countrey dogs and therefore they are hunted with dogs because cats are not able to incounter them Moreouer in the same countrey euery man hath a bundle of great boughs standing in a water-pot before his doore which bundle is as great as a piller and it will not wither so long as water is applied thereunto with many other nouelties and strange things the relation whereof would breed great delight How peper is had and where it groweth MOreouer that it may be manifest how peper is had it is to be vnderstood that it groweth in a certaine kingdome whereat I my selfe arriued being called Minibar and it is not so plentifull in any other part of the worlde as it is there For the wood wherein it growes conceineth in circuit 18. dayes iourney And in the said wood or forrest there are two cities one called Flandrina and the other Cyncilim In Flandrina both Iewes and Christians doe inhabite betweene whom there is often contention and warre howbeit the Christians ouercome the Iewes at all times In the foresaid wood pepper is had after this maner first it groweth in leaues like vnto pot-hearbs which they plant neere vnto great trees as we do our vines and they bring forth pepper in clusters as our vines doe yeeld grapes but being ripe they are of a greene colour and are gathered as we gather grapes and then the graines are layed in the Sunne to be dried and being dried are put into earthen vessels and thus is pepper made and kept Now in the same wood there be many riuers wherein are great store of Crocodiles and of other serpents which the inhabitants thereabout do burne vp with straw and with other dry fewel and so they go to gather their pepper without danger At the South end of the said forrest stands the city of Polumbrum which aboundeth with marchandize of all kinds All the inhabitants of that countrey do worship a liuing ore as their god whom they put to labour for sixe yeres and in the seuenth yere they cause him to rest from al his worke placing him in a solemne and publique place and calling him an holy beast Moreouer they vse this foolish ceremonie Euery morning they take two basons either of siluer or of gold and with one they receiue the vrine of the ore and with the other his dung With the vrine they wash their face their eyes and all their fiue senses Of the dung they put into both their eyes then they annoint the bals of their checks therewith and thirdly their breast and then thâ—y say that they are sanctified for all that day And as the people doe euen so doe their King and Queene This people worshippeth also a dead idole which from the nauel vpward resembleth a man and from the nauel downeward an oxe The very same Idol deliuers oracles vnto them and sometimes requireth the blood of fourtie virgins for his hire And therefore the men of that region do consecrate their daughters and their sonnes vnto their idols euen as Christians do their children vnto some Religion or Saint in heauen Likewise they sacrifice their sonnes and their daughters and so much people is put to death before the said Idol by reason of that accursed ceremony Also many other hainous and abominable villanies doeth that brutish beastly people commit and I sawe many moe strange things among them which I meane not here to insert Another most vile custome the foresaide nation doeth reâ—aine for when any man dieth they burne his dead corps to ashes and if his wife suruiueth him her they burne quicke because say they she shall accompany her husband in his tilthe and husbandry when he is come into a new world Howbeit the said wife hauing children by her husband may if she will remaine still aliue with them without shame or reproch notwithstanding for the most part they all of them make choice to be burnt w t their husbands Now albeit the wife dieth before her husband that law bindeth not the husband to any such incoÌ„uenience but he may mary another wife also Likewise y e said nation hath another strange custome in that their women drink wine but their men do not Also the women haue the lids brows of their eyes beards shauen but the men haue not with many other base filthy fashions which the said women do vse contrary to the nature of their â—exe FroÌ„ that kingdom I traueiled 10. daies iourney vnto another kingdom called Mobar which containeth many cities Within a certaine church of the same countrâ—y the body of S. Thomas the Apostle is interred the very same church being full of idols and in 15. houses round about the said Church there dwell certaine priests who are Nestorians that is to say false and bad Christians and schismatiques Of a strange and vncouth idole and of certaine customes and ceremonies IN the said kingdome of Mobar there is a wonderfull strang idole being made after the shape and resemblance of a man as big as the image of our Christopher consisting all of most pure and glittering gold And about the neck thereof hangeth a silke riband ful of most rich precious stones some one of which is of more value then a whole kingdome The house of this idol is all of beaten gold namely the roofe the pauement and the sieling of the wall within and wâ—thout Unto this idol the Indians go on pilgrimage as we do vnto S. Peter Some go with halters about their necks some with their hands bound behind them some other with kniues sticking on their armes or legs and if after their peregrination the flesh of their wounded arme festereth or corrupteth they esteeme that limme to be holy thinke that their God is wel pleased with them Neare vnto the temple of that idol is a lake made by the hands of men in an open common place whereinto the pilgrimes cast gold siluer precious stones for the honour of the idol and the repairing of his temple And therfore when any thing is to be adorned or mended they go vnto this lake taking vp the treasure which was cast in Moreouer at euery yerely feast of the making or repairing of the said idol the king and queene with the whole multitude of the people all the pilgrimes assemble themselues placing the said idol in a most stately rich chariot they cary him out of their temple with songs with all kind of musical harmonie a great company of virgins go procession-wise two and two in a rank singing before him Many pilgrims also put themselues vnder the chariot wheeles to the end that their false god may go ouer them and al they ouer whom the chariot runneth are crushed in pieces diuided asunder in the midst and slaine right out Yea in doing this they think themselues to die most holily securely in the seruice of their god And by this meanes euery yere there
onely Italians which dayly traffique ouer land and vse continuall trade going and comming that way The voyage of M. Iohn Eldred to Trypolis in Syria by sea and from thence by land and riuer to Babylon and Balsara 1583. I Departed out of London in the ship called the Tiger in the company of M. Iohn Newbery M. Ralph Fitch and sixe or seuen other honest marchants vpon Shroue munday 1583 and arriued in Tripolis of Syria the first day of May next insuing at our landing we went on Maying vpon S. Georges Iland a place where Christians dying aboord the ships are woont to be buried In this city our English marchants haue a Consull and our nation abide together in one house with him called Fondeghi Ingles builded of stone square in maner like a Cloister euery man hath his seuerall chamber as it is the vse of all other Christians of seuerall nations This towne standeth vnder a part of the mountaine of Libanus two English miles distant from the port on the side of which port trending in forme of an halfe Moone stand fiue blocke houses or small forts wherein is some very good artillery and the forts are kept with about an hundred Ianisaries Right before this towne from the seaward is a banke of mouing sand which gathereth and increaseth with the Westerne winds in such sort that according to an olde prophesie among them this banke is like to swallow vp ouerwhelme the towne for euery yere it increaseth and eateth vp many gardens although they vse all policy to diminish the same and to make it firme ground The city is about the bignesse of Bistow and walled about though the walles be of no great force The chiefe strength of the place is in a Citadell which standeth on the South side within the walles and ouerlooketh the whole towne and is strongly kept with two hundred Ianisaries and good artillery A riuer passeth thorow the midst of the city where with they water their gardens and mulbery trees on which there grow abundance of silke wormes wherewith they make great quantity of very white silke which is the chiefest naturall commodity to be found in and about this place This rode is more frequented with Christian marchants to wit Uenetians Genouois Florentines Marsilians Sicilians Raguses and lately with English men then any other port of the Turks dominions From Tripolis I departed the 14 of May with a carauan passing three dayes ouer the ridge of mount Libanus at the end whereof we arriued in a city called Hammah which standeth on a goodly plaine replenished with corne cotton wooll On these mountaines which we passed grow great quantity of gall trees which are somewhat like our okes but lesser and more crooked on the best tree a man shall not finde aboue a pound of galles This towne of Hammah is fallen and falleth more and more to decay and at this day there is scarse one halfe of the wall standing which hath bene very strong and faire but because it cost many mens liues to win it the Turke will not haue it repaired and hath written in the Arabian tongue ouer the castle gate which standeth in the midst of the towne these words Cursed be the father and the sonne that shall lay their hands to the repairing hereof Refreshing our selues one day here we passed forward with camels three dayes more vntill we came to Aleppo where we arriued the 21 of May. This is the greatest place of traffique for a dry towne that is in all those parts for hither resort Iewes Tartarians Persians Armenians Egyptians Indians and many sorts of Christians and inioy freedome of their consciences and bring thither many kinds of rich marchandises In the middest of this towne also standeth a goodly castle raised on high with a garison of foure or fiue hundred Ianisaries Within some miles round about are goodly gardens and vineyards and trees which beare goodly fruit neere vnto the riuers side which is but small the walles are about three English miles in compasse but the suburbs are almost as much more The towne is greatly peopled We departed from thence with our camels the last of May with M. Iohn Newbery and his company and came to Birrah in three dayes being a small towne situated vpon the riuer Euphrates where it beginneth first to take his name being here gathered into one chanell whereas before it commeth downe in manifolde branches and therefore is called by the people of the countrey by a name which signifieth a thousand heads Here is plenty of victuals wherof we all furnished our selues for a long iourney downe the aforesayd riuer And according to the maner of those that trauell downe by water we prepared a small barke for the conueyance of our selues and of our goods These boats are flat bottomed because the riuer is shallow in many places and when men trauell in the moneth of Iuly August and September the water being then at the lowest they are constrained to cary with them a spare boat or two to lighten their owne boats if they chance to fall on the sholds We were eight and twenty dayes vpon the water betweene Birrah and Felugia where we disimbarked our selues and our goods Euery night after the Sun setteth we tie our barke to a stake go on land to gather sticks and set on our pot with rice or brused wheat and hauing supped the marchants lie aboord the barke and the mariners vpon the shores side as nere as they can vnto the same In many places vpon the riuers side we met with troops of Arabians of whom we bought milke butter egges and lambs and gaue them in barter for they care not for money glasses combes corall amber to hang about their armes and necks and for churned milke we gaue them bread and pomgranat peeles wherewith they vse to tanne their goats skinnes which they churne withall Their haire apparell and colour are altogether like to those vagabond Egyptians which heretofore haue gone about in England Their women all without exception weare a great round ring in one of their nostrels of golde siluer or yron according to their ability and about their armes and smalles of their legs they haue hoops of golde siluer or yron All of them aswel women and children as men are very great swimmers and often times swimming they brought vs milke to our barke in vessels vpon their heads These people are very theeuish which I proued to my cost for they stole a casket of mine with things of good value in the same from vnder my mans head as he was asleepe and therefore trauellers keepe good watch as they passe downe the riuer Euphrates at Birrah is about the breadth of the Thames at Lambeth and in some places narrower in some broader it runneth very swiftly almost as fast as the riuer of Trent it hath diuers sorts of fish in it but all are scaled some
then dogges would wage them against a grayhound or spaniell and he who woon the wager should euer after holde them as his proper goods and chattels to do with them as he listed being Christians aswell as themselues if they may deserue so good a name As they behaued themselues most vnchristianly toward their brethren so and much more vngodly which I should haue put in the first place did they towards God for as though they were too great standing on foot or kneeling to serue God they would come riding on horsebacke into the church to heare their masse which church now is made a publike basistane or market place for the Turkes to sell commodities in but beholde the iudgement of the righteous God who payeth the sinner measure for measure The Turkes the yeere before the ouerthrowe giuen them at Lepanto by Don Iohn tooke Cyprus These mighty Nimrods fled some into holes some into mountaines to hide themselues whereupon the Turkes made generall proclamation that if they would all come in and yeeld themselues they would restore them to their former reuenues and dignities who not mistrusting the mischieuous pretense of the Turkes assembled together to make themselues knowen whom after the Turkes had in possession they as the Lords executioners put them with their wiues and children all to the sword pretending thereby to cut off all future rebellion so that at this day is not one of the noble race knowen aliue in the Iland onely two or three remaine in Venice but of litle wealth which in the time of the warres escaped After we had stayed in this Iland some thirty dayes we set saile in the foresayd shippe being about the burthen of 900 tunnes hauing in her passingers of diuers nations as Tartars Persians Iewes and sundry Christians Amongst all which I had often conference with a Iew who by reason of his many yeeres education at Saset a place in Iudea neere Ierusalem where they study the Rabbines with some other arts as they thinke good as also for his trauels into Persia and Ormus he seemed to be of good experience in matters abroad who related vnto me such conference as he had with a Bamane at Ormus being one of the Indians inhabiting the countrey of Cambaia This Baniane being a Gentile had skill in Astronomie as many of that nation haue who by his books written in his owne tongue and Characters could tell the time of Eclipses both of Sunne and Moone with the Change and Full and by iudgement in Astrologie gaue answere to any question demanded Being asked concerning his opinion in religion what he thought of God He made answere that they held no other god but the sun to which planet they pray both at the rising and setting as I haue seene sundry doe in Aleppo his reason was drawen from the effects which it worketh in giuing light to the moone other starres and causing all things to grow and encrease vpon the earth answere was made that it did mooue with the rest as the wheeles of a clocke and therefore of force must haue a moouer Likewise in the Eclipse being darkened it is manifestly prooued that it is not god for God is altogether goodnesse and brightnesse which can neither be darkened nor receiue detriment or hurt but the Sun receiueth both in the Eclipse as it is apparant to which hee could not answere but so they had receiued from their ancestors that it was without beginning or ende as in any Orbicular or round body neither beginning or end could be found He likewise saydâ— that there were other Gentiles in y e Indies which worship the moone as chiefe and their reason is The moone when she riseth goeth with thousands of starres accompanied like a king and therefore is chiefe but the Sunne goeth alone and therefore not so great Against whom the Banianes reason that it is not true because the Moone and starres receiue their light from the Sunne neither doth the Sunne vouchsafe them his company but when he lift and therefore like a mighty prince goeth alone yet they acknowledge the Moone as Queene or Uiceroy Law they hold none but onely seuen precepts which they say were giuen them from their father Noe not knowing Abraham or any other First to honor father and mother secondly not to steale thirdly not to commit adultery fourthly not to kill any thing liuing fiftly not to eate any thing liuing sixtly not to cut their haire seuenthly to go barefoot in their churches These they hold most strictly by no meanes will breake them but he that breaketh one is punished with twenty stripes but for the greatest fault they will kill none neither by a short death nor a long onely he is kept some time in prison with very little meat and hath at the most not aboue twenty or fiue twenty stripes In the yere they haue 16 feasts and then they go to their church where is pictured in a broad table the Sun as we vse to paint it the face of a man with beames round about not hauing any thing els in it At their feast they spot their faces in diuers parts with saffron all yellow and so walke vp and downe the streets and this they doe as a custome They hold there shal be a resurrection and all shall come to iudgâ—ment but the account shal be most streight insomuch that but one of 10000 shal be receiued to fauor and those shall liue againe in this world in great happinesse the rest shal be tormented And because they will escape this iudgement when any man dieth he and his wife be both burnt together euen to ashes and then they are throwen into a riuer and so dispersed as though they had neuer bene If the wife will not burne with her dead husband shee is holden euer after as a whore And by this meanes they hope to escape the iudgement to come As for the soule that goeth to the place from whence it came but where the place is they know not That the body should not be made againe they reason w t the phylosophers saying that of nothing nothing can be made not knowing that God made the whole world and their god the Sun of nothing but beholding the course of nature that nothing is made but by a meanes as by the seed of a man is made another and by corne cast into the ground there commeth vp new corne so say they man cannot be made except some part of him be left and therefore they burne the whole for if he were buried in the earth they say there is a small bone in the necke which would neuer be consumed or if he were eaten by a beast that bone would not consume but of that bone would come another man and then the soule being restored againe he should come into iudgement whereas now the body being destroyed the soule shall not be iudged for their opinion is that both body and soule must be vnited
ouercome and all their nobles in the armie except seuen were slaine And for this cause when they purposing to inuade anie region are threatned by the inhabitants thereof to be slaine they doe to this day answere in old time also our whole number besides being slaine we remayned but seuen of vs aliue and yet notwithstanding we are now growen vnto a great multitude thinke not therefore to daunt vs with such brags But Chingis and the residue that remained aliue fled home into their countrey And hauing breathed him a little he prepared himselfe to warre and went forth against the people called Huyri These men were Christians of the sect of Nestorius And these also the Mongals ouercame and receiued letters or learning from them for before that time they had not the arte of writing and nowe they call it the hand or letters of the Mongals Immediately after hee marched against the countrey of Saruyur and of the Karanites and against the land of Hudirat all which he vanquished Then returned he home into his owne countrey and breathed himselfe Afterward assembling his warlike troupes they marched with one accord against the Kythayans and waging warre with them a long time they conquered a great part of their land and shut vp their Emperour into his greatest citie which citie they had so long time besieged that they began to want necessary prouision for their armie And when they had no victuals to feede vpon Chingis Cham commaunded his souldiers that they should eate euery tenth man of the companie But thâ—y of the citie tought manfully against them with engines dartes and arrowes and when stones wanted they threw siluer and especially melted siluer for the same citie abounded with great riches Also when the Mongals had fought a long time and could not preuayle by warre they made a great trench vnderneath the ground from the armie vnto the middest of the citie and there issuing foorth they fought against the citizens and the remnant also without the walles fought in like manner At last breaking open the gates of the citie they entred and putting the Emperour with many other to the sworde they tooke possession thereof and conueighed away the golde siluer aâ—d all the riches therein And hauing appointed certaine deputies ouer the countrey they returned home into their owne lande This is the first time when the Emperour of the Kythayans being vanquished Chingis Cham obtayned the Empire But some parte of the countrey because it lyeth within the sea they could by no meanes conquere vnto this day The men of Kytay are Pagans hauing a speciall kinde of writing by themselues and as it is reported the Scriptures of the olde and newe Testament They haue also recorded in hystories the liues of their forefathers and they haue Eremites and certaine houses made after the manner of our Churches which in those dayes they greatly resorted vnto They say that they haue diuers Saints also and they worship one God They adore and reuerence CHRIST IESVS our Lorde and beleeue the article of eternall life but are not baptized They doe also honourably esteeme and reuerence our Sciptures They loue Christians and bestowe much almes and are a very courteous and gentle people They haue no beardes and they agree partly with the Mongals in the disposition of their countenance In all occupations which men practise there are not better artificers in the whole worlde Their countrey is exceeding rich in corne wine golde silke and other commodities Of their warre against India maior and minor Chap. 10. ANd when the Mongals with their emperour Chingis Cham had a while rested themselues after the foresayd victorie they diuided their armies For the Emperour sent one of his sonnes named Thossut whom also they called Can that is to say Emperour with an armie against the people of Comania whom he vanquished with much warre and afterward returned into his owne country But he sent his other sonne with an armie against the Indians who also subdued India minor These Indians are the blacke Saracens which are also called AEthiopians But here the armie marched forward to fight against Christians dwelling in India maior Which the King of that countrey hearing who is commonly called Presbiter Iohn gathered his souldiers together and came foorth against them And making mens images of copper he set each of them vpon a saddle on horsebacke and put fire within them and placed a man with a paire of bellowes on the horse backe behinde euery image And so with many horses and images in such sorte furnished they marched on to fight against the Mongals or Tartars And comming neare vnto the place of the battell they first of all sent those horses in order one after another But the men that sate behind laide I wote not what vpon the fire within the images and blew strongly with their bellowes Whereupon it came to passe that the men and the horses were burnt with wilde fire and the ayre was darkened with smoake Then the Indians cast dartes vpon the Tartars of whom many were wounded and slain And so they expelled them out of their dominions with great confusion neither did we heare that euer they returned thither againe How being repelled by monstrous men shapen like dogs they ouercame the people of Burithabeth Chap. 11. BUt returning through the deserts they came into a certaine countrey wherin as it was reported vnto vs in the Emperours court by certaine clergie men of Russia and others who were long time among them and that by strong and stedfast affirmation they found certaine monsters resembling women who being asked by many interpreters where the men of that land were they answered that whatsoeuer women were borne there were indued with the shape of mankinde but the males were like vnto dogges And delaying the time in that countrey they met with the said dogges on the other side of the riuer And in the midst of sharpe winter they cast themselues into the water Afterward they wallowed in the dust vpon the maine land and so the dust being mingled with water was frozen to their backes and hauing often times so done the ice being strongly frozen vpon them with great fury they came to fight against the Tartars And when the Tartars threwe their dartes or shot their arrowes among them they rebounded backe againe as if they had â—ighted vpon stones And the rest oâ— their weapons coulde by no meanes hurt them Howbeit the Dogges made an assault vpon the Tartars and wounding some of them with their teeth and slaying others at length they draue them out of their countries And thereupon they haue a Prouerbe of the same matter as yet rife among them which they speake in iesting sorte one to another My father or my brother was slaine of Dogges The women which they tooke they brought into their owne countrey who remayned there till their dying day And in traueiling homewardes the sayd
the court of Sartach which was the space of two moneths we neuer lay in house or tent but alwaies vnder the starry canopy in the open aire or vnder our carts Neither yet saw we any village nor any mention of building where a village had bin but the graues of the Comanians in great abundance The same euening our guide which had conducted vs gaue vs some Cosmos After I had drunke thereof I sweat most extreamly for the nouelty and strangenes because I neuer dranke of it before Notwithstanding me thought it wasâ— very sauory as indeed it was Of the court of Scacatai and how the Christians drinke no Cosmos Chap. 12. ON the morrowe after we met with the â—artes of Scacatai laden with houses and me thought that a mighty citie came to meete me I woÌ„dered also at the great multitude of huge droues of oxen horses and at the flockes of sheepe I could see but a fewe men that guided all these matters wherupon I inquired how many men he had vnder him they told me that he had not aboue 500. in all the one halfe of which number we were come past as they lay in another lodging Then the seruant which was our guide told me that I must present somwhat vnto Scacatay so he caused vs to stay going himselfe before to giue notice of our comming By this time it was past three of the clocke and they vnladed their houses nere vnto a certain water And there came vnto vs his interpreter who being aduertised by vs that wee were neuer there before demanded some of our victuals we yeelded vnto his request Also he required of vs some garment for a reward because he was to interpret our sayings vnto his master Howbeit we excused our selues as well as wee could Then he asked vs what we would present vnto his Lord And we tooke a flagon of wine filled a maund with bisket a platter with apples other fruits But he was not contented therewith because we brought him not some rich garment Notwithstanding we entred so into his presence with feare and bashfulnes He sate vpon his bed holding a citron in his hand and his wife sate by him who as I verily thinke had cut and pared her nose betweene the eyes that she might seeme to be more flat and saddle-nosed for she had left her selfe no nose at all in that place hauing annointed the very same place with a black ointment and her eye browes also which sight seemed most vgly in our eies Then I rehearsed vnto him the same wordes which I had spoken in other places before For it stoode vs in hand to vse one and the same speech in all places For we were wel forewarned of this circumstance by some which had been amongst the Tartars that we should neuer varie in our tale Then I besought him that he would vouchsafe to accept that small gifte at our hands excusing my selfe that I was a Monke and that it was against our profâ—ssion to possesse gold or siluer or precious garments and therefore that I had not any such thing to giue him howbeit he should receiue some part of our victuals in stead of a blessing Hereupon he caused our present to be receiued and immediately distributed the same among his men who were mette together sor the same purpose to drinke and make merrie I deliuered also vnto him the Emperor of Constaâ—tinople his letters this was eight dayes after the feast of Ascension who sent them forthwith to Soldaia to haue them interpreted there for they were written in Greeke and he had none about him that was skilfull in the Greeke tongue He asked vs also whether we would drink any Cosmos that is to say mares milke For those that are Christians among them as namely the Russians Grecians and Alanians who keep their own law very strictly wil in no case drinke thereof yea they accompt themselues no Christians after they haue once drunke of it their priests reconcile them vnto the Church as if they had renounced the Christian faith I gaue him answere that we had as yet sufficient of our owne to drinke and that when our drinke failed vs we must be constrained to drink such as should be giuen vnto vs. He enquired also what was contained in our letters which your Maiestie sent vnto Sartach I answered that they were sealed vp and that there was nothing conteined in them but good and friendly wordes And he asked what wordes wee would deliuer vnto Sartach I answered the words of Christian faith He asked again what these words were For he was very desirous to heare theÌ„ Then I expouÌ„ded vnto him as well as I could by mine interpreter who had no wit nor any vtterance oâ— speech the Apostles creed Which after he had heard holding his peace he shooke his head Then hee assigned vnto vs two men who shoulde giue attendance vpon our selues vpon our horses and vpon our Oxen. And hee caused vs to ride in his companie till the messenger whome hee had sent for the interpretation of the Emperours letters was returned And so wee traueiled in his companie till the morowe after Pentecost Howe the Alanians came vnto vs on Pentecost or Whitson euen Chap. 13. VPon the euen of Pentecost there came vnto vs certaine Alanians who are there called Acias being Christians after the maner of the Grecians vsing greeke bookes and Grecian priests howbeit they are not schismatiques as the Grecians are but without acceptioÌ„ of persons they honour al ChristiaÌ„s And they brought vnto vs sodden flesh requesting vs to eat of their meat and to pray for one of their company being dead Then I sayd because it was the euen of so great and so solemne a feast day that we would not eate any flesh for that time And I expounded vnto them the solemnitie of the sayd feast whereat they greatly reioyced for they were ignorant of all things appertayning to Christian religion except only the name of Christ. They and many other Christians both Russians and Hungarians demanded of vs whether they might be saued or no because they were constrained to drinke Cosmos to eate the dead carkases of such things as were sâ—aine by the Saracens and other infidels Which euen the Greeke Russian priests themselues also esteeme as things strangled or offered vnto idoles because they were ignorant of the times of fasting neither could they haue obseruâ—d them albeit they had knowen them Then instructed I them aswell as I could and strengthened them in the faith As for the flesh which they had brought we reserued it vntill the feast day For there was nothing to be sold among the Tartars for gold siluer but only for cloth and garments of the which kind of marchandise wee had none at all When our seruants offered them any coine called Ypeâ—pera they rubbed it with their fingers and put it vnto their noses to try by the
