all the Churches they lookt upon that as their peculiar Charge and govern'd not as ordinary Presbyters but by Apostolick Authority as a Metropolitan who although he has the supervising of all the Diocesses within his Province yet may have his proper Diocess which he governs as a particular Bishop And the Office of an Apostle does not essentially consist in the governing of more Churches than one else St. Paul would never have vindicated his Apostleship from the particular Right he had over the Corinthians 1 Cor. 9.2 If I be not an Apostle to others yet doubtless I am to you for the Seal of my Apostleship are ye in the Lord. So that though he had had no more Churches to govern yet his Apostolick Authority might have been still exercised over that particular one of Corinth The Provinces of the Evangelists were not yet so large as those of the Apostles for these were either sent to such Cities or Parts whither the Apostles themselves could not go or left where they could not stay The Church of Ephesus was the Diocese of Timothy from whence although the greater Occasions of other Churches might call him away and require his Assistance yet his Authority was not Temporal nor would it have expired if he had resided a longer while at Ephesus so that these Apostolick men were not so because they were unfixt but because they had that Eminence of Authority which they might exercise in one or more Churches according as their Necessities did require or as the Spirit signified and that they did not settle in one place is to be ascribed to the Condition of their Times and not to the nature of their Office for the Harvest was now great and such Labourers as these were but few and therefore their Presence was required in several Places And as this Unsetledness is not essential to Apostolick Authority no more is it essential to Episcopacy to be determined to a certain Church Every Bishop is Bishop of the Catholick Church and that his Authority is confined to a certain district is only the positive Law of the Church that forbids one Bishop any Exercise of his Office within the Diocess of another and St. Paul seems to have given them the occasion who would not build upon another mans Foundation However in any case of Necessity this Positure Law is superseeded and a Bishop may act in any place by virtue of a general Power he has received in his Ordination so that this first Exception of the Apostles and the Evangelists being unfixt and Bishops determined to a particular Church can make no essential Difference As to the Visitors of the Church of Scotland they make evidently against Mr. B's Notion of an essential Difference between Bishops and Evangelists for first of all the Residence was fixt to certain Cities and their Jurisdiction confin'd within certain Provinces as the Superintendent of the Country of Orkney was to keep his Residence in the Town of Keirkwall Spotswood Hist Scot. l. 3. p. 158. he of Rosse in the Channory of Rosse and so the rest in the Towns appointed for their Residence Their Office was to try the Life Diligence and Behaviour of the Ministers the Order of their Churches and the Manners of the People how the Poor were provided and how the Youth were instructed they must admonish where Admonition needed and dress all things that by good Counsel they were able to compose finally they must take note of all hainous Crimes that the same may be corrected by the Censures of the Church So far of their Constitution as we find it in Mr. Knox's first Project of Church-polity Spotswood p. 258. and their practice was altogether the same with that of Diocesan Episcopacy as Bishop Spotswood describes it The Superintendents held their Office during Life and their Power was Episcopal for they did elect and ordain Ministers they presided in Synods and directed all Church Censures neither was any Excommunication pronounced without their Warrant And now let the Reader judge how the Constitution of Diocesan Episcopacy becomes a Crime and yet these Visitors of the Church of Scotland conformable to divine Institution As to the second Exception that the Apostles and Evangelists were Episcopi Episcoporum and had Bishops under their Jurisdiction which our Diocesans who are the Bishops but of particular Churches do not pretend to This makes no Difference at leastwise no essential one for the same person may have the Charge of a particular Church or Diocess and yet have the supervising Power over several others But in this point Mr. B. does but equivocate and impose upon his Reader for by his Episcopus gregis he means only a Presbyter and a particular Bishop may have Jurisdiction over such without any Injury or Prejudice done to the Office which from it's first Institution has been under the Direction of a superiour Apostolical Power if therefore these Presbyters do retain all that Power which essentially belongs to them under a Diocesan Bishop how are they degraded In short either this Order of Congregational Episcopacy is different from Presbytery or the same with it if the same how is it abrogated by Diocesan Episcopacy since Presbyters are still in the full Possession and Exercise of their Office If they are distinct how then comes Mr. B. to confound them as he does § 16. where he says That the Apostles themselves set more than one of these Elders or Bishops in every Church So then those Apostolick men as Bishops of the particular Churches wherin as they resided had Authority over Presbyters within the Extent of their Diocess and a general Supervising Care of several other Churches and so they were Episcopi Episcoporum in the first they are succeeded by Diocesan Bishops in the latter by Metropolitans which yet were never lookt upon as two orders essentially distinct But after all this we shall never come to a right Understanding of Mr. B's Episcopacy unless we take along with it his Notion of a particular Church which he sets down p. 6. § 19. There is great Evidence of History p. 6. that a particular Church of the Apostles setling was essentially only a Company of Christians Pastors and People associated for personal holy Communion and mutual help in holy Doctrine Worship Conversation and Order therefore it never consisted of so few or so many or so distant as to be uncapable of such personal Help and Communion but was ever distinguished as from accidental Meetings so from the Communion of many Churches or distant Christians which was held but by Delegates Synods of Pastors or Letters and not by personal Help in Presence Not that all these must needs always meet in the same place but that usually they did so or at due times at least and were no more nor more distant than could so meet sometimes Persecution hindred them sometimes the Room might be too small even independent Churches among us sometimes meet in diverse Places
