tâ—e manner of Ordination without any Bishops assistance which power of Ordination and imposition of hands hath ever since been prâ—ctised by Ministers in all reformed Chuâ—ches which have abandoned Bishops such as ours are and maâ—e themselves as contrary to Gods word â—atrick Adamsoâ— Arâ—h-Bishop of St. Andrews in Scotland in his recantation publickly made in the Synod of Fiâ—â—e Aprill 8 1591 conâ—esâ—eth that this office of a Diocesan Bishop Omne â—uthoritate verbi dei destituituâ— solo politico hâ—minum câ—nâ—mento â—uâ—datur is destitute of of all authority from Gods word and is onely â—ounded in the politicke figment of men out of which the primacy of the â—ope or Antichrist â—ath sprung and is worthily to be condemned becâ—use the asâ—embly of the â—â—esbytery penes quâ—m est jâ—risdictio inspectioâ—â—m in visitationibus tum in ordinationibus which having the jurisdiction and inspection both in visitations and in Ordinations will performe all these things with greater authority piety and zeale then any Bishop whatsoever whose caâ—e is for tâ—e most part intent not upon â—od or his â—â—â—ction but tâ—e world which he especially serves A 〈◊〉 blâ—w to our prelates Hieâ—achie For iâ— Bishops be not Iure divino and have no â—oundation in the word of â—od theâ— the power of OrdinatioÌ„ beloÌ„gs not â—to them Iure divino as they aâ—e Bishops neither can do or â—ught they to conâ—eâ—â—e Orders as Bishops but â—rely as they are Ministers And if so as is most certaine Then this power of Ordination belongs not at all to Bishops as Bisâ—ops but only as Ministers and every Minister as he is a Minister â—ath as much right and authority to give oâ—ders as any Bishop whatsoever the true reason why even among us at this day Ministers ought to joyn with the Bishop in the imposition of hands neither can our Bishops ordaine any one a Minister unlesse 3 or 4 Ministers at least joyne with him in the Ordination and laying on of hands This being an apparent â—â—uth I shal hence from the Bishops owne principles prove Presbyters Superior and greater then Bishops in jurisdiction dignity and degâ—ee These say they to whom the power of Ordination belongs of Right are â—â—eater in jurisdiction dignity â—â—d degree then those who have not this power and the Ordainer higher in all these then the ordained But the power of Ordination belongs onely jure divino to â—resbyters as presbyters not to Bishops as to Bishops themselves not as Bishops but Presbyters and Bishops when they ordaine in a lawfull manner do it onely as Presbyters not as Bishops Therefore Presbyters are Superior to Bishops in jurisdiction Order and degree and Bishops themselves â—arre greater in all theseâ— as they aâ—e Presbyters an office of divine â—â—nction then as they are Lordly Prelates or Diocesan Bishops a meer humane institution Thus are our great Lord Bishops who vaunt of the weaknesse of puriâ—â—ne principles whereas their Episcopall are farre more feeble and absurâ— wounded to death with their own weapons and all their Domiâ—eering swelling authority overthrowne by that very principle and foundation on which they have presumed to erect it the ancient proverbe being here truly verified vis â—â—nsilij â—â—pâ—rs â—olâ— ruit sâ—â— I shall close â—p this with the words of acute Aâ—tâ—â—ius Sâ—dâ—â—l who after a large proof of Biâ—â—ops and presbyterâ— to be both â—ne and the same by divine institution winds up all in this mâ—nner We couclude therefore seeing that Superior Episcopall dignity is to be avouched onely humane institution Tantum essâ— hâ—mâ—ni iuris that it is only of humâ—ne right On the contrary since it is evident by the expressâ— testimonies of Scripture that in the Apostles times Bishops were the same with Presbyters jurâ— diuinâ— pâ—tâ—stâ—tâ—â— ordinandi noâ— minus presbytâ—riâ— quâ—m Episcâ—pis convenirâ— that by Godâ— law and divine right the power of Ordination belongs as much to preâ—biters as to Bishops I have now I hopâ— sufficiently maâ—ifested our Lordly prelates Arch-â—ishops Diocesâ—n Bishops distinct from presbyters to be none of Gods institution being therefore none of Gods Bishopâ— as they vainly pretend whose then must they be not the kingsâ— for thâ—n they are onely Iurâ— humanâ— which they have publikely â—â—sâ—lâ—imed iâ— Courtâ— therefore certainly eitheâ— the Popes or the â—evils or both as many of the recited writers stile theÌ„ for I know no other that can claime or own them wherfore being neither Gods nor the Kings but the Popeâ— or Devillsâ— or bothâ— what remaines but that now at last they should be spâ—red out of our Churchâ— as no members at all of Christs Church or bodyâ— but of the Devill Pope or Antichrist of Rome whose limbs and creatures in tâ—uth they are as Mauritius dâ— i Alâ—â—dâ— Henry k Stâ—lbridâ—â— and othersâ— expresly resolves and their actions past all dispute discover many of them to be yea as meere Individuum vaginus and meere unnaturall monsters they being neithâ—r Pastors nor members of any particular Church or congregation as all other Christians are besideâ— themselves I read in