Caspian sea and from thence by the countreis of Russie or Moscouia by riuers euen vnto the citie of Yeraslaue and from thence by land 180. miles to Vologda and from thence againe all by water euen vnto England The merchandises which be had out of Persia for the returne of wares are silke of all sortes of colours both raw and wrought Also all maner of spices and drugs pearles precious stones likewise carpets of diuers sortes with diuers other rich merchandises It was told me of them that came last from Persia that there is more silke brought into some one city of Persia then is of cloth brought into the city of London Also that one village of Armenia named Gilgat doeth carie yeerely fiue hundred and sometime a thousand mules laden with silke to Halepo in Soria of Turkie being 4. dayes iourney from Tripoli where the Uenetians haue their continuall abiding and send from thence silks which they returne for English karsies and other clothes into all partes of Christendome The maner how the Christians become Busormen and forsake their religion I Haue noted here before that if any Christian wil become a Busorman that is oue that hath forsaken his faith and be a Mahumetan of their religion they giue him many gifts and sometime also a liuing The maner is that when the deuill is entred into his heart to forsake his faith he resorteth to the Soltan or gouernor of the towne to whom hee maketh protestation of his diuelish purpose The gouernour appointeth him a horse and one to ride before him on another horse bearing a sword in his hand and the Busorman bearing an arrow in his hand and rideth in the citie cursing his father and mother and if euer after he returne to his owne religion he is guiltie of death as is signified by the sword borne before him A yong man a seruant of one of our merchāts because he would not abide the correction of his master for his faults was minded to forsake his faith But as God would he fell suddenly sicke and died before he gaue himselfe to the deuill If he had become a Busorman he had greatly troubled the merchants for if he would then haue said that halfe their goods had bene his they would haue giuen credite vnto him For the auoiding of which inconuenience it was granted in the priuileges that no Busorman c. as there appeareth In Persia in diuers places oxen and kine beare the tents and houshold stuffe of the poore men of the countrey which haue neither camels nor horses Of the tree which beareth Bombasin cotton or Gossampine IN Persia is great abundance of Bombasin cotton very fine this groweth on a certaine litle tree or brier not past the height of a mans waste or litle more the tree hath a slender stalke like vnto a brier or to a carnation gillifloure with very many branches bearing on euery branch a fruit or rather a cod growing in round forme containing in it the cotton and when this bud or cod commeth to the bignes of a walnut it openeth and sheweth foorth the cotton which groweth still in bignes vntill it be like a fleece of wooll as big as a mans fist and beginneth to be loose and then they gather it as it were the ripe fruite The seeds of these trees are as big as peason and are blacke and somewhat flat and not round they sowe them in plowed ground where they grow in the fields in great abundance in many countries in Persia and diuers other regions The writing of the Persians ARthur Edwards shewed me a letter of the Sophie written in their letters backward subsigned with the hands both of the Sophy his Secretarie The Sophies subscription was onely one word his name I suppose was Shaugh written in golden letters vpon red paper The whole letter was also written on the same piece of red paper being long narow about y e length of a foote and not past three inches broad The priuate signet of the Sophie was a round printed marke about the bignes of a roial onely printed vpon the same paper without any ware or other seale the letter seem so mishapen and disordered that a man would thinke it were somwhat scribled in maner at aduentures Yet they say that almost euery letter with his pricke or circumflexe signifieth a whole word Insomuch that in a piece of paper as big as a mans hand their writing doeth containe as much as doeth ours almost in a sheet of paper The fift voiage into Persia made by M. Thomas Banister and master Geofrey Ducket Agents for the Moscouie companie begun from England in the yeere 1568. and continuing to the yeere 1574. following Written by P.I. from the mouth of M. Lionel Plumtree VPon the 3. day of Iuly 1568. they embarked themselues at Yeraslaue being accompanied with Lionel Plumtree and some 12. English men more in a Barke called the Thomas Bonauenture of the burden of 70. tunnes taking also along with them of Russes to the number of 40. for their vse and imploiments It fell out in the way before they came to Astracan by 40. miles that the Nagaian Tartars being a kind of thieuish and cruel people made an assault vpon them with 18. boates of theirs each of them being armed some with swords some with speares and some others with bowes and arrowes and the whole number of them they discouered to be about 300. men They for their parts although they could haue wished a quiet voyage and iourney without blowes and violence yet not willing to be spoiled with such Barbarians as they were began to defend themselues against their assault by meanes whereof a very terrible fierce fight folowed and continued hot sharpe for two houres wherein our men so wel plaied their parts with their caliuers that they forced the Tartars to flee with the losse of 120. of them as they were afterwards enformed by a Russe prisoner which escaped from the Nagaians and came to them to Astracan at which towne they arriued the 20. of August In this towne of Astracan they were somwhat hindered of their iourney and staied the space of sixe weekes by reason of a great army of 70000. Turkes and Tartars which came thither vpon the instigation of the great Turke hoping either to haue surprised it suddenly or by continuance of siege to win the same But in the end by reason that the winter approched as also because they had receiued newes of a great expedition which the Emperour of Russia was in prouiding for the defence of the said place they were constrained to raise their siege to leaue the town as they found it Upon their departure our men had oportunitie to proceed on their voyage and vsing the occasion they left Astracan and came to Bilbil towards the end of October from whence they went to Shauaran where as they lodged in their tentes they were greatly molested with strange troopes of
commodities they came at last to Shauaran againe where their ship was in harbour and then they shipt all their goods and embarked themselues also setting sayle the eight day of May in the yeere 1573. intending to fetch Astracan By reason of the varietie of the windes and dangerous flats of the Caspian sea they beat it vp and downe some 20. dayes And the 28. day riding at anker vpon the flats certaine Russe Cassaks which are outlawes or banished men hauing intelligence of their being there and of the great wealth that they had with them came to them with diuers boates vnder the colour of friendship and entred their ship but immediately they tooke their hatchets slew diuers of the Russes that were of the ship vpon the hatches Whereupon master Ducket Lionell Plumtree William Smith the master a man of singular valure and Amos Riall being vnder the Spardecke did so well behaue themselues that they skowred the hatches and slew 14. of the Cassaks gunners and hurt and wounded about 30. more being of them al in number 150. at the least armed with caliuers and other weapons fit for so villanous a purpose M. Ducket notwithstanding and the rest aforesaid receiued diuers wounds from the enemie and were so hurt and withall so oppressed with the multitude and force of them that they were at last constrained to make an agreement with the Cassaks by rendring the ship into their hands hauing receiued first their othes sworne by their crucifixes not to do any further harme to their persons Thus the shippe being taken and all the English grieuously hurt the Cassaks immediately discharged the ship of them putting them all into the ship boate with two or three Persian targets full of horse flesh and swines flesh without further victuals or reliefe they being in that case made the best hast they could to get to Astracan and being come to the towne master Ducket made great sute to the captaine to haue men and boates set out for the rescuing and recouering of the ship if it were possible who immediately sent out his sonne with fortie boates and fiue hundred men to pursue the Pirats and by good hap came to the place where they rid at anker with the ship but by reason of their foolishnes in striking vp their drums before they were come neere them the Cassaks discouering the boats cut their gabâ—es and put out to sea whereupon the boats not being able to folow them returned againe to Astracan After which 60. boats more were sent out to pursue them againe the second time that second army came to a place where they found many of those Cassaks and slew them and found out the places where they had hid certaine parcels of their goods in the earth in the chests of the ship all which they recouered againe for the English merchants to the value of 5000. li. of 30. or 40. thousand pound but all the rest the Cassaks in the ship had caried away In the same place they found further diuers of the Cassaks which the Englishmen had slaine buried in the earth and wrapt some in fortie or fifty yards of Sattin and Taffataes and some in Turkie carpets cut spoiled by those villanous Pirats of whom afterwards as many as could be taken by the Persians who entirely loued the English merchants were put to most cruell torments in all places according to their deserts But our men being thus spoyled of their goods and wounded in their bodies remained about two moneths at Astracan for their better recouerie hauing gotten some reasonable strength they then prouided boates and went vp the riuer of Volga to Cazan with such goods as they had recouered from the Cassaks From Cazan they went towards Yeraslaue but in the way the ice intercepted them about the beginning of October where suddenly in the night they were taken with a cruell and vehement frost and there withall the waters so congeled that their boates were crushed and cut in sunder with the ice whereby they sustained both a further danger of life and losse of goods but as much as they could preserue with much adoe they conueyed ouer land iu fleds to Vologda and from thence sent much of it to Saint Nicholas to be laden in the ships for England But Master Ducket Lionel Plumtree and Amos Riall went with some parcels to the Mosko and there sold certaine quantities of it to the Emperour who pitying the mightie losse that they had sustained by his owne rebellious people and subiects bought himselfe as much as hee liked and payed present money for the same So that Winter being spent out in Mosko and such wares prouided by them as serued for England they departed to Saint Nicholas and there embarked in the moneth of August and hauing endured a very terrible passage in nine weekes and three dayes with some hardnesse of victuals contrary and furious windes and other sea accidents they arriued at London in the moneth of October one thousand fiue hundred seuentie and foure and so made an ende of an vnfortunate voyage which if it had pleased God to prosper that all things had come home as safely as they were carefully prouided and painfully laboured for it had proued the richest voiage and most profitable returne of commoditie that had euer bene vndertaken by English merchants who notwithstanding all misfortunes lost nothing of their principall aduenture but onely the interest and gaine that might haue risen by the vse of their stocke in the meane time Further obseruations concerning the state of Persia taken in the foresayd fift voyage into those partes and written by M. Geffrey Ducket one of the Agents emploied in the same SHamaky is the fairest towne in all Media and the chiefest commoditie of that countrey is rawe silke the greatest plentie thereof is at a towne three dayes iourney from Shamaky called Arash and within 3. dayes iourney of Arash is a countrey named Grosin whose inhabitants are Christians are thought to be they which are otherwise called Georgians there is also much silke to be sold. The chiefe towne of that countrey is called Zegham from whence is caried yeerely into Persia an incredible quantitie of Hasell nuts all of one sort and goodnesse and as good and thin shaled as are our Filberds Of these are caried yeerely the quantitie of 4000. Camels laden Of the name of the Sophy of Persia why he is called the Shaugh and of other customes THe king of Persia whom here we call the great Sophy is not there so called but is called the Shaugh It were there dangerous to cal him by the name of Sophy because that Sophy in the Persian tongue is a begger it were as much as to call him The great begger He lieth at a towne called Casbin which is situate in a goodly fertile valley of 3. or 4. daies iourny in length The towne is but euil builded and for the most part all of
factors to come aboord the shippe The 29. day their goods were vnladen and carried to the Bashaes garden where he made choyce of such things as he liked taking for custome of euery fiue twenty karsies or whatsoeuer one or after the rate of foure for the hundred The factors after his choyce made determined to send a part of the rest of the goods to Bachu for the speedier making sale thereof for which cause they obtained the Bashaes letter to the captaine of Bachu written very fauourably in their behoofe and thereupon was laden and sent in a small boat of that countrey in merchandize to the value very neere of one thousand pound sterling videlicet one hundreth pieces of karsies seuen broad clothes two barrels of cochenelio two barrels of tinne foure barrels of shaffe There went with the same of the companies seruants William Winckle Robert Golding and Richard Relfe with two Russies whereof one was an interpretor besides foure barkemen They departed from Derbent with the said barke the 19. of Iuly and arriued at Bildih the 25. day their passage and carriage of their goods to Bachu was chargeable although their sales when they came thither were small they had great friendship shewed them of the captaine of Bachu as well for the Bashaes letter as also for the factors sakes who had dealt friendly with him as before is declared Robert Golding desirous to vnderstand what might be done at Shamaky which is a daies iourney from Bachu went thither from whence returning he was set on by theeues and was shot into the knâ—e with an arrow who had very hardly escaped with his life goods but that by good hap he killed one of the theeues horses with his caliuer and shot a Turke thorow both cheâ—ks with a dag On the sixt day of August the factors being aduertised at Derbent that their ship was so rotten weake that it was doubfull she would not carry them backe to Astracan did therupon agree and bargen at that place with an Armenian whose name was Iacob for a barke called a Busse being of burden about 35. tunnes which came that yere from Astracan and was at that instant riding at an Island called Zere about three or foure leagues beyond or to the Eastwardes of Bildih which barke for their more safety they ment to haue with them in their returne to Astracan and therupon wrote vnto Wincoll and the rest at Bachu that they should receiue the same Busse and lade in her their goods at Bildih to be returned to Derbent and to discharge their fiâ—st boate which was obseruâ—d by them accordingly When all their goods were laden aboord the sayd Busse at Bildih and being ready to haue departed thence for Derbent there arose a great storme with the winde out of the sea by force whereof the cables and halsers were broken and their vessell put a shoare and broken to pieces against the rockes euery of them â—hat were in her saued their liues and part of the goods But there was a Carobia or cheste wherein were dollers and golde which they had receiued for the commodities of the company which they sold at Bachu which at the taking out of the Busse fell by the barkes side into the water amongst the rockes and so was lost The packes of cloth which they could not well take out of the Busse were also lost other things that were more profitable they saued The 18. of August the Factors receiued from the Basha 500. Batmans of raw silke parcell of the bargaine made with him who bade them come the next day for the rest of the bargaine The 19. day the Factors went to the Basha according to his appointment but that day they could not speake with him but it was deliuered them as from him that they should looke and consider whether any thing were due vnto him or not which grieued the Factors and thereupon M. Turnebull answered that their heads all that they had were at the Bashaes pleasure But then it was answered there was no such matter in it but that they should cast vp their reckonings to see how it stood betweene them The 20. day they cast vp their reckonings The 21. they went to haue spoken with the Basha but were denied audience The 22. day they heard newes by a Busse that came from Astracan that Arthur Edwards whom the Factors left at Astracan with the moâ—tie of the goods was dead who departed this life the of The 23. day the Factors receiued more from the Basha 500. Batmans of silke The 4. of September newes was brought to Derbent that Golding comming from Shamaky was set on by theeues Turkes and had hurt one of them The 5. Tobias Atkins the gunners boy died of the flure who was buried the 6. day 2. miles to the Southward of the Castle of Derbent where the Armenian Christians do vsually bury their dead About the 20. of September newes came to Derbent that the Busse which they had bought of Iacob the Armenian as before was cast away at Bildih but they receiued no certaine newes in writing from any of our people The 26. of September was laden aboord the ship 40. bales of silke From the 26. till the 2. of October they tooke into the ship bread water and other necessary prouision for their seashore the said 2. day of October the Factors were commanded vpon the suddaine to auoide their house and get them with their prouision out of the towne Whereupon they were constrained to remoue and carry their things to the sea side against the ship and remained there all the night The cause of this sudden auoyding them out of the towne as afterwards they perceiued was for that the Basha had receiued newes of a supplie with treasure that the Turke had sent which was then neare at hand comming toward him The 3. day of October all things were brought from the shoare aboord the ship and that day the Factors went to the Basha to take their leaue of him vnto whom they recommended those the Companies seruants c. which they had sent to Bachu making accompt to leaue them behinde in the Countrey who caused their names to be written and promised they should want nothing nor be iniuried of any After this leaue taken the Factors went aboord purposing presently to haue set saile and departed towards Astracan the winde seruing well for that purpose at South Southeast And as they were readie to set saile there came against the ship a man who weued whereupon the boate was sent a shoare to him who was an Armenian sent from William Wincoll with his writing tables wherein the said Wincoll had written briefly the mishap of the losse of the Busse and that they were comming from Bildih towardes Derbent they and such things as they saued with a small boate forced to put a shoare in a place by the sea side called the Armenian village Whereupon the Factors caused
in either of the Bishops seats there is a free schoole founded by the liberality and pietie of that most renoumed King of Denmarke Christian the third and afterward the sonne following the godly steppes of his most Christian father the said Free schooles by Lord Friderick the second our most religious King being called vp to his heauenly countrey in the yeare 1588 haue beene encreased and furthered which at this day also doe prosper and flourish by the fauour and authoritie of the most gracious King and our Prince Christian the fourth wherein the youth of our Islande being instructed in the rudiments of liberall artes and sacred diuinitie are trained vp to knowledge and true godlinesse that from hence ministers of Churches may proceede We are come at length in the register of the Bishops of Island downe to this present day wherein the forenamed excellent men Gudbrandus Thorlacius and Otto Enerus the one at Holen and the other at Schalholt are Bishops of our Cathedrall Churches both of which men that it would please God long to preserue vnto his Church in health and life for the glorie of his most holy name we all doe earnestly and with feruent prayers beseech him The second section They inhabite for the most part in caues or hollowe places within the sides of mountaines And againe They haue many houses and Churches built with the bones of fishes and Whales Againe Many of them also to auoide the extremitie of colde doe keepe themselues close in their caues euen as the people of Africa doe to auoyde the heate of the sunne Also Munster sayth Many in Island at this day build their houses with the ribbes and bones of Whales HEre the second member taketh his beginning concerning the course of life and the manners of the inhabitants And first of all what buildings or houses they doe vse namely according to Munster Krantzius Frisius c. Holes and caues of mountaines But although in gorgeous buildings and such other worldly braueries there is very litle helpe to the attayning of a life truely happie notwithstanding wee can not in this place conceale the truth and we plainely affirme that Cosmographers and Historiographers also doe erre in this point For such habitations as they write to be common vnto the whole nation are but in verie fewe places and are either sheepe-cots for shepheards or cottages and receptacles for fishermen at that time of the yeere onely when they goe a fishing and the others stande in neede to watch their flocke But for their houses themselues and the very dwelling places of men the Islanders haue had them built from auncient time stately and sumptuously enough according to the condition of the Countrey with timber stones and turfes vntill such time as traffike and exchange of wares beganne to cease betweene them and the Noruagians who were wont to supply them with timber and for that cause nowe our houses beginne to decay whenas neither we haue woods conuenient for building nor yet there are nowe a dayes as there were in olde time trees cast vpon our shores by the benefite of the sea which may in any sort relieue vs neither doe outlandish Merchants succour our necessities whereupon many of our meanest countrey villages are much decayed from their auncient integritie some whereof be fallen to the ground and others bee very ruinous Notwithstanding there be many farmes and villages which I cannot easily reckon vp the buildings whereof doe resemble that auncient excellencie the houses being very large both in breadth and length and for the most part in height also As for example farmes or granges which conteine chambers in them more then fiftie cubites in length tenne in breadth and twentie in height And so other roomes as a parler a stoue a butterie c. answering in proportion vnto the former I could here name mâ—ny of our countrie buildings both large and wide neither ilfauoured in shewe nor base in regarde of their workemanship and costly firmenesse or strength with certaine Churches also or religious houses built of timber onely aâ—cording to auncient and artificiall seemelinesse and beautie as the Cathedrall Church of Holen hauing a bodie the fiue pillars whereof on both sides be foure elnes high and about fiue elnes thicke as also beames and weather-bourdes and the rest of the roofe proportionally answering to this lower building Our most gracious King Lord Frederick whose memory is most sacred vnto vs in the yere 1588. did most liberally bestow timber for the reedifying of this body being cast downe in the yere 1584. by an horrible tempest But the Church it selfe doth manifestly exceed the body thereof in all quantity also the inner part of the Church which is commonly called the quier is somwhat lesse both then the middle part of the Church and also then the bodie The Church of Schalholt was farre greater as I haue heard in olde time then this our Cathedrall which hauing now beene twise burnt is brought to a lesser scantling Likewise there be some other Churches of our Iland although not matching yet resembling the auncient magnificence of these But here the matter seemeth not to require that I should runne into a long description of these things For as wee doe not greatly extoll our houses and buildings so are we nothing ashamed of them because being content with our pouertie we render vnto Christ immortall prayse who despiseth not to be receiued of vs vnder a base roofe and contemneth not our temples and houses which Munster Krantzius and Frisius doe not truely affirme to be built of fishes and Whales bones more then the marble vaults the painted walles the square pauementes and such like ornamentes of Churches and houses in other countries The third section They and their cattell vse all one house all one foode or victuals all one state here Krantzius hath it lodging Also They liue onely by feeding of cattell and sometimes by taking of fishes THese be the things together with those that followe which Krantzius hath champed and put into Munsters mouth so that Munster shall not neede so much as once to chewe them which may appeare by comparing them both together For Munster as hee swallowed these reproches taking them out of Krantzius his preface vpon Norway so he casteth vp the verie same morsels vndigested and rawe against our nation in his fourth booke of Cosmographie cap. 8. Those things which haue beene hitherto although they haue sufficiently grieued vs yet will we let them seeme more tollerable but this most malitious deuise and those which follow we cannot easily brooke It is our part therefore in this place also to auouch the trueth and to turne the leasing vpon the authors owne head House c. First that which they say concerning the same common house as also liuing and state with our cattell we plainely affirme to be false and erronious not onely the truth it selfe being our witnesse if any man would make triall but
of hope of his life and safetie The Saracens seeing and knowing this his banner that part of them which enuironed the Citie by water made towards him with twentie Gallies and thirteene shippes which they commonly cal Cazh seeking to inclose the Kings shippe But by Gods helpe the billowes of the Sea swelling and raging against them and the Kings shippe gliding and passing through the waues with an easie and nimble course arriued suddenly in the hatten of Ioppa the enemies frustrated of their purpose and sixe of the Saracens were hurt and wounded by shot out of the Kings shippe So that the King entering into the Citie and nowe appearing in safetie in all their sightes the spirits of all them that mourned for him and vntil then lamented as though hee had bene dead reuiued because that the head and King of the Christians and prince of Ierusalem was yet aliue and come againe vnto them in perfect health ¶ Mention made of one Hardine of England one of the chiefest personages and a leader among other of two hundred saile of ships of Christians that landed at Ioppa in the yeere of our Lord God 1102. CHronicon Hierosolymitanum libro 9. cap. 11. Interea dum haec obsidio ageretur 200. naues Christianorum nauigio Ioppen appulsae sunt vt adorarent in Hierusalem Horum Bernardus Witrazh de terra Galatiae Hardinus de Anglia Otho de Roges Hadewerck vnus de praepotentibus Wesifalorum primi ductores fuisse referuntur c. Erat autem tertia feria Iulij mensis quando hae Christianorum copiae Deo protegente huc nauigio angustiatis obsessis ad opem collatae sunt Sarracenorum autem turmae videntes quia Christianorum virtus audacter facie ad faciem vicino sibi hospitio proximè iungebatur media nocte oâ—biincumbente amotis tentorijs amplius milliari subtractae consederunt dum luce exorta consilium inirent vtrum Ascalonem redirent aut ciues Iaphet crebris assultibus vexarent The same in English VVHile the Sarazens continued their siege against Ioppa two hundred saile of Christian ships arriued at Ioppa that they might performe their deuotions at Hierusalem The chiefe men and leaders of these Christians are reported to haue bene Bernard Witrazh of the land of Galatia Hardine of England Otho of Roges Haderwerck one of the chiefe noble men of Westphalia c. This Christian power through Gods speciall prouision arriued here for the succour and reliefe of the distressed besieged Christians in Ioppa the third day of Iuly 1102. and in the second yeere of Baldwine king of Ierusalem Whereupon the multitude of the Sarazens seeing that the Christian power ioyned themselues boldly close by them euen face to face in a lodging hard by them the very next night at midnight remooued their tents and pitched them more then a mile off that they might the next morning bee aduised whether they should returne to Ascalon or by often assaults vexe the citizens of Iaphet Chronicon Hierosolymitanum eodem libro 9. cap. 12. continueth this historie of these two hundreth saile of ships and sheweth how by their prowesse chiefly the multitude of the Sarazens were in short space vanquished and ouerthrowen The words are these Ab ipso verò die terriae feriae dum sic in superbia elatione suae multitudinis immobiles Saraceni persisterent multis armorum terroribus Christianum populum vexarent sexta feria appropinquance Rex Baldwinus in tubis cornibus a Iaphet egrediens in manu robusta equitum peditum virtutem illorum crudeli bello est aggressus magnis hinc hinc clamoribus intonantes Christiani quoque qui nauigio appulsi sunt horribili pariter clamore cum Rege Baldwino graui strepitu vociferantes Babylonios vehementi pugna sunt aggressi saeuissimis atque mortiferis plagis eos affligentes donec bello fatigati vltra vim non sustinentes fugam versus Ascalonem inierunt Alij verò ab insecutoribus eripi existimantes marâ— se credentes intolerabili procellarum fluctuatione absorpti sunt Et sic ciuitas Ioppe cum habitatoribus suis liberata est Ceciderunt hac die tria millia Sarracenorum Christianorum verò pauci perijsse inuenti sunt The same in English YEt notwithstanding after the said third day of Iuly the Sarazens persisted high minded and insolent by reason of their great multitude and much annoied the Christian people with their many forceable and terrible weapons whereupon on the sixt day of Iuly early in the morning king Baldwine issued out of Iaphet his trumpets and cornets yeelding a great and lowd sound and with a very strong armie as well of horsemen as footemen who on euery side making great shoutes and outcries with fierce and sharpe battell set on the maine power of their enemies The Christians also who arriued in the nauie rearing great clamours and noyses with loud voices and shoutings in horrible wise together with king Baldwine assaulted likewise with strong battell the Babylonians and afflicted them with most sore and deadly wounds vntill the Sarazens being wearied with fighting nor able longer to endure and hold out against the valure of the Christians fled towards Ascalon And other of them hoping to escape from them that pursued them lept into the sea and were swalowed vp in the waues thereof And so the citie of Ioppa with the inhabitants thereof were freed of their enemies There were slaine this day three thousand Sarazens and but a few of the Christians perished ¶ A Fleete of Englishmen Danes and Flemmings arriued at Ioppa in the Holy land the seuenth yeere of Baldwine the second king of Hierusalem Written in the beginning of the tenth booke of the Chronicle of Hierusalem in the 8. yeere of Henry the first of England Cap. 1. AT the same time also in the seuenth yeere of the raigne of Baldwine the Catholike king of Hierusalem a very great warrelike Fleete of the Catholike nation of England to the number of about seueÌ„ thousand hauing with them more men of warre of the kingdom of Denmarke of Flanders and of Antwerpe arriued with ships which they call Busses at the hauen of the citie of Iaphet determining there to make their abode vntill they hauing obtained the kings licence and safe conduct might safely worship at Hierusalem Of which nauie the chiefest and best spoken repairing to the king spake to him in this maner Christ preserue the Kings life and prosper his kingdome from day to day Wee being men and souldiours of Christian profession haue through the helpe of God sayled hither through mightie and large seas from the farre countreys of England Flanders and Denmarke to worship at Ierusalem and to visit the sepulchre of our Lord. And therefore we are assembled to intreat your clemency touching the matter that by your fauour and safe conduct we may peaceably goe vp to Ierusalem and worship there and so returne Chap. 2. THe king fauourably hearing their whole
aliue which being once knowen in the citie of Achon as it was a great discomfort to them so it was a great helpe to the Christians for winning the citie The next day aster which was the seuenth of Iune king Richard came to Achon which at that time had bene long besieged by the Christians After whose comming it was not long but the Pagans within the citie seeing their wals to be vndermined and towers ouerthrowen were driuen by composition to escape with life and limme to surrender the citie to the two kings Another great helpe to the Christians in winning the citie was this In the said city of Achon there was a secret Christian among the Saracens who in time of the siege thereof vsed at sundry times to cast ouer the wals into the campe of the Christians certaine bils written in Hebrue Greeke and Latine wherein he disclosed to the Christians from time to time the doings and counsels of the enemies aduertising them how and what way they should worke and what to beware and alwayes his letters began thus In nomine Patris Filij Spiritus sancti Amen By reason whereof the Christians were much aduantaged in their proceedings but this was a great heauines vnto them that neither he would vtter his name nor when the citie was got did they euer vnderstand who he was To make of a long siege a short narration Upon the twelfth day of Iuly the yeere aforesaid the Princes and Captaines of the Pagans vpon agreement resorted to the tent of the Templaries to commune with the two kings touching peace and giuing vp of their citie the forme of which peace was thus 1 That the Kings should haue the citie of Achon freely and fully deliuered vnto them with all which was therein 2 That 500. captiues of the Christians should be restored to them which were in Achon 3 That the holy crosse should be to them rendred and a thousand Christian captiues with two hundreth horsemen whosoeuer they themselues would chose out of all them which were in the power of the Saladine 4 That they would giue vnto the Kings two hundreth thousand Bysants so that they themselues should remaine as pledges in the Kings hands for the performance hereof that if in fortie daies the aforesayd couenauts were not accomplished they should abide the Kings mercie touching life and limme These couenants being agreed vpon the Kings sent their souldiers and seruants into the citie to take a hundreth of the richest best of the city to close them vp in towers vnder strong keeping the residue they committed to be kept in houses and in streetes ministring vnto them according to their necessities to whom notwithstanding this they premitted that so many of them as would be baptized and receiue the faith of Christ should be free to goe whither they would wherupon many there were of the Pagans which for feare of death pretended to be baptized but afterward so soone as they could reuolted againe to the Saladine for the which it was afterward commauded by the Kings that none of them should be baptized against their wils The thirteenth day of the said moneth of Iuly King Philip of France and king Richard after they had obteined the possession of Achon deuided betweene them all things therein conteined as well the people as golde and siluer with all other furniture whatsoeuer was remaining in the citie who in deuiding the spoyle were so good caruers to themselues that the Knights and Barons had but litle to their share whereupon they began to shâ—w themselues somewhat discontented which being knowen of the kings they sent them answere that their wils should be satisfied The twentieth day of Iuly king Richard speaking with the French King desired him that they two with their armies would binde themselues by othe to remaine there stil in the land of Ierusalem the space of 3. yeeres for the winning and recouering againe of those countreys but he sayd he would sweare no such othe and so the next day after king Richard with his wife and sister entred into the citie of Achon and there placed himselfe in the kings pallace The French king remayning in the houses of the Templaries where he continued till the end of that moneth About the beginning of the moneth of August Philip the French king after that he and King Richard had made agreement betweene Guido Conradus the Marques about the kingdome of Ierusalem went from Achon to Tyrus notwithstanding king Richard all the Princes of the Christian armie with great intreatie desired him to tary shewing what a shame it were for him to come so farre and now to leaue vndone that for which he came and on the 3. day of August departed from Tyrus leauing the halfe part of the Citie of Achon in the hands of the aforesayd Conradus Marques After his departure the Pagans refused to keepe their couenants made who neither would restore the holy Crosse nor the money nor their captiues sending word to king Richard that if he beheaded the pledges left with him at Achon they would choppe off the heads of such captiues of the Christians as were in their hands Shortly after this the Saladine sending great gifts to king Richard requested the time limited for beheading of the captiues to be proroged but the king refused to take his gifts and to graunt his request whereupon the Saladine caused all the Christian captiues within his possession forthwith to be beheaded which was the 28. of August which albeit king Richard vnderstood yet would not he preuent the time before limitted for the execution of his prisoners being the 20. day of August vpon which day he caused the prisoners of the Saracens openly in the sight of the Saladines armie to loose their heads the number of whom came to two thousand and fiue hundreth saue onely that certaine of the principal of them he reserued for purposes and considerations especially to make exchange for the holy Crosse and certaine other of the Christian captiues After this king Richard purposed to besâ—â—ge the Citie of Ioppe where by the way betwene Achon and Ioppe neere to a towne called Assur Saladine with a great multitude of his Saracens came fiercely against the kings rereward but through Gods mercifull grace in the same battell the kings warriers acquited themselues so well that the Saladine was put to flight whom the Christians pursued the space of 3. miles he lost that same day many of his Nobles Captaines in such sort as it was thought that the Saladine was not put to such confusion 40. yeres before and but one Christian Captaine called Iames Auernus in that conâ—lict was ouerthrowen From thence king Richard proceeding further went to Ioppe and then to Ascalon where he found first the citie of Ioppe forsaken of the Saracens who durst not abide the kings comming Ascalon the Saladine threw downe to the ground likewise forsooke the whole land
