestor Peter of Blois Sylvester Girald Bishop of St. David 1186 I. The Pope being offended at a Letter sent by the Assembly of Geinlenbausen resolves to Excommunicate the Emperor but the Inhabitants of Verona entreat him not to publish this Excommunication in their City XXXV Henry the Son of the Emperor Frederick marries Constance the Daughter of Roger King of Sicily I. The Pope sends the Pall to Baldwin Arch-bishop of Canterbury St. Hugh Prior of the Carthusian Order is made Bishop of Lincoln An Assembly at Geinlenhausen in which a Resolution is taken to write to the Pope concerning the Rights claim'd by the Emperor Godfrey of Viterbio compleats his Universal History and Dedicates it to the Pope Hermengard John the Hermit Bernard Abbot of Fontcaud Joannes Cinnamus 1187 II. The Pope departing from Verona with a design to Excommunicate the Emperor dies October 17. before he cou'd effect it GREGORY VIII succeeds him the next day but dies two Months after December 16. XXXVI The Nativity of Lewes VIII King of France the Father of St. Lewes September 5th II. The City of Jerusalem is taken from the Christians October 2. 〈◊〉 Saladin King of Syria and Aegypt Thus at the end of 88 Years ends the Kingdom of Jerusalem A Circular Letter of Pope Gregory to all the Faithful exhorting them to the
understand what they answer to the Priest Lastly They reject all the Exorcisms and all the Benedictions of that Sacrament They Likewise reject the Sacrament of Confirmation and wonder that only Bishops are allow'd to Administer it Concerning the Sacrament of the Eucharist they say That the Priests who are in any Mortal Sin cannot Consecrate and that Transubstantiation was not effected in the Hands of him who Consecrated Unworthily but in the Mouth of him who received the Eucharist Worthily and that one might consecrate on a common Table according to what the Prophet Malachy says They shall offer in all Places a pure Offering in my Name They likewise condemn'd the Custom of Christians who Communicated only once a Year because themselves Communicated daily They said That Transubstantiation ought to be made with Words in the Vulgar Tongue That the Mass was nothing because the Apostles never said it and they only said it for their own Interest They receiv'd not the Canon of the Mass but only made use of the Words of Jesus Christ in the Vulgar Tongue They call'd the Chanting of the Church an Infernal Crime They rejected the Canonical Hours They maintain That the Offering made to the Priest at Mass signifies nothing and disapprov'd of kissing the Pyx and the Altar About the Sacrament of Pennance they said That no body could be absolv'd by a Wicked Priest and on the contrary a good Laick has that Power That they remit Sins and confer the Holy Ghost by the Imposition of Hands That it was better to confess one's self to a good Laick than to a bad Priest That they ought not to impose large Pennances but to follow the Example of Jesus Christ who said to the Adulteress Go and sin no more They reject the Publick Pennances and the Annual general Confessions They likewise cast a blemish on the Sacrament of Marriage by maintaining That it was a Mortal Sin for a Man to have to do with his Wife when she was past Child-bearing They did not acknowledge the Spiritual Alliance nor the Impediments of Affinity and Consanguinity appointed by the Church no more than those of Publick Order and Decency They hold That Women have no need of Benediction after their Lying in That the Church was in the wrong in prohibiting the Clergy from Marrying and that they who live continently do not Sin by Kisses and Embraces They do not approve of the Sacrament of Extreme Unction because it was only given to the Rich and ought to be administred by a great many Priests That all the Laicks are as so many Priests That the Prayers of Wicked Priests signify nothing They laugh'd at the Clerical Tonsure They say That the Laicks ought not to pray in Latin that all the Laicks even the Women may Preach That whatever is not in the Scriptures is Fabulous They Celebrate and Administer the Sacraments in the Vulgar Tongue They learn by heart all the Text of the Scriptures and reject the Decisions and Expositions of the Fathers They despise Excommunication and have little or no regard to Absolution They laugh at Indulgences and Dispensations They do not allow of any Irregularity They believe no other Saints but the Apostles and invocate no Saints but God alone They despise the Canonizations Translations and Vigils of the Saints They laugh at the Laicks who make choice of Saints in the Lots which they draw upon the Altar They never say any Litanies They do not believe the Legends They ridicule the Miracles and have no esteem for Relicks They look upon Crosses as Common Wood. They Teach that the Doctrine of Jesus Christ and the Apostles is sufficient to Salvation without being oblig'd to observe the Laws of the Church and that the Tradition of the Church is the Tradition of the Pharisees