the l great Dutch Chronicle written by an Augustinâ— Frier that in the year of our Lord 1033 beyond Poland there was a strange Fisâ— taken of the quantity length and breadth and shape of a living man adorned with a Bishopâ— Miterâ— a pastorall Staff a Cassock a white Surplesse a Chessible Sandalsâ— Glovesâ— and all othes Robesâ— and ornaments requisite to the Dignity of â— Prelate like a Bishop solemnly attired and prepared to say divine Serviceâ— his Cassocke might be well lifted up before and behind from the feet to the knees but not higherâ— and he permitted himselfe to bee sufficiently â—andled and touched by manyâ— but especiâ—lly of the Bishops of that Countryâ— which Fish being presented to the King and demanded in the Language of that Countryâ— and of divers otherâ— nations who hee was and answering â—othing albeit he had opened hiâ— mouth giving reverence and honoâ—r to the Bishopâ— that were there in the Kings presence one Monster and dumbe unpreaching beastâ— saluting and respecting another the King being aâ—gry when hee had determined to commit him to prisoÌ„â— or shut him up iâ— soÌ„e stroÌ„g towâ—r the Fisâ— being very sorrowfull at this newes thereupon closed his eyes and would by no meanes open them untill the Bishops of that Kingdome m kneeling downe before the king in the fishâ—s preseâ—ce had with many prayers intreated and obtained of the King that he should be sent backe againe alive to the Seashoreâ— where hee had been takenâ— that God whose workes are incomprehensible might shew his nature and Acts least otherwise a plague should there ensue both to the King and his Subjects which their suit the King had no sooner granted but presently the â—oresaid Monster opened his eyes giving great thankes as it were to the King and especially to those Bishops After with a Chariot being prepared to carry the Fish backe againe the Fish in presence of an infinite
c. 16 Tom. 5 p â—â— â—n â—pist Paâ—â—â— l 19. in Phil. 1 1 l 23 in 1 Tim. 3 l 25 in Tit. 1 Tom. 5 p 455 456 498 499 521 522 523 De instituâ—â—ons Clericorurâ— l â— â— 4 5 6 Tom 6 p. 5 6 Haymo Halberstatensis in Phil. 1. â— Tit. 1 An 560. The 12 Councell of Toledo Can 8 Aâ—â—laâ—iâ—s Fortunatus d Ecclesiasticâ—â— Ofsiâ—â—s l 2 c 13 Anno 1050 Pecumenâ—a in Aâ—â—a Apost 5 15 2 in Phil 1 1 Tim: 3 Tit 1 fol 79 586 655 683 Anno 1070 Theophylact. Com in Act 20 17â— 28 in Phil 1 1 1 Tim: 3 Tit 1 p 517.576 600 801 Anno 1â—00 Conradus Bruno in Phil 1 1 1 Tim: 3 Tit 1 Anno 1130 Barnard De Consideratione ad Eugenium l. 2 34 Epist. 42 Sermâ— 23 25. 77. Super â—antiâ—â— De laudibuâ— Maria Homil 1 Concio in Concilio Rhemensi ad Pastâ—â—â—s Sâ—râ—â— THE THIRD SQVADRON THe third Squâ—dron is constituted of forraigne Cannonists and Popish Schoolemen wâ—iters and Councels from the Yeare of our Lord 1100 till this present as Iâ—o Carnaâ—â—nsis Dâ— â—alâ—luâ—â— pa. â—5 c â—8 59.72 1â—â— 143.144 Peter Lombard Sententiarum l 4. distinâ— 24. I. K. L mâ— Comenâ—aâ—iâ—m Phil. 1 1 Tit 1. 1 Tim: 3 Gratian the gâ—eaâ— Canâ—onist distinctio 18 21 22 23 24 25 39 50 60 61 62 63 64 65 6â— 67 68 80 93 95 Causa 2 qu. 7 Causa 24 qu 3 Hugo Caâ—dinalis in Phil â— 1 Tit 1 1 Tim: 3 Aquinas secundâ— secundae qu â—4 Ar 6 â—rg 1. Supplementum in tertiam pâ—rtem qu 37 Art 7 Durandus in l 4 Sentent Distinct 24. qu 5 6 Rational Divinorum l 2 Iohannis Parisiensiâ— de potestate Regia Papâ—li apud moâ—â—â—um de Ecclesia c 11 Catalogum Testium veritatis p 525 Carthusiâ—â— Caâ—etan and the Author of the Oâ—dinaâ—y glosse in Acts 15 c 20 17 28 Phil 1 1 1 Tim: â— Tit 1 5 7 cardinalis Arelatensiâ— apud AEneam Sylvium de Gestis Concilij Basiliensis l. 1 p 27 28 29 Alvarus Pelagius de Plainetu Ecclesia â— 1 Art 70. l 2 Art 1 to 17 Panormitam c 4 de Consuetudine Anselmus Lucensis Collectanea Can l. â— c. 87 127 Gâ—egorius Tholosamus Polycarp l 2 Tit 19 39 Iohn Thiery Glosâ—a in Gâ—ationum distinct 95 cap olim with all other Glosses and Canonists on that Text Heâ—â—iâ—us Gorichen in l 4 Sentent Distinct 24â— Astensis Summa pars 2 l 6 Tit 2 Artic 2 Angelus de claucisio Summa Angelica Ordo 1 The e councell of Lingon Anno 1404 of Paris Anno 1557 Duarenus de sacr Eccle injust l 1 c 7 Onus Ecclâ—sia c 14 to 27 Nicholas Cusaâ—â—â— de concoâ—diâ— Catholicâ— l. 2 c. 13. Alphonsus a Câ—stâ—o advers 〈◊〉 Sit â—piscopus Michael Medina de sacro hâ—m Oâ—ig et continetia 〈◊〉 â—spencaâ—â— in 1 Tim. c 3 Digressioâ—â—m in Tim â— 1 c 1 2 3â— and in Tit 1 â— â— The Rhemist â—nnotâ—tion on Acts 〈◊〉 sect 4 and in Tim 4. Phil 1. 