separation twenty years before seems to have made the first step towards this Congregational way Brown in the column intituled the state of Christians 50. Art 51. but he speaks of it something more obscurely Who have the grace and office of watching and guiding The Answer is Some have this Charge together which cannot be sundred Some have their several charge over many Churches some have charge but in one Church only 52. How have some their charge and office together Ans There be Synods or the meetings of sundry Churches where the weaker Churches seek for help to the stronger for deciding or redressing of matter or else the stronger look to them for redress Who have their several charge over many Churches Ans Apostles Prophets Helpers or Evangelists Nor does he determine whether any may succeed to this general inspection or no. Those that followed delivered themselves with greater clearness upon this point Confer with Egerton p. 43. Collection of certain Art 1590. Art 11. Barrow and Greenwood make all Ecclesiastical power to belong to every Congregation and call the Bishops Antichristian because they take upon them to oversee so many Pastors and Churches And in another treatise where they answer this Question whether the Queen may be excommunicated by the Presbyterie they say That they detest the power of any Person or Presbytery usurping Authority over the Church No Presbytery can do any thing of this kind without the consent of the whole Congregation but That the Congregation whereof the Prince is may Excommunicate him Ainsworth went the same way and declared himself in these words Ains Communion of Saints c. 24. We find no Authority committed to our Congregation over another for Excommunicating the same as every Church has over her own members Christ reserveth this power in his own hands Barrow affirms Bar. Refuttat of Gifford 137. that ordinary set Synods are as prejudicial to the Rights of the Church as the other i.e. Diocesan Episcopacy But Johnson was the first that cleared this point and treated of it particularly Johns Christian Plea Treat 3. He layes down two things as the foundation of Church Government and Unity 1. That all particular Churches with their Pastors do stand immediately under Jesus Christ their Arch Pastor without any other strange Ecclesiastical Power and Authority interposed between Whether of Prelates or their unlawful usurping Synods 2. That notwithstanding the estate and distinction aforesaid Treat 3. c. 6. p. 261.262 c. yet all the Churches and Ministers of them should be alwayes ready to advise and assist one another and in this manner might be had a lawful and profitable use of Synods classes c. Provided they do not usurp any unlawful jurisdiction or power over particular Churches This man goes yet farther and maintains Congregational Episcopacy and shews out of several places of Scripture and antiquity That there may be in a particular Church one Pastor or Angel of the Church properly and specially so called and divers teachers and ruling Elders joyned to this Pastor in the Ministry and Government of the same Church who may all of them generally be called Pastors yet so as one be specially distinguished from the rest in respect of place and function to be the Pastor so more particularly called under Jesus Christ the Arch Pastor Never did copy agree more exactly with the Original than Mr. Baxters doctrine about Church Government with this of Johnson the Brownist Vt sit tam fimilis sibi nec ipse It is easier to find a difference between Mr. B. and himself upon other occasions than to discern the least disagreement between him and Johnson in this Robinson whom Baylie makes the Father of the Independents though he left some tenets of the Brownists Diss p. 17. Robins Apol p. 17. continued still a separation in the Sacraments and Discipline and was as much for this Congregational way as any of the Brownists In his Apology he declares That every particular Congregation is intire without any relation to other Churches as Peter or Paul are perfect men without respect to others that these Congregations are Independent and under Christ only Therefore the Ancient bounds which the Apostles have laid are not to be removed under pretence of any human Prudence Antiquity or Vnity Upon this foundation the Independent Churches were built and continue to this day which though they may differ in points of Doctrine as their Pastors or leading men may be inclined yet this constitution of Government gives them a common Denomination And now having given this account of the Original of this way at leastwise in these last times the higher Antiquity of it we shall consider elsewhere I shall in the next place give some account of the success of this form of Government and shew what fruits of Peace and Truth it has yielded since its first planting by the Brownists Robert Brown Schoolmaster in Southwark Baylie diss Ch. 1. having seduced out of the Communion of the Church of England such a number of Disciples as made up a congregation for fear lest the severity of our Laws might dissipate this new Church resolved to remove it to a place of greater liberty and accordingly perswaded his followers to transport themselves and families into Middleborough Here they had not been long but they began to be shaken with intestine discords G. Johns Letter to Fran. Johns George Johnson sayes It was in great measure occasioned by Browns Wife and other Women of that banished Church which caused a mortal feud between Brown and Harison and some said it was the occasion of Harison 's death It was also the cause of Excommunicating Perriman And this new fashion'd Church in short broke all to pleces most turning Anabaptists and Brown at last seeing himself deserted returned with tears in his eyes into the Unity of the Church Conformed and was preferred to a living The next Congregation that was formed under this rule was by F. Johnson Diss p. 14. for Barrow was hanged before he could fill his Church and this finding the air of the English Government not to agree with it followed its Pastor to Holland and setled at Amsterdam a kind Soil for a young and tender sect But this Colony had no better success than that of Brown for in a little while it was diminished by the falling away of several to the Anabaptists who were Excommunicated by the Congregation they deserted But the dissensions that were raised among themselves afflicted them yet more for G. Johnson having disobliged his Brothers Wife by reproving her for the vanity of her Apparel and cited a Text of Scripture for it when he was candidate for the place of a Pastor in conjunction with his Brother G. Johnson discourse of some troubles c. 1603. was required to recant his Doctrine against fine Cloaths he on the other side drew Articles of Impeachment against the Busk Stomacher and Sleeves c.