marching forward till they came to a castle named Castrum peregrinorum situate vpon the sea coast and taried there that night and the next day they returned againe toward Acra In the meane season the king of Ierusalem sent vnto the noble men of Cyprus desiring them to come with speed to ayd the Christians but they would not come saying they would keepe their owne land and go no further Then prince Edward sent vnto them desiring that at hiâ—â—equest they would come and ioyne in ayd with him who immediatly thereupon came vnto him with great preparation furniture for the warres saying that at his commandement they were bound to do no lesse for that his predecessors were sometimes the gouernors of that their land and that they ought alwayes to shew their fidelity to the kings of England Then the Christians being herewith animated made a third voyage or roadâ— and came as farre as the fort called Vincula sancti Petri and to S. Georgius and when they had slain certaine there not finding any to make resistance against them they reâ—ired againe from whence they came when thus the fame of prince Edward grew amongst his enemies and that they began to stand in doubt of him they deuised among themselues how by some pollicy they might circumuent him and betray him Whereupon the prince and admirall of Ioppa sent vnto him faining himselfe vnder great deceit willing to become a Christian and that he would draw with him a great number besides so that they might be honorably entertained and vsed of the Christians This talke pleased the prince well and perswaded him to finish the thing he had so well begun by writing againe who also by the same messenger sent and wrote backe vnto him diuers times about the sâ—me matter whereby no mistrust should spring This messenger sayth mine author was one ex caute nutritis one of the stony hearted that neither feared God nor dreaded death The fift time when this messenger came and was of the princes sâ—ruants searched according to the maner and custome what weapon and armour he had about him as also his purse that not so much as a knife could be seene about him he was had vp into the princes chamber and after his reuerence done he pulled out certaine letters which he deliuered the prince from his lord as he had done others before This was about eight dayes after Whitsuntide vpon a Tuesday somewhat before night at which time the prince was layed vpon his bed bare headed in his ierkin for the great heat and intemperature of the weather When the prince had read the letters it appeared by them that vpon the Saturday next following his lord would be there ready to accomplish all that he had written and promised The report of these newes by the prince to the standers by liked them well who drew somewhat backe to consult thereof amongst themselues In the meane time the mâ—ssenger kneeling and making his obeisance to the prince questioning further with him put his hand to his belt as though he would haue pulled out sâ—me secret letters and suddenly he pulled out an inuenomed knife thinking to haue stroken the prince into the belly therewith as he lay but the price lifting vp his hand to defend the blow was striken a great wound into the arme and being abouâ— to fetch another stroke at him the prince againe with his foot tooke him such a blow that he feld him to the ground with that the prince gate him by the hand and with such violence wrasted the knife from him that he hurt himselfe therewith on the forehead and immediatly thrust the same into the belly of the messenger and striker and slew him The princes seruants being in the next chamber not farre off hearing the bussing came with great haste running in and finding the messenger lying dead in the floore one of them tooke vp a stoole and beat out his braines whereat the prince was wroth for that he stroke a dead man and one that was killed before But the rumour of this accident as it was strange so it went soone thorowout all the Court and from thence among the common people for which they were very heauy and greatly discouraged To him came also the Captaine of the Temple and brought him a costly and precious drinke against poison least the venime of the knife should penetrate the liuely blood and in blaming wise sayd vnto him did I not tell your Grace before of the deceit and subtilty of this people Notwithstanding sayd he let your Grace take a good heart you shall not die of this wound my life for yours But straight way the Surgions and Physicians were sent for and the prince was dressed and within few dayes after the wound began to putrifie and the flesh to looke dead and blacke whereupon they that were about the prince began to mutter among themselues and were very sad and heauy Which thing he himself perceiuing said vnto them why mutter you thus among your selues what see you in me can I not be healed tell me the trueth be ye not afrayd Whereupon one sayd vnto him and it like your Grace you may be healed we mistrust not but yet it will be very painfull for you to suffer May suffering sayd he againe restore health yea sayth the other on paine of losing my head Then sayd the prince I commit my selfe vnto you doe with me what you thinke good Then sayd one of the Physicians is there any of your Nobles in whom your Grace reposeth special trust to whom the prince answered Yea naming certeine of the Noble men that stood about him Then sayd the Physician to the two whom the prince first named the Lord Edmund and the lord Iohn Voisie And doe you also faithfully loue your Lord and Prince Who answered both Yea vndoubtedly Then sayth he take you away this gentlewoman and lady meaning his wife and let her not see her lord and husband till such time as I will you thereunto Whereupon they tooke her from the princes presence crying out and wringing her hands Then sayd they vnto her Be you contented good Lady Madame it is better that one woman should weepe a little while then that all the realme of England should weepe a great season Then on the morrow they cut out all the dead and inuenimed flesh out of the princes arme and threw it from them and sayd vnto him how cheereth your Grace we promise you within these fifteene dayes you shall shew your selfe abroad if God permit vpon your horsebacke whole and well as euer you were And according to the promise he made the prince it came to passe to the no little comfort and admiration of all his subiects When the great Souldan heard hereof and that the prince was yet aliue he could scarsely beleeue the same and sending vnto him three of his Nobles and Princes excused himselfe by them calling his god to witnesse
for then his soule should suffer great torments neither could I by any meanes remooue them from that errour Many other nouelties and strange things there bee in this countrey which no man would credite vnles he saw them with his owne eyes Howbeit I before almighty God do here make relation of nothing but of that only whereof I am as sure as a man may be sure Concerning the foresaid islands I inquired of diuers wel-experienced persons who al of them as it were with one consent answered me saying That this India contained 4400. islands vnder it or within it in which islands there are sixtie and foure crowned kings and they say moreouer that the greater part of those islands are wel inhabited And here I conclude coÌ„cerning that part of India Of the vpper India and of the prouince of Mancy FIrst of al therefore hauing traueled many dayes iourney vpoÌ„ the Ocean-sea toward the East at length I arriued at a certaine great prouince called Mancy being in Latine named India Concerning this India I inquired of Christians of Saracens of Idolaters and of al such as bare any office vnder the great Can. Who all of them with one consent answered that this prouince of Mancy hath mo then 2000. great cities within the precincts thereof that if aboundeth with all plenty of victuals as namely with bread wine rise flesh and fish All the men of this prouince be artificers marchants who though they be in neuer so extreme penurie so long as they can helpe themselues by the labor of their hands wil neuer beg almes of any man The men of this prouince are of a faire and comely personage but somewhat pale hauing their heads shauen but a litle but the women are the most beautiful vnder the sunne The first city of y e said India which I came vnto is called Ceuskalon which being a daies iourney distant froÌ„ the sea stands vpon a riuer the water whereof nere vnto the mouth where it exonerateth it selfe into the sea doth ouâ—rflow the land for the space of 12. daies iourney All the inhabitants of this India are worshippers of idols The foresaid city of Ceuskalon hath such an huge nauy belonging thereunto that no man whould beleeue it vnlesse he should see it In this city I saw 300. li. of good new ginger sold for lesse then a groat There are the greatest and the fairest greese most plenty of them to be sold in al the whole world as I suppose they are as white as milke and haue a bone vpon the crowne of their heads as bigge as an egge being of the colour of blood vnder their throat they haue a skin or bag hanging downe halfe a foot They are exceeding fat wel sold. Also they haue ducks and hens in that country one as big as two of ours There be moÌ„strous great serpents likewise which are taken by the inhabitants eaten whereupon a solemne feast among them without serpents is nought set by and to be briefe in this city there are al kinds of victuals in great abundance From thence I passed by many cities at length I came vnto a city named Caitan wherin y e friers Minorites haue two places of aboad vnto the which I transported the bones of the dead friers which suffred martyrdom for the faith of Christ as it is aboue mentioned In this city there is abundance of al kind of victuals very cheap The said city is as big as two of Bononia in it are many monasteries of religious persons al which do worship idols I my selfe was in one of those Monasteries it was told me that there were in it iii. M. religious men hauing xi M. idols and one of y e said idols which seemed vnto me but litle in regard of the rest was as big as our Christopher These religious men euery day do feed their idol-gods wherupon at a certaine time I went to behold the banquet and indeed those things which they brought vnto them were good to eat fuming hote insomuch that the steame of the smoke thereof ascended vp vnto their idols they said that their gods were refreshed with the smoke howbeit all the meat they conueyed away eating it vp their owne selues and so they fed their dumb gods with the smoke onâ—ly Of the citie Fuco TRaueling more eastward I came vnto a city named Fuco which conteineth 30. miles in circuit wherin be exceeding great faire cocks and al their hens are as white as the very snow hauing wol in stead of feathers like vnto sheep It is a most stately beautiful city standeth vpon the sea Then I went 18. daies iourney on further passed by many prouinces cities and in the way I went ouer a certain great mountaine vpon y e one side whereof I beheld al liuing creatures to be as black as a cole the men and women on that side differed somwhat in maner of liuing froÌ„ others howbeit on the other side of the said hil euery liuing thing was snow-white the inhabitants in their maner of liuing were altogether vnlike vnto others There all maried women cary in token that they haue husbands a great trunke of horne vpon their heads From thence I traueiled 18. dayes iourney further and came vnto a certaine great riuer and entered also into a city whereunto belongeth a mighty bridge to passe the said riuer And mine hoste with whom I soiourned being desirous to shew me some sport said vnto me Sir if you will see any fish taken goe with me Then hee led me vnto the foresaid bridge carying in his armes with him certaine diue-doppers or water-foules bound vnto a company of poles and about euery one of their necks he tied a threed least they should eat the fish as fast as they tooke them and he caried 3. great baskets with him also then loosed he the diue-doppers from the poles which presently went into the water within lesse then the space of one houre caught as many fishes as filled the 3. baskets which being full mine hoste vntyed the threeds from about their neckes and entering the second time into the riuer they fed themselues with fish and being satisfied they returned and suffered themselues to be bound vnto the saide poles as they were before And when I did eate of those fishes me thought they were exceeding good Trauailing thence many dayes iourneys at length I arriued at another city called Canasia which signifieth in our language the city of heauen Neuer in all my life did I see so great a citie for it conteineth in circuit an hundreth miles nâ—ithâ—â— sawe I any plot thereof which was not throughly inhabited yea I sawe many houses of tenne or twelue stories high one aboue another It hath mightie large suburbs containing more people then the citie it selfe Also it hath twelue principall gates and about the distance of eight miles in the high
redinesse his armie to the number of three hundreth sayles purposing for to send them against Rhodes if mortalitie had not happened in his hoâ—t and he afterwarde by the will of our lorde was surprised and taken with death wherefore he being in the latter ende of his dayes as some Turkes and false christian men that were at this siege shewed me did charge by his testament or caused to charge his sonne now being great Turke that after his death hee should make his two first enterprises the one against Bellegrado in Hungarie and the other against Rhodes for to get him honour and to set his Countries and subiectes in rest and suretie The which fatherly motion easilie entered into him and was imprinted in the heart and yoong will of the sayde Solyman his sonne the which soone after the death of his father put in effect the first enterprise and raised an huge hoste both by water and by land and went himselfe in person against Bellegrado a right strong place in Hungarie And after that hee had besieged it the space of two moneths or thereabout for fault of ordinance and vitailes it was yeelded to him by composition the eight day of September in the yeere of our lord one thousand fiue hundred twentie and one The sayd Solyman hauing this victory being swollen and raised in pride and vaineglory turned his heart agaynst Rhodes Neuerthelesse he not ignorant of the strength of it and considering the qualities of the people that were within it of whom he should be well receiued as his predecessours had bene aforetimes doubted much and knew not how to furnish his enterprise For his capitaines and Bashas turned him from it as much as they might by many reasons they knowing the force of it saue onely Mustofa Basha his brother in lawe the which counselled and put him in minde to goe thither Finally hee purposed entirely to haue it by treason or by force And also for the same cause and purpose his father in his dayes had sent a Iewe physician into Rhodes as a spie to haue the better knowledge of it the sayd Solyman was informed that he was there yet wherfore he sent him worde that he should abide there still for the same cause And gaue in charge to one of the chiefe men in Sio to send vnto the sayd Iewe all things needefull to maintaine him And the same Iewe wrote to him of Sio vnder priuie wordes all that was done in Rhodes to giue knowledge thereof to the great Turke and the better to hide his treason the sayde Iewe made himselfe to bee baptised And to bee the more named to be expert in Physike he did some faire cures to such as were diseased whereby he began to bee well trusted and came in fauour with many substantiall folkes of the towne Among all other things whereof hee aduertised the great Turke one was of a wall that was taken downe for to be new builded at the bulwarke of Auuergne certifying him that if hee came hastely with his hoste hee might easilie and at vnawares surprise the towne in such estate as it was at that time Many other aduertisements and warnings hee shewed the Turke which shall bee declared hereafter But beside his aduertisement the sayd great Turke stirred and prouoked by a false traitour a Portingale knight of ours that time Chanceller of the sayd holy Religion a man of great authoritie dignitie and vnderstanding and one of the principall lordes of the counsell of the same named Sir Andrew de Merall by little and little was mooued and kindled to the sayd enterprise of treason whereof was no maruell for it was a great hope and comfort to haue such a person for him that knew all the estate and rule of the religion and of the towne And for to declare the occasions of the cursed and vnhappy will of the said traitor that had bene occasion of so great losse and damage and shall be more at the length if the diuine power set not to his hand And here it is manifestly to bee vnderstood of all men that after the death of the noble and right prudent lord Fabrice of Cacetto great master of Rhodes the sayd Sir Andrew enflamed with ambition and couetousnesse to bee great master and seeing himselfe deceiued of his hope by the election made the two and twentieth day of Ianuary of the right reuerend and illustrate lord Philip de Villiers Lisleadam before him from that time hee tooke so great enuie and desperation enmitie and euill will not onely against the sayde lord but against all the holy religion that hee set all his studie and purpose to betray and sell his religion and the citie of Rhodes to the cursed misbeleeuers forgetting the great honours and goodnesse that hee hath had of the religion and hoped to receiue with many other particuler pleasures that the sayd lord master had done to him But the deuill vnkindnesse and wickednesse had so blinded the eyes of his thought that hee in no wise could refraine him but at euery purpose that was spoken afore him hee was short and might not dissemble And one day among other hee sayde before many knights that hee would that his soule were at the deuill and that Rhodes and the religion were lost And many other foolish and dishonest purposes and wordes hee vttered whereat none tooke heed nor thought that hee had the courage to doe that thing that hee hath done Howbeit obstinate as Iudas hee put in execution his cursed will for soone after that the tidings of the election was sent Westward to the sayde noble lord the sayd de Merall did send a Turke prisoner of his to Constantinople vnder shadowe to fetch his ransome By whom hee aduertised the great Turke and his counsell of the maner and degree of Rhodes and in what state and condicion the towne was in of all maner of things at that time and what might happen of it prouoking and stirring him to come with a great hoste to besiege the towne And after the comming of the sayd reuerend lord great master he gaue other aduise to the great Turke shewing him that hee could neuer haue better time to come seeing that the great master was new come and part of the wall taken downe and that all Rhodes was in trouble by occasion of some Italian knights rebels agaynst the lord great master of the which rebellion he was causer the better to bring his cursed mind to passe and also gaue the sayde great Turke knowledge that all Christian princes were busie warring each vpon other and that he should not doubt but if the rebellion lasted among them the towne should be his without faile as it is seene by experience And for lacke of succours of euery part and especially of such as might easily haue holpen vs beyng our neighbours with their gallies and men of warre wherefore it is now in the handes of the enemies of the christian faith The which
ground if a stranger meete one of them he will surely thinke by the state that she goeth with that he meeteth a Lady I departed from this Citie of Venice vpon Midsommer day being the foure and twentieth of Iune and thinking that the ship would the next day depart I stayed and lay a shippeboord all night and we were made beleeue from time to time that we should this day and that day depart but we caried still till the fourteenth of Iuly and then with scant winde wee set sayle and sayled that day and that night not aboue fiftie Italian miles and vpon the sixteene day at night the winde turned flat contrary so that the Master knewe not what to doe and about the fift houre of the night which we reckon to be about one of the clocke after midnight the Pilot descried a saile and at last perceiued it to be a Gallie of the Turkes whereupon we were in great feare The Master being a wise fellowe and a good sayler beganne to deuise howe to escape the danger and to loose litle of our way and while both he and all of vs were in our dumps God sent vs a merry gale of winde that we ranne threescore and tenne leagues before it was twelue a clocke the next day and in sixe dayes after we were seuen leagues past Zante And vpon Munday morning being the three and twentie of the same moneth we came in the sight of Candia which day the winde came contrary with great blasts and stormes vntill the eight and twentie of the same moneth in which time the Mariners cried out vpon me because I was an Englishman sayd I was no good Christian and wished that I were in the middest of the Sea saying that they and the shippe were the worse for me I answered truely it may well be for I thinke my selfe the worst creature in the worlde and consider you your selues also as I doe my selfe and then vse your discretion The Frier preached and the sermon being done I was demaunded whether I did vnderstand him I answered yea and tolde the Frier himselfe thus you saide in your sermon that we were not all good Christians or else it were not possible for vs to haue such weather to which I answered be you well assured that we are not indeede all good Christians for there are in the ship some that hold very vnchristian opinions so for that time I satisfied him although they said that I would not see when they said the procession and honoured their images and prayed to our Lady and S. Marke There was also a Gentleman an Italian which was a passenger in the ship and he tolde me what they said of me because I would not sing Salue Regina and Aue Maria as they did I told them that they that praied to so many or sought helpe of any other then of God the Father or of Iesus Christ his onely sonne goe a wrong way to worke and robbed God of his honour and wrought their owne destructions All this was told the Friers but I heard nothing of it in three daies after and then at euening prayer they sent the purser about with the image of our Lady to euery one to kisse I perceiuing it went another way from him and would not see it yet at last he fetched his course about so that he came to me offered it to me as he did to others but I refused it whereupon there was a great stirre the patron and all the friers were told of it and euery one saide I was a Lutheran and so called me but two of the friers that were of greatest authoritie seemed to beare mee better good will then the rest and trauelled to the patron in my behalfe and made all well againe The second day of August we arriued in Cyprus at a towne called Missagh the people there be very rude and like beasts and no better they eat their meat sitting vpon the ground with their legges a crosse like tailors their beds for the most part be hard stones but yet some of them haue faire mattraces to lie vpon Upon thursday the eight of August we came to Ioppa in a small barke which we hired betwixt Missagh and Salina and could not be suffered to come on land till noone the next day and then we were permitted by the great Basha who sate vpon the top of a hill to see vs sent away Being come on land we might not enter into any house for victuals but were to content our selues with our owne prouision and that which we bought to carie with vs was taken from vs. I had a paire of stirrops which I bought at Venice to serue me in my iourney and trying to make them fit for me when the Basha saw me vp before the rest of the companie he sent one to dismount me and to strike me whereupon I turned me to the Basha and made a long legge saying Grand mercie Signior and after a while we were horsed vpon litle asses and sent away with about fiftie light horsemen to be our conduct through the wildernesse called Deserta foelix who made vs good sport by the way with their pikes gunnes and fauchins That day being S. Laurence day we came to Rama which is tenne Italian miles from Ioppa and there we stayed that night and payed to the captaine of the castell euery man a chekin which is seuen shillings and two pence sterling So then we had a new gard of souldiers and left the other The house we lodged in at Rama had a doore so low to enter into that I was faine to creepe in as it were vpon my knees within it are three roomes to lodge trauellers that come that way there are no beds except a man buy a mat and lay it on the ground that is all the prouision without stooles or benches to sit vpon Our victuals were brought vs out of the towne as hennes egges bread great store of fruite as pomgranates figges grapes oringes and such like and drinke we drue out of the well The towne it selfe is so ruinated that I take it rather to be a heape of stones then a towne Then the next morning we thought to haue gone away but we could not be permitted that day so we stayed there till two of the clocke the next morning and then with a fresh gard of souldiers we departed toward Ierusalem We had not ridde fiue English miles but we were incountered with a great number of the Arabians who stayed vs and would not suffer vs to passe till they had somewhat so it cost vs for all our gard aboue twentie shillings a man betwixt Ioppa and Ierusalem These Arabians troubled vs oftentimes Our Truchman that payed the money for vs was striken downe and had his head broken because he would not giue them as much as they asked and they that should haue rescued both him and vs stood still
vpon paine of one hundred bastonadoes wee were then also cruelly manackled in such sort that we could not put our handes the length of one foote asunder the one from the other and euery night they searched our chaines three times to see if they were fast riueted Wee continued fight with the Carmosell three houres and then wee tooke it and lost but two of our men in that fight but there were slaine of the Greekes fiue and foureteene were cruelly hurt and they that were sound were presently made slaues and chained to the oares and within fifteene dayes after we returned againe into Tripolis and then wee were put to all maner of slauerie I was put to hewe stones and other to cary stones and some to draw the Cart with earth and some to make morter and some to draw stones for at that time the Turkes builded a church And thus we were put to all kinde of slauerie that was to be done And in the time of our being there the Moores that are the husbandmen of the countrey rebelled against the king because he would haue constrained them to pay greater tribute then heretofore they had done so that the Souldiours of Tripolis marched foorth of the towne to haue ioyned battell against the Moores for their rebellion and the King sent with them foure pieces of Ordinance which were drawen by the captiues twentie miles into the Countrey after them and at the sight thereof the Moores fled and then the Captaines returned backe againe Then I and certaine Christians more were sent twelue miles into the countrey with a Cart to lode timber and we returned againe the same day Nowe the king had 18. captiues which three times a weeke went to fetch wood thirtie miles from the towne and on a time he appointed me for one of the 18. and wee departed at eight of the clocke in the night and vpon the way as wee rode vpon the camels I demaunded of one of our company who did direct vs the way he sayd that there was a Moore in our company which was our guide and I demaunded of them how Tripolis and the wood bare one off the other and hee said East Northeast and West Southwest And at midnight or neere thereabouts as I was riding vpon my camel I fell asleepe and the guide and all the rest rode away from me not thinking but I had bene among them When I awooke and finding my selfe alone durst not call nor hallow for feare least the wilde Moores should heare me because they holde this opinion that in killing a Christian they do God good seruice and musing with my selfe what were best for me to do if I should doe foorth and the wilde Moores should hap to meete with mee they would kill mee and on the other side if I should returne backe to Tripolis without any wood or company I should be most miserably vsed therefore of two euils rather I had to goe foorth to the loosing of my life then to turne backe and trust to their mercie fearing to bee vsed as before I had seene others for vnderstanding by some of my company before howe Tripolis and the saide wood did lie one off another by the North starre I went forth at aduenture and as God would haue it I came right to the place where they were euen about an houre before day there altogether wee rested and gaue our camels prouender and assoone as the day appeared we rode all into the wood and I seeing no wood there but a sticke here and a sticke there about the bignesse of a mans arme growing in the sand it caused mee to marueile how so many camels should be loden in that place The wood was Iuniper we needed no axe nor edge toole to cut it but pluckt it vp by strength of hands rootes and all which a man might easily do and so gathered it together a little at one place and so at another and laded our camels and came home about seuen of the clocke that night folowing because I fell lame and my camel was tired I left my wood in the way There was in Tripolis that time a Venetian whose name was Benedetto Venetiano and seuenteene captiues more of his company which ranne away from Tripolis in a boate and came in sight of an Island called Malta which lieth fourtie leagues from Tripolis right North and being within a mile of the shoare very faire weather one of their company said In dispetto de dio adesso venio a pilliar terra which is as much to say In the despite of God I shall now fetch the shoare and presently there arose a mighty storme with thunder and raine and the wind at North their boate being very small so that they were inforced to beare vp roome and to sheare right afore the winde ouer against the coast of Barbarie from whence they came and rowing vp and downe the coast their victuals being spent the 21. day after their departure they were inforced through the want of food to come ashoare thinking to haue stolne some sheepe but the Moores of the countrey very craftily perceiuing their intent gathered togethâ—r a threescore horsemen and hid themselues behinde a sandie hill and when the Christians were come all a shoare and past vp halfe a mile into the countrey the Moores rode betwixt them and their boate and some of them pursued the Christians and so they were all taken and brought to Tripolis from whence they had before escaped and presently the king commaunded that the foresaide Benedetto with one more of his company should lose their eares and the rest should be most cruelly beaten which was presently done This king had a sonne which was a ruler in an Island called Gerbi whereunto arriued an English shippe called the Greene Dragon of the which was Master one M. Blonket who hauing a very vnhappy boy in that shippe and vnderstanding that whosoeuer would turne Turke should be well enterteined of the kings sonne this boy did runne a shoare and voluntarily turned Turke Shortly after the kings sonne came to Tripolis to visite his father and seeing our company hee greatly fancied Richard Burges our Purser and Iames Smith they were both yong men therefore he was very desirous to haue them to turne Turkes but they would not yeeld to his desire saying We are your fathers slaues and as slaues wee will serue him Then his father the king sent for them and asked them if they would turne Turkes And they saide If it please your highnesse Christians we were borne and so we will remaine and beseeched the king that they might not bee inforced thereunto The king had there before in his house a sonne of a yeoman of our Queenes guard whom the kings sonne had inforced to turne Turke his name was Iohn Nelson him the king caused to be brought to these yong men and then said vnto them Wil not you beare this your countreyman company and be