1 â—it 1 â—â— Iâ—â—obus Fabor in 1 Tim â— 4 â— Tit 1. Sixtus Sevensi Bibl 〈◊〉 l â— Anno 32â— Azoâ—ius Mâ—â—â—lium pâ—râ— 2 l 3 c 1â—â— Buoniuâ— Anâ—uâ—ll Eccles â—om 1. p 5â—â— Iacobus de Grâ—ssâ—s dâ—sâ—â—lionum Auâ—â—carum parâ— 2 l 1 c 9 11 5 â— 9 1â— 14 16 l 3 c. 12 11 3.4 Petâ—â—s Bâ—â—sseldin â—uchyâ—idion Teâ—â—â—giae Pâ—storalis pâ—â—s 1 c 15. with other Pontisâ—â—â—ans though sundry else of them are the greatest sâ—icklers for â—â—isâ—opâ—ll Mâ—â—â—â—ne of Puâ—pose to advâ—nce the 〈◊〉 Supremâ—cy with the Parity of Bishops and Pâ—esbiters Iuâ—â— Dâ—â—mâ— â—sterly subverts and ruineâ—â— I shall close up this Squâ—drâ—n with the â—â—e Authorities of some Semiâ—â—â— Priests in Enâ—land As namely of Niâ—câ—â—las Smiâ—h in his modest and bâ—iefe discussion of certaine Assertions which are taught by Mr. Doctor â—â—lâ—ison in his Treatise of the â—cclesiasticall 〈◊〉 where thus he determines * I judge is no rashnes to affirm that since England enjoyed a Bisâ—â—pâ— to wit a Poâ—â—s â—ishopâ— to confirme the Papists and controll the Pâ—iests namely Richâ—â—d bisâ—op of Châ—lcedâ—â— created the generall â—ishop and superintendâ—nt both of Englandâ— and Scotland by Pope Vrbaus speciall Bull dated the 4th of August Anno 1625. The Coppy whereof you shall â—ind printed in Censura Propositionâ—m quaâ—undam c. per sacram facultatem Theologâ—a Parisiâ—nsis factae Paâ—isiis 1631 p 63 64 65 that more damage hath happened to the Catholikes in generall by reason of discord and frequent losse of charity then they have received benefit by the Sacrament of Conâ—irmation onely conferred on some few That all holy men have exceedingly eâ—deavoured to sâ—un such an high digâ—ity That a Bishop is in a State which presupposeth but yet gives not perfection which the State of Religion not onely presupposeth but giveth That a vow not to receive a Bishopricke is valid and sacred That â—o desiâ—e a Bishopricke even for that which iâ— best in it to wit for the good of soules according to St Thomâ—s sâ—cunda sâ—â—uâ—da que 185. Art 1 seemes to be presumptiâ—n and there are some who stick not to say and that commonly it is a moâ—tall sinne That these â—ropositions following are strange idle and absurd That it is dâ— iure divinâ— and that the law of God is that every particular Church as England is ought to have a Bishop That without a Bishop England were not a particular Church That unlesse every particular Church hath its Bishop or Bishops the whole and Vniveâ—sall Church could not be as Christ hath instituted it an Hierarchie composed of divers particular Churches That without a Bishop we cannot have conâ—irmation c. All which principles saith hee are worse then the concultion it selfe and demonstrated by us to â—it in that Treatise to have no foundation at all Thus this Popish Priest who proving that the Church of England may well subsist without a Popish Bishop to sway and order it grants that it may doe the like without our Protesâ—ant Prelates and that plainly resolves that it is not from any divine law or institution that the Church of England should have any Bishop at all to govern it Daniell a Iesu another Priest and a Reader of Divinity thus seconds him in his Apologie for the proceeding of the holy see Apostolike as to the government of the catholickes in England during the time of Persecution * That it is most false and of dangerous consequence that a particular Church cannot be without a Bishop That Gods law requires no more but that there be somâ— Bishops in the Church to wit so many that there bee no danger that the whole Order should suddainly be taken away by their deaths and so dispersed through the world that all Christians may bee sufficiently provided of learned and vertuous Priests If this be done the law of God is satisfied
as to Jurisdiction although not of execution which executive exercise is restrained by certaine positive Laws not Divine but Canonicall whence the cause of these Laws ceasing (b) the Laws themselvs determine And Johannes Semeca a Popish Canonist avers That in the first primitive Church the Office of Priests and Bishops was the same but in the second primitive Church to wit some space after the Apostles times both their names and Offices began to be distinguished The same Doctrine together with the Identity and Parity of Bishops and Presbyters is professedly averred not only by those hereafter cited in the Catalogue but also by * Huldrick Bishop of Ausburg about the year of Christ 860. in his Epistle to Pope Nicholas in defence of Priests Marriage by John Crespin L'estate de L'eglise printed 15â—2 fol. 14.97 by Phippe de Mornax Tableaâ— des Differens par 2. c. 6. p. 67 68 69. c. and by Mornay Lord Plessie in his Mystery of Iniquity in the French Edition p. 7.9 10.72.80 to 87 9â— 92.95 to 123.125.128.152 to 155.159.160.172.179.197.210 to 218 234.2â—4 266 267.281.293.304.307.319 320 366â— 389 395.397.404.410.412â— 418.424 to 427 452â— 464.467 468.469.503.518.519.520.524 to 528 533.535.545 546 547.567.568 569.603 Yea * Iohn Maâ—jor de Gestis Scotorum l. 2. c. 3. wâ—ites that in ancient times the Scots were instructed in the Christian faith by Priests and Monks and were then without Bishops And Iohn Fordon Scotichronicon l. 3. c. 8. before him records That before the coming of Palladius the Scots had only Presbyters or Monks to instruct them in the Faith and administer the Sacraments following the custome of the primitive Church And * from Palladius dayes till the reigne of Malcolm the 3d the Bishops of Scotland had no Diocesse at all and so were no Diocesan Prelates but every Bishop whom holinesse had made reverend in that age exercised his Episcopall function