of both were not converted to the Christian Faith and that very early There remains now but three or four miles to be disposed of between the Heathens and the Christians ibid. and much the lesser part will fall to the share of the latter 't is kindly done to provide for the Christians before they were in Being surely Strabo who makes the Distribution and Bishop Vsher who cites it out of him never intended the Christians one Foot of ground in all that Division and this learned Friend might have spared his little Town of eight or ten Furlongs which he so liberally bestows upon the Bishop of Alexandria before our Saviour was born What he adds about Alexander and Meletius I wonder it could escape him p. 11. there being nothing more notorious than that Alexandria had now several fixt Parishes or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and every one govern'd under the Bishop and by it's proper Presbyter and his remark upon two Bishops living quietly in Alexandria is so disingenious a Suggestion that he has reason to be ashamed of it See Epiph. in Hares Miletian for while Miletius lived quietly and did not set up Altar against Altar all was well but a little before his Death the schismatical Humour returned upon him again and he ordain'd Priests and other Church-officers every where in Opposition to Alexander he may find as many or more Bishops living peaceably in London though there be but one Bishop of the place as there was in Alexandria Now because Mr. B. has endeavour'd to represent the Church of Alexandria so inconsiderable even after Constantine's days it will not be impertinent to give the Reader a View of that Churches Greatness even from the first Foundation of it In St. Mark 's time Alexandria had several Churches Euseb l. 2. c. 16 Niceph. l. 2. c. 15. Euseb l. 2. c. 24. though but one Bishop for that same Evangelist is said to have preacht the Gospel there first and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to have founded several Churches or Congregations there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yet for all this the whole was but one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in which Annianus succeeds St. Mark and Eusebius in the Chapter before cited tells us that the number of Christians was so great in Alexandria even at the beginning that Philo vouchsafes to take notice of them but as for the Essaei which he there describes whether they were Jews or Christians it is not very material though this is observable not only of them but of all the Jews of Alexandria that their Principles had prepar'd them for Christianity above all other People for by their moralizing of the Law and making Virtue and Holiness to be the Design and meaning of all those Observances they were coming as it were to meet the Gospel and like the Centurion our Saviour commends were not far from the Kingdom of Heaven In Adrian's time Vopiseg in Saturn they were it seems so considerable as not only to be mention'd by that Emperour but to be set at the Head of all the Sects of Religion in Alexandria and they are named first for that Emperour in his Letter to Servianus reproaching the Egyptians with inconstancy and lightness sayes those that worship Serapis are Christians and there are that call themselves the Bishops of the Christians that devote themselves to Serapis all these it seems were Christians by inclination though sometimes they were forc'd by the Egyptians to worship their Gods for he that has the least tincture of Christianity can have no great Devotion for Serapis and the Patriarch himself ibid. when he comes into Egypt is forc'd by some to worship Serapis by others to worship Christ It is not material to our purpose whether this Patriarch were Bishop of Alexandria as Casaubon and Salmasius will have him or rather the chief Governour of the Jews called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Claudius Josephus Antiqu. l. 19.4 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Philo it is enough that the Christians then were so powerful as to be able to oblige him to worship Christ there is no doubt but that Adrian does the Christians wrong in this point for they never forc'd any to their Religion not after they were uppermost unless we should judge those of Alexandria to be more violent than the rest however this Account certainly represents them as very considerable and equal to any Sect or Religion in Alexandria Vnus illis Deus est Hunc Christiani Hunc Judaei omnes venerantur Gentes Salmasius understands Serapis by this one God Casaubon looks upon this Passage as spurious and added afterwards by a Christian hand in the Margin from thence by an ignorant Scribe transferr'd into the Text. But 't is most probable that that one God which the Christians and Jews are said in the first place to adore is the true God which both worship'd although after different manner And now by the preaching of the Christians the greatest part of the Alexandrians might possibly be brought over if not to a perfect Acknowledgment yet to some Veneration and Esteem of the true God The great Catechists of Alexandria as Panteus Clemens Origen and Heracles did not a little advance the growth of Christian Religion in that place and Origen's School particularly was so frequented one Company coming still after another from Morning till Night that he had hardly time to take breath and was forc'd to take Heraclas into his Assistance to instruct the more ignorant sort Dionysius who gives an account of Valerian's Persecution in Egypt represents the Christians as well of Alexandria as of other Cities extraordinary numerous the concourse of them to him when he was banish'd to Chebron was so great that he was forc'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and afterwards when he was removed from thence to Coluthio Euseb l. 7. c. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb l. 8. which was nearer Alexandria he comforts himself with this that those of his Flock could come to him and stay with him and meet there in several Congregations as it were in remoter Suburbs Valesius observes from hence that Suburbs that is in this sense Villages of the dependance of any City had their particular Congregation and were not obliged to come to the City Church which he believes was but one even in Alexandria in Dionysius's time but how that is deducible from this passage I cannot see Under the Persecution of Dioclesian what numbers of Christians might be at Alexandria may be judged by the multitude of Martyrs that suffer'd at Thebes Eusebius was an Eye-witness of what he relates concerning them he saw great multitudes suffer together some dayes ten some twenty some sixty and sometimes an hundred and this continued not for a few dayes onely or a short space of time but for several years The division of Alexandria between several Presbyters as it were into so many Parishes although it be not mention'd