Turke as hee is And they saide that they would not yeeld thereunto during life But it fell out that within a moneth after the kings sonne went home to Gerbi againe being sixe score miles from Tripolis and caried our two foresaid yong men with him which were Richard Burges and Iames Smith and after their departure from vs they sent vs a letter signifying that there was no violence shewed vnto them as yet but within three dayes after they were violenâ—ly vsed for that the kings sonne demaunded of them againe if that they would turne Turke Then answered Richard Burges a Christian I am and so I will remaine Then the kings sonne very angerly said vnto him By Mahomet thou shalt presently be made Turke Then called he for his men and commanded them to make him Turke and they did so and circumcised him and would haue had him speake the wordes that thereunto belonged but he answered them stoutly that he would not and although they had put on him the habite of a Turke yet sayd he A Christian I was borne and so I will remaine though you force me to doe otherwise And then he called for the other and commaunded him to be made Turke perforce also but he was very strong for it was so much as eight of the kings sonnes men could doe to holde him so in the ende they circumcised him and made him Turke Now to passe ouer a litle and so to shewe â—he maner of our deliuerance out of that miserable captiuitie In May aforesaid shortly after our apprehension I wrote a letter into England vnto my father dwelling in Eauistoke in Deuonshire signifying vnto him the whole estate of our calamities and I wrote also to Constantinople to the English Embassadour both which letters were faithfully deliuered But when my father had receiued my letter and vnderstood the trueth of our mishap and the occasion thereof and what had happened to the offenders he certified the right honourable the earle of Bedford thereof who in short space acquainted her highnesse with the whole cause thereof and her Maiestie like a most mercifull princesse tendering her Subiects presently tooke order for our deliuerance Whereupon the right worshipful sir Edward Osborne knight directed his letters with all speed to the English Embassadour in Constantinople to procure our deliuery and he obteined the great Turkes Commission and sent it foorthwith to Tripolis by one Master Edward Barton together with a Iustice of the great Turkes and one souldiour and another Turke and a Greeke which was his interpretour which could speake besides Greeke Turkish Italian Spanish and English And when they came to Tripolis they were well interteined And the first night they did lie in a Captaines house in the towne all our company that were in Tripolis came that night for ioy to Master Barton and the other Commissioners to see them Then master Barton said vnto vs welcome my good countreymen and louingly interteined vs and at our departure from him he gaue vs two shillings and said Serue God for to morrow I hope you shall be as free as euer you were We all gaue him thankes and so departed The next day in the morning very early the King hauing intelligence of their comming sent word to the keeper that none of the Englishmen meaning our company should goe to worke Then he sent for Master Barton and the other Commissioners and demaunded of the saide Master Barton his message the Iustice answered that the great Turke his Souereigne had sent them vnto him signifying that he was informed that a certaine English shippe called the Iesus was by him the saide king confiscated about twelue moneths since and nowe my saide Souereigne hath here sent his especiall commission by vs vnto you for the deliuerance of the saide shippe and goods and also the free libertie and deliuerance of the Englishmen of the same shippe whom you haue taken and kept in captiuitie And further the same Iustice saide I am authorized by my said soueraigne the great Turke to see it done And therefore I commaund you by vertue of this commission presently to make restitution of the premisses or the value thereof and so did the Iustices deliuer vnto the King the great Turkes commission to the effect aforesaide which commission the king with all obedience receiued and after the perusing of the same he foorthwith commanded all the English captiues to be brought before him and then willed the keeper to strike off all our yrons which done the king said You Englishmen for that you did offend the lawes of this place by the same lawes therefore some of your company were condemned to die as you knowe and you to bee perpetuall captiues during your liues notwithstanding seeing it hath pleased my soueraigne lord the great Turke to pardon your said offences and to giue you your freedome and libertie beholde here I make deliuery of you to this English Gentleman so hee deliuered vs all that were there being thirteene in number to Master Barton who required also those two yong men which the Kings sonne had taken with him Then the king answered that it was against their lawe to deliuer them for that they were turned Turkes and touching the ship and goods the king said that he had solde her but would make restitution of the value and as much of the goods as came vnto his hands and so the king arose and went to dinner and commaunded a Iew to goe with Master Barton and the other commissioners to shew them their lodging which was a house prouided and appointed them by the said king And because I had the Italian Spanish tongues by which their most trafique in that countrey is Master Barton made me his Cater to buy his victuals for him and his company and deliuered me money needfull for the same Thus were wee set at libertie the 28. day of April 1585. Nowe to returne to the kings plagues and punishments which Almighty God at his will and pleasure sendeth vpon men in the sight of the worlde and likewise of the plagues that befell his children and others aforesaide First when wee were made bondmen being the second day of May 1584. the king had 300. captiues and before the moneth was expired there died of them of the plague 150. And whereas there were 26. men of our company of whom two were hanged and one died the same day that wee were made bondslaues that present moneth there died nine more of our company of the plague and other two were forced to turne Turkes as before is rehearsed and on the fourth day of Iune next following the king lost 150. camels which were taken from him by the wilde Moores and on the 28. day of the saide moneth of Iune one Geffrey Maltese a renegado of Malta ranne away to his countrey and stole a Brigandine which the king had builded for to take the Christians withall and caried with him twelue Christians more which were
because a litle point or corner thereof toucheth the firme lande and therefore may be called Peninsula that is to say almost an Iland Hereupon are builded many houses of the Iewes in respect of the aire This Peninsula is situate betweene two very good ports one of them being much more safe then the other called The old port into the which only the vessels of Barbarie and the sixe Gallies of the Grand Signior deputed for the guard of Alexandria doe enter And this port hath vpon the right hand at the mouth or enterance thereof a castle of small importance and guarded but with fifteene men or thereabouts On the other side of this Iland is the other called The new port which name is not vnfitly giuen vnto it for that in all mens iudgement in times past there hath not beene water there because in the midst of this port where the water is very deepe there are discouered and found great sepulchres and other buildings out of the which are dayly digged with engines Iaspar and Porphyrie stones of great value of the which great store are sent to Constantinople for the ornament of the Mesquitas or Turkish Temples and of other buildings of the Grand Signior Into this port enter all such vessels as traffique to this place This port hath on ech side a castle whereof that vpon the Peninsula is called Faâ—aone vpon the toppe whereof euery night there is a light set in a great lanterne for direction of the ships and for the guard thereof are appointed 200 Ianizaries the other on the other side is but a litle castle kept by 18 men It is certaine that this hauen of Alexandria is one of the chiefest hauens in the world for hither come to traffique people of euery Nation and all sorts of vessels which goe round about the citie It is more inhabited by strangers marchants and Christians then by men of the countrey which are but a few in number Within the citie are fiue Fontechi that is to say one of the Frenchmen where the Consul is resident this is the fairest and most commodious of all the rest Of the other foure two belong to the Venetians one to the Raguseans and the fourth to the Genoueses And all strangers which come to traffique there except the Venetians are vnder the French Consull It is also to be vnderstood that all the Christians dwell within their Fontechi and euery euening at the going downe of the sunne they which are appointed for that office goe about and shut all the gates of the saide Fontechi outward and the Christians shut the same within and so likewise they doe on the Friday which is the Moores and the Turkes Sabboth till their deuotions be expired And by this meanes all parties are secure and voide of feare for in so doing the Christians may sleepe quietly and not feare robbing and the Moores neede not doubt whiles they sleepe or pray that the Christians should make any tumult as in times past hath happened Of the coast of Alexandria ON the side towardes Barbarie along the sea-coast for a great space there is founde neither hold nor any thing worthy of mention but on the other side towards Syria 13 miles from Alexandria standeth a litle castle called Bichier kept by fiftie Turkes which castle is very olde and weake and hath a port which in times past was good but at this present is vtterly decayed and full of sand so that the vessels which come thither dare not come neere the shoare but ride far off into the sea Fortie miles further is Rossetto which is a litle towne without walles and is situate vpon the banke of Nilus three miles from the sea at which place many times they build ships and other vessels for gouernement whereof is appointed a Saniacbey without any other guard it is a place of traffique and the inhabitants are very rich but naughtie varlâ—ts and traytours Further downe along the sea-side and the riuer baâ—ke is another litle castle like vnto the aboue sayde and because the Moores beleeue that Mecca will in short time be conquered by the Christians they holde opinion that the same being lost shall be renued in this place of Rossetto namely that all their prayers vowes and pilgrimages shall be transported to Rossetto as the religious order of Saint Iohn of the Rhodes is translated thence to Malta Further forwarde thirtie miles standes another castle of small importance called Brulles kept continually by fourtie Turkes which hath a good and secure port in forme like to a very great lake or ponde wherein is taken great quantitie of fish which they salt and the marchants of Candie and Cyprus come thither to lade the same and it is greatly esteemed especially of the Candioâ—s who hauing great abundance of wine aduenture abroad to seeke meate fitte for the taste of the sayd wine Distant from Brulles fiue and thirtie miles there is another castle like vnto the aboue sayd kept by an Aga with fourtie men or thereabout More within the laâ—de by the riuers side is Damiata an auncient citie enuironed with walles contayning fiue miles in circuit and but of small strength For the gouernemâ—nt of this place is a Sanjaco with all his housholde and no other companie This citie is very large delightfull and pleasant abounding with gardens and faire fountaines Other fortie miles further is Latma a castle of very small importance and kept as other with fortie Turkes vnder an Aga. In this place is no port but a roade very daungerous and without other habitation Passing this place we enter â—udea But because our intent is to reason simply of the voyage to Mâ—cca we will proceede no further this way but returning to our first way let it suffice to say that â—rom Alexandria to Cairo are two hundred miles in which way I finde nothing woorthie of memorie Of the mightie Citie of Cairo CAiro containeth in circuit eighteene miles being so inhabited and replenished with people that almost it cannot receiue more and therâ—fore they haue begunne to builde nâ—we houses without the citie and about the walles In Cairo are people of all Nations as Christians Armenians Abexins Turkes Moores Iewes Indians Medians Persians Arabians and other sortes of people which resort thither by reason of the great traffique This citie is gouerned by a Basha which ministreth iustice together with the Cadie throughout the whole kingdome Also there are two and twentie Saniackes whose office is onely to ouersee and guarde the kingdome for euery good respect There are also seuen thousand Turkes in pay to wit three thousand Ianizaries and foure thousand horsemen The rest of the people in Cairo are for the most part marchants which goe and come and the remnant are Moores and other base people About two miles from Cairo there is another little Cairo called The olde Cairo which containeth in circuit litle more then tenne miles and the better halfe is not inhabitedâ— but
him vnder water so that he was neuer after seene And for this cause they haue made in sundry places certaine hedges as bankes within the water so that betwixt the hedge and banke of the riuer there remaineth so much water that the women washing may take water without danger at their pleasure This countrey is so fruitfull that it causeth the women as also other creatures to bring foorth one two and oft-times three at a birth Fiue miles southwarde of Cairo is a place called Matarea where the balme is refined and therefore some will say that the trees which beare the balme growe in the said place wherein they are deceiued for the sayde trees growe two dayes iourney from Mecca in a place called Bedrihone which yeeldeth balme in great plenty but saluage wilde and without vertue and therefore the Moores carying the same within litle chests from Bedrihone to Matarea where the trees being replanted be it by vertue of the soyle or the water aire or any other thing whatsoeuer it sufficeth that here they beare the true balme and licour so much in these dayes esteemed of In this place of Matarea there are certaine little houses with most goodly gardens and a chappell of antiquity where the very Moores themselues affirme that the mother of the blessed Christ fleeing from the fury of wicked Herode there saued her selfe with the childe wherein that saying of the Prophet was fulfilled Ex AEgypto vocaâ—i silium meum The which Chappell in the yeare of our Lorde one thousand fiue hundred and foure the Magnifico Daniel Barbaro first Consull of that place went to visite and caused it to be renued and reedified so that in these dayes there resort thither many Christians who oftentimes bring with them a Priest to say masse there Also about an Harquebuz-shotte from Matarea is a spire of great height like to that at Rome and more beautifull to beholde Neere vnto the olde Cairo are yet twelue storehouses of great antiquitie but now very much decayed and these till late dayes serued to keepe corne for behoofe of the kingdome concerning which many are of opinion that the founder hereof was Ioseph the sonne of Iacob for consideration of the seuen deare yeeres Also passing higher vp by the banke of Nilus there is to bee seene a fayre Citie ouerflowed with water the which at such time as Nilus floweth lyeth vnder water but when the water returneth to the marke there plainely appeare princely palaces and stately pillars being of some called Thebes where they say that Pharao was resident Moreouer three dayes iourney higher vp are two great images of speckled marble all whole and some what sunke into the earth being things wonderfull to consider of for the nose of either is two spaâ—nes and an halfe long and the space from one eare to the other conteineth tenne spannes the bodies being correspondent to their heads and grauen in excellent proportion so that they are shapes of maruellous hugenesse and these they call The wife and The daughter of Pharao Of the patriarke of Greece IN Cairo are two Patriarkes one of the Greekes and another of the Iacobites The Greeke Patriarke called Gioechni being about the age of one hundred and thirteene yeeres was a very good and holy man They say that when Soldan Gauri of Egypt reigned there was done this miracle following this good patriarke being enuied at by the Iewes of the countrey for none other cause but for his good workes and holy life it happened I say that being in disputation with certaine of the Hebrewes in presence of the Sultan and reasoning of their lawe and faith it was sayd vnto him by one of these Miscreants sith thou beleeuest in the faith of Christ take and drinke this potion which I will giue thee and if thy Christ be true Messias and true God he will sayd he deliuer thee from daunger To whom the auncient patriarke answered that he was content whereupon that cursed Iewe brought him a cuppe of the most venemous and deadly poyson that could be found which the holy Patriarke hauing perceiued said In the name of the father of the sonne and of the holy Ghost and hauing so sayde he dranke it quite vp which done he tooke a droppe of pure water putting it into that very cup and gaue it vnto the Iewe saying vnto him I in the name of my Christ haue drunke thy poyson and therefore in the name of thy expected Messias drinke this water of mine within thine owne cuppe Whereupon the Iewe tooke the cup out of the hand of the Patriarke and hauing drunke the water within halfe an houre burst a sunder And the Patriarke had none other hurt saue that he became somewhat pale in sight and so remained euer after And this miracle which meriteth to be called no lesse was done to the great commendation of the holy Patriarke in the presence of a thousand persons and namely of the Soldan of Egypt who seeing the despight of the Iewes vnto their owne cost and confusion compelled them to make the conduct which with so many engines commeth into the castle from Nilus aboue mentioned And this triumphant Patriarke not long since was aliue and in perfect health which God continue long time Of the preparation of the Carouan to goe to Mecca AS touching the Carouan which goeth to Mecca it is to be vnderstoode that the Mahumetans obserue a kinde of lent continuing one whole moone and being a moueable ceremonie which sometimes falleth high sometimes lowe in the yeere called in their tongue Ramazan and their feast is called Bairam During this time of lent all they which intende to goe vnto Mecca resort vnto Cairo because that twentie dayes after the feast the Carouan is readie to depart on the voyage and thither resort a great multitude of people from Asia Grecia and Barbaria to goe on this voyage some mooued by deuotion and some for traffiques sake and some to passe away the time Nowe within fewe dayes after the feast they which goe on the voyage depart out of the citie two leagues vnto a place called Birca where they expect the Captaine of the Carouan This place hath a great pond caused by the inundation of Nilus and so made that the camels and other beastes may drinke therein whereof namely of Mules Camels and Dromedaries there are at least fortie thousand and the persons which followe the Carouan euerie yeere are about fiftie thousand fewe more or lesse according to the times Moreouer euery three yeeres they renue the Captaine of the Carouan called in the Arabian tongue Amarilla Haggi that is the Captaine of the Pilgrimes to whom the Grand Signior giueth euery voiage eighteene purses conteyning each of them sixe hundred twentie and fiue ducates of golde and these be for the behoofe of the Carouan and also to doe almes vnto the needfull pilgrimes This Captaine besides other seruingmen which follow him hath also foâ—re Chausi to serue him Likewise he hath
MEdina is a little city of great antiquity containing in circuit not aboue two miles hauing therein but one castle which is olde and weake guarded by an Aga with fifty pieces of artillery but not very good The houses thereof are faire and well situated built of lime and stone and in the midst of the city stands a foure square Mosquita not so great as that of Mecca but more goodly rich and sumptuous in building Within the same in a corner thereof is a tombe built vpon foure pillers with a vault as if it were vnder a pauement which bindeth all the foure pillers together The tombe is so high that it farre exceedeth in heighth the Mosquita being couered with lead and the top all inamelled with golde with an halfe moone vpon the top and within the pauement it is all very artificially wrought with golde Below there are round about very great staires of yron ascending vp vntill the midst of the pillers and in the very midst thereof is buried the body of Mahomet and not in a chest of yron cleauing to the adamant as many affirme that know not the trueth thereof Moreouer ouer the body they haue built a tombe of speckled stone a brace and an halfe high and ouer the same another of Legmame fouresquare in maner of apyramis After this round about the sepulture there hangeth a curtaine of silke which letteth the sight of those without that they cannot see the sepulture Beyond this in the same Mosquita are other two sepulchres couered with greene cloth and in the one of them is buried Fatma the daughter of Mahomet and Alli is buried in the other who was the husband of the sayd Fatma The attendants vpon these sepulchres are fifty eunuches white and tawny neither is it granted to any of them to enter within the tombe sauing to three white eunuches the oldest and best of credit vnto whom it is lawfull to enter but twise in the day to light the lamps and to doe other seruices All the other eunuchs attend without to the seruice of the Mosquita and the other two sepulchres of Fatma and Alli where euery one may go and touch at his pleasure and take of the earth for deuotion as many do Of things without the City WIthout the city and on euery side are most faire gardens with many fountaines of most sweet water infinite pondes abundance of fruit with much honest liuing so that this place is very pleasant and delightfull This city hath three gates one of which is an hospitall caused to be built by Cassachi called the Rose who was wife to Sultan Soliman grandfather to this emperour The sayd hospitall hath nought els woorthy mention saue that it is fairely built and hath large reuenues belonging thereunto and nourisheth many poore people A mile from the city are certaine houses whereof they affirme one to be the same where Mahumet in his life-time dwelt This house hath on euery side very many faire date trees amongst which there are two which grow out of one stocke exceeding high and these they say their Prophet graffed with his owne hand the fruit thereof is alwayes sent to Constantinople to be presented vnto the Grand Signior and is sayd to be that blessed fruit of the Prophet Here vnto the date trees is a faire fountaine of cleere and sweet water the which by a conduct pipe is brought into the city of Medina Also there is a little Mosquita wherein three places are counted holy and greatly reuerenced the first they affirme that their Prophet made his first prayer in after he knew God the second is that whither he went when he would see the holy house of Abraham where when he sate downe to that intent they say the mountaines opened from the toppe to the bottome to shew him the house and after closed againe as before the third holy place is in the midst of the sayd Mosquita whereis a tombe made of lime and stone fouresquare and full of sand wherein they say was buried that blessed camell which Mahumet was alwayes woont to ride vpon On the other side of the city are other tombes of holy Mahumetans and euery one of them hath a tombe built vpon foure pillers amongst which three were the companions of Mahumet to wit Abubacar Ottoman and Omar all which are visited of the pilgrims as holy places The offering of the vestures vnto the sepulchres THe Carouan being come to Medina two houres before day and resting there till the euening the captaine then with his company and other pilgrims setteth forward with the greatest pompe possible and taking with him the vesture which is made in maner of a pyramis with many other of golde and silke departeth going thorow the midst of the city vntill he come to the Mosquita where hauing praied he presenteth vnto the tâ—mbe of his prophet where the eunuchs receiuing hands are ready the vesture for the sayd tombe and certaine eunuchs entring in take away the old vesture and lay on the new burning the olde one and diuiding the golde thereof into equall portions After this are presented other vestures for the ornament of the Mosquita Also the people without deliuer vnto the eunuchs ech man somewhat to touch the tombe therewith which they keepe as a relique with great deuotion This ceremony being ended the captaine resteth in Medina two dayes to the end the pilgrims may finish their deuotion and ceremonies and after they depart to Iambor A good dayes iourney thence is a steepe mountaine ouer which is no passage sauing by one narrow path called Demir Capi which was in times past called the yron gate Of this gate the Mahumetans say that Ally the companion and sonne in law of Mahumet being here pursued by many Christians and comming vnto this mountaine not seeing any way whereby to flee drew out his sword and striking the said mountaine diuided it in sunder and passing thorow saued his life on the other side Moreouer this Alli among the Persians is had in greater reuerence then Mahumet who affirme that the sayd Alli hath done greater things and more miraculous then Mahumet and therefore they esteeme him for God almighty his fellow But to returne to our matter the captaine with the carouan within two dayes after returneth for Cairo and comming to Ezlem findeth there a captaine with threescore horses come thither to bring refreshments to the said captaine of the pilgrimage as also to sell vnto the pilgrims some victuals From thence they set forward and comming to Birca within two leagues of Cairo there is the master of the house of the Bassha of Cairo with all his horsemen come thither to receiue him with a sumptuous and costly banket made at the cost of the Basha for the captaine and his retinue who after he is well refreshed departeth toward the castle of Cairo to salute the Basha who receiuing him with great ioy and gladnesse in token of good wil presenteth him with a garment of
of Pepper and then she goeth to Cochin to take in the rest and from thence to Cao Comori is seuentie and two miles and there endeth the coast of the Indies and alongst this coast neere to the water side and also to Cao Comori downe to the lowe land of Chilao which is about two hundred miles the people there are as it were all turned to the Christian faith there are also Churches of the Friers of S. Pauls order which Friers doe very much good in those places in turning the people and in conuerting them and take great paines in instructing them in the law of Christ. The fishing for Pearles THe Sea that lieth betweene the coast which descendeth from Cao Comori to the lowe land of Chilao and the Iland Zeilan they call the fishing of Pearles which fishing they make euery yeere beginning in March or Aprill and it lasteth fiftie dayes but they doe not fishe euery yeere in one place but one yeere in one place and another yeere in another place of the same sea When the time of this fishing draweth neere then they send very good Diuers that goe to discouer where the greatest heapes of Oisters bee vnder water and right agaynst that place where greatest store of Oisters bee there they make or plant a village with houses and a Bazaro all of stone which standeth as long as the fishing time lasteth and it is furnished with all things necessarie and nowe and then it is neere vnto places that are inhabited and other times farre off according to the place where they fishe The Fishermen are all Christians of the countrey and who so will may goe to fishing paying a certaine dutie to the king of Portugall and to the Churches of the Friers of Saint Paule which are in that coast All the while that they are fishing there are three or foure Fostes armed to defend the Fishermen from Rouers It was my chance to bee there one time in my passage and I saw the order that they vsed in fishing which is this There are three or foure Barkes that make consort together which are like to our litle Pilot boates and a litle lesse there goe seuen or eight men in a boate and I haue seene in a morning a great number of them goe out and anker in fifteene or eighteene fadome of water which is the Ordinarie depth of all that coast When they are at anker they cast a rope into the Sea and at the ende of the rope they make fast a great stone and then there is readie a man that hath his nose and his eares well stopped and annointed with oyle and a basket about his necke or vnder his left arme then hee goeth downe by the rope to the bottome of the Sea and as fast as he can hee filleth the basket and when it is full he shaketh the rope and his fellowes that are in the Barke hale him vp with the basket and in such wise they goe one by one vntill they haue laden their barke with oysters and at euening they come to the village and then euery company maketh their mountaine or heape of oysters one distant from another in such wise that you shall see a great long rowe of mountaines or heapes of oysters and they are not touched vntill such time as the fishing bee ended and at the ende of the fishing euery companie sitteth round about their mountaine or heape of oysters and fall to opening of them which they may easilie doe because they bee dead drie and brittle and if euery oyster had pearles in them it would bee a very good purchase but there are very many that haue no pearles in them when the fishing is ended then they see whether it bee a good gathering or a badde there are certaine expert in the pearles whom they call Chitini which set and make the price of pearles according to their carratts beautie and goodnesse making foure sortes of them The first sort bee the round pearles and they be called Aia of Portugale because the Portugales doe buy them The second forte which are not round are called Aia of Bengala The third sort which are not so good as the second they call Aia of Canara that is to say the kingdome of Bezeneger The fourth and last sort which are the least and worst sort are called Aia of Cambaia Thus the price being set there are merchants of euery countrey which are readie with their money in their handes so that in a fewe dayes all is bought vp at the prises set according to the goodnesse and caracts of the pearles In this Sea of the fishing of pearles is an Iland called Manar which is inhabited by Christians of the countrey which first were Gentiles and haue a small hold of the Portugales being situate ouer agaynst Zeilan and betweene these two Ilands there is a chanell but not very big and hath but a small depth therein by reason whereof there cannot any great shippe passe that way but small ships and with the increase of the water which is at the change or the full of the Moone and yet for all this they must vnlade them and put their goods into small vessels to lighten them before they can passe that way for feare of Sholdes that lie in the chanell and after lade them into their shippes to goe for the Indies and thisâ— doe all small shippes that passe that way but those shippes that goe for the Indies Eastwardes passe by the coast of Coromandel on the other side by the land of Chilao which is betweene the firme land and the Iland Manor and going from the Indies to the coast of Coromandel they loose some shippes but they bee emptie because that the shippes that passe that way discharge their goods at an Iland called Peripatane and there land their goods into small flat bottomed boates which drawe litle water and are called Tane and can run ouer euery Shold without either danger or losse of any thing for that they tarrie in Peripatane vntill such time as it bee faire weather Before they depart to passe the Sholdes the small shippes and flat bottomed boates goe together in companie and when they haue sailed sixe and thirtie miles they arriue at the place where the Sholdesare and at that place the windes blowe so forciblie that they are forced to goe thorowe not hauing any other refuge to saue themselues The flat bottomed boates goe safe thorow where as the small shippes if they misse the aforesayd chanell sticke fast on the Sholdes and by this meanes many are lost and comming backe from the Indies they goe not that way but passe by the chanell of Manar as is abouesayd whose chanell is Oazie and if the shippes sticke fast it is great chance if there be any danger at all The reason why this chanell is not more sure to goe thither is because the windes that raigne or blowe betweene Zeilan and Manar make the chanell so shalow with water that