without distinction in every place he came If then Bishops and Presbyters were all one and the same in the first Primitive Church which church â—ogether with that of Scotland was anciently governed only by Presbyters not by any Lordly Prelaâ—es or Diocesan Bishops which Dr. William Fulke in his Answer of a true Christian c. p. 20.50 professeth â—o be Antichristian Paâ—all and no divine institution why the Churches of Scotland and England may not now be governed by Presbyters only without Bishops aswell as at first I cannoâ— conceiveâ— their regiment of late having been so tyrannicall unchristian antichristian and exorbitant that they have almost wholly ruined our Religion Church State and lefâ— them in a most perplexed if not desperate condition which proves their Hierarchy to be rather Antichristian and Diabolicall then Divine And how can it be otherwise if we rightly consider the Persons or Condition of our Hierarchyâ— and their Antichristian Attendants I remember a merry Sâ—ory in * Giraldus Cambrensis and out of him related by Mr. Camden in his Britannia p. 604. It hapned that a certaine Iew travelling towards Shrewsbury with the Archdeacon of Malpas in Ches-shire whose surname was Peche that is Sinne and a Deane named Devill when he heard by chance the Archdeacon telling that his Archdeaconry began at a place called Ill-street and reached as farre as to Malpas towards Chester he considering and understanding withall aswell the Arch-deacons Surname as the Deans came out with this merry and pleasant conceit Would it not be a wonder quoth he and my fortune very good if ever I get safe againe out of this Countrey where Sinne is the Arch-deacon and the Devill is the Dean where the entry into the Archdeaconry is Illstreet and the going forth of it Malpas It was * St. Bernards complaint in his age that Iesus Christ elected many Devils to be Bishops as he chose Iudas to be an Apostle Since then there be so many Archbishops Deanes and Bishops Devills so many Archdeacons Sinners if not Sinne and the entrance into these Offices by reason of Symony Ambition and the like a meer Illstreet and their going forth of them by reason of their wicked lives and exorbitant actions occâ—sioned by their very Office Malpas it is almost a wonder and very good fortune if any â—onest godly Minister or Professor ever get safe againe out of their Courts and Diocesse or escape drowning in their Seas Hence is it that the devoutest men in all ages since Prelates became Lords paramount to Ministers have either utterly refused to accept of Bishâ—pricks or resigned them after acceptance as I have * elswhere manifested by sundry examples and shall here furâ—her exemplifie by â—ther evidences (a) Ribadenerra a Iesuite records it to the great praise of Bernardine of Sennes canonized at Rome for a Saint that out of his humility he refused the 3. Bishopricks of Sennes Ferrara and Vrban which severall Popes offred to him and though one Pope put a Bishops Miâ—er on his head with his own hands yet he put it off againe humbly beseeching him not to impose the charge of any Bishoprick upon him and to change that estate of Poverty to which God had called him because he should bring more advantage to the Church by preaching the Word of God and ayding the Soules of many Bishopricks then by being a Bishop in one Church The Pope hearing his reasons confessed them true and left him to his own liberty (b) Vincent Ferrier another Popish Saint is highly magnified for that ' being urged by the Pope to accept the Bishopricke of Leride the Archbishopricke of Valence and a Cardinalship it was impossible to move him to accept of any of these charges deeming it a greater advantage to free one Soule from the chaines of Sinne then to gain all the great preferments of the world For he perceived that these honourable dignities seemed like so many golden chaines whereby he should be detained at the Court and deprived of liberty to goe and preach the Gospell with poverty as God had commanded him So Thomas of * Aquin canonised for a Saint is highly applauded for refusing the Archbishopricke of Naples with other great dignities offered unto him by the Pope In like sort * Raimond of Rocheâ—ort another Roman Saint is extolled for refusing to accept the Archbishopricke of Arragon which the Pope himselfe conferred upon him and commanded him to accept within few dayes at which news he was very sad and most humbly and instantly intreated his Holinesse not to lay such a burthen upon him which he knew not how to beare and seeing that the Pope was resolved to enforce him to accept it he fell sicke with indignation a â—ieuere continuing upon him till he died of regret and so discharged him of this care * Antoninus another â—ate Romish Saint being elected Archbishop oâ—Florence by Pope Eugenius the 4th refused to accept thereof because being retired out of the tempests of the world he should therby return into â—hem to the