They do not allow of any Mystical meaning in the Scriptures nor in the Practices or Ceremonies of the Church In the Third place these are the Errors which they held concerning the Usages of the Church They despis'd all the approv'd Customs which are not to be met with in the Gospel such as the Festivals of Candlemass and Palm-Sunday the Reconciling of Penitents the Adoration of the Cross the Festival of Easter with those of Jesus Christ and the Saints They say That all Days are equal and work on Holy-days as well as on other Days They do not observe the Fasts of the Church They despise the Dedications the Benedictions and the Consecrations of Wax-Tapers Boughs Chrism Fire the Paschal Lamb Lying-in-Women Pilgrims Holy Places Sacred Persons Ornaments Salt and Water They would have no Wall'd Church and disapprove of the Dedication of Churches and Altars and their Ornaments the Sacerdotal Habits the Chalices and the Corporals They would not have any lighted Tapers nor any Incense offer'd nor any Holy Water us'd They condemn Images the Chanting of the Church Processions on Festivals or rogation-Rogation-Days They find fault That a Priest is allow'd to Say many Masses on one Day They make Merry during the time of Interdiction They go not to Churches and perform the Duties of Christians only in appearance and Hypocritically They Condemn the Ecclesiastical Burial the Ceremonies of Interrments the Masses and Prayers for the Dead and the Confraternities They deny Purgatory and maintain That there are only Two States after Death one for the Good and Elect in Heaven and the other for the Reprobate and Damn'd in Hell They Teach That all Sin is in its own Nature Mortal and that there is no such thing as a Venial Sin They pretend that it is Unlawful to Swear whereupon those that are perfect among them chuse rather to Die than to Swear Those who are not so perfect Swear but do not think themselves oblig'd to keep their Oath and look upon those who exact it of them as more guilty than Homicides They Condemn all Princes and Judges being perswaded That 't is not Lawful to Punish Malefactors Lastly They Condemn the Ecclesiastical Judgments Pelicdorfius who Wrote about an Hundred Years after Rainerius against the Vaudois relates the Original of them after the same manner and observes That at first they only oppugn'd the Discipline and the Ceremonies of the Church without reflecting on the Sacraments but that afterwards they thought ●it to hear Confessions to impose Pennances and to grant Absolution and that within a while after some among them intruded to Consecrate the Body of Jesus Christ and to Communicate to others but that several of their Sect had disapprov'd of that Conduct The Errors of the Vaudois which Pelicdorfius refutes in his Work are 1. That the Sacerdotal Order was sunk ever since the time of St. Sylvester and that the True Faith was obscur'd and only a few Elect in the World 2. That the Priests and the other Clergy of the Church of Rome being Fornicators Usurers Drunkards c. have not the Holy Ghost cannot Confer it and are not to be Obey'd 3. That the Blessed Virgin and the Glorify'd
Venice to take up some Gallies there After he had said this he would have given a Writing to the Emperor who refus'd to receive it The Pope being angry at this Refusal withdrew but he caus'd tell the Emperor by the Cardinal Julian that after the Affair was concluded he might return that he would defray his Charges as far as Venice and give him assistance to go to Constantinople The Greek Prelats having examin'd a-new the Articles propos'd by the Latins found them reasonable and pass'd even the Article of Purgatory On the 17th of June the Emperor call'd together the Greek Prelats who were all found to be of the same Opinion about the Union except Mark of Ephesus who remain'd unmoveable The next Sunday they examin'd the Privileges of the Pope and approv'd them all adding to them two Conditions First That the Pope could not Call an Oecumenical Council without the Emperor and the Patriarchs Secondly That in Case of an Appeal from the Judgment of the Patriarchs the Pope could not call the Cause to Rome but he must send Judges to sit in the Places where the Fact is committed The Pope being unwilling to pass these two Articles the Emperor was ready to break off the whole Negotiation but the Greek Prelats some Days after drew up the Article concerning the Pope in these Words As to the Pope's Supremacy we confess That he is the High-Priest and the Vicar of Jesus Christ the Pastor and Teacher of all Christians who governs the Church of God saving the Privileges and Rights of the Eastern Patriarchs viz. of Constantinople who is next after the Pope and then of Alexandria of Antioch and lastly of Jerusalem This Project was agreed to by the Pope and Cardinals and all Parties consented to labour from the next Day in composing the Decree of Union The first Difficulty which presented it self was to fix upon the Name that should be put at the Head