they were come within 3. English miles of the towne and made after them in all possible haste and although they saw that they were farre out of their reach yet in a vaine fury and foolish pride they shot off their Ordinance and made a stirre in the Sea as if they had bene in the midst of them which vanitie of theirs ministred to our men notable matter of pleasure and mirth seeing men to fight with shadowes and to take so great paines to so small purpose But thus it pleased God to deride and delude all the forces of the proud Spanish king which he had prouided of purpose to distresse the English who notwithstanding passed through both his Armies in the one little hurt and in the other nothing touched to the glory of his immortall Name the honour of our Prince and Countrey and the iust commendation of ech mans seruice performed in that voyage The returne of Master VVilliam Harborne from Constantinople ouer land to London 1588. I Departed from Constantinople with 30. persons of my suit and family the 3. of August Passing through the Countries of Thracia now called Romania the great Valachia Moldauia where ariuing the 5. of September I was according to the Grand Signior his commandement very courteously interteined by Peter his positiue prince a Greeke by profession with whom was concluded that her Maiesties subiects there trafiquing should pay but three vpon the hundreth which as well his owne Subiects as all other nations answere whose letters to her Maiestie be extant Whence I proceeded into Poland where the high Chanceler sent for mee the 27. of the same moneth And after most honorable intertainment imparted with me in secret maner the late passed and present occurrents of that kingdome also he writ to her Maiestie Thence I hasted vnto Elbing where the 12. of October I was most friendly welcomed by the Senate of that City whom I finde and iudge to be faithfully deuoted to her Maiesties seruice whose letters likewise vnto the same were presented me No lesse at Dantzik the 27. of that moneth I was courteously receiued by one of the Buroughmasters accompanied with two others of the Senate a Ciuil doctor their Secretarie After going through the land of Pomer I rested one day at Stetin where for that y â— duke was absent nothing ensued At Rostoke I passed through the Citie without any stay and at Wismar receiued like friendly greeting as in the other places but at Lubeck for that I came late and departed early in the morning I was not visited At Hamburg the 19. of Nouember and at Stoad the ninth of December in like maner I was saluted by a Boroughmaster and the Secretarie and in all these places they presented mee sundry sorts of their best wine and fresh fish euery of them with a long discourse congratulating in the names of their whole Senate her Maiesties victory ouer the Spaniard and my safe returne concluding with offer of their ready seruice to her future disposing Yet the Dantziks after my departure thence caused the Marchants to pay custome for the goods they brought with them in my company which none other towne neither Infidels nor Christians on y â— way euer demanded And notwithstanding the premisses I was most certainly informed of sundry of our nation there resident that most of the Hanse-towns vpon the sea coasts especially Dantzik Lubeck and Hamborough haue laden and were shipping for Spaine great prouision of corne cables ropes powder saltpeter hargubusses armour iron leade copper and all other munition seruing for the warre Whereupon I gather their fained courtesie proceeded rather for feare then of any good affection vnto her Maiesties seruice Elbing and Stoad onely excepted which of duetie for their commoditie I esteemed well affected The priuilege of Peter the Prince of Moldauia graunted to the English Marchants PEtrus Dei gratia princeps Valachiae Moldauiae significamus praesentibus vniuersis singulis quorum interest ac intererit quòd cum magnifico domino Guilielmo Hareborne oratore Serenissimae ac potentissimae dominae dominae Elizabethae Dei gratia Angliae Franciae ac Hiberniae Reginae apud Serenissimum ac potentissimum Turcarum Imperatorem hanc constitutionem fecerimus Nimirùm vt dehinc sue Serenitatis subditis omnibusqúe mercatoribus integrum sit hìc in prouincia nostra commorandi conuersandi mercandi vendendi contrahendÃque imo omnia exercendi quae mercaturae ac vitae humanae societas vÃusqúe requirit sine vlla alicuius contradictione aut inhibitione saluo ac integro tamen iure Telonij nostri hocest vt a singulis rebus centum ducatorum pretij tres numerent Quod ratum ac fitmum constitutione nostra haberi volumus In cuius rei firmius testimonium sigillum nostrum appressum est Actum in castris nostris die 27. mensis Augusti anno Domini 1588. The same in English PEter by the grace of God prince of Valachia and Moldauia we signifie by these presents to all and singuler persons whom it doth or shall concerne that we haue made this agreement with the worthy gentleman William Hareborne Ambassador of the right high and mighty prince the Lady Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland with the most puissant and mightie Emperour of the Turkes To witte that fromhencefoorth it shal be lawfull for her highnesse subiects and all her Marchants to remaine conuerse buy sel bargaine and exercise all such things as the trade of marchandise and humane societie and vse requireth without any hinderance or let the right of our Custome alwayes reserued That is that they pay three ducats vpon all such things as amount to the price of one hundred ducats Which by this our ordinance we command to be surely and firmely obserued For the more assured testimony whereof our seale is hereunto annexed Giuen in our Campe the 27. of the moneth of August in the yeere of our Lord 1588. A briefe extract specifying the certaine dayly paiments answered quarterly in time of peace by the Grand Signior out of his Treasurie to the Officers of his Seraglio or Court successiuely in degrees collected in a yeerely totall summe as followeth FOr his owne diet euery day one thousand and one aspers according to a former custome receiued from his auncestors notwithstanding that otherwise his diurnall expence is very much and not certainly knowen which summe maketh sterling money by the yere two thousand one hundred 92. pounds three shillings eight pence The fiue and fourtie thousand Ianizaries dispersed in sundry places of his dominions at sixe aspers the day amounteth by the yeere to fiue hundreth fourescore and eleuen thousand and three hundreth pounds The Azamoglans tribute children farre surmount that number for that they are collected from among the Christians from whom betweene the yeeres of sixe and twelue they are pulled away yeerely perforce whereof I suppose those in seruice may be equall in number
the Queenes Maiestie my Mistresse and that hee had sent them to attend vpon me it being his pleasure that I should tarie there on shoare fiue or sixe dayes for my refreshing So being mounted vpon the Iennet they conducted mee through the Towne into a faire fielde vpon the Sea-side where was a tent prouided for mee and all the ground spread wâ—th Turkie carpets and the Castle discharged a peale of ordinance and all things necessarie were brought into my tent where I both tooâ—e my table and lodging and had other conuenient tents for my seruants The souldiers enuironed the tents and watched about vs day and night as long as I lay there although I sought my speedier dispatch On the Wednesday towards night I tooke my horse and traueiled ten miles to the first place of water that we could finde and there pitched our tents till the next morning and so traueiled till ten of the clocke and then pitched our tents till foure and so traueiled as long as day light would suffer about 26 miles that day The next day being Friday I traueiled in like order but eight and twentie miles at the most and by a Riuer being about sixe miles within sight of the Citie of Marocco we pitched our tents Immediatly after came all our English marchants and the French on horsebacke to meete me and before night there came an Alcayde from the king with fiftie men diuers mules laden with victuall and banker for my supperâ— declaring vnto me how glad the king shewed himsâ—lfe to heare of the Queenes Maiestie and that his pleasure was I should be receiued into his countrey as neuer any Christian the like and desired to knowe what time the next day I would come into his citie because he would that all the Christians as also his nobilitie should meete me and willed Iohn Bampton to be with him early in the morning which he did About seuen of the clocke being accompanied with the French and English marchants and a great number of souldiers I passâ—d towards the citie and by that time I had traueiled 2 miles there met me all the Christians of the Spaniards and Portugals to receiue me which I knowe was more by the kings commandement then of any good wils of themselues for some of them although they speake me faire hung downe their heads like dogs and especially the Portugales and I countenanced them accordingly So I passed on till I came within two English miles of the Citie and then Iohn Bampton returned shewing me that the king was so glad of my comming that hee could not deuise to doe too much to shewe the good will that hee did owe to the Queenes Maiestie and her Realme His counsellers met me without the gates and at the entrie of the gates his footmen guard were placed on both sides of my horse and so brought me to the kings palace The king sate in his chaire with his Counsell about him as well the Moores as the Elchies and according to his order giuen vnto me before I there declared my message in Spanish and made deliuerie of the Queenes Maiesties letters and all that I spake at that present in Spanish hee caused one of his Elâ—hies to declare the same to the Moores present in the Larbe tongue Which done he answered me againe in Spanish yeelding to the Queenes Maiestie great thankes and offering himselfe and his countrey to bee at her Graces commaundâ—ment and then commaunded certaine of his Counsellers to conduct mee to my lodging not being farre from the Court. The house was faire after the fashion of that countrey being daily well furnished with al kind of victuall at the kings charge The same night he sent for mee to the Court and I had conference with him about the space of two houres where I throughly declared the charge committed vnto mee from her Maiestie finding him conformable willing to pleasure and not to vrge her Maiestie with any demaundes more then conueniently shee might willingly consent vnto hee knowing that out of his countrey the Realme of England might be better serued with lackes then hee in comparison from vs. Further he gaue me to vnderstand that the king of Spaine had sent vnto him for a licence that an Ambassadour of his might come into his countrey and had made great meanes that if the Queenes maiesty of England sent any vnto him that he would not giue him any credit or intertainment albeit said he I know what the king of Spaine is and what the Queene of England and her Realme is for I neither like of him nor of his religion being so gouerned by the Inquisition that he can doe nothing of himselfe Therefore when he commeth vpon the licence which I haue granted he shall well see how litle account I will make of him and Spaine and how greatly I will extoll you for the Queenes maiestie of England He shall not come to my presence as you haue done and shall dayly for I minde to accept of you as my companion and one of my house whereas he shall attend twentie dayes after he hath done his message After the end of this speech I deliuered Sir Thomas Greshams letters when as he tooke me by the hand and led me downe a long court to a palace where there ranne a faire fountaine of water and there sitting himselfe in a chaire he commanded me to sit downe in another and there called for such simple Musicians as he had Then I presented him with a great base Lute which he most thankfully accepted and then he was desirous to heare of the Musicians and I tolde him that there was great care had to prouide them and that I did not doubt but vpon my returne they should come with the first ship He is willing to giue them good intertainment with prouision of victuall and to let them liue according to their law and conscience wherein he vrgeth none to the contrary I finde him to be one that liâ—eth greatly in the feare of God being well exercised in the Scriptures as well in the olde Testament as also in the New and he beareth a greater affection to our Nation then to others because of our religion which forbiddeth worship of Idols and the Moores called him the Christian king The same night being the first of Iune I continued with him till twelue of the clocke and he seemed to haue so good liking of me that he tooke from his girdle a short dagger being set with 200 stones rubies and turkies and did bestow it vpon me and so I being conducted returned to my lodging for that time The next day because he knew it to be Sunday our Sabboth day he did let me rest But on the munday in the afternoone he sent for me and I had conference with him againe and musicke Likewise on the tuesday by three of the clocke he sent for me into his garden finding him layd vpon a
into their sleeues then preach they in publique a sermon vnto the people declaring what they mind to doe with the great good liking of all such as doe heare them for euery body wondreth at such a kinde of holinesse Then take they hookes to cut downe briars and thornes that might hinder them in their way to heauen and so embarke themselues in a new vessell tying great stones about their neckes armes â—oines thighes and feete thus they launching out into the maine Sea be either drowned there their shippe bouged for that purpose or els doe cast themselues ouer-boord headlong into the Sea The emptie barke is out of hand set a fire for honours sake by their friends that folow them in another boat of their owne thinking it blasphemie that any mortall creature should afterward once touch the barke that had bene so religiousâ—y halowed Truly when we went to Meaco eight dayes before we came to the I le of Hiu at Fore towne sixe men and two women so died To all such as die so the people erecteth a Chappell and to each of them a pillar and a pole made of Pineaple for a perpetuall monument hanging vp many shreds of paper in stickes all the roofe ouer with many verses set downe in the walles in commendation of that blessed company Wherefore vnto this place both day and night many come very superstitiously in pilgrimage It happened euen then as Aloisius Almeida and I went to christen a childe wee traueiled that way at what time foure or fiue olde women came foorth out of the aforesayd chappell with beades in their handes for in this point also the deuill counterfaiteth Christianitie who partly scorned at vs for follie partly frowned and taunted at our small deuotion for passing by that holy monument without any reuerence or worship done thereunto at all It remaineth now we speake two or three wordes of those Sermons the Bonzii are woont to make not so many as ours in number but assuredly very well prouided for The Pulpit is erected in a great temple with a silke Canopie ouer it therein standeth a costly seate before the seate a table with a bell and a booke At the houre of Sermon each secâ— of the Iapans resorteth to their owne doctors in diuers Temples Up goeth the doctor into the Pulpit and being set downe after that hee hath lordlike looked him about signifieth silence with his bell and so readeth a fewe wordes of that booke we spake of the which he expoundeth afterward more at large These preachers be for the most part eloquent and apt to drawe with their speach the mindes of their hearers Wherefore to this ende chieflie such is their greedinesse tendeth all their talke that the people bee brought vnder the colour of godlinesse to enrich their monasteries promising to each one so much the more happinesse in the life to come how much the greater costes and charges they bee at in Church matters and obsequies notwithstanding this multitude of superstitious Sects and companies and the diuersitice thereof amongst themselues yet in this principally all their Superintendents doe trauell so to perswade their Nouices in their owne tales and lies that they thinke nothing els trueth nothing els sure to come by euerlasting saluation nothing els woorth the hearing Whereunto they adde other subtleties as in going grauitie in countenance apparell and in all outward shew comelinesse Whereby the Iapans mindes are so nousâ—ed in wicked opinions doe conceiue thereby such trust and hope of euerlasting saluation that not onely at home but also abroad in euery corner of the towne continually almost they run ouer their beades humbly asking of Amida and Xaca wealth honour good health and euerlasting ioyes Thus then deare brethren may you thinke how greatly they need the helpe of God that either doe bring the Gospell into this countrey or receiuing it brought vnto them doe forsake idolatrie and ioine themselues with Christ being assaulted by so many snares of the deuill troubled with the daily dissuasions of their Bonzii and finally so iniuriously so hardly so sharpely vexed of their kinred and friends that except the grace of God obtained by the sacrifices and prayers of the Catholique church doe helpe vs it cannot be chosen but that the faith and constancie of many if not of all in these first beginnings of our churches will greatly be put in ieopardie So much the more it standeth you vpon that so earnestly long for the health of soules to commend specially these Iapanish flocks vnto our Lord. We came to Sacaio the eight and twentie day of Ianuary Aloisius Almeida first for businesse but afterward let by sicknesse staied there some while but I parting the next day from thence came thirteene leagues off to Meaco the last of Ianuarie Of my comming all the Christians tooke great comfort but specially Gaspar Vilela who in 6 yeres had seen none of our companie at Meaco his yeeres are not yet fortie but his gray haires shew him to be seuentie so vehemently is his litle body afflicted and worne with extreme cold Hee speaketh Iapanish so skilâ—ully after the phrase of Meaco the which for the renowne of this people and royal seat of the king is best accounted of that hee doeth both confesse and preach in that language Certaine godly bookes also he hath done into that speach not omitting to translate other as laisure suffreth him To make an ende our Lord for his goodnesse vouchsafe to preserue vs all continually and to giue vs ayde both rightly to interprete his will and well to doe the same From Meaco the 19 of February 1565. Other such like matter is handled both in other his letters and also in the Epistles written by his companions to be seene at large in the aforesaid volume Amongst the rest this seemed in my iudgement one of the principall and therefore the rather I tooke vpon me to do it into English Of the Iles beyond Iapan in the way from China to the Moluccas AMongst other Iles in the Asian sea betwixt Cantan a Chinish hauen in Cathaio the Moluccas much spoâ—en of in the Indian histories and painted out in Maps Ainan and Santianum are very famous Ainan standeth 19 degrees on this side of the Equinoctiall line nere China from whence the Chinish nation haue their prouision for shipping and other necessaries râ—quisite for their Nauie There staied Balthasar Gagus a great traueiler 5 moneths who describeth that place after this maner Ainan is a goodly countrey ful of Indian fruits all kind of victuals besides great store of it wels and pearle well inhabited the townes built of stone the people rude in conditions apparelled in diuers coloured rugs with two oâ—e hornes as it were made of fine cypres hanging downe about their eares and a paire of sharpe cyzers at their foreheads The cause wherefore they go in such attire I could not vnderstand except it bee for that they do counterfeit the deuil in the
de monte The 17 a darke drowsie day this was the first night that I tooke the North starre The 26 a temperate day with litle winde and we were in 12 degrees and 13 minutes of latitude The 30 we met a great sea out of the Northwest The 6 of Iune we found it as temperate as if we had beene in England yet we were within the height of the sunne for it was declined 23 degrees and 26 minuts to the Northward and we had 15 degrees of latitude The 8 faire and temperate as in England here we met with a counter sea out of the Southborde The 15 a faire temperate day the winde variable here we had 18 degrees and fiftie nine minutes The 12 of Iuly in 30 degrees of latitude we met with great store of rockweed which did stick together like clusters of grapes and this continued with vs vntill the 17 of the said moneth and then we saw no more at which 17 day we were in two and thirtie degrees sixe and fortie minutes of latitude The 25 at sixe of the clocke in the morning we had sight of the Isle of Pike it bare North and by East from vs we being 15 leagues off The 27 we spake with the poste of London and she told vs good newes of England The nine and twentieth we had sight of the Island of Cueruo and the 30 we saw the Island of Flores The 27 of August in 41 degrees of latitude we saw 9 saile of Britons and three of them followed vs vntill noone and then gaue vs ouer The 30 we had sight of Cape â—inisterre The eight of September at night wee put into Plimouth sound and road in Causon bay all night The 9 we put into Catwater and there stayed vntill the 28 of September by reason of want of men and sicknesse The nine and twentieth we set sayle from Plimouth and arriued at London the second of October 1589. The commodities that we caried in this voyage were cloth both linnen wollen yron worke of sundry sorts Manillios or bracelets of copper glasse beades and corrall The commodities that we brought home were pepper and Elephants teeth oyle of palme cloth made of Cotton wooll very curiously wouen and cloth made of the barke of palme trees Their money is pretie white shels for golde and siluer we saw none They haue also great store of cotton growing their bread is a kind of roots they call it Inamia and when it is well sodden I would leaue our bread to eat of it it is pleasant in eating and light of digestion the roote thereof is as bigge as a mans arme Our men vpon fish-dayes had rather eate the rootes with oyle and vineger then to eate good stockfish There are great store of palme trees out of the which they gather great store of wine which wine is white and very pleasant we should buy two gallons of it for 20 shels They haue good store of sope and it smelleth like beaten violets Also many pretie fine mats and baskets that they make and spoones of Elephants teeth very curiously wrought with diuers proportions of foules and beasts made vpon them There is vpon the coast wonderfull great lightning and thunder in so much as I neuer hard the like in no Countrey for it would make the decke or hatches tremble vnder our feete and before we were well acquainted with it we were fearefull but God be thanked we had no harme The people are very gentle and louing and they goe naked both men and women vntill they be married and then they goe couered from the middle downe to the knees They would bring our men earthen pottes of the quantitie of two gallons full of hony and hony combes for 100 shelles They would also bring great store of Oranges and Plantans which is a fruit that groweth vpon a tree and is very like vnto a Cucumber but very pleasant in eating It hath pleased God of his merceifull goodnesse to giue me the knowledge how to preserue fresh water with little cost which did serue vs sixe moneths at the sea when we came into Plimmouth it was much wondered at of the principal men of the towne who said that there was not sweeter water in any spring in Plimouth Thus both God prouide for his creatures vnto whom be praise now and for euermore Amen The voiage set forth by M. Iohn Newton and M. Iohn Bird marchants of London to the kindome and Citie of Benin in Africa with a ship called the Richard of Arundell and a pinnesse in the yere 1588. briefely set downe in this letter following written by the chiefe Factor in the voyage to the foresaid Marchants at the time of the ships first arriuall at Plimouth WOrshipful Sirs the discourse of our whole proceeding in this voyage wil aske more time and a person in better health then I am at this present so that I trust you will pardon me till my comming vp to you in the meane time let this suffice Whereas we departed in the moneth of December from the coast of England with your good ship the Richard of Arundell and the pinnesse we held on our direct course towards our appointed port and the 14 day of Februarie following we arriued in the hauen of Benin where we found not water enough to carry the ship ouer the barre so that we left her without in the road and with the pinnesse ship boat into which we had put the chiefest of our marchaÌ„dise we went vp the riuer to a place called Goto where we arriued the 20 of February the foresaid Goto being the neerest place that we could come to by water to go for Benin From thence we presently sent Negroes to the king to certifie him of our arriuall and of the cause of our comming thither who returned to vs againe the 22 day with a noble man in their company to bring vs vp to the Citie and with 200 Negroes to carrie out commodities hereupon the 23 day we deliuered our marchandize to the kings Factor the 25 day we came to the great Citie of Benin where we were well intertained The sixe twenty day we went to the Court to haue spoken with the king which by reason of a solemne feast then kept amongst them we could not doe but yet we spake with his Veadore or chiefe man that hath the dealing with the Christians and we conferred with him concerning our trading who answered vs that we should haue all things to our desire both in pepper and Elephants teeth The first of March we were admitted to the kings presence and he made vs the like courteous answere for our traffike the next day we went againe to the Court where the foresaid Veadore shewed vs one basket of greene pepper and another of dry in the stalkes wee desired to haue it plucked from the stalks and made cleane who answered that it would aske time but yet in
à magno ostendit sua vela COLVMBO Haeâ— neque vicina nimiùm frigescit ab arcto Sole nec immodico in steriles torretur arenas Frigus aestatem iusto moderamine seruat Siue leues auras grati spiracula coeli Seu diae telluris opes munera curas Pone agete digno tua sceptra in honore meoquâ— Iunge salutarem propius cum littore dextram Sit mihi fas aliquam per â—esperare quietem Vicinoque bono laetum illucescere Solem. Quòd si consilijs superûm fatisque negatum est Durare immensum magna infortunia tempus Quòd si de immerita iustum est ceruice reuelli Ignarum imperij dominum populique regendi Quòd si nulla vnquam potuit superesse potestas Ni pia flexilibus pareret clementia frenis Obsequium A miti quae sita potentia CYRO Amissa est saeuae soboli Parcendo subegit Tot reges MACEDVM virtus tot postera sensim Abscidit a parto tandem inclementia regno Et quod ROMVLEIS creuit sub patribus olim Imperium dirisemper minuêre NERONES A report of the voyage and successe thereof attempted in the yeere of our Lord 1583 by sir Humfrey Gilbert knight with other gentlemen assisting him in that action intended to discouer and to plant Christian inhabitants in place conuenient vpon those large and ample countreys extended Northward from the cape of Florida lying vnder very temperate Climes esteemed fertile and rich in Minerals yet not in the actuall possession of any Christian prince written by M. Edward Haies gentleman and principall actour in the same voyage who alone continued vnto the end and by Gods speciall assistance returned home with his retinue safe and entire MAny voyages haue bene pretended yet hitherto neuer any thorowly accomplished by our nation of exact discouery into the bowels of those maine ample and vast countreys extended infinitely into the North from 30 degrees or rather from 25 degrees of Septentrionall latitude neither hath a right way bene taken of planting a Christian habitation and regiment vpon the same as well may appeare both by the little we yet do actually possesse therein by our ignorance of the riches and secrets wiâ—hâ—n those lands which vnto this day we knâ—w chiefly by the trauell and report of other nations and most of the French who albeit they can not challenge such right and interest vnto the sayd countreys as we neither these many yeeres haue had oâ—portunity nor meanes so great to discouâ—r and to plant being veâ—ed with the calamities of iâ—testâ—â—e warres as we haue had by the inestimable benefit of our long and happy peace yet haue they both waies performed more and had long since attained a sure possession and setled gouernment of many prouinces in â—hose Northerly parts of America if their many attempts into those forren and remote lands had not bene impeached their garboils at home The first discouery of these coasts neuer heard of â—efore was well begun by Iohn Cabot the father and Sebastian his sonne an Englishman borne who were the first finders out of all that great tract of land stretching from the cape â—f Florida vnto those Islands which wâ— now call the Newfoundland all which they brought and anâ—eâ—rd vnto the crowne of England Since when if with like diligence the seaâ—ch of inland countreys had bene follâ—wed as the discouery vpon the coast and out-parts therof was performed by those two men no doubt her Maiesties territories and reuenue had bene mightily inlarged and aduanced by this day And which is more the seed of Christian râ—ligion had bene fowed amongst those pagans which by this time might haue brought foorth a most plâ—ntifull haruest and copious congregation of Christians which must be the chiefe intent of such as shall make any attempt that way or els whatsoeuer is builded vpon othâ—r foundation shall neuer obtaine happy successe nor continuance And although we can not precisely iudge which onely belongeth to God what haue bene the humouâ—s of men stirred vp to great attempts of discouering and planting in those remote countreys yet the euents do shew that either Gods cause hath not bene chiefly preferred by them or els God hath not permitted so abundant grace as the light of his word and knowledge of him to be yet reuealed vnto those infidels before the appointed time But most aâ—â—uredly â—he only cause of religion hitherto hath kept backe and will also bring forward at the time assâ—â—neâ— by God an effectuall and compleat discouery possession â—â— Christians both of those ample countreys and the riches within them hithâ—rto concealed â—hereof notwithstanding Gâ—d in his wisdome hath permitted to be reuealed frâ—m tiâ—e to time a certaine oâ—scure and mâ—sty knowledâ—e by little and little to allure the mindes of men that way which els will be dull enough in the zeale of his cause and thereby to prepare vs vnto a readinesse for the execution of his wâ—ll against the due tâ—me ordâ—inedâ— of calling those pagans vnto Christâ—anity In the meane while â—t behâ—oueth euery man of great calling in whom is any instinct of inclination vnto this atâ—â—mpâ— to â—â—amine his owne motions which is the same proceed of ambitâ—on or auarice hâ— may assure himselfe it commeth not of God and therefore can not haue câ—nfidence of Gods protection and assistance against the â—iolence els irresistable both oâ— sea and infinite perils vpâ—n the land wâ—om God yet may vse an instrument to further his cause and glory some way but not to build vpon so bad a foundatâ—on Othâ—rwâ—se if hâ—s motiues be dâ—riued from a bertuous heroycall minde preferring chiâ—fly the honour oâ— Godâ— compassâ—on of poore infidels captiued by the deuill tyrannizing in most woonderfull and dreadfull maner ouer their bodies and soules aduancement of his honest and well disposed countreymen willing to accompany him in such honourable actions reliefe of sundry pâ—ople wâ—thin this realme distressed all these be honorable purposes imitating the naâ—ure of the muâ—â—ficenâ— God wheâ—with he is well pleased who will assist such an actour beyond â—xpectation of man And thâ— samâ— who feeleth this inclination in himselfe by all likelihood may hope or rather confidently râ—pose in the preordinance of God that in this last age of the world or â—ikely neuer the time is câ—mpleat of receiuing also these Gentiles into his mâ—rcy and that God will râ—ise him an instrumeâ—t to â—ffâ—ct the same it seeming probable by euent of precedent attempts made by the Spanyards and French sundry times that the countreys lyâ—ng North oâ— Florida God hath reserued the same to be reduced vnto Christian ciuility by the English nation For not long after that Christopher Columbus had discouered the Islands and continent â—f thâ— Wesâ— Indies for Spaine Iohn and Sebastian Cabot made discouery also of the rest from Florida Nortâ—wards to the behoofe of England And whensoâ—uer afterwards the Spanyards very prosperous in all their Southerne discoueries did
be taken in warre should be seruants or slaues And that strangers should not bee driuen away from the place or Countrey whereunto they doe come If it were so then I demaund in what age and by what Law is the same forbidden or denied since For who doubteth but that it is lawfull of Christians to vse trade and traffique with Infidels or Sauages carrying thither such commodities as they want and bringing from thence some part of their plentie A thing so commonly and generally practised both in these our dayes and in times past beyond the memorie of man both by Christians and Infidels that it needeth no further proofe And for asmuch as the vse of trade and traffique be it neuer so profitable ought not to be preferred before the planting of Christian faith I will therefore somewhat intreate of planting without which Christian Religion can take no roote be the Preachers neuer so carefull and diligent which I meane to diuide into two sortes The first when Christians by the good liking and willing assent of the Sauages are admitted by them to quiet possession The second when Christians being vniustly repulsed doe seeke to attaine and mantâ—ine the right for which they doe come And though in regard of the establishment of Christian Religion eyther of both may be lawfully and iustly exercised Whereof many examples may be found as well in the time of Moyses and Iosua and other Rulers before the birth of Christ as of many vertuous Emperours and Kings sithence his incarnation yeâ— doe I wish that before the second be puâ— in practise a proofe may be made of the first sauing that for their safâ—â—ie as well against the Sauages as all other forreigne enemies they should first welâ— and strongly fortifie themselues which bring done then by all fayre speeches and euery other good meanes of peâ—swasion to seeke to â—â—ke away all occassions of offence As letting them to vnderstand how they came not to their hurt but for their good and to no other ende but to dwell peaceably amongst them and to trade and traffique with them for their owne commoditie without molesting or grâ—â—uing them any way which must not be 〈◊〉 by wordes onely but also by deedes For albeit to maintaine right and repell iniury be a iust cause of warre yâ—â— must there heâ—â—of be heedefull care had that whâ—reas the Sauages be fearefull by 〈◊〉 and fond othâ—rwâ—se the Christians should doe their best endeuour to take away such feare as may growe vnto them by reason of their strange apparell Armour and weapon or such like by quiet and peaceable conuersation and â—etting them liue in securitie and keeping a measure of blamâ—lesse defence with as litâ—le discommoditie to the Sauages as may bee for this kinde of warre would be onely defensiue â—â—d not offensiue And queâ—â—ionlesse there is great hope and likelyhoode that by this kinde of meanes we should bring to passe all effects to our desired purposes Considering thâ—t all creatures by constitution of nature are rendred more tractable and easier wonne for all assayes by courtesiâ— and mildnesse thâ—â— by crueltie or roughnesse and therefore being a principle taught vs by naturall reason it is first to be puâ—â—â— vre For albeit as yet the Christians are not so throughly â—urnished with the perfectnesse of their language eyther to expresse their mindes to them or againe to conceiue the Sâ—uages intent Yâ—t for the present opportunitie suâ—h policie may be vsed by friendly signes and courteous tokens towards them as the Sauages may easily perceiue were their â—ences neuer so grosse an assured friendship to be offered them and that they are encountered with such a â—ation as brings them benefite commoditie peace tranquilitie and safetie To further this and to accomplish it in deedes there must bee presented vnto them gratis some kindes of our pettie marchanâ—izes and trifles As looking glasses Belles Beades Bracelets Chaines or colâ—ers of Bewgle Chrystall Amber â—et or Glasse c. For such be the things though to vs of small value yet accounted by them of high price and estimation and soonest will induce their Barbarous â—atures to a liking and a mutuall societie with vs. Moreouer it shall be requisite eyther by speeche if it be possible either by some other certaine meanes to signifie vnto them that once league of friendship with all louing conuersation being admitted betweene the Christians and them that then the Christians from thence forth will alwayes be ready with force of Armes to assist and defend tâ—em in their iust quarrels from all inuasioâ—s spayles and oppressions offered them â—y any Tyrants Aduersaries or their next borderers and a benefite is so much the more to be esteemed by how much the person vpon whom it is bestowed standeth in neede thereof For it appeareth by the relation of a Countryman of ours namely Dauid Ingram who trauelled in those countries â—i Moneths and more That the Sauages generally for the most part are at continuall warres with their next adioyning neighbours and especially the Cannibals being a cruell kinde of people whose foode is maâ—â— flesh and hâ—ue teeth lâ—ke dogges and doe pursue them with rauenous mindes to eate their flesh and deuoure them And it is not to be doubted but that the Christians may in this case iustly and lawfully ayde the Sauages against the Cannibals So that it is very likely that by this meanes we shall not only mightily stirre and inflame their â—ude mindes gladly to embrace the louing company of the Christians proffering vnto them both commodities succour and kindnesse But â—lso by their franke consents shall easâ—ly enioy such competent quantity of Land as euery way shall be correspondent to the Christians expectation and contentation considering the great abuâ—dance that they haue of â—and and how small account they make thereof taking no other fruites thereby then such as the ground of it selfe doeth â—â—turally yeelde And thus much concerning the first sort of planting which as I assuredly hope so I most heartily pray may take effect and place But if after these good and fayre meanes vsed the Sauages neuerthelesse will not bee herewithall satisfied but barbarously will goe about to practise violence eyther in repelling the Christians from their Ports safelandings or in withstanding them afterwards to enioy the rights for which both painfully and lawfully they haue aduentured themselues thither Then in such a case I holde it no breach of equitie for the Christians to defend themselues to pursue reuenge with force and to doe whatsoeuer is necessarie for the aâ—teâ—â—ing of their safetie For it is allowable by all Lawes in such distresses to resist violence with violence And for their more securitie to increase their strength by building of Forts for auoyding the extremitie of iniurious dealing Wherein if also they shal not be suffered in reasonable quietnesse to continue there is no barre as I iudge but that in stoute assemblies the Christians may issue out and by strong hand pursue