this p. 109 110 111. sect 32 c. What Concard did these late Councils procure to the Churches From that time most of the Christian World was distracted into Factions Hereticating and killing one another The Alexandrians murder'd Proterius their Bishop chosen by the Council of Chalcedon And to aggravate the cruelty Mr. B. says they spar'd not to tast his Entrails with their Teeth like Dogs Gustare more Canum The miracle of tasting with Teeth would be much greater than the cruelty and go a great way to justifie the barbarity of the Action if it were true But what shall we say to these lamentable consequences of these Councils Was it the misfortune or the fault of these only not to be able to heal the differences of the Church Or else was the defect in the Councils or the blame to be imputed to those obstinate men that oppos'd the Rule establish'd by them These were not the first Councils that have miscarried as to their design of Universal Reconciliation The Council of Jerusalem under the Apostles that determined the Controversie about Circumcision did not presently silence all Disputes about that Question For the Church of Galatia was presently after divided about it The Council of Nice though it quieted the Arian Controversie for a while yet it was not able to prevent those lamentable Contentions which the same question afterwards occasioned Or if Bishops and their Councils could provide no effectual Remedies for the violent distempers of the Church let us see what Presbyterian Synods have done The Synod of Dort condemn'd the Arminians and Subscrib'd certain Articles declaring their Doctrine in the points in Controversie yet the disease was so far from abâ—ting that it grew more violent and the Civil Magistrate was oblig'd to second the determinations of the Synod by inflicting Imprisonment and Exile upon such as would not subscribe and yet all this would not do for the same breach remains unclos'd unto this day Our Author in his meek Answer to the Dean of Pauls Sermon says very kind things of the Assembly of Divines and yet these with their Catechisms Directory and Annotations and Overthrowing of the Episcopal Church Government upon which they charg'd all the Miscarriages and Divisions of the Church were so far from Reconciling the people that after this they were distracted into innumerable Schisms Never was there so lamentable a face of things never such variety of Heresie and such wantonness and Extravagance in Blaspheming God under pretence of Religion and Conscience and this is the state whither the same manner of Men are driving again Experience they say is the Mistriss of Fools but they are Fools to be begg'd whom even experience so dearly purchas'd is not able to make wiser But to return to the success of these Councils Now since Councils whether of Bishops or Presbyters have oftentimes so bad success what is to be done What other remedies shall we find more effectual The Papists have left the use of General Councils of late He who had among them the chief authority of summoning such Councils being grown jealous of that way and the Condition of the Ecclesiastical Roman Empire has been for some ages not unlike that in which Livy represents the Heathen Roman Empire in his time nec vitia nostra ferre possumus nec remedia At last a great part of the Western Church weary of expecting relief by a General Council from that Tyranny and Corruption under which it labour'd was forc'd to use extraordinary means to reform themselves and what they could not do all together they did severally as they had Opportunity It was the good fortune of our Church to Reform it self with the countenance and assistance of the Civil Magistrate and therefore they could do it by degrees and with greater Moderation than other Churches who must contend with the Civil power about it and who had no other strength than the zealand Resolution of the People As soon as this Reformation began to take root deep enough here the Clergy Assembled in a National Synod establish'd a rule for Unity and peace and to prevent disputes as much as was possible This rule comprehended the Doctrine Worship and Discipline of this Church which was at first receiv'd with universal joy and approbation None but Papists opposing it But some time after some few discontented men under pretence of Zeal against Popery took the part of the Papists against this rule and it is observable that as one faction grew up and gather'd strength so did the other that one's right and left hand can hardly grow in evener proportion so that one would fancy that either they advanc'd by some secret consent or were nourish'd from the same Common Stomach It may be from him that Palavicini calls the Stomach as well as the Head of the Church the Pope And what shall be at last done for these Protestants as they call themselves Shall every one be left to himself without any rule The effect of this will be that in a little time we shall have no Religion at all Shall this rule be alter'd We can have no assuance that when it is alter'd we shall find any Conformity to it then more than now and this as it is has the advantage of any innovation if for nothing else yet for its standing and that it is an Antient Establishment In short these that Cry out against this rule seem to have a great respect for the Protestants of Queen Elizabeths time and that Reign is counted the Golden age of this Kingdom Let us consider then what was 〈…〉 their Rule whether 36 or 39 Articles and that Rule that made them so happy may if preserv'd entire keep us so still CHAP. VII Of the Authors of Heresies Schisms and Corruptions and whether they were all Bishops I Have hitherto gone along with Mr. B. step by step conceiving it necessary to make a more particular Vindication of the Church in these times as well because they were the best that the Christian World has had for true piety and zeal as also because our Church Professes to receive the four first General Councils and lastly because all sober moderate Christians have always had and still retain a great esteem and veneration for many of those persons that are represented so odiously in Mr. B. 's Church-History I do not pretend to justifie every thing that was done by all the Bishops and Councils of those times There have been wicked men and wicked Bishops in all times and the Church under the Apostles nay their own Order was not so happy as to have none but good men of it But I hope I have shewed sufficiently that things were not as Mr. B. represents them and that most of his particular Accusations are void of all truth and ingenuity I must deal with him hereafter more Summarily and Answer the drift and design of his Book which is to render Episcopacy Odious under the more invidious name of
1. c. vii and what is that By a Diocese we Nonconformists mean only a large Circuit of Ground with its Inhabitants containing many particular Parishes and by a Diocesan Church we mean all the Christians within this Circuit who have but one Bishop over them though they be of mary Parishes And what Episcopacy does Mr. B. approve Bishop Vshers Episcopacy Reduc'd and what is this It is a Bishop over many Parishes a Bishop of a Rural Deanry that contains a great many Parish Churches It is manifest therefore that Mr. B. says and unsays and Condemns himself in that which he approves 2. Bishop Vsher's Reduction overthrows the Foundations of Mr. B.'s Church the Essence and Individuation of it for he defines a Church by a Congregation for personal Communion in Worship and Discipline and denies that one Church can be any farther extended in respect of its Government and Discipline than it may in respect of Worship which he expresses thus I think many of them i e. the Presbyterians do with Rutterford distinguish between a Worshipping Church and a Govern'd Church And sadling the Horse for Prelacy to mount on do affirm that many about Twelve of these Worshipping Churches like our Parishes may make but one Govern'd or Presbyterial Church But Bishop Vshers Project makes 40 or 50 Worshipping Churches but one Govern'd Church 3. Bishop Vshers