and multiplyed them or divided them as they saw occasion so they limitted q and granted them all that Episcopall power and jurisdiction whereby they were distinguished from or advanced above Ordinary Ministers as appeares by the Originall Charters of the foundations and erections of our own English Bishop-rickes the forecited Statutes and by our owne and forraigne Histories Now that jurisdiction and superlority thus acquired is but meere and humane not divine Againe Bishop-ricks are meer hâ—mane institutions directly contrary to the Holy Ghost who ordained many Bishops in every Church and City not one Bishop over many which he can never well instruct rule and oversee Acts 20. 17.28 1 Tim. 5.17 Pâ—il 1 1 Tit. 1â— 5 7. 1 Pet. 5 1 2 3. Now that Episcopal jurisdiction which distinguishetâ— Bishops â—rom Presbyters was r created with and annexed to their Bishâ—pricks yea it is delegated botâ— by the â—ing to Lay Commiâ—â—ioneâ—s and visitors and by Bishops themselves to Officials commiâ—â—aâ—ies and meere Lay men 26. H. 8. c. 1.31 H. 8 c 9 37. H. 8 c 17.1 â— 6 c. 2.1 Eliz c 1. Therefore it is meerely humane and belongs not to Bishops by any divine right neither is it peculiar unto them alone Moreover Bishoprickes with all Episcopall juâ—isdiction incident to them have been s usually granted hereâ—oâ—ore by our Kings of England to their Chancellours Treaâ—uâ—ers Secretaries Kinsmen and temporall Oâ—hcers being meere Lay-men as an advancement and augmentation onely of their temporall revenues and civill temporall things And in Germany at this day they are given to Dukes Earles and Nobles yea to Children and inâ—ants only as a temporall digâ—ity and revenue Thereâ—oâ—e they are â—nly tempâ—rall â—ffices and revenues and meere huâ—ane inâ—titutions which may well be spareâ— in the Church not divine oâ— Gods and Christs institution Moreover most of the t reâ—ormed â—â—otesâ—ant churches beâ—ond the 〈…〉 the Reâ—â—â—maâ—â—n 〈…〉 Bishopricks and Dioceâ—an Bishops as anti-Anti-christian and humane inâ—â—â—tutions pernicious to the Church of Christ and to the power puâ—ity and progresâ—e of the Gospell making Biâ—â—ops proud Lordly idle Luxuâ—ious covetous Tyrannicall Symoniâ—call Seditious Schâ—smaticaâ— â—ppâ—essive vindictive prophane impious lascivious unchasâ— perâ—ideous rebellious â—recherous to their Soveraigns Therefore certainly they are no divine instiâ—ution useâ—ull or necessary for Gods Church and people oâ— which they have been the bane and ruine in all ages as our Acts and Monuments of Martyrs testifie they being the Authors of all perseâ—â—tions in our Church and of al our Martyrs Buchery bloodâ— shed And in truth our Kings in all former ages have â—eemeâ— Bishops not alâ—ogeâ—her so usefull or necessary in our Church as some now make them which may appeare by the long vacancies oâ—â—â—veâ—s Bishoprickes in sundry ages of which I shall give you a â—hoâ—â— taâ—â— and so conciâ—â—e u Anâ—â— 653 After the death of Honorius Arch-Bishop or Canâ—erbury that See continuâ—â— void 18 moneths Annâ— 669. After Adeotaâ—usâ—is death it remained voâ—d almost 4 yeares An 690. Afâ—eâ—Thâ—odorus his death it was void almoâ—t â—uâ—â— two yeâ—resâ— and as long aâ—ter â—aâ—â—yusâ—ecease An 734 After â—uâ—hberâ—s death An 758. â—t was vacant above one yeare Anno 762 two years aâ—ter â—regwins death An 790 3 years aâ—â—er Lambâ—râ—s death An 830 aâ—ove one Yeare after VVâ—â—reds decease An 958 almost 3 yeares after Odo his expiâ—ation An 1089. 4 yeâ—res after Laâ—â—â—akes departure An 1109 5 yeares after Anâ—elmes death Anâ— 36. 2 years after VViâ—liam Carkeâ— Aâ— 11 â— â—3 yeaâ—s aâ—ter Riâ—hard VVeâ—â—erâ—neâ— An 1242 2 yeares aâ—â—eâ— St. â—dmâ—nâ— An 1270 â—s long aâ—â—er â—oniâ—acâ— An 1502 2 yeares after 〈◊〉 Deane Aâ— 15â—8 oâ—e â—ear aâ—â—e◠〈…〉 v Aâ— 644 aâ—â—er Pauâ—â—nus the 〈◊〉 Aâ—â—h-Biâ—hâ—p 〈◊〉 â—oâ—keâ— that â—ee wâ—s vacant 20 â—â—me say 3â—â— yeeâ—es An 1114 sâ—â—ur yeares afâ—er â—â—â—mas the second An 1140 â—lmost 2 â—eares aâ—ter Tâ—â—â—stan An 〈◊〉 10 Years after Rogers deâ—thâ—An 1213. 4 Yeaâ—es after 〈◊〉 An 1255 13 â—loneths after VVâ—â—â—eâ— Gâ—ay Anâ— 13â—3 after â—homas de caâ—bridge above 2 yeares An 315 â— Years after â—illiamâ—â—Greenfielâ— Aâ—â— 1240â— 2 yeâ—res afâ—er VViâ—liam de Melâ—â—â— An 1405 2 years and an haâ—â—e aâ—te◠〈◊〉 Sâ—â—ope that Arch-traitor beneaâ—eâ— for his Treâ—son Anâ— 1423 2 Yeares after Henry Boweâ—â— An 14â—9 almost 4 Yeares after Iohn Kâ—mp An 1464 2 Yeares after VVilliam Bâ—â—th almost a â—ull yeaâ—â— both after Cardinall VVolpe and â—â—â—ard Lee Anâ— 1559 â—â—â—er â—â—câ—olas Heath 2 yeares Anâ— 1568 after Thomas â—oung above one yeare Thus long have both our Arch-Bishoprickes been void in severall ageâ— without any prejudice to Church or State w Anno 619 after Mellitus his translation from London to Canterbury that see continued void 31 Yeâ—res together An â—64 2 Yeares An 1133. 