their enemies subdue them take possession of their Townes Cities or Uillages and in auoyding murtherous tyrannie to vse the Law of Armes as in like case among all Nations at this day is vsed and most especially to the ende they may with securitie holde their lawfull possession lest happily after the departure of the Christians such Sauages as haue bene conuerted should afterwards through compulsion and enforcement of their wicked Rulers returne to their horrible idolatrie as did the children of Israel after the decease of Ioshua and continue their wicked custome of most vnnaturall sacrificing of humane creatures And in so doing doubtlesse the Christians shall no whit at all transgresse the bonds of equitie or ciuilitie forasmuch as in former ages yea before the incarnation of Christ the like hath bene done by sundry Kings and Princes Gouernours of the children of Israel chiefly in respect to begin their planting for the establishment of Gods worde as also since the Natiuitie of Christ mightie and puissant Emperours and Kings haue performed the like I say to plant possesse and subdue For proofe whereof I will alledge you examples of both kindes Wee reade in the olde Testament how that after Noes flood was ceased restauration of mankinde began onely of those fewe of Noes children and familie as were by God preelected to bee saued in the Arke with him whose sâ—ede in processe of time was multiplyed to infinite numbers of Nations which in diuers sortes diuided themselues to sundry quarters of the earth And forasmuch as all their posteritie being mightâ—ly encreased followed not the perfect life of Noe their predecessour God chose out of the multitude a peculiar people to himselfe to whom afterwardes being vnder the gouernment of Moyses in Mount Sinay hee made a graunt to inherite the Land of Canaan called the Land of promise with all the other rich and fertile Countries next adioyning thereunto Neuerthelesse before they came to possession thereof hauing bene afflicted with many grieuous punishments and plagues for their sinnes they fell in despayre to enioy the same But being encouraged and comforted by their Rulers men of God they proceeded arming themselues with all patience to suffer whatsoeuer it should please God to send and at last attaining to the Land they were encountered with great numbers of strong people and mighty Kings Notwithstanding Iosua their Leader replenished with the Spirite of God being assured of the iustnesse of his quarell gathered the chiefe strength of the children of Israel together to the number of 40000. with whom he safely passed huge riuer Iordan and hauing before sent priuie spies for the discouerie of the famous citie Ierico to vnderstand the certaintie of the Citizens estate he forthwith came thither and enuironed it round about with his whole power the space of seuen dayes In which respite perceiuing none of the Gentiles disposed to yeeld or call for mercie he then commanded as God before had appointed that both the citie Ierico should be burned yea and all the inhabitants as well olde as young with all their cattell should be destroyed onely excepted Rahab her kindred and familie because shee before had hid secretly the messengers of Iosua that were sent thither as spies As for all their golde siluer precious stones or vessels of brasse they were reserued and consecrated to the Lords treasurie In like maner he burned the citie Hay slew the inhabitants thereof and hanged vp their King But for so much as the Gebionites fearing the like euent sent Ambassadours vnto Iosua to intreate for grace sauour and peace hee commaunded that all their liues should bee saued and that they should be admitted to the company of the children of Israel Yet vnderstanding afterwards they wrought this by a policie he vsed them as drudges to hewe wood and to carie water and other necessaries for his people Thus beganne this valiant Captaine his conquest which he pursued and neuer left till hee had subdued all the Hethites Amorites Cananites Peresites Heuites and Iebusites with all their princes and Kings being thirtie and one in number diuers other strange nations besides whose lands dominions he wholy diuided among Gods people After that Iosua was deceased Iuda was constituted Lord ouer the armie who receiuing like charge from God pursued the proceedings of the holy captaine Iosua and vtterly vanquished many Gentiles Idolaters and aduersaries to the children of Israel with all such Rulers or Kings as withstoode him and namely Adonibezek the most cruell tyrant whose thumbes and great toes he caused to be cut off for so much as hee had done the like before vnto seuentie Kings whom being his prisoners he forced to gather vp their victuals vnderneath his table In this God shewed his iustice to reuenge tyrannie We reade likewise that Gedeon a most puissant and noble warriour so behaued himselfe in following the worthy acts of Iosua and Iuda that in short time he not only deliuered the children of Israel from the hands of the multitude of the fierce Madianites but also sâ—bdued them and their Tyrants whose landes he caused Gods people to possesse and inherite I could recite diuers other places out of the Scripture which aptly may be applyed hereunto were it not I doe indeuour my selfe by all meanes to be briefe Now in like maner will I alledge some fewe Inductions out of the autenticall writings of the Ecclesiasticall Historiographers all tending to the like argument And first to begin withall we doe trade That after our Sauiour Iesus Christ had suffered his passion the Apostles being inspired with the holy Ghost and the knowledge of all strange languages did immediatly disperse themselues to sundry parts of the world to the preaching of the Gospel Yet not in so generall a maner but that there remayned some farre remote Countries vnvisited by them among the which it is reported that India the great called the vttermost India as yet had receiued no light of the word But it came to passe that one Metrodorus a very learned and wise Philosopher in that age being desirous to search our vnknowen lanâ—s did first discouer the same finding it wonderfull populous and rich which vpon his returne being published and for certaine vnderstood there was another graue Philosopher of Tyrus called Meropius being a Christian who did resolue himselfe following the example of Metrodorus to trauaile thither and in a short time assisted but with a fewe in a small Uessel arriued there hauing in his company two yong youths Edesius and Frumentius whom being his schollers he had throughly instructed both in liberall Sciences and christian Religion Now after that Meropius some while staying there had as hee thought sufficient vnderstanding of the Indians whose estate He determined to depart and to bring notice thereof vnto the Emperour whom he meant to exhort to the conquest of the same But by misfortune he was preuented for being in the middest of his course
on the Sea homeward a sore tempest arose and perforce droue him backe againe to an vnknowen Port of the sayd land where he by the most cruell barbarous Indians on the sudden was slaine with all his company except the two young schollers aforesayde whom the barbarous Indians by reason they were of comely stature and beautifull personages tooke and forthwith presented them to their King and Queene which both being very well liked of the King courteously entreated and ordeined Edesius to be his Butler and Frumentius his Secretarie and in few yeeres by reason of their learning and ciuill gouernment they were had in great fauour honour and estimation with the Princes But the King departing this life left the Queene his wife with her yong sonne to gouerne and gaue free scope and libertie to the two Christians at their best pleasure to passe to their natiue soyles allowing them all necessaries for the same Yet the Queene who highly fauoured them was very sorowfull they should depart and therefore most earnestly intreated them to tarie and assist her in the gouernment of her people till such time as her young sonne grewe to ripe yeeres which request they fulfilled And Frumentius excelling Edesius farre in all wisedome ruled both the Queene and her subiects at his discretion whereby he tooke occasion to put in practice priuily that the foundation of Christian religion might be planted in the hearts of such as with whom he thought his perswasion might best preuaile and that soonest would giue eare vnto him which being brought to passe accordingly hee then with his fellow Edesius tooke leaue of the Queene to returne to his natiue countrey And so soone as he was arriued there he reuealed to the Emperour Constantine the effect of all those euents who both commending his deedes and wholy allowing thereof by the aduise and good liking of Athanasius then Bishop of Alexandria did arme and set forth a conuenient power for the ayde of Frumentius in this his so godly a purpose And by this meanes came the Emperour afterwards by faire promises and by force of armes together vnto the possession of all the Indians countrey The author of this storie Ruffinus receiued the trueth hereof from the very mouth of Edesius companion to Frumentius Moreouer Eusebius in his Historie Ecclesiasticall in precise termes and in diuers places maketh mention how Constantine the great not onely enlarged his Empire by the subduing of his next neighbours but also endeuoured by all meanes to subiect all such remote Barbarous and Heathen nations as then inhabited the foure quaters of the worlde For as it is written the Emperour throughly ayded with a puissant armie of valiant souldiers whom he had before perswaded to Christian religion in proper person himselfe came euen vnto this our country of England then called the Island of Britaines bending from him full West which he wholy conquered made tributarie and setled therein Christian faith and left behinde him such Rulers thereof as to his wisedome seemed best From thence hee turned his force towardes the North coast of the world and there vtterly subdued the rude and cruell Nation of the Scythians whereof part by friendly perswasions part by maine strength hee reduced the whole to Christian faith Afterwards he determined with himselfe to search out what strange people inhabited in the vttermost parts of the South And with great hazard and labour making his iourney thither at last became victour ouer them all euen to the countrey of the Blemmyans and the remote AEthiopians that now are the people of Presbyter Iohn who yet till this day continue and beare the name of Christians In the East likewise what Nation soeuer at that time he could haue notice of he easily wonne and brought in subiection to the Empire So that to conclude there was no region in any part of the world the inhabitants whereof being Gentiles though vnknowen vnto him but in time he ouercame and vanquished This worthy beginning of Constantine doth his sonnes succeeding his â—oâ—me and also diuers other Emperours afterward to their vttermost endeuour followed and continued which all the bookes of Eusebius more at large set foorth Theodoretus likewise in his Ecclesiasticall historie maketh mention how Theodosius the vertuous Emperour imployed earnestly all his time as well in conquering the Gentiles to the knowledge of the holy Gospel vtterly subuerting their prophane Temples and abominable Idolatry as also in extinguishing of such vsurping tyrants as with Paganisme withstood the planting of Christian religion After whose decease his sonnes Honorius and Arcadius were created Emperours the one of the East the other of the West who with all stout godlinesse most carefully imitated the fore steps of their Father eyther in enlarging their territories or increasing the christian flocke Moreouer it is reported by the sayd authors that Theodosius iunior the Emperour no whit inferiour in vertuous life to any of the aboue named Princes with great studie and zeale pursued and proÌ„secuted the Gentiles subdued their tyrants and countries and vtterly destroyed all their idolatry conuerting their soules to acknowledge their onely Messias and Creator and their Countries to the enlargement of the Empire To be briefe who so listeth to read Eusebius Pamphilus Socrates Scholasticus Theodoritus Hermia Sozomen and Euagrius Scholasticus which all were most sage Ecclesiasticall writers shall finde great store of examples of the worthy liues of sundry Emperours tending all to the confirmation of my former speeches And for like examples of later time yea euen in the memorie of man I shall not neede to recite any other then the conquest made of the West and East Indies by the Kings of Spaine and Portugall whereof there is particular mention made in the last Chapter of this booke Herein haue I vsed more copy of examples then otherwise I would haue done sauing that I haue bene in place where this maner of planting the Christian faith hath bene thought of some to be scarce lawfull yea such as doe take vpon them to be more then meanely learned To these examples could I ioyne many moe but whosoeuer is not satisfied with these fewe may satisfie himselfe in reading at large the Authors last aboue recited Thus haue I as I trust prooued that we may iustly trade and traffique with the Sauages and lawfully plant and inhabite their Countries The third Chapter doeth shew the lawfull title which the Queenes most excellent Maiestie hath vnto those Countries which through the ayde of Almighty God are meant to be inhabited ANd it is very euident that the planting there shal in time right amply enlarge her Maiesties Territories and Dominions or I might rather say restore her to her Highnesse ancient right and interest in those Countries into the which a noble and worthy personage lineally descended from the blood royall borne in Wales named Madockap Owen Gwyneth departing from the coast of England about the yeere of our
lesse to the glorie of God then that action of the Spanyardes For as you may read in the very last wordes of the relation of Newe Mezico extant nowe in English the maine land where your last Colonie meane to seate themselues is replenished with many thousands of Indians Which are of better wittes then those of Mexico and Peru as hath bene found by those that haue had some triall of them whereby it may bee gathered that they will easily embrace the Gospell forsaking their idolatrie wherein as this present for the most part they are wrapped and intangled A wise Philosopher noting the sundry desires of diuers men writeth that if an oxe bee put into a medowe hee will seeke to fill his bellie with grasse if a Storke bee cast in shee will seeke for Snakes if you turne in a Hound he will seeke to start an Hare So sundry men entring into these discoueries propose vnto themselues seuerall endes Some seeke authoritie and places of commandement others experience by seeing of the worlde the most part worldly and transitorie gaine and that often times by dishonest and vnlawfull meanes the fewest number the glorie of God and the sauing of the soules of the poore and blinded infidels Yet because diuers honest and well disposed persons are entred already into this your businesse and that I know you meane hereafter to sende some such good Churchmen thither as may truely say with the Apostle to the Sauages Wee seeke not yours but you I conceiue great comfort of the successe of this your action hoping that the Lorde whose power is wont to bee perfected in weakenesse will blesse the feeble foundations of your building Onely bee you of a valiant courage and faint not as the Lorde sayd vnto Iosue exhorting him to proceede on forward in the conquest of the land of promise and remember that priuate men haue happily wielded and waded through as great enterprises as this with lesser meanes then those which God in his mercie hath bountifully bestowed vpon you to the singuler good as I assure my selfe of this our Common wealth wherein you liue Hereof we haue examples domesticall and forreine Remember I pray you what you find in the beginning of the Chronicle of the conquest of Ireland newly dedicated vnto your selfe Read you not that Richard Strangbow the decayed earle of Chepstow in Monmuthshire being in no great fauour of his soueraigne passed ouer into that Island in the yere 1171. and accompanied only with certain of his priuate friends had in short space such prosperous successe that he opened the way for king Henry the second to the speedy subiection of all that warlike nation to this crowne of England The like conquest of Brasilia and annexing the same to the kingdome of Portugall was first begun by meane and priuate men as Don Antonio de Castillio Ambassadour here for that realme and by office keeper of all the records and monuments of their discoueries assured me in this city in the yere 1581. Now if the greatnes of the maine of Virginia and the large extension therof especially to the West should make you thinke that the subduing of it were a matter of more difficulty then the conquest of Ireland first I answere that as the late experience of that skilfull pilote and Captaine M. Iohn Dauis to the Northwest toward which his discouery your selfe haue thrise contributed with the forwardest hath shewed a great part to be maine sea where before was thought to be maine land so for my part I am fully perswaded by Ortelius late reformation of Culuacan and the gulfe of California that the land on the backe part of Virginia extendeth nothing so far westward as is put downe in the Maps of those parts Moreouer it is not to be denied but that one hundred men will do more now among the naked and vnarmed people in Virginia then one thousand were able then to do in Ireland against that armed and warlike nation in those daies I say further that these two yeres last experience hath plainly shewed that we may spare 10000. able men without any misse And these are as many as the kingdome of Portugal had euer in all their garrisons of the Açores Madera Arguin Cape verde Guinea Brasill Mozambique Melinde Zocotora Ormus Diu Goa Malaca the Malucos and Macao vpon the coast of China Yea this I say by the cōfession of singuler expert men of their own nation whose names I suppresse for certain causes which haue bene personally in the East Indies haue assured me that their kings had neuer aboue ten thousand natural borne Portugals their slaues excepted out of their kingdome remaining in all the aforesaid territories Which also this present yeere I saw confirmed in a secrete extract of the particular estate of that kingdome and of euery gouernement and office subiect to the same with the seueral pensions thereunto belonging Seeing therefore we are so farre from want of people that retyring daily home out of the Lowe Countreys they go idle vp and down in swarms for lack of honest intertainment I see no fitter place to employ some part of the better sort of them trained vp thus long in seruice then in the inward partes of the firme of Virginia against such stubborne Sauages as shal refuse obedience to her Maiestie And doubtlesse many of our men will bee glad and faine to accept this condition when as by the reading of this present treatie they shal vnderstand the fertilitie and riches of the regions confining so neere vpon yours the great commodities and goodnesse wherof you haue bin contented to suffer to come to light In the meane season I humbly commend my selfe and this my translation vnto you and your selfe and all those which vnder you haue taken this enterprise in hand to the grace and good blessing of the Almighty which is able to build farther and to finish the good worke which in these our dayes he hath begun by your most Christian and charitable endeuour From London the 1. of May 1587. Your L. humble at commandement R. HAKLVYT The Preface of M. Rene Laudonniere THere are two things which according to mine opinion haue bene the principall causes in consideration whereof aswell they of ancient times as those of our age haue bene induced to trauell into farre and remote regions The first hath beene the naturall desire which wee haue to search out the commodities to liue happily plentifully and at ease be it whither one abandon his naturall Countrey altogether to dwell in a better or bee it that men make voyages thither there to search out and bring from thence such things as are there to be found and are in greatest estistimation and in most request in our Countreys The second cause hath bene the multitude of people too fruitefull in generation which being no longer able to dwell in their natiue soyles haue entred vpon their neighbours limites and oftentimes passing further
like things which I had giuen him for such purposes The sayde Indians departed very well pleased and said that whensoeuer hee would send for them ther and many others would come to doe whatsoeuer he would command them The entrance being thus prepared Frier Marco and his companion with the Negro and other slaues and Indians which I had giuen him went forward on their voyage 10. or 12. dayes after And because I had likewise aduertisement of a certaine Prouince called Topira situate in the mountainesâ— and had appoynted the gouernour Vazquez de Coronado that he should vse meanes to learne the state thereof he supposing this to be a matter of great moment determined himselfe to goe and search it hauing agreed with the sayd Frier that he should returne by that part of the mountaine to meete with him in a certaine valley called Valle de los Coraçones beeing 120. leagues distant from Culiacan The gouernour trauelling into this Prouince as I haue written in my former letters found great scarcity of victuals there and the mountaines so craggy that he could finde no way to passe forward and was inforced to returne home to Saint Michael so that aswell in chusing of the entrance as in not being able to finde the way it seemeth vnto all men that God would shut vp the gate to all those which by strengh of humane force haue gone about to attempt this enterprise and hath reueâ—led it to a poore and bare-footed Frier And so the Frier beganne to enter into the Land who because he found his entrance so well prepared was very well receiued and because he wrote the whole successe of his voyage according to the instruction which I had giuen him to undertake the same I wil not write any more at large but send your Maiestie this copy of all such things as he obserued in the same A relation of the reuerend father Frier Marco de Niça touching his discouery of the kingdome of Ceuola or Cibola situate about 30. degrees of latitude to the North of Nueua Espanna Chap. I. Frier Marco de Niça departeth from Saint Michael in the Prouince of Culiacan standing in 24. degrees of Northerly latitude and comming to the Towne of Petatlan receiued many courtesies of the Indians there Departing from thence he had information of many Islands and of a great countrey inhabited with ciuil people he commeth to Vacupa where during his aboad he heard newes of Ceuola and of the state of the 7. Cities and of other prouinces of the rich Islands of perles which extend north ward vpon the coast I Frier Marco de Niça of the order of S. Francis for the execution of the instruction of the right honourable lord Don Antonio de Mendoça Uice-roy and captaine Generall for the Emperors Maiestie in New Spaine departed from the towne of S. Michael in the prouince of Culiacan on Friday the 7. of March in the yeare 1539â— hauing for my companion Frier Honoratus and carying with me Stephan a Negro belonging to Andrew Dorantez and certaine of those Indians which the sayde lord Uice-roy had made free and bought for this purpose whom Francis Vazquez de Coronado gouernour of Nueua Galicia deliuered me and with many other Indians and Petatlan and of the towne called Cuchillo which is some 50. leagues from Petatlan who came to the valley of Culiacan shewing themselues to bee exceeding glad because they were certified by the Indians which had bin set free whom the said gouernour had sent before to aduertise them of their libertie that none of them from thence forth should be made slaues and that no man should inuade them nor vse them badly signifying vnto them that the Emperors Maiesty had willed and commanded that it should be so With the foresaid company I went on my voyage vntill I came to the towne of Petatlan finding all the way great intertainment and prouision of victuals with roses flowres and other such things and bowers which they made for me of chalke and boughs platted together in all pleces where there were no houses In this towne of Petatlan I rested 3. dayes because my companion Honoratus fell so sicke that I was constrained to leaue him there behinde Then according to my said instruction I followed my iourney as the holy Ghost did leaue me without any merit of mine hauing in my company the said Stephan the Negro of Dorantez and certaine of the Indians which had bin set at liberty and many of the people of the countrey which gaue me great intertainment and welcome in all places where I came and made mee bowers of trees giuing me such victuals as they had although they were but small because as they said it had not rained there in 3 yeres and because the Indians of this countrey sought meanes rather to hide themselues then to sowe corne sor feare of the Christians of the towne of S. Michael which were wont to make in-roades euen to that place and to warre vpon them and to cary them away captiues In all this way which may be about 25 or 30. leagus from that part of Petatlan I saw nothing worthy the noting saue that there came to seeke me certaine Indians from the Island where Fernando Cortez the Marques of the valley had bin of whom I was informed that it was an island not firme land as some suppose it to be They came to y t firme land vpon certaine rafts of wood and from the maine to the island is but halfe a league by sea litle more or lesse Likewise certaine Indians of another island greater then this came to visit me which island is farther off of whom I was informed that there were 30. other smal islands which were inhabited but had smal store of victuals sauing 2. which haue Maiz or corne of the country These Indians had about their necks many great shels which were mother of Pearle I shewed them pearles which I carryed with me for a shew and they told me that there were in the Islands great store of them and those very great howbeit I saw none of them I followed my voyage through a desert of 4. dayes iourney hauing in my company both the Indians of the islands those of the mountaines which I had passed and at the end of this desert I found other Indians which maruelled to see me because they had no knowledge of any Christians hauing no traffike nor conuersation with those Indians which I had passed in regard of the great desert which was between them These Indians intermed me exceeding courteously gaue me great store of victuals sought to touch my garmeÌ„ts and called me Hayoâ—a which in their language signifieth A man come from heauen These Indians I aduertised by my interpreter according to my instructions in the knowledge of our Lord God in heauen of the Emperor In these countries in all places els by all wayes nd meanes possible I sought information where
the Generall seemed not willing to returne but to proceed on his voyage and in fine it was resolued that seeing both the ships could not proceede forward as well because they had lost their necessary furnitures as also that the Santa Agatha had neede of calking because she receiued much water and was the worst furnished of the twaine that shee should returne backe to aduertize the Marques of our successe in this voyage and what hindred our proceeding and in what case wee stoode and howe wee were bereft of our necessary furniture And because the Trinitie was the swifter ship and better appointed then the other it was concluded that it should be prouided in the best maner that might be that the General should proceed on his iourney in her with such coÌ„panie as he should make choise of and that the rest should returne at their good leisure Wherefore vpon this determination we went vnder a point of this Island because it was a fit place to câ—â—ene the ship in recouering the same we spent Wednesday Thursday and Friday till noone and yet for all that wee could not wel double it vntil Easter day about noone Here we ankered very neere the shore and in a valley we found very excellent fresh water wherof we made no smal account here stayed all the Easter-holidayes to set our selues about the furnishing vp of the Trinity and after the worke was taken in hand by the two Masters which were very sufficient calkers one of which was Iuan Castiliano chiefe Pilot and the other Peruccio de Bermes they finished the same so well in fiue dayes as it was wonderfull for no man could perceiue how any droppe of water could enter into any of the seames Afterward they mended the other ship from Saturday till Munday during which time all those were shriuen that had not confessed and receiued the communion and it was resolued by charge of the confessors that all those seale-skins which they had taken from the Indians should bee restored againe and the Generall gaue charge to Francis Preciado to restore them all charging him on his conscience so to doe Thus they gathered them together and deliuered them into the hands of the fathers to bee kept vntill they returned to the place where they were to restore them After this maner on Munday before noone we tooke our leaues of the Generall Francis Vlloa and of the people that stayed with him who at our departure shed no small number of teares and we chose for our captaine in the Santa Agueda master Iuan Castiliano the chiefe pilot as well of the ship as of vs all and set saile the same day being the fift of April hauing our boat tied at our sterne till we came ouer against the cottages whence wee had taken the seale-skins From the countrey of the Christians and the port of Colima we were now distant some three hundreth leagues which is the first port where wee determined to touch at And hauing sailed a league from the Trinitie the captaine Iuan Castiliano commanded vs to salute them with three pieces of great Ordinance and she answered vs with other three and afterward we answered one another with two shot apiece We sailed on Munday Tewsday til noon with contrary wind in sight of the Island and at noone we had a fresh gale in the poupe which brought vs ouer against the cottages of the Indians where we tooke away those seal-skins there certain souldiers mariners with the father frier Antony de Melo leapt on shore with the boat carying the skins with them flung them into the sayd cottages out of which they were taken and so returned to their ship This day the weather calmed wereupon we were driuen to cast anker fearing that we should foorthwith be distressed for want of victuals if we should stay there any long time but God which is the true helper prouided better for vs then we deserued or imagined for as we rode here after midnight the Wednesday following before ten of the clocke wee had a fauourable gale of winde from the Southeast which put vs into the sea whither being driuen wee had the wind at Northwest so good and constant that in siâ—e dayes it brought vs to the cape of the point of the port of Santa Cruz for which so great blessing of God we gaue vnto him infinite thankes And here we began to allow our selues a greater proportion of victuals then wee had done before for wee had eaten very sparingly for feare lest our victuals would faile vs. Before we came to this point of the hauen of Santa Cruz by sixe or seuen leagues we saw on shore between certaine valleys diuers great smokes And hauing passed the point of this port our captaine thought it good to laâ—ch foorth into the maine Ocean yet although we ran a swift course aboue 500 whalâ—s came athwart of vs in 2 or 3 skulles within one houres space which were so huge as it was wonderfull and some of them came so neere vnto the ship that they swam vnder the same from one side to another whereupon we were in great feare lest they should doe vs some hurt but they could not because the ship had a prosperous and good winde and made much way whereby it could receiue no harme although they touched and strooke the same Among these Islands are such abundance of those weedes that if at any time wee were inforced to sayle ouer them they hindred the course of our ships They growe fourteene or fifteene fadome deepe vnder the water their tops reaching foure or fiue fadome aboue the water They are of the colour of yellow waxe their stalke groweth great proportionably This weede is much more beautifull then it is set foorth and no maruell for the naturall painter and creator thereof is most excellent This relation was taken out of that which Francis Preciado brought with him After this ship the Santa Agueda departed from the Generall Vlloa and returned backe the 5 of April she arriued in the port of Sant Iago de buena esperança the 18 of the said moneth and after she had stayed there foure or fiue dayes she departed for Acapulco howbeit vntil this present seuenteenth of May in the yeere 1540â— I haue heard no tidings nor newes of her Moreouer after the departure of the Santa Agueda for Nueua Espanna the General Francis Vlloa in the ship called the Trinitie proceeding on his dicouery coasted the land vntill he came to a point called Cabo del Enganno standing in thirty degrees and a halfe of Northerly latitude and then returned backe to Newspaine because he found the winds very contrary and his victuals failed him The relation of the nauigation and discouery which Captaine Fernando Alarchon made by the order of the right honourable Lord Don Antonio de Mendoça Vizeroy of New Spaine dated in Colima an hauen of New Spaine Chap. 1.