Reduction deposes Parish Bishops and turns their Churches into Chapels because they are allow'd no exercise of the Keys but only admonition and suspension from the Sacrament 'till the Bishop and Synod is made acquainted with it Art 1. and this any incumbent in the Church of England is allow'd to do But Mr. B. rejects Diocesan Episcopacy for this fault of turning Churches into Chapels and Pastors into Preaching Curats and yet approves all that he Condemns by yielding to Bishop Vshers Reduction It is something strange he should be a Non Conformist to himself as well as to Diocesan Episcopacy and upon the very same reasons too Lastly This Project of Church Government in which there is one thing not so agreeable to the practice of Antiquity which is the Major part of the Presbyters concluding the Bishop who alwayes had a Negative voice and nothing ever becoming an Act without his consent and Approbation this I say may perhaps be of some use to make an accommodation between Presbyterian Government by Classes and Synods c. and Diocesan Episcopacy but it wholly overthrows Mr. B.'s Congregational way however qualifi'd by the Independent Principles of Consociation beyond which Mr. B.'s Notion of Church Government and constitution does not extend Therefore to leave this Episcopacy of Bishop Vshers as destructive of Independence why may not they of the Congregational way prevent such inconveniences as they have fallen into by some quallifying Principles in favour of Consociation and some abatement in their Punctiliousness of admitting into full Communion and Church-membership And thus far no doubt Mr. B. does comply to which I answer That the Fundamental Principle of this Congregational way does dispose it to all manner of confusion which I undertook to shew in the last place I shall say nothing to such Principles of our Independents as have no necessary Connexion with the nature of their Church Government as those of separation from every defect in ordinances and the like they are besides my purpose and the mischief and unreasonableness of them have been shew'd already with so much light and advantage by the Incomparable Dean of Pauls as to be able to convince any men who did mistake in good earnest as to that part therefore I will suppose them satisfi'd in point of Conscience though not perhaps in point of Honour and consider only the mischiefs of their Government abstracted from their other opinions The Independent or Congregational constitution is founded upon these two Principles 1. That Christ and his Apostles instituted Congregational Churches and endued them with all the Power that is given the Church as of censures Excommunication and the like without any dependence one on another or of several upon one General Pastor and that the single Congregations planted at first in several Cities when they came to encrease beyond the possibility of Personal Communion were to Imitate Bee-hives and to send out Colonies under their proper Officers without any dependence on the mother Hive 2. That what was thus instituted by Christ and his Apostles must so continue it not being in the power of man or the Church to alter it This is the foundation of Independent Government and if you abate any thing of these Principles the whole Fabrick must fall to pieces If you deny the first that Christ or his Apostles did not institute such Churches the Congregational way has no pretence or if you will say that the first that were planted were indeed of this kind but accidentally there being no more believers in any City than might meet in one Congregation it equally destroys it for when Christians were multipli'd into several Congregations they might put themselves under another form more commodious for preserving Unity among them If you deny the second that though the Apostolical Churches were of this Model yet that it was not necessary and unalterable it will remove all just reason of contention about it for the Church having made use of its liberty in the change of that Government which it is suppos'd to have power to do as it saw occasion nothing can be more unreasonable than to tear it in pieces upon this occasion unless it has done something that it had no authority to do and so alter'd the Government Establish'd by Christ with out his leave in short if the Apostles did not found Congregational Churches there is no reason why we should set them up if they did found them at first but did design they should continue no longer than till the numbers of Christians should exceed one Congregation the success of the Gospel has chang'd that form If they were founded at first and then the matter left to the discretion of the Church to frame it self according to its best convenience the Church has already determin'd it there can be no Controversie So that if any of these Principles be deni'd the Congregational Government must fall of course Independency therefore being founded upon a firm belief of those Fundamental Principles which cannot be left but the whole frame must sink I shall proceed to shew the unavoidable mischiefs that belief exposes these Congregational Churches to 1. Of the mischiefs that this way occasisions by rendring any Union between particular Churches Impossible 2. The mischiefs it produces in particular Churches or Congregations 1. Of the Impossiblity of preserving any Unity between Independent Churches These Churches like so many little Soveraignties crowded together within the same Territory and a great number of them within the Walls of the same City their Vicinity and Cohabitation gives them opportunities and begets a necessity of a
or Deacons that were ordained in their Dioceses without their consent and that by simple Presbyters who were never Chorepiscopi or had any character to distinguish them from other Presbyters Therefore the case ought not to be reckoned so hard as it is commonly represented by the more moderate Nonconformists who pretend this point of Reordination the only bar that keeps them out of the Church since there was never any other Church not any in Ancient times would have received them upon any other terms and they must have remained Nonconformists under Basil Athanasius and all the ancient Bishops whose names are and alwayes have been had in veneration with all Christians not one of these would have ever been perswaded to own a Pastor that his Presbyters had ordained in opposition to him nay hardly could they have been prevailed with to admit such as any other Bishop should Ordain within their Diocess so extream punctilious they were in this matter and there is hardly any one thing that caused so frequent and dangerous contentions between them as the point of Ordination Nor was this Province singular in the extent of its Bishopricks or the manner of their Administration but all the parts of the Christian World went by the same Rule as to Diocesan Episcopacy and most of them had much larger Dioceses than these we have been speaking of The Frontier Provinces of the Empire towards the East being more remote from the contentions that afflicted the Church were not cantoned into so small Dioceses as other Countries and being likewise less divided in their Civil Condition because it might render them less defensible against Invasion the Ecclesiastical Dioceses likewise remained intire in the the measure of their first Constitution The Diocess of Edessa seems to be of extraordinary extent Conc. Chal. Act. 10. even at the time of the Council of Chalcedon when the ambition of some