7 Yeares aâ—ter Guilbert An. 1187 alter Gilbert Folâ—oâ— above 2 yeares An 1279 above one yeare aâ—â—er Iohn de Chishul An 1303 almost 2 yeares after Richard de Granefâ—rd Anno 1501 after Thomas Saâ—age above two yeares An 1171 after the death of Henry de Bloyes the Bishopricke of Winchesteâ— was void above 3 yeares An 1238 after Peter de la Roch 5â— yearsâ— An 1243. after William de Rawley 16 Yeâ—res Ethelmanus holding it 9 yeares without consideration Anno 1259 after Henry de Wengham 6 yeares An 1492 after Peter Coventry aboue one Yeare An 1500 after Thomas Langton 2 yeares An 1528 aâ—ter Richard Fox 2 Yeares An 1530. after Cardinalâ— Woolsey almost 4 yeaâ—es w An 1131 after the death of Hâ—rnaus first Bishop oâ—Ely that See was void above 2 yeares An 1169 after Negellus the Second Bishop 5 yeares An 1197 afteâ— William Longchamp above one Yeare An 1214 after Eustachius above 5 yeares An 1256 after William de Kilâ—enny above one yeare An 1297 after William de Luda 2 Yeares An 1373 after Iohn Barnet 2 yeares An 1434 after â—hillip Morgan 3 yearesâ—An 1486 after Iâ—â—n â—oorion 3 yeares An 1500 aâ—â—er Iâ—hn Alcocke one whole yeare An 1533 as long after Nicholas West An 158â— after Richard Coxe almost 20 yeares together x â—n 11â—7 after the death of Roâ—ert de Chisney the 4 Bishâ—p oâ— Lincoln that See continued vâ—cant almost 17 yeares Ceâ—â—ry â—enâ—y the 2 his base Sâ—nne taâ—ing the â—rofits thereof without any consecration An 1184 afâ—er Walteâ— de Câ—â—stâ—rtiis 2 â—eares An 1200 after St. â—ugh almost â— years â—n 1206 after William de Blâ—yes 3 yeâ—res An 1490 after Iohn Rusâ—el 2 yeares An 1513 after William Smith one yeare y An 1086 the Bishoprick of Coventry and Lichfâ—eld was vacant 2 yeares after the death of â—eter and as long An 1â—27 after Robert â—each as long An 118 after Giâ—acdus Puella as long An 1208 â—fter Geofâ—ry de Muschamp An 1238 almost 3 yeares after Alexanderâ—e Saâ—ensby An 1243 after Hugh Pateshul 2 yeâ—es An 1386 as long after â—ichard Scroope An 1490 as long after Iohn Huâ—â—e z An 1099 after Osâ—ond his death the second Bishop of Salisbury
multitude of both sexes ascending into it in a decent manner with the said Bishops â—ate down between them like â— Domestical tame creature endued with reason The Bishops whiles they were yet fâ—rre off from the Sea descended out of the Chariot and the Fish likeâ—â—se â—omming downe from the chariot by himselfe stood upon his feet and began to walke between two Bishops putting one of his hands upon one Bishops shoulderâ— the other upon the other Bishops â—houlder so lovingly â—id these Monsters embrace on the other as if he had beenâ— a reasonable creature neither wondred he or was he moved with the tumult of the peopleâ— who flocked round about theÌ„ but walked modestly When he was come to the Sea-shore hee courteously beheld the Biâ—hops and rout of people there present and craving leave to depart of the Bishops with all humility by the gesture of hiâ— body and obtaining it he thereupon went into the Sea-water And going into the Water on his feet as high as his belly the Seâ— being hard â—y to deep for him to wade inâ— turning himselâ—e towards the Bishops and people expending the end of this matter he bowed downe his head in a most humble mannerâ— bestowing a blessing on them with his right hand in forme of â— crosseâ— and foâ—thwith descended into the depth of the Sea after which he was no more seene of any man Thus the Historian veâ—batim Now what should I make this strange dumbe Devill or Monster in the shape the habit and attire of a Lordly Bishop so courteous loving and â—â—miliar towards these Lordly Bisâ—opsâ— and they reâ—iprocally thus to him or what doth or could all this pretend But that Lordly Prelates with their pontificiall Masse-array and muming disguises are meere monsters in Gods Church and for the most part as mute as thiâ— dumbe or other fishes in the Pulpit opening their mouthes wide oft-times to bite yea devoure their fellow Brethren and Godâ— faithâ—ull people with their teeth like so many ravening wolâ—es or Sea Monsters but seldome or never piously to instruct theÌ„ wth their diligent pious gracious preaching tongues and that therefore they shal one day and I hope that day is now at hand with all their Anti-Christian Pompe Pride Vestments Trinkets and masking massing disguised be eternally cast out of the Church of God sent backe againe to the Sea of Rome from whence they came and there so utterly drowned that they shall never be seen nor heard of more in our or any other true Christian Church This hath beene already fulfilled not long after the appaâ—ition of this Monster in n Denmarke and most of the reformed Churches beyond the Seas which cast out their Lordly Prelates as meere anti-Anti-christian dumbe mishappen ravenous Monster devouring Christs deare flocke and likewise in Biscaie among the Papists o where Biâ—hops aâ—e so execrable to the people that they will admit no Bishop so much as to come among them or enter into their Territories such terrible monsâ—ers are they insomuch that when Ferdinand the catholicie came in Progresse thither accompanied among othersâ— with the Bishop of Pampâ—line the people arâ—se in Armes draue back the Bishop and gathering all the dust which they thought he had troden onâ— and â—lung it â—nto the Sea And certainly their late intollerable tyâ—anny pride ambâ—tion cruelty oppression