that she was called Guatuzaca and that thereabout were many lords which in their life death vsed the like orders which they of Ceuola did which had their dwelling in the summer with painted mantles and in the winter dwelt in houses of wood of 2. or 3. lofts hie and that he had seene all these things sauing the old woman And when againe I began to aske him more questions he would not answere me saying that he was weariâ— of me and many of those Indians comming aboue me they said among themselus Let vs marke him well that we may knowe him when he commeth backe againe The Monday following the riuer was beset with people like to them and I began to request the old man to tell me what people wâ—re in that countrey which told me he thought I would soone forget them and here he reckoned vp vnto me a great number of lords and people at the least 200. And discoursing with him of their armour he said that some of them had certaine very large targets of lether aboue two fingers thicke I asked him of what beasts skinne they made them and he described vnto me a very great beast like vnto an Oxe but longer by a great handfull with broad feete the legs as bigge as the thigh of a man and the head seuen handfuls long the forehead of three spannes and the eyes bigger then ones fiâ—t and the hornes of the length of a mans leg out of which grew sharpe poynts an hand full long the forfeete and hinderfecte aboue seuen handfuls bigge with a wreâ—hâ—d tayle but very great and holding vp his armes aboue his head he said the beast was higher then that After this hee gaue mee information of another olde woman which dwelt towaâ—d the sea side I spent this day in giuing crosses to those people as I had done vnto the former This old man that was with me leapâ— on â—hore fell in conference with another which that day had often called him and here both of them vsed many gestures in their speach moouing their armes and poynting at me Therefore I sent mine interpreter out willing him to drawe neere vnto them and listen wâ—â—t they said and within a while I called him and asked him whereof they talked and he sayd that he which made those gestures said vnto the other that in Ceuola there were othâ—rs like vnto vs with beards and that they said they were Christians and that both of them sayd that we were all of one companyâ— and that it were a good deede to kill vs that those others might haue no knowledge of vs lest they might come to doe them harme and that the old man answered him this is the sonne of the Sunne our lord he doth vs good and wil not enter into our houses although we request him therevnto he will take away nothing of ours he wil meddle with none of our women and that to be short he had spoken many other things in my commendation and fauour and for all thâ—s the other stedfastly affirmed that we were all one and that the old man said Let vs goe vnto him and aske him whether he be a Christian as the other be or els the sonne of the Sunne and thâ— old man came vnto me and sayd In the countrey of Ceuola whereof you spake vnto me doe other men like vnto you â—well Then I began to make as though I wondred and answered him that it was impossible and they assured me that it was true and that two men had seene them whâ—ch came from thence which reported that they had things which did shoote fire and swords as we had I asked them whether they had seene them with their owne eyes and they answered no but that certaine of their companions had seene them Then he asked mee â—hether I were the sonne oâ— the Sunne I answered him yea They said that those Christians of Ceuola said so likewise And I answered them that it might well be Then they asked mee if those Christians of Ceuola came ioyne themselues with me whether I would ioyne with them and I answered them thaâ— they needed not to feare any whit at all for if they were the sonnes of the Sunne as they said they must needes be my brethren and would vse towards all men the like loue and courtesie which I vsâ—d whereupon hereat they seemed to be somewhat satisfied Chap. 7. It is tolde him that they are ten dayes iourney distant from Ceuola and that there be Christians there which make warre against the lords of that countrey Of the Sodomie which those Indians vse with foure yong men appoynted for that seruice which weare womens appâ—rel Seeing they could not send newes of their being there to them of Ceuola they went backe againe downe the riuer to their ships THen I prâ—yed them to tel me how many dayes that kingdom of Ceuola which they spake of was diâ—tant from that riuer and that man answered that there was the space of tenne dayes iourney withâ—ut hâ—ritation and that he made none accompt of the rest of the way because there wâ—re people 〈…〉 found Upon this aduertisement I was desirous to certifie Captaine Francis Vazquez of my being there and imparted my mind with my souldiers among whom I found none that was willing to goe thither although I offered them many rewards in your lordships name onely one Negro slaue though with an euil wil offred himselfe vnto me to go thither but I looked for the comming of those two Indians which they told me of and herewithall we went on our way vp the riuer against the streame in such sort as we had done before Here that olde man shewed me as a strange thing a sonne of his clad in womans apparel exercising their office I asked him how many there were of these among them and he told me there were foure that when any of them died there was a search made of all the women with child which were in the country and that the first sonne which was borne of them was appoynted to doe that duetie belonging vnto women and that the women clad him in their apparell saying that seeing he was to doe that which belonged to them he should weare their apparel these yong men may not hauâ— carnall copulation with any woman but all the yong men of the countrey which are to marrie may company with thâ—m These men receiue no kind of reward for this incestous act of the people of that countrâ—â— because they haue libertie to take whatsoeuer they find in any house for their food I saw likewise certaine women whâ—ch liued dishonestly among men and I asked the old man whether they were married who answered me noe but they were common women which liued aparâ— from the married women I came at length after these discourses to pray them to sâ—nd for those Indians which they said had bin at Ceuola they told me that they were
eight dayes iourney distant from that place but that notwithstanding there was one among them which was their companion and which had spoken with them as he mâ—t them on the way when they went to see the kingdome of Ceuola and that they told him that he were not best to goe any farther for he should find there â— fierce nation like vs and of the same qualities and making which had fought much with the people of Ceuola because they had killed a Negro of their company saying Wherefore haue yee killed him what did he to you did he take any bread from you or do you any other wrong and such like speach And they said moreouer that these people were called Christians which dwelt in a great house that many of them had oxen like those of Ceuola and other litle blacke beasts with wooll and hornes that some of them had beasts which they rode vpoÌ„ which ran very swiftly that one day before their departure from sunne rising vntill sunne sâ—tting these Christians were all day in comming thither all of them lodged in that place where others had lodged that these two met with two Christians which asked them whence they were whether they had fields sowen with corne and they told them that they dwelt in a farre country and that they had corne and that then they gaue each of them a litle cap and they gaue them another to cary to their other companions which they promisâ—d to do departed quickly When I vnderstood this I spoke againe with my company to see if any one of them would go thither but I found them vnwilling as at the first and they laid against me greater incoÌ„ueniences Then I called the old man to see if he would giue me any people to goe with me victuals to trauel through that wildernes but he laid before me many inconueniences dangers which I might incurre in that voyage shewing me the danger that there was in passing by a lord of Cumana which threatned to make warre vpon them because his people had entred into the others countrey to take a stagge and that I shoulâ— not therefore depart thence without seeing him punished And when I replied that in any wise I must needes goe to Ceuola he willed me to surcease from that purpose for they looked that that lord without al doubt would come to annoy them that therefore they could not leaue their countrey naked to goe with me and that it would be better that I would make an end of that warre betweene them and that then I might haue their company to Ceuola And vpon this point we grew to such variance that we began to grow into choler and in a rage he would haue gone out of the boat but I stayed him and with gentle speeches began to pacifie him seeing that it imported mee much to haue him my friend but for all my courtesies which I shewed him I could not alter him from his mind wherein he stil remained obstinate In this meane while I sent a man away vnto my ships to giue them knowledge of the iourney that I had determined to make After this I prayed the old man that he would fetch him backe againe because I had determined that seeing I saw no meanes to be able to go to Ceuola because I would stay no longer among those people because they should not discouer me and likewise because I meant in person to visit my ships with determination to returne againe vp the riuer carying with me other companions leaue there some which I had sicke and telling the olde man and the rest that I would returne and leauing them satisfied the best I could although they alwayes said that I went away for feare I returned downe the riuer and that way which I had gone against the streame vp the riuer in 15. dayes and an halfe I made in my returne in 2. dayes and an halfe because the streame was great and very swift In this wise going downe the riuer much people came to the banks saying Sir wherefore doe you leaue vs what discourtesie hath bin done vnto you did you not say that you would remayne continually with vs and be our Lord And turne backe againe if any man aboue the riuer hath done you any wrong we will goe with our weapons with you and kill him and such like words ful of loue kindnes Chap. 8. When they came to their shippes the Captaine named that coast La Campanna de la Cruz and builded a Chapel vnto our Lady and called the riuer El Rio de Buena Guia and returned vp the same againe when he came to Quicona and Coama the Lords of those places vsed him very courteously VPon mine arriuall at my ships I found all my people in health although very heauie for my long stay and because the current had fretted fower of their cables and that they had lost two ankers which were recouered After we had brought our ships together I caused them to bring theÌ„ into a good harbour to giue the carena to the shippe called Sanct Peter to mend all things that were needfull And here assembling all my company together I opened vnto them what knowledge I had receiued of Francis Vasquez and how it might be that in those sixeteene dayes space which I was in sayling vp the riuer he might peraduenture haue some knowlâ—dge of me and that I was minded to returne vp the riuer once againe to try if I could finde any meanes to ioyne my selfe with him and although some spake against my determination I caused al my boates to bee made ready because the ships had no need of them I caused one of them to be filled with wares of exchange with corne and other seedes with hennes cockes of Castile and departed vp the riuer leauâ—ng order that in that prouince called Campanna de la Cruz they should build an Oraâ—oâ—iâ— or Chapell and called it the Chappell of our Lady de la Buena Guia and that they should call this riuer Rio de Buena Guia because that is your Lordships Deuise I carried with me Nicolas Zamorano Pilote mayor to take the height of the pole And I departed on tuesday the fourteenth of September on wednesday I came vnto the first dwellings of the first Indians which came running to hinder my passage supposing that we had bene other people for we caâ—ied with vs a fifer a drummer and I was clad in other apparell then I went in before when they saw me fiâ—st of all and when they knew me they stayed though I could not grow vnto perfect friendship with thâ—m whereupon I gaue them some of those seedes which I brought with mee teaching them how thâ—y should sow them and after I had sayled 3 leagues my first interpretour came euen to my boat to seeke me with great ioy of whom I demanded wherefore he had left me
there are among them eight or nine friers of the Order of Saint Augustine who haue there a Monastery Within three dayes after we departed from this place and came to a city called Guaxutla where there is another Monastery of friers of the same Order there dwell in this towne about twelue Spanyards From this place forwards beginneth a prouince called Guastecan which is all plaine grounds without any hilles The first towne we came vnto is called Tancuylabo in which there dwell many Indians high of stature hauing all their bodies painted with blew and weare their haire long downe to their knees tied as women vse to doe with their haire-laces When they goe out of their doores they cary with them their bowes and arrowes being very great archers going for the most part naked In those countreys they take neither golde nor siluer for exchange of any thing but onely Salt which they greatly esteeme and vse it for a principall medicine for certaine wormes which breed in their lips and in their gummes After nine dayes trauell from this place we came to a towne called Tampice which is a port towne vpon the sea wherein theâ—e dwell I thinke forty Christians of which number whilest were abode there the Indians killed foureteene as they were gathering of Salt which is all the trade that they haue in this place it standeth vpon the entrie of the riuer of Panuco which is a mighty great riuer and were it not for a sand that lieth at the mouth of it ships of fiue hundred tunne might goe vp into it aboue three score leagues From hence we went to Panuco foureteene leagues from Tampice which in times past had bene a goodly city where the king of Spaine had his gouernour but by reason that the Indians there destroyed the Christians it lieth in a maner waste conteining in it not aboue tenne Christians with a priest In this towne I fell sicke where I lay one and forty dayes hauing no other sustenance then fruit and water which water I sent for aboue sixe leagues off within the countrey Here I remained till my companion came to me which had departed from me another way reteining in my company onely a slaue which I brought with me from Mexico And the last day in Easter weeke my companion came to me finding me in a very weake state by reason of the vnholesomenesse of the place Notwithstanding my weakenesse I being set on an horse and an Indian behinde mee to holde mee wee went forward on our voyage all that day till night The next day in the morning we passed ouer the riuer in a canoa and being on the other side I went my selfe before alone and by reason there met many wayes traled by the wilde beasts I lost my way and so trauelled thorow a great wood about two leagues and at length fell into the hands of certaine wilde Indians which were there in certaine cottages made of straw who seeing me came out to the number of twenty of them with their bowes and arrowes and spake vnto mee in their language which I vnderstood not and so I made signes vnto them to helpe mee from my horse which they did by commandement of their lord which was there with them and lighted downe They caried me vnder one of their cottages and layed me vpon a mat on the ground and perceiuing that I could not vnderstand them they brought vnto mee a little Indian wench of Mexico of fifteene or sixteene yeeres of age whom they commanded to aske me in her language from whence I came and for what intent I was câ—me among them for sayth she doest thou not know Christian how that these people will kill and eat thee To whom I answered let them doe with me what they will heere now I am Shee replied saying thou mayest thanke God thou art leane for they feare thou hast the pocks otherwise they would eate thee So I presented to the king a little wine which I had with me in a bottle which he esteemed aboue any treasure for for wine they will sell their wiues and children Afterwards the wench asked me what I would haue and whether I would eat any thing I answered that I desired a little water to drinke for that the countrey is very hote and shee brought me a great Venice glasse gilded full of water And maruelling at the glasse I demanded how they câ—me by it She tolde me that the Casique brought it from Shallapa a great towne distant 30 leagues from this place on the hilles whereas dwelt certeine Christians and certeine friers of the Order of S. Augustine which this Casique with his people on a night slew and burning the friers monasterie among other things reserued this glasse and from thence also brought me Hauing now bene conuersaâ—t with them about three or foure houres they bid her aske me if I would goe my way I answered her that I desired nothing els So the Casique caused two of his Indians to leade me forward in my way going before me with their bowes and arrowes naked the space of three leagues till they brought me into an high way and then making a signe vnto me they signified that in short time I should come to a towne where Christians inhabited which was called S. Iago de los valles standing in plaine fields walled about with a mud â—all the number of the Christians that dwelt therein were not abâ—ue foure or fiue and twenty vnto which the king of Spaine giueth Indians and townes to keepe the countreys subiect vnto him Heâ—re the Christians haue their mâ—ghty mules which they cary for all the parts of the Indies and into Peru for that all their merchandize are caried by this meanes by land In this towne aforesayd I found my company which I had lost before who made no other account oâ— me but that I had beene slaine and the Christians there likewise maruelled to heare that I came from those kinde of Indians aliue which was a thing neuer seene nor heard of before for they take a great pride in killing a Christian and to weare any part of him where he hath any haire growing hanging it about their necks and so are accounted for valiant men In this towne I remained eighteene dayes till I recouered my health and in the meane space there came one Don Francisco de Pago whom the viceroy Don Henrico Manriques had sent for captaine generall to open and discouer a certeine way from the sea side to the mines of Sacatecas which were from this place 160 leagues for to transport their merchandize by that way leauing the way by Mexico which is seuen or eight weeks trauell So this captaine tooke me and my company with the rest of his souldiers to the number of forty which he had brought with him and fiue hundred Indians which we tooke â—ut of two towns in this prouince called Tanchipa and Tamaclipa
all good archers and naked men and went thence to the riuer de las Palmas which is of great bignesse parting the kingdome of Noua Hispania and Florida and going still along by this riuer the space of three dayes seeking passage to passe ouer and finding none we were at length inforced to cut timber to make a balsa or raft which when we had mate we sate on it the Indians swimming in the water and thrusting it before them to the other side Within thirty dayes after trauelling thorow wâ—ods hilles and mountaines we came to the mines of Sacatecas which are the richest mines in all the Indies and from thence they fetch most siluer at which mines there dwelt aboue three hundred Christians and there our captaine gaue vs leaue to depart So we came to the valley of S. Michael toward Mexico and from thence to Pueblo nouo and from that place to the prouince of Mechuacan after which name the chiefest city of that place is called where there dwelles a bishop and aboue an hundred Spanyards in it it aboundeth with all kind of Spanish fruits and hath woods full of nut trees and wild vines Heere are many mines of copper and great store of cattell It lieth 60 leagues from Mexico whither we came within foure dayes after The Indians of this countrey are very mighty and big men Afterwards I returned another way to the prouince of Sonsonate by Vera cruz and so to Rio Aluarado and from thence to the prouince of Campeche which lieth on the South side of the bay of Mexico the chiefe towne of this prouince is called Merida in which is a bishop and almost 100 Spanyards The Indians of this prouince pay all their tribute in mantles of cotton wooll and cacao There is no port in all this prouince for a ship of 100 tun to ride in but onely in the riuer of Tabasco by which riuer this city of Merida standeth The chiefest merchandize which they lade there in small frigats is a certeine wood called campeche wherewith they vse to die as also hides and annile By this there lieth the prouince of Iucatan nere the Honduras by the North sea coast where there is also another bishop and a towne likewise named Iucatan where there dwell a few Spanyards They haue no force at all in all this coast to defend themselues withall saue only that the land is low and there is no port to receiue any shipping vnlesse they be frigats which cary from thence to the port of S. Iohn de Vllua waâ—e cacao hony and also mantles of cotton wool whereof they make there great store and of which kind of merchandize there is great trade thence to Mexico of the same also they pay their tribute to the king The king hath tribute brought him yerely out of the Indies into Spaine betweene nine and ten millions of gold and siluer for he receiueth of euery Indian which is subiect vnto him excepting those which do belong to the Incommenderos which are the children of those Spanyards who first conquered the land to whom the king gaue and granted the gouernment of the cities and townes subdued for three liues twelue reals of plate and a hannege of maiz which is a wheat of the countrey fiue of them making a quarter of English measure and of euery widow woman he hath sixe reals halfe a hannege of maiz And so if any Indian haue twenty children in his house he payeth for euery one of them being aboue fifteene yeres old after that rate This Wheat being duely brought to the gouernour of euery prouince and city is fold in Mexico by the kings gouernours there euery yeere so that the money receiued for it is put into the kings Treasurie there and so is yeerely caried from thence into Spaine Of the Spanyards which are owners of the mines of gold and siluer he receiueth the fift part of it which he calleth his quintas which being taken out of the heape there is his armes set on it for otherwise it may not be brought out of the land into Spaine vnder paine of death The marke of siluer which is eight ounces when it commeth out of the mines not hauing the kings seale vpon it is woorth three and forty reals of plate and so it is current and when they will bring it for Spaine they cary it to the kings Treasure house where his seale is set vpon it and so it is raised in value thereby to threescore and foure reals of plate and so the king hath for his custome of euery marke of plate one and twentie reals From the yere of 1570 which was the yeere that the Popes buls came into the Indies as is afore mentioned he hath receiued both of the Indians which are tributaries vnto him and also of all others belonging to the Incommenderos of euery one being aboue twelue yeeres of age foure reals of euery bull Also they cary other pardons with them into the Indies for such as he dead although an hundred yeres before the Spanyards came into the countrey which pardons the friers in their preachings perswaded the poore Indians to take telling them that with giuing foure reals of plate for a Masse they would deliuer their soules out of purgatory Of the Christians likewise dwelling there he hath fourteene reals for euery bull and there be certeine buls brought thither for the Christians besides the former which serue for pardoning all such faults wherein they haue trespassed either against the king by keeping backe his customes or one against another by any other iniury for euery hundred crownes whereof a mans conscience doth accuse him that he hath deceiued the king or any other he must giue ten for a bull and so after that rate for euery hundred which he hath any way stollen and so is pardoned the fault The reuenue of his buls after this maner yeeldeth vnto his treasury yeerely aboue three millions of gold as I haue bene credibly informed although of late both the Spanyards and Indians do refuse to take the buls for that they perceiue he doth make a yeerely custome of it onely ech Indian taketh one pardon for all his householde whereas in former time euery Indian vsed to take one for euery person in his house and teareth the same into small pieces and giueth to euery one of his householde a little piece saying thus they need now no more seeing in that which they bought the yeere before they had aboue ten thousand yeres pardon These pieces they sticke vp in the wall of the houses where they lie Both the Christians Indians are weary with these infinite taxes and customes which of late he hath imposed vpon them more then in the yeeres before so as the people of both sorts did rebell twise in the time that I was among them and would haue set vp another king of themselues for which cause
for two more of their fleete were much spoyled by the storme which they had In these sixeteene shippes Pedro Sarmiento was sent to bee gouernour in the streites and had assigned vnto him 500 men to stay there with him and hee carried with him all kinde of â—â—rificers to make him forts and other necessaries with great store of ordinance and other munition This fleete because it was late did winter on the coast of Brasil in the riuer of Ienero and from thence they went when the winter was past and about the height of 42 degrees they had a sudden storme so that Diego Flores beat it vp and downe 22 dayes in which time hee lost one of the best ships he had which had in her 300 men and 20 women that went to inhabit the Streits and in this ship also was most part of the munition which should haue bene left in the Streits so in the end the storme grew to bee so great that the ships were not able to endure it any longer but were put backe vnto an Island called Santa Catelina and there he sound a barke wherein were some fryers going for the riuer of Plate which friers told him of two great English ships and a pinnesse which had taken them but tooke nothing from them nor did the many harme but onely asked them for the king of Spaines ships Hereupon Diego Flores knowing that these English ships would goe for the Streits determined to goe thither although it was in the moneth of Februarie and choosing 10 ships of the 1â— that were left hee left two ships which were not in case to goe to sea at the Island and into the other three ships which were old and shaken with the storme hee put all the women and sicke men in all the fleete and sent them to the riuer of Ienero and he with the other 10 returned againe for the Streits The three ships in which the sicke men and women were went to Brasil and there they found within the por of S. Vincent the two ships before mentioned They woulde haue had the English men to haue gone out of the harbour and thereupon they fell to fight and because that these three ships were weake with the storme and the men that they had were the worst in all the fleete the Englishmen easily put them to the worst and sunke one of them and might haue sunke another if the Englishmen would but they minded not the destruction of any man for that is the greatest vertue that can be in a man that when hee may doe hurt yet he will not doe it So the Englishmen wâ—nt from this port to Spirito Santo where they had victuals for their merchandise and so they went backe for England without doing of any harme in the Countrey The cause why these English shippes vnder the conduct of M. Fenton went not to the streits I know not but some say that they were put backe by foule weather other some say that it was for feare of the kings ships But the pinnesse of these two ships went from them in which was Captaine Iohn Drake the cause why they parted I know not but the pinnesse came into the riuer of Plate and within fiue leagues of Seale Island not farre from the place where the Earle of Cumberlands shippes did take in fresh water shee was cast away vpon a leâ—ge of rockes but the men were saued in their boat which were in number 18 who went ashore on the North side and went a dayes iourney into the land and met with the Sauages which are no men-â—aters but take all the Christians that they can and make them slaues But the Englishmen fought with them and the Sauages flew 5 of them and tooke 13 aliue which were with the Sauages about 15 moneths But the Master of the pinnesse whose name was Richard Faireweather being not willing to indure the misery that hee was in and hauing knowledge that there was a towne of Christians on the other side of the riuer he in a night called Iohn Drake and another yong man which was with them and tooke a very little Canoa which had but two oares so passed to the other side of the riuer which is about 19 leagues broade and were three dayes before they could get ouer without meat and comming to land they hit vpon an highway that went towards the Christians and seeing the footing of horses they followed it and at last came to an house where there was corne sowed and there they met with Indians seruants vnto the Spaniards which gaue them meate and clothes to couer them for they were all naked and one of the Indians went to the towne and told them of the Englishmen so the Captaine sent foure horsemen who brought them to the towne behind them This Captaine clothed them and prouided lodging for them and Iohn Drake dieted at the Captaines table and they were all very well intreated the Captaine purposing to send them for Spaine But the Uiceroy of Peru hauing newes hereof sent for them and so Iohn Drake was sent to him but the other two were kept there because they were married in the countrey so that I know no more of their affaires Upon this comming of the Englishmen there were pâ—epared 50 horsemen to goe ouer the riuer to secke the rest of the Englishmen and also certaine Spaniards that were among the savage people but I am not certaine whether they went forward or not A ruttier which declareth the situation of the coast of Brasil from the Isle of Santa Catelina vnto the mouth of the riuer of Plata and all along vp within the sayd riuer and what armes and mouthes it hath to enter into it as farre as it is nauigable â—ith small barks FRom the Isle of Santa Catelina which is in 28 degrees of Southerly latitude vnto Rio Grande is fortie leagues This riuer by another name is called Ygai The Island of Santa Catelina is sixe leagues in length it hath two small Islands on the North side betweene the maine land and it and on the South side it hath a shoald of rockes which lyeth hidden very neere vnto the poynt of the Isâ—e You are to passe betweene the firme land and the poynt of the Isle From Santa Catelina to the hauen of Biaça which by another name is called la Laguna are twelue leagues it is a good hauen within but you must stay the full sea to enter into it because it hath shoaldes in the mouth and it may be knowen by a small Island which lyeth a league into the sea which is called La Isla de Reparo that is The Island of succour or defence and you must ride there to search the chanell From this harbour vnto the riuer before named there is no hauen for a ship to harbour it selfe And Râ—o Grande hath many shoalds in the mouth thereof It â—s a riuer that none but very