Metropolitans and the contentions of Hereticks and Schismaticks had reduced Bishopricks to be very small For 1. some of the misdemeanors charged upon Ibas Bishop of this place shew that Diocess to be extreamly rich 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Collection for redemption of Captives amounted to fifteen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and tho' it is not easy to reduce that summ to our money yet we must conclude it to be a considerable sum when we reflect upon another accusation of Daniel Brother to Ibas as if he had bestowed on Calloa the money of the Church for she had let out to use two or three 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which must be a considerable summ since it 's taken notice of as an argument of her wealth Besides the Church of Edessa had six thousand more of these Numismata besides its ordinary Revenues and one of its Mannors called Lafargaritha is mentioned there and two hundred pound weight of Church Plate 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The City of Battina was in the Diocess of Edessa for Ibas is accused of having endeavoured to make one John Bishop of it who was suspected of Magick But Ibas his Arch-Deacon of that place opposed it 3. Maras who was one of Ibas his accusers was Excommunicated by another Arch-Deacon of his 4. The Clergy of the City of Edessa was above two hundred persons not reckoning that of the Country within his Diocess and this was a Diocesan Bishop to purpose who besides a large Diocess had Excommunicating Arch-Deacons and a great Revenue And if Mr. B. or his Brethren had been of that Diocess we might have found them among his accusers The Diocess of Cyrus whereof Theodoret was Bishop was yet larger Theodor. Ep. 113. containing eight hundred Churches as he writes to Leo Bishop of Rome The exceptions which Mr. B. makes against this Epistle are so fully answered by the incomparable Dean of Pauls that nothing can be added But if Mr. B. should quarrel with any writings of this time for mentioning great Dioceses we must have a new Critick and disgrace a great deal of the Fathers that have hitherto been received by a general consent It is a very hard matter to convince men that imagine all that time for them whereof we have little or no account and reckon silence of Antiquity for consent and then if any thing shall appear against what they have once fanfi'd though it be never of so good credit it is spurious it is all Imposture because it makes against them who would ever be convicted if it shall be Defence enough to say the Evidence is a Lye Petavius mistaking a passage in Epiphanius Not. in Epiph Haeres Arr. Epiph. Ep. ad Joh. Hieros ap Hieron thought the Dioceses of Cyprus to be very small but from Epiphanius his Letter to John Bishop of Jerusalem it appears that his Diocess was of good extent John had a quarrel with him for having Ordained a Presbyter in his Diocess though it was only for the use of a Monastery and he excuses himself by shewing how common a thing this was and how frequently it was done in his own Diocess and he was so far from taking offence at it that he thought himself obliged to some of his neighbouring Bishops for using that liberty and therefore commends the good nature and meekness of the Cyprian Bishops who never quarrelled with one another upon this account and then adds That many Bishops of our Communion have Ordained Presbyters in our Province that we could not take because they fled from us on purpose to avoid that honour which was the modesty of those times Nay I my self desired Philo of blessed memory and Theophorbus that they would Ordain Presbyters in those Churches of Cyprus which were near them O vere benedicta Episcoporum Cypri mansuetudo bonitas multi Episcopi communionis nostrae Presbyteros in nostra ordinaverunt Provincia quos nos comprehendere non poteramus ipse cohortatus slim b. m. Philonem sanctum Theophorbum ut in Ecclesiis Cypri quae juxta se grant ad meae autem Parochiae videbantur Ecclesiam pertinere to quod grandis esset late patens Provincia ordinarent Presbyteros and belonged to my Diocess because my Province i.e. my Docess was very large Now that this Province which is here said to be of so large extent was no other than his Diocess appears from the nature of the thing For if we shall imagine that it was his Province as Metropolitan the words will have no sense for then are not there Bishops enough dispersed through this great Province who may Ordain within their respecture Dioceses and to them belonged the Ordination of Presbyters and not to the Metropolitan If we shall take this Province for a Civil division there will be yet greater absurdity for there may be other Metropolitans as well as he and by what Authority could he dispose of their Dioceses or Provinces In short there he gives leave to Ordain Presbyters where the right of Ordaining them belonged to
are transcribed out of Mr. Baxter with little of Improvement or Addition One would think a diligent Man might find good Gleaning after Mr. B. but Dr. O's Book it seems is answered already by an unknown Hand But there is a later Book published under the Title of No Evidence for Diocesan Churches c. in the Primitive Times in Answer to the Dean of St. Paul 's Allegations out of Antiquity for such Churches c. But no Reply being yet made that I know of to those Exceptions I shall endeavor to take off such of them as may concern me 1. I have endeavored to prove that the Church of Carthage in Cyprian's Time was Diocesan and among other things urge for it the Multitude of Presbyters that belong'd to that Church even in the time of Persecution when the greatest part of the Clergy was fallen off The Author above-mentioned excepts against this where it is alleadg'd by the Dean of S. Paul's and offers two things in Answer 1. A Passage out of Bishop Downham That indeed at the first Conversions of Cities the whole Number of the People converted being sometimes not much greater than the Number of Presbyters plac'd among them were able to make but a small Congregation But this Allegation can be of little Vse because 1. This was not the Case of the Church of Carthage it was not a new converted Church but settled long before and in a flourishing Condition 2. Many more Presbyters may be ordain'd in a City than is necessary for the first Beginnings of a Church with respect to future Encrease and for the Service of such as afterwards should believe So that tho' there might be in a new gather'd Church almost as many Presbyters as there are People yet the Design of that number of Officers may be for several Congregations when the Believers of that place should become so numerous as not to be contain'd in one 3. The Multitude of Presbyters belonging to one Congregational Church might be occasioned by the uncertain Abode of most of the Apostles and their Commissioners who are the Principal if not the only Ordainers of Presbyters mentioned in Scripture Therefore they might ordain more than were just necessary for the present Occasions of a Church because they could not be present to ordain as often as the Increase of a Church or Vacancies or other Necessities of it should require But that any Church fix'd and settled having its Bishop always present should multiply Presbyters beyond Necessity in the Circumstances of the Primitive Christians before Constantine is altogether incredible For the necessary Expences of the Church were very great the Poor numerous the generality of Christians not of