coveâ—uousâ—es Poperie secularity for now they are altogether seculaâ— not spirituall Lords iniustice malice persecutions impieties and monstrous prophannes haue deservedly made our Bishops as detestable as execrable to all sorts of English men who now groane and languish under these outragious dumbe silencing and silent Monsters as ever â—hey were or are to Bisâ—aneâ—s so as we shall doubtlesse shortly see their fatall finall ruine who now seeke nothing but the utter overthrow both of our Church our State and our Religion as I will make good at my uttermost perill to all their faces and proue it to their shame We know that two of their Cathedrals Ely Chichester where Bishop White and Mountague two late Innovaters and Champions of the Prelates Lord it were lately sâ—attered much of them blown downe and that the Bishop of Lincolnes chaire with the fall of his study of Bugden shattered all to peices with a poore despicable instrument a suddaine unexspected blastâ— of wind all in one day on Novemb. 4 1636. What is this and their present great wrath and malice against Gods people but a certaine prognosticke that p their time and Lording tyranny is short and their totall finall ruine neer at hand though to carnall reason it seemes impossible and that a suddain unexpected puffe of wind even the prayers câ—ieâ— and teares of those many Godly Ministers and poor christians they haue lately siâ—enced persecuted oppressed and still proceed to vexe and greiue with all despite and cruelty not withstanding all Godâ— plagues all late discoveries of â—heir vilenes tyranny and injusâ—ice shall shortly and suddainly overturn their Lordly Chaires throw downe their Epicureous Sees Dismount their mushrom Lordships unexspectedly sprung out of the earth the dunghill and swoln so great with pride and ambition that they will bee all head yea heads and Lords over all in Church and State affaires and dash q , these Babilonish brats of Rome in peices so as they shall never recover or get head againe In the meaâ—e time I shall pray and conclude all in the words of our English Letanyâ— From all our Lordly Prelates evill and mischiefe from the crafts and assaults of the Devill who rules and workes both in and by them from their wrath and unjust damnations in any of their courts and Highâ—commissions meere Spanish inquisitions from all their blindnes of heart their pride vaine gloryâ— and Hypocrisie their envy hatred malice and all their uncharitablenesse from all their sedition priuy conspiracy with Rome Priests Iesuites and betweene themselvesâ— to ruine root out our faithfull preaching Ministers and Religion and set up popery from al their false doctrine and Heresieâ— both in Presse and Pulpit from their hardnesse of heart against their poore persecuted and oppressed Brethren against all Gods mercies threatnings Iudgements aâ—d Plagueâ— of late inflicted and from all their contempt of Gods word and commandementsâ— in suppressing the frequent Preachers and preaching of the one and most insolent violation of the other especially the 2 4 6th Commandâ—menâ—s by setting up Altars images crucifixes crosses c bowing downe unto them by idolizing their owne canonsâ— ceremonies anâ— Romish Fopperies by maintaining the open prophanation of Gods holy Sabbath with all Heathenish sports and pastimesâ— and spurring men on headlong to this sinne and starving murthering the very soules of thousands of Gods people by robbing them of their â—pirituall â—ood and encouraging them to al sin and dissolutenes r Good Lord deliver us And leâ— all the people say Amen FINIS * Histoâ—y of the Councel of Trent Edit 3. p. 589 590 591. to â—16 *
Idid p. 59â— See Mâ—â—iâ—â— de Sacra Horm Origine et Cont. l. 1. c. 5. * Ibid. p. 589. * Ib. 591 60â—.606 * De Clericis l. 1. c. 14. * History of the Councel of Trent p. 220. (a) Pag. 220.330 to 335. an excellent considerable place (b) Glossa Decret. Distinct 93 c. Legimuâ— * In Iohn Crespin L'estate de Leglise f. 254. * Both citeâ—â—y Bishop Vsâ—er dâ— Bâ—ittanicarum Eccles. primoâ— diis p. 800. * Henric◠〈◊〉 man 〈…〉 Tom. 1 p. 31â— * Itinear l. 2. c 13. * Fratres sic facit Iesus hâ—diâ— multos siâ—i eligeâ—â— Diaâ—olos Episcâ—poâ— In Goneâ—â— Rhemensi Sâ—imo * In the Epistlâ— Dedicaâ—oâ—y befoâ—e the Vnbishoping of Timothy and Titus (a) Les Flâ—wrs deâ— vies des Soâ—â—cts part 1. Parisiis 1637. p. 500. (b) Ribadenerra Ibid. p. 3â—8 * Idem Ibidem p. 313. * Idem Ibidem p. 303â— 304. * Idem Ibidem p 358. * Iohn Crespin Lestate de â—egligâ— f 29 with Platina Anasâ—aâ—ius and Balzâ—â— iâ— hâ—s life (a) Iohn Crespin â—â— p. 59. Brit. Eccles. Aâ—tiquâ— p. 620 621 625 633. (b) Crespin â—b p. 266. (c) Crespin p. 405 40â— (d) Câ—espin p. â— 404. Câ—eâ—pin p. 587. Galâ—â—â—â—uâ—Monumetensis l 9. c. 15. â—â—raldâ—â— Cambr. li 2. c. 4. Iaâ—â—bus Vsseâ—â—â— de Ecclesiarum Brittâ—a Primordin p. 81.532.538 Idem p. 876.1012.1140 (d) The Annals of Iâ—eland iâ— Camdens Briâ—â—â—nia p. 169. * Relation of â— Conâ—erencâ— p. 169 in the margin * 31. H. 8. c 9.33 H. â— c. 31.34 H. 8. â— * In his Britania p. 160.161 and Ireland p. 73 74. * Rastall Duâ—ham f. 149. Camdens Brit. pag. 736 and Godwins Cataloguâ— of Bishops p. 533. * Chapter of the Sacrament of Oâ—deâ—s * 27. H. 8. c â— 3â— H 8 c. 1â— â—â— â— â— 14. * Cromptous Iurisdiction â— 12 b Stamford Plee dâ—l Corone l 3 c 1 â— 153 â— 3 â— 3 p 161 33 1â— â— Br Trial 142 (b) Cromptons Iurisdiction of Courts f 12 b (c) Bishop White Bishop Morton Arcshbishop Laud and Bishop Hall in the Tâ—tles of â—heir late Books * io E 4 f 6 Br Crown 153 Stamford Pleeâ— l. â—Petâ—us â—lâ—sonsis de Institat Episcâ—pi â—â—bl Part Tom 12 p 941 943. (c) Fox Acts and Monumentâ— in the old Edition p. 748. 