great English ships and a pinnesse that had taken them but tooke nothing from them nor did them any harme but onely asked them for the king of Spaines ships Now Diego Flores supposing that these English ships would go to the streights was himselfe determined to go to the streights also though it was in the moneth of February and choosing tenne shippes of the fifteene that were left he sent three of the residue that were old aâ—d shaken with the storme wherein he put all the women and sicke men that were in the fleete backe againe to the riuer of Ienero leauing the other two shippes which were not able to brooke the sea at the foresayd Island and so himselfe with the sayd ten ships returned againe for the streights Now the three ships wherein the sicke men and the women were embarked came to the port of Sant Vincent where finding the two foresayd English ships and vrging them to auoide the harbour the English entred combat with them and by reason that these three ships were weakened with former tempests and were manned with the refuse of all the Spanish flâ—ete the Englishmeu easily put them to the worst and sunke one of them and might also haue sunke another if they had bene so minded but they desired not the destruction of any man and doubtlesse it is the greatest valour that any man can shew that when hee may doe hurte he will not Hereupon the Englishmen departed from this porte vnto Espirito Santo where they had victuals for their merchandize and so they returned home to England without doing any harme in the countrey The cause why these English captaines went not to the streights I know not some say that they were put backe by foule weather others suppose that it was for feare of the kings ships but the pinnesse that belonged to these shippes wherein Iohn Drake went as captaine departed from them the cause why hee did so is vnknowen but this pinnesse entred the riuer of Plate and within fiue leaguas of Seale-island not farre from the place where the Erle of Cumberlands ships tooke in fresh water it was cast away vpon a ledge of rockes but the men were all saued in the boate Who being eighteene in number went on shore vpon the Northside of the Island and passing tenne dayes iourney vp into the lande they met with certaine Saluage people which are no man-eaters but take all the Christians that they can get and make them their slaues howbeit the Englishmen fought with them and being too fewe in number fiue of them were slaine and the other thirteene taken prisoners who remained with the Saluages about fifteene moneths But the Master of the pinnesse called Richard Faireweather being loth any longer to indure that miserie wherein hee was and hauing knowledge of a towne of Christians on the other side of the riuer called on a night Iohn Drake and another yoong man which was with them and tooke a Canoa being very little and hauing but two oares and passed therewith on the other side of the riuer which is full nine leagues broade and being three dayes before they could get ouer they were much pined for lacke of meate But comming to land they hit vpon an high way that went towards the Christians and spying the footing of horses they followed it and at last came to an house neere vnto the which corne was sowed And there they met with Indians that were seruants to the Spaniards who gaue them foode and clothes to couer them withall for they were all naked And one of the sayd Indians went to the towne and caried newes of the Englishmen whereupon the captaine of the towne sent our foure horsemen which brought them to the towne behinde them and the sayd captaine clothed them and prouided lodging for them and Iohn Drake sate at the captaines owne table and hee intreated them all very well thinking to send them for Spaine But the Uiceroy of Peru hearing this newes sent for them and they sent him Iohn Drake but the other two they kept because they were maried in the countrey Thus much concerning their affaires Upon these newes also there were prepared fifty horsemen to goe ouer the riuer both to seeke the rest of the Englishmen and certaine Spaniardes which were amongst those Saluage people but I am not assured whether they went forward or no. Nowe let vs returne to Diego Flores who passing from the Island of Santa Catelina towards the streights of Magellan in the middle of February and comming to the height of the riuer of Plate sent the gouernour of Chili with three ships vp the riuer to Buenos Ayres that hee might from thence passe ouerland to Chili Of these three ships two were lost but the men and prouisions were saued and the third returned for Spaine Then Diego Flores with the other seuen ships proceeded on to the latitude of 52. degrees whereas the mouth of the Streights beginneth but because it was the ende of March which there is the latter ende of summer the countrey was so full of snow and withall there arose such a sudden storme that he could not set Sarmiento and his men on shore but was constrained the second time to returne vnto the riuer of Ienero vpon the coast of Brasil where he heard newes of the English ships by the two Spanish ships that escaped from them Upon which newes he left his lieutenant Diego de Ribera and Pedro Sarmiento that they might the next yeere returne for the streights And so Diego Flores himselfe with foure ships which were yet remaining vnto him and other foure which the king sent to succour him set forth to seeke the Englishmen but hauing runne along all the coast of Brasil hee could not finde them because they were gone directly for England Whereupon shaping his course vnto a port called Paraiua and finding there fiue French ships he burnt three and tooke two and the fort also which the Frenchmen had built and put Spaniardes therein but the Frenchmen fledde into the mountaines to the Saluages This done hee returned for Spaine In the meane season his Lieutenant Diego de Ribera and Pedro Sarmiento had the next yeere so good fortune that they arriued safely in the streights with all their ships and set on shore foure hundreth men but because the ships boate could not land being once laden they ran that ship which had all the victuals and munition in her on shore in a bay and as the water did ebbe they tooke all things out of her This being done Diego de Ribera left Sarmiento with foure hundreth men thirtie women and a ship with victuals for eight moneths and with the other three shippes hee returned hauing remained in the Streights but eight dayes Nowe Pedro Sarmiento built a towne at the mouth of the Sreights on the North side placing therein an hundreth and fiftie men and from thence he went by land and sent the ship
This was Bake of Ratciâ—ste who with the barke called the Roe robbed certaine Gâ—ecians in the Lâ—uant The description of Augusta in Germanie Venice The number of â—â—wes in Vâ—nice The excesse of the women of Venice His embarking at Venice for Ierusalem Cyprus Missagh Ioppa The Basha of Ioppa Rama Troopes of theeuish Arabians â—is arriuall in the sight of Ierusalem The monuments in and about Ierusalem S. Helens chapell His departure from Ierusalem Tripolis in Syria Salina Missagh a town in Cyprus Candie Zante Istria Mustasa interpâ—es M. Wil. Hareborne sent ambassador to the Turke A request for the preferring of Mustafa Beg. Supply of the want of oile Leo Asricamâ—â— lib. 8. Leo Africanus lib 4. This may be learned at Alget Ianuary the fourteenth C. Vincente C. Santa Maria. Tariffa Velez Malaga C. de Gates C. de Palos Denia Formentera Cabrera February the first Mallorca The shippes men goe on land at Porto de Sant Pedro. The Ambassadour betrayed February the sixth The English men are surprised The Spaniards come to the sea side to speake with the captaine The Spaniards come a game to parse The Ambassadour writeth to the Viceroy The ninth of February The ship Susan prepareth to defend herselfe The effect of the Viceroys letter in the Captaine of the Susan The eâ—â—ect of the Ambassadors answere Galata Sardinia Fauagniana Cisimbri Pantalaria Sicilia C. Passaro Poâ—to de Contâ— in Cephalonia Zante Prodeno Sapientia Modon C. Maâ—apan Cerigo C. Malio Menelaus â—ellapola Both Miloâ— Fâ—lcâ—nara Antâ—milâ— Fermeniâ— Zâ—â— Negroponte Andri Psaâ—a Sarafo Sigraâ— port in Metelin Porto Delfin The city of Chio. A By. Ermin or Customer Baberno Tenedo Maure Galâ—poli Marmora Araâ—â—ia Silauria Ponte grande Ponte picola Ponte S. Stephano The arriuall of the Susan at Constantinople The Ambassadour giueth a present to the great Basâ—a A man halfe naked goeth before y e great Basâ—a The Ambassadours entertainment with the Bassas Santa Sophia A discription of their church The ship commeth to the custome house The Ambassador presenteth the Admirall Vchali The Susan goeth from the Custome house The Admirall departeth to the sea The Ambassadoâ—rs repaire to the great Turke court The entertainment at dinner of the Ambassadours men The Turke is presented with a rich present An English ship sunke by two gallies of Alger The money of Alger The custome The waights The measure The surest lodging for a christian This is another officer Other smal customs you pay besides which may be at two in the huÌ„dred and for â—onsullage you pay two in the hundred Cairo three daies iourney from Alexandria by land The Inuentorie of our ships and goods sunke and taken by the gallies of Alger Man doth purpose and God doth dispose A new master chosen The new master died The Iesus arriued in Tripolis Another ship of Bristow came to Tripolis A conspiracie practised by the French Factor to deceiue a Turkish marchant of 450 crowns The beginning of their troubles and occasion of all their miserie The Englishmen araigned Master Dier condemned to be hanged ouer a bulwarke A Frenchman turned Turke in hope of his life and afterward was hanged Euery fiue men allowed but two pence of bread a day The Turkes builded a church The Christians sent 3. times a weeke 30. miles to fetch wood Eighteene captiues run away from Tripolis The iudgement of God vpon blasâ—â—eâ—â—ers The Greene Dragon The Kings sonne had a captiue that was sonne to one of the Queenes Maiesties guard that was forced to turne Turke The first motion for those Englishmens deliuerie The Englishmen released The plagues and punishments that happened to the King and his people The king lost 150. Camels taken by the wilde Moores Two Englishmen shipped to Constantinople with M. Barton The souldiers of Tripolis kil the King Two Gallies of Venice tooke the king of Tripolie his galley and killed the kings sonne and all the Turkes in it and released all the Christians being in number 150. Edoardo Baron Mahumed Beg. Hamburâ— Brunswig Halberstat Eisleben Copper Mines Iena Great wood of firre trees Bamberg Nurenberg Augspurg The borders of Italy Venice Ragusa Seruia Chierâ—isa Or Fochia Nouibazar Or Nissa Sophia Phâ—lippopoli Andrinopoliâ— Siliueri Constantinople Pompeys piller Prouaâ— Vâ—rna Or Moldania Paâ—sin vpon the riuer of Prut Yas Soâ—sâ—hen Nyester a riuer Camyenetâ— Skala Leopolis or Leunpurg Grodecz Vilna Iaroslaw Lanczut Cracouia Leade Minesâ— Bendzâ—n Salt digged out of mountaines in Poland Bitom Oppelen Schurgasse Brigk Breslaw Magdeburg Lunenberg Hamborg Fontecho signifieth an house of trafique aâ— the Sulyard Bichier Rossetto 1566. The descriptâ—on oâ— Cairo Olde Thebes Pieces of dry wood in stead of torches The mountaine of pardons Grida a port neere Mecca The Portugals greatly feared in the Red sea Forty or fifty rich ships arriue yerely at Grida | 〈◊〉 A fathomâ— Caesar Fredericke trauelled eighteene yeeres in the East Indies The authours going froÌ„ Venice to Cyprus and Tripoly The riuer Euphrates Feluchia a small city on Euphrates Mosul The Arabian theeues are in number like to Ants. The olde Babylon hath great trade w t marchants 〈◊〉 A bridge made of boats These bricks be in thicknes six or seuen inches and a foot a halfe square This hole whereour coÌ„meth this pitch is most true and the water pitch runneth into the valley or Iland where the pitch resteth the water runneth into the riuer Euphrates and it maketh all the riuer to be as it were bâ—ackish with the smell of pitch and brimstone Zizarij an ancient people At the castle of Corna the riuer Euphrates and Tygris do meet Ormus is the barrennest Iland in all the world Carichij an Iland in y e gulfe of Persia. Ormus is alwayes replenished with abundance of victuall and yet there is none that groweth in the Iland Great trade of merchandise in Ormus The election of the king of Ormus A priuilege for Marchants Diu. Cambaietta Marchants that trauell to the Indies must cary their prouision of houshold with theÌ„ Great â—â—oâ—e of men of warre and rouers oâ— the coast of Cambaia A maruellous â—oâ—d delight in women Tana an Iland whereoâ— Odoricus writeth pag 41. Great ordinance made in pieces and â—et seruiceable The chiefe place the Portugals haue in the Indies A very good sale for horses A most vnkind wicked treasoÌ„ against their prince this they haue for giuing credit to strangers rather then to their owne natiue people The sacking in the city An excellent good policy to intrap men A discription of the burning place Feasting and dancing when they should mourne Mourning when they should reioyce The cause why the women do so burâ—e themselues Penegonde Men ride on bullocksâ— and trauell with thâ—m on the way The marchandise that come in and out to Bezeneger euery yere The apparell of those people Their Winter is our Summer Foure small fortes of the Portugals Bettell is a very profitable herbe in that countrey Enimies to the king of Portugall
ships as gallies galliasses and fusts and passed one after another before the towne and hauen of Rhodes three miles off and came to shore in a place nigh to land called Perambolin sixe miles from the towne In the which place the sayd hoste abode from that time to the end of that vnhappy siege The number and names of the vessels that came to besiege Rhodes THe number of the ships were these 30 galliasses 103 gallies aswell bastards as subtill mahonnets 15 taffours 20 fusts 64 great ships sixe or seuen gallions 30 galleres beside the nauy that waited for Christian men if any came to succour vs. These were the vessels that came at the first to lay the siege And sith that the sayd host came out of Perambolin there came from Syria 20 other sailes aswell gallies as fusts And many other ships came sith and ioyned with the sayd army in the time of the sayd siege And it was sayd that there were 400 sailes and moe The same day that part of the host came to the sayd place the reuerend lord great master ordeined a great brigandine to send into the West to certifie our holy father the pope and the Christian princes how the Turks army was afore Rhodes And in the sayd vessell he sent two knights one a French man named Sir Claude dansoyuille called Villiers and Sir Loys de Sidonia a Spaniard and they went to the pope and to the emperour After the comming of the Turks nauy into the sayd place it was 14 or 15 dayes or they set any ordinance on land great or small or any quantity of men came on shore whereof we marueiled And it was tolde vs by some that came out of the campe and also by the spies that the lord great master had sent abroad arayed as Turks that they abode the commandement of their great lord vntill the hoste by land were come into the campe Howbeit there came some number for to view the towne but they went pâ—iuily for the ordinance of the towne shot without cease All this while the gallies and galliasses went and came to land bringing vitaile and people At the which ships passing nigh the town were shot many strokes with bombards which made some slaughter of our enemies and when the most part of them was past they began to set ordinance on the land with great diligence Then the lord great master departed from his palace and lodged him nigh a church called The victory because that place was most to be doubted and also that at the other siege the great businesse and assault was there How the lord great master made his petition before the image of S. Iohn and offered him the keyes of the towne THe day before were made many predications and sermons and the last was in the church of S. Iohn Baptist. When the sermon was done a pontificall Masse was celebrate with all solemnities and all the reliques taken downe and the lord great master and all his knights with great deuotions and reuerence heard it And when the Masse was ended the lord great master made a pitious oration or prayer before Saint Iohn Baptist his protectour and aboue all other words which were too long to tell he besought him meekly that it would please him to take the keyes of that miserable city The which keyes he presented and layed vpon the altar before the image beseeching S. Iohn to take the keeping and protection thereof and of all the religion as by his grace he had giuen to him vnworthy the gouerning vnto that day and by his holy grace to defend them from the great power of the enemies that had besieged them How the women slaues would haue set fire in the towne THe eight day of Iuly it was knowen that the Turkish women being slaues and seruaunts in many houses of the towne had appointed to set fire in their masters houses at the first assault that should be made to the end that the men should leaue their posterns defenses to go and saue their houses and goods And it was found that a woman of Marchopora being a slaue was first moouer thereof the which was taken and put to execution The same day some of our men went out for to skirmish with the Turkes and many of them were slaine with shot of our artillerie and of our men but one How the Turkes layd their artillerie about the towne and of the maner and quantitie of their pieces and gunshot THe 18. day of Iuly for the beginning and first day they set vp a mantellet vnder the which they put three or foure meane pieces as sacres wherâ—with they shot against the posterns of England and Prouence But the mantellet was soone broken and cast downe and their pieces destroyed with the shot of the wall and they that shot them were most part slaine As this first mantellet was broken by the great and innumerable people that they had they set all their ordinance on land and caried it to the places where it should be bent or nigh thereby And the 29. day of the same moneth they set vp two other mantellets One beside a church of saine Cosme and Damian and another toward the West And from these mantellets they shot great pieces as Culuerings double gunnes and great bombards agaynst the wals of England and Spaine to the which mantellets the ordinance of the towne gaue many great strokes and often brake them And the more to grieue the towne and to feare vs they set vp many other mantellets in diuers places almost round about the towne and they were reckoned foure score the which number was well lessened by the great quantitie of strokes of artillerie shot out of the towne from many places The artillerie of the Turkes was such as followeth FIrst there were sixe great gunnes cannons perriers of brasse that shot a stone of three foote and a halfe also there were 15. pieces of iron that shot stones of fiue or sixe spannes about Also there were 14. great bombards that shot stones of eleuen spans about Also there were twelue basiliskes whereof they shot but with 8. that is to weet foure shot agaynst the posterns of England and Spaine and two against the gate of Italy the other two shot sometime against Saint Nicholas tower Also there were 15. double gunnes casting bullets as basiliskes The meane shot as sacres and pasuolans were in great number The handgunshot was innumerable and incredible Also there were twelue potgunnes of brasse that shot vpward where of eight were set behind the church of S. Cosme and Damian and two at saint Iohn de la Fonâ—aine toward the port of Italy and the other two afore the gate of Auuergne the which were shot night and day and there were three sorts of them whereof the greatest were of sixe or seuen spannes about And the sayd stones were cast into the towne to make murder of people which is a thing very inhumane and fearefull which
maner of shooting is little vsed amongst christian men Howbeit by euident myracle thanked be God the sayd pieces did no great harme and slew not past 24. or 25. persons and the most part women and children and they began to shoot with the said pieces from the 19. day of the â—ame moneth vnto the end of August it was accounted that they shot 2000. times more or lesse Then the enemies were warned by the Iewe that wrote letters to them of all that was done and sayd in the towne that the sayd potgunnes did no harme wherefore they were angry for they thought that they had slaine the third part of our people and they were counselled by him to leaue that shooâ—ing for it was but time lost and pouder wasted and then they shot no more with them It is of a trueth that they shot with the sayd potgunnes 12. or 15. times with bullets of brasse or copper full of wild fire and when they were in the ayre they flamed foorth and in falling on the ground they brake and the fire came out and did some harme But at the last wee knew the malice thereof and the people was warie from comming neere to them and therefore they did hurt no more folke How the captaine Gabriel Martiningo came to the succor of Rhodes and all the slaues were in danger to be slaine THe 24. day of the same moneth a brigantine arriued that was sent afore into Candie wherein came a worthy captaine named Gabriel Martiningo with two other captains And there went to receiue him messieur prou Iohn prior of S. Giles and the prior of Nauarre Then after his honourable receiuing as to him well appertained they brought him before the lord great master that louingly receiued him and he was gladly seene and welcommed of the people as a man that was named very wise and ingenious in feats of warre Then came a Spaniard renâ—gado from the host that gaue vs warning of all that was done in the field and of the approching by the trenches that our enemies made And in likewise there arose a great noise in the towne that the slaues Turks that wrought for vs in the diches had slaine their keepers and would haue fled which was not so Neuerthelesse the rumour was great and they rang alarme wherefore the sayd slaues comming to prison as it was ordeined in al the alarmes were met of the people which in great anger put them to death so that there were slain an hundred moe the same day And if the lord great master had not commanded that none should hurt them they had bene all slaine and there were fifteene hundreth of them which slaues did great seruice in time of the siege for they laboured dayly to make our defences and to cast earth out of the ditches and in all works they were necessary at our needs How the great Turke arriued in person before Rhodes THe 25 day of the sayd moneth many of our men went out for to skinnish in the field and made great murder of Turks and in likewise did our artillery And it is to be noted that the 28 day of the same moneth the great Turke in person passed le Fisco a hauen in the maine land with a galley and a fust and arriued about noone where his army lay the which day may be called vnhappie for Rhodes For his comming his presence and continuall abiding in the fielde is and hath beene cause of the victorie that he hath had When the gallie that he came in was arriued all the other shippes of the hoste hanged banners aloft in their toppes and on their sayle yerdes Soone after that the Turke was arriued he went to land and mounted on his horse and râ—de to his pauilion which was in a high place called Megalandra foure or fiue miles fro the towne out of the danger of the gunne shot And on the morow as it was reported to vs hee came to a Church nigh the towne called Saint Steuen for to viewe the Towne and fortresses whereas they had set vp mantellets for to lay their ordinance THe last day of Iuly one of our brigandines went out with a good company of men arayed as Turkes and some of them could speake Turkish and went by night to lande through the Turkes hoste and demaunded if there were any that would passe ouer into Turkie that they should haste them to come The Turkes weening that they had beene of Turkie there entred a 12. persons the which were carried to Rhodes by whom we knew what they did in the campe The first day of August the Captaine Gabriel Martiningo was made knight of the order of the religion by the lord great Master and was made the first auncient of the Italian nation of the first baliage or priorie that should be vacant And in the meane season the religion should giue him twelue hundred ducates for pension euery yeere and the same day he was receiued to the Councell in the roome of a baylife The fift day of the sayd moneth our master gunner was slaine with a gunne which was great losse for vs at that time The 15. day of the sayd moneth was knowen and taken for a traitor Messire Iohn Baptista the physicion aforesayd which confessed his euill and diuelish doings and had his head striken of Of the marueilous mounts that the Turks made afore the towne and how the capitaines were ordered in the trenches AFter the comming of the great Turke the enemies began to shoote with ordinance of another sort then they did before and specially with harquebushes and handguns and also to make their trenches and approches And also they did more diligence then afore to bring y e earth nigh the towne with spades and pickares And it is to weet that they mooued the earth from halfe a mile off and there were shot out of the towne innumerable strokes with ordinance against the sayd earth and innumerable quantitie of people hid behind the sayd earth were slaine Neuerthelesse they neuer left â—â—rking till they had brought it to the brimmes of the ditches and when it was there they raiâ—eâ— it higher and higher in strengthning it behind And in conclusion the sayd earth was higher then the wals of the towne by 10. or 12. foote and it seemed a hill And it was agaynst the gate of Auuergne and Spaine and beat our men that were at the gates bulwarks in such wise that none durst be seene till certaine defelices and repaires were made of plankes and boards to couer our people and keepe them from the shot And at the gate of Italy was made such another heape and in none other part When the trenches were thus made to the ditches the enemies made holes in the wals of the ditch outward wherethorow they shot infinitely with handgunnes at our men aswell on the walles as on the bulwarks and slew many of them Then the basshas and captaines entred into the trenches ech to