the Richest and the Estates they had being at the Discretion of their Enemies and ruin'd with perpetual Persecution Is it credible that persons in this Condition would multiply Officers without Necessity who were to be maintain'd out of the Public Stock as Cyprian affirms the Presbyters of Carthage were And lastly if this Opinion of Bishop Downham had any certain Ground in Antiquity We should probably hear of it with both Ears and we should have it recommended upon Ancienter Authority than His But the first which this Author cites is Nazianzen who complains of the Multitude of Presbyters in his Time This has been already alleadg'd by Mr. Baxter and has received Answer and he that cannot answer it to himself from the great difference between the Condition of the Church in Cyprian and in Nazianzen's Time has a fondness for the Argument beyond my Skill to remove The next Instance of the number of Presbyters belonging to the great Church of C. P. St. Sophia the greatest perhaps in the World will do as little Service as the complaint of Nazianzen Justinian says that Gentleman Observing that Officers in Churches were multiply'd beyond reason and measure takes order that they should be reduc'd to the numbers of the first Establishment but in the great Church at C. P. he would have the Presbyters brought down to Sixty And what follows from this That the Number of Presbyters was become extravagant in Justinian's Time but what is this to their Number in Cyprian's For this very Edict of Justinian shews that this multiplying of Church-Officers was an Innovation and therefore would have them reduc'd to the first Establishment but that first Establishment it seems admitted great Numbers for one Church had Sixty True but it must also be noted first that these sixty were to serve more than one Church For there were three more besides St. Sophia to be supply'd by those Presbyters as may be seen in the Constitution Nov. 3. c. 1. viz. St. Mary's Church and that of Theodorus the Martyr and that of Helena as some but of Irene as others read Yet after all there is no Argument to be drawn from this Number for these were Canons of a particular Foundation design'd for the Service of a Collegiate Church and no measure to be taken from hence concerning the Numbers of Presbyters belonging to the Diocess This is evident from the Preface of the said Novel whither I refer the Reader But I must confess that what this Gentleman adds concerning the Church of Constantinople is something surprizing No doubt says he they the Presbyters were more numerous in C. P. in Constantine's Time who endeavor'd to make that City in all things equal to Rome and built two Churches in it Soz. l. 2. c. 2. yet in the latter end of his Reign after the Death of Arrius the Christians there could all meet together for Worship It is said expresly that Alexander Bishop of that Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That Constantine built two Churches in C. P. Sozomen does not say but that he built many and very great Churches there Soz. l. 2. c. 3. Ed. Vales. Euseb de vit Const l. 3. c. 48. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after the same manner Eusebius says that he adorn'd the City that he called after his own Name with many Churches and great Temples 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Some within the City and in the Suburbs of it Nor can we imagine that two Churches much less one could suffice all the Christians in C.P. when the City of Heliopolis being converted to Christianity requir'd more and Constantine built several for them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Soc. l. 1. c. 18. i. e. Having built several Churches he ordered a Bishop but one for all those Churches and Clergy to be ordain'd there Socrates indeed says that Constantine built two Churches in C. P. and names them but does not say either that there were no more there in his Time or that he built no more but these being remarkable for the Magnificence of the Structure are perhaps upon that account only mention'd by this Author But we have shew'd already from other Writers of as good or better Credit That this Emperor built there very many and very Great Churches Nor were these only for State and
Ornament but the Number of Believers in that City did require many Churches for their Assemblies And the Passage of Theodoret above cited does not import the contrary Therefore to clear this point I will endeavor to shew the State of the Church of C. P. about the later end of Constantine's Reign and how it was impossible for them to meet All in one place 2. I will shew that the words before cited do not conclude that all the Believers of C. P. were assembled in one Congregation with Alexander their Bishop 1. As to the State of this Church it could not but be very numerous when we consider what care the Emperor took to bring Inhabitants to it from all Parts some from Rome some from other Provinces and it is more than probable that much the greatest part of those that came to inhabit the first Christian Emperor's Favorite City were Christians 2. His care for rendering this City great and suitable to the Magnificence of so mighty a Prince had that Success that it did not only equal Old Rome but excell'd it as well in Greatness of its Wealth as the Multitude of its Inhabitants 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says Sozom. L. 2. c. 3. And the same Author adds that the Piety of the Emperor and of the Citizens and their Charity towards the Poor was the reason of its mighty Increase from the whence may be judg'd what Religion the Generality of the City did profess 3. The Success of that Charity did not only add to the Number of the Citizens but very considerably to the number of Christians For the same Author writes that it had so good effect there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i.e. That many of the Jews and almost all the Heathens were converted and became Christians 4. The same Author to make it altogether a Christian City writes farther that it was never polluted with any Heathen Temples or Sacrifices unless it were in the Time of Julian the Apostate 5. The Provision which Constantine made for the Burial of the Dead shews the number of the Church of C. P. to be far too great for one Congregation For he alloted to that charitable Vse no less than Nine Hundred and Fifty Shops or Work-houses whose Profits were to be employed in burying the Poor decently which Shops were to be free from all Tax and Duty to the Prince As you may see by comparing these several places in the Body of the Civil Law N. 59. with N. 43. and with N. L. 12. And Honorius in the Year 409. considering the Number of the Decani the small Officers that attended Funerals to have grown inordinate reduces them to Nine Hundred and Fifty probably the first Establishment of Constantine the Great See Justinian's Code l. 1 T. 2 4. And if after all this all the Christians in C. P. could meet together in one Church towards the latter end of Constantine's Reign we must conclude some wonderful Mortality to have happen'd and that these Decani had had extraordinary Employment and bury'd in a manner the whole City But let them believe that can comprehend For my part I can as soon imagine that Homer with all his Scholiasts can be put into a Nut shell or that a Witch can turn her self in a Key-hole as that all the Christians in C. P. made but one Congregation But notwithstanding the Number of Christians in C. P. might be much too great