901 905 9â—7 b 1706 b i 17 b * So Crâ—mtâ—n quotes it But it â—s in his defence of hi Apology at paâ—t 6 c. 2 p. 5 i 522 * Cromptoâ—s Iuriâ—diction of Couâ—â—s f â—9 b. * Of the true difâ—eâ—ence between Chriâ—â—ian â—ubjectionâ— and Antichristian â—ebellion paâ—t 3 p 541 542 543 (q) For Acts Monuâ—entâ— Lond. 1â—10â— pâ— 624â— 625â— Maâ— â— 13 Luk. 14.35 (a) 1 〈◊〉 2 â— â—4 4. Iohn 10 1.2 3. b Suriuâ— coÌ„cil Tom. 2. p. 719. c Suriusâ— Tom. 3 pâ— 299.302 309 d Suriuâ— Tom. 3 p. 4 5. e Apud Bochellum decreta Eccles Gal l 3. Tit. 2. de Ordinie c 4 5. * See Câ—â—suâ—â—a uâ—taâ—tis Paâ—â—â—ienâ—is 〈◊〉 16.31 p. 16 21 24 2â— 37 * Censâ—rae Paâ—isiâ—nsis p 40 48 49 60 (m) In his Letter to Sir Franâ—is Kâ—olâ— (n) Antiquâ—â—ates Eâ—olâ—sia Brit. Godwin in thiâ— life Speeds History p. 463. Obiect 1. (o) Thomas VValdensis Tom 3 c. 60 61 62. Rhemists Notes â—n Phil. 1.1 Alphonsus de Castrò advers. hâ—r tit. Episcopus Harding in Bishop Iewel p. 196.202 with othersâ— (p) Sacramia Contra Bezam Biâ—hop Bancroft in his Seâ—mon at Paules Crosse Bishop Downeham in his Consecration Sermon Bishop VVhitâ— and others in tâ—e censure of Doctor Bastwickâ— Bishop Bridges Defence of Governemeâ—â— p. 26â— 373 44â— (q) Origiâ—um l â— c 5 Causa â— qu 3 (s) See Appendix catalogo testium veritis Endmerus hist. novorum l 2 3 p 34 36 50 71 97 109 110 112 131 132 Godwiâ—â— catalogue of Bishops p 74. â—1 84.106 437 516.525 Aventinus Armak Boicorum l 3 p. 214 219 and heretofore p 9â— 93 103. t â—â—iâ—â— ad Evâ—â—râ—◠〈◊〉 in Tiâ—â— 1. Tom. 1 Câ—ntr 5 l 1â—â— 15. â— w Ad raâ—ioneâ— 10 Campâ—ani Responsâ— p. 51 Obiect â— x Epist. 5 6 7 8 9 10. Espencâ—us digresi in Tim. l 3 c 1 2 3 Aâ—sâ—er y Câ—ci censuâ—â— p 5â— c. z Heb 7 24. a Heb. 7 17 â—1 24 28 1 Pâ—t 2 â—9 b Matth. 28 20. c Isiodor â—â—isp de Eccles. Oâ—â—â—â— ciiâ— l 2 c 17 Amalarius â—orâ—unatus de Ecclesâ— Officijâ— lâ— 2 c 13.6 d Epist 5 6 10. e Epist. ad Enagrilem in Tit. 1. Quid veâ—â— Sâ—câ—â—doâ—ium aliud estquam sacercâ—â—as consiliary assessorores Eâ—iscopo Epist 5. g Can 35 collegam se Presbyterorum essâ— cognosâ—atâ— h Epist 5 6 7. i Subjecti estoâ—e Presbyteris Diaconâ—s sicut Deo et Christo Ibidâ— k See Espenâ—â—us Digress in Tiâ— l 1 c 12 3. l Episâ—l 5. m See Coci censura p. 61.62.63 n Espâ—encaeus digres in Tiâ—â—l 1 â—â— 1 2â— o Rom. â— 9 p Institution of a Christian man ch. oâ— Orders q See Gâ—dâ—inâ— Coâ—alogeâ— of Bishops Chytrâ—â—â—â—â— an Sâ—xoniâ— p. 23.31.226 615.616 617. Cent. â—agd 8. col 786 794 S. â—â— Eccles. tuâ—â— l 5 c. 8 Evagâ—â—â—â— ecâ—lâ—s◠〈◊〉 l 2. c 4 1â—Eadinerâ—â—â—nst Novorum l 4 â— 95.96 et Seldâ— ni spicelagium ibid p. 209.210 211 21â— r See 31 H 8. c. 9.33 H 8 c 31 34 35 H â— c 17 the â—atents of the creation of the Bishopricks of Oxâ—ord Bristolâ— Glocester and Chester s see Antiquiâ—atae Ecclesia Brit. Godwins catalogue of Bishops Cranthius Metrâ—p Chytraeus â—hron Saxoniae â—â—entinus Anuall l 5 6 7. passâ—â— t Chytraeus â—â—on Saxoniae â—â— p 339 340 l 11 l 14 15 p. 241 43â— 434 435. u Godâ—â— 1 Calogâ—â— of Bisâ—op â— p 52 53 55. â—â— 57 58 59 76 â—1 83 84 111 11â— 114.119 See Malmesbury dâ— Gâ—stis Ponâ—â—â—icum Anglia antiquitates Ecclesia Brâ—tâ—anâ—â—â—â— Matâ—hew woâ—minsâ—er Matthew Paris Havâ—dâ—n â—alsingham and others accordingly v Godâ—in p 559 579 587 5â—8 599 607 608 623. w â—odwin p 183 184 189 190 191 196 202 224 227 229.230 244 245 247 w Godâ—in p 255 256 261 262 2â—4 265 266 275 277 279 181. x â—â—dwin p 1294 29â— 297 308 309. y Godwin p 317 31â— 319 321 3â—2 343 3â—â— â—2â— z Godâ—in p. 337 33â— 344 345 3â—5 356 a Godwin p 364 365 368 360 383 385 386. b Godâ—in p 396 398 420 421 429 c Godwin p 439 440 444 44â— 446 449. d Godwin p 453 454 455 460â— 561 473 478 e â—odwin p 484 485 4â—6 48â— 488.452 496.501 502 f Godwin p. 512 514 530 536 558 547 549 531. g Godwin p 634 644 647 651 652 653 656 667 671 685 6â—6 h Rostall Adviâ—son 1 2 concilâ— Latâ—ranâ—nsis 2 Can. 29 Sâ—â—ma Angelicae benâ—ficium sect 31 Summa Rosella Beneficium 1 i Dâ— Praâ—â—llâ—ntiâ— Episcopalâ—â— dignitatis l â— â— 1 sect 21 â— 8 sect 29â— k Henry Sâ—albridge his Exâ—ortatoris Epâ—stle Iohn Ball nâ—â— Image of both Churches l Magnum chroâ— Bâ—lgicum Aâ—â—â— 1433 p. 374. m One Monster ininterceeds for anothers safety but â—id they ever so for a good pious christians life or liberty n Chriâ—â—auâ— chron Saxoâ—iâ— l. 11 p 33â— â—40 â—41 l 14 15 p 412 43â— 4â—4 4â—5 o Peter Heylâ—ns Geography Edit. 3 p. 55. p Rev 12 12. q Psal. 137. â— 9 r Psal. 10â— 4â— â—