the Latins would have it to be that of the Pope and the Emperor pretended to the contrary that it should be his At last it was order'd That the Pope's Name should be put there but then it should be added with the Consent of the Emperor the Patriarch of Constantinople and the other Patriarchs There was another Difficulty about the manner of expressing the Pope's Privileges The Latins would have it put thus that he should enjoy them as was determin'd in Scripture and the Writings of the Saints This Expression pleas'd not the Emperor for says he If any Saint has made honorary Complements in a Letter to the Pope shall this be taken for a Privilege And therefore he said That he would not pass this Article as it was thus express'd The Pope consented but with Difficulty that it should be amended and that in stead of saying according to the Writings of the Saints it should be put according as was contain'd in the Canons The Archbishop of Russia and Bessarion would have an Anathema pronounc'd against those who did not approve this Decree but the Archbishop of Trebizonde and the Protosyncelle oppos'd it and the Emperor was of their Opinion At last all the Words of the Decree having been for a long time weigh'd and examin'd on both sides it was fairly written out in Greek and Latin and a Day was set for Signing it and then concluding solemnly the Union The manner of expressing this Decree is as follows The Title of it is The Definition The Decre● of Union between the Greeks and the Latins of the Holy Oecumenical Council celebrated at Florence of Eugenius the Servant of the Servants of God to serve for a perpetual Monument with the Consent of our dear Son John Palaeologus the Illustrious Emperor of the Greeks and of those who supply the place of our most venerable Brethren the Patriarchs and of the other Prelats representing the Greek Church The Preface is a kind of an Hymn which contains the joyful Thoughts and Thanksgivings for the Union of the two Churches after which the Definition is express'd in these Words The Greeks and Latins being Assembled in this Holy Oecumenical Council have us'd all Care to examine with the greatest exactness possible the Article which concerns the Holy Spirit and after the Testimonies of Holy Scripture and the Passages of Greek and Latin Fathers were related whereof some import that the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father and the Son and others that he proceeds from the Father by the Son it was acknowledg'd That they had all the same Sense tho' they make use of divers Expressions That the Greeks by saying that the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father did not intend to exclude the Son but in regard the Greeks thought that the Latins by affirming The Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father and the Son admitted of two Principles and two Spirations therefore they abstain from saying that the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father and the Son The Latins on the contrary affirm'd That by saying the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father and the Son they had no design to deny that the Father was the Fountain and Principle of the whole Divinity viz. of the Son and of the Holy Spirit nor to pretend that the Son does not receive from the Father that wherein the Holy Spirit proceeds from him nor lastly to admit two Principles or two Spirations but that they did acknowledge there was one only Principle and one only Procession of the Holy Spirit as they had always held And forasmuch as these Expressions came all to one and the same true Sense they did at last agree and conclude the following Union with unanimous consent Therefore in the Name of the Holy Trinity Father Son and Holy Ghost by the Advice of this Holy Oecumenical Council Assembled at Florence we Define that the truth of this Faith be believ'd and receiv'd of all Christians and that all profess that the Holy Spirit is eternally from the Father and the Son that he receives his Substance and his Subsisting Being from the Father and from the Son and that he proceeds from these two eternally as one only Principle and by one only Procession declaring That the Holy Doctors and Fathers who say That the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father by the Son have no other Sense which they discover by this That the Son is as the Father according to the Greeks the Cause and according to the Latins the Principle of the Subsistence of the Holy Spirit and by this That the Father has Communicated to the Son in his Generation all that he has except that he is the Father and also has given him from all Eternity that wherein the Holy Spirit proceedeth from him We define also That this Explication and of the Son was added lawfully and justly to the Creed to clear up the Truth and not without necessity We declare also That the Body of Jesus Christ is truly consecrated in Bread-Corn whether it be Leaven'd or Unleaven'd and that the Priests