for one Congregation yet the major part might be Hereticks or Schismaticks such as came not to the Bishops Church and therefore all that adher'd to him might be no more than could meet in one Assembly To which I answer towards the latter end of Constantine's Reign it was so far from being the Case of the Church that the number of Hereticks and Schismaticks was inconsiderable and most of those were forc'd to come to Church and that there may be no Difficulty remaining in this point I will give some farther account of the number of the Catholick Christians in comparison with Hereticks and Schismaticks Constantine the Great having set his Heart upon Christian Religion to settle and adorn it he thought nothing more effectual than the Vnity and Concord of Christians to promote which he resolv'd to proceed against all Hereticks and Dissenters by a severe Law and to reduce them to the Vnity of the Church The Doctrine of Arrius tho it began to be favour'd in several places had not yet made a formal Seperation L. 2. c. 32. says Sozomen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. All came to Church and communicated together but the Novatians and some old Hereticks Against these the Emperour made an Edict whereby he took away their Churches and ordered them to be joyn'd to the Churches of the Catholicks He told them it was better for them to communicate with the Catholick Church and advis'd them to come over to it The Success of this Law we find in the very same place That by this means 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The memory of those Heresies was in a manner extinguish'd for they came all to Church for fear of that Law against their Conventicles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. And those that persisted in their Opinion having no opportunity to Conventicle nor to corrupt the minds of men died at last and left none to succeed them in their Opinions Only the Novatians remain'd who says the Author did not suffer much by this Edict being befriended by the Emperor who had an esteem for their Bishop of C. P. upon the account of his Holiness and therefore his Church there was not much endammag'd tho' the Historian speaks this very mincingly and says only that it was probable that so it was and likely had no other reason for it than the Opinion which the Novatians had of that Bishop and that their Church was not altogether extirpated then like those of other Hereticks But he confesses that every where else they suffer'd the same measure with others unless it were in Phrygia and some Bordering Provinces And now to allow the Novatians a Conventicle in Constantinople towards the later end of Constantine's Reign which is more than Sozomen durst affirm yet I hope the Catholicks will be still too numerous to meet all of them in one Congregation But Theodoret affirms they were no more than could meet in one Church and that they did actually do so I answer That Theodoret does not say so and that the Passage cited does not conclude it therefore to clear this difficulty let us examine it After the Death of Arrius says Theodoret those of Eusebius's Faction were much out of Countenance and bury'd him but on the other side L. 1. c. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Valesius renders thus B. autem Alexander cum gaudio totius Ecclesiae collectas celebravit piè orthodoxe simul cum Universis fratribus Deum orans impense glorificans Now he takes the Phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a
general Sence which I suppose was spoken with respect to that particular Congregation in which Arrius was to have been reconciled if he had lived but one Night longer and that the Author intends only to say that that Service was performed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the Joy of that Church which the Bishop apprehended would be the occasion of great Trouble to it and that with all the Brethren there present not all the Believers of Constantinople for that he does not say he pray'd to and prais'd God for what had happened unless you will say that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does not signifie their Personal Presence but only their Vnanimity * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aquila as that of David Ps 33.3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To conclude this point then Theodoret could not think that all the Believers of C. P. could come together to the Bishop's Church for he cites a Letter of Constantine a little after this where he gives an Account of the great Increase of that Church c. 16. In the City that is call'd by my Name says he by the Providence of God an infinite Multitude of People have joyn'd themselves to the Church and all things there wonderfully increasing it seems very requisite that more Churches should be built understanding therefore hereby what I have resolv'd to do I thought fit to order you to provide Fifty Bibles fairly and legibly written c. which he signifies in the same place to be design'd for the Service of the Churches there Now where Christians were so multiplied that it was necessary to build more Churches and to make such Provisions for the Multitude of their Assemblies it could not be that they should all make but one Congregation It would swell this Preface to too great a Bulk if I should answer the rest so particularly Therefore I shall be more brief but as plain as I can p. 10 11 12. This Author gives several Instances of several Bishops being in one City at the same time in Answer to the Dean of Pauls who affirm'd That it was an inviolable Rule of the Church to have but one I have endeavored to shew that it was the Rule of the Church to have no more than one So Cornelius affirms that in a Catholick Church there ought to be no more and the Council of Nice finds Expedients even against the shew and appearance of two Bishops being together in one place Jerusalem is the first Instance which is said to have had several Bishops together in the time of Narcissus I wonder to find a man of Learning cite this Passage than which nothing can be more disadvantageous to his Cause For 1. Narcissus having retired and the People not knowing what had become of him the Neighboring Bishops ordain'd Dius in his place who dying in a short time was succeeded by Germanicio In his Time Narcissus returns and was desir'd by the Church to resume his Office What became of Germanicion is not said probably he resign'd or died presently For the next thing we find is that Narcissus being very old an Hundred and Sixteen Years of age took Alexander into a Participation of the Charge He was indeed the Bishop and Narcissus retain'd but the Title and Name only as we may gather out of Alexander's Letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb l. 6. c. 11. i. e. Who was Bishop before me and who now joyns with me in Prayers The Administration was it seems wholly in the Hands of Alexander For the Historian says of Narcissus before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He was not able to officiate by reason of his great Age And Valesius confirms this in his Notes upon the place Hoc enim sibi-vult Alexander Narcissum in Orationibus duntaxat non in reliquo Episcopali munere sibi collegam fuisse and then Ex quibus apparet Alexandrum non tam adjutorem quam Episcopum in locum Narcissi utpote jam decrepiti factum fuisse Narcissum verò nudum nomen Episcopi atque honorem retinuisse The next instance is of Theotecnus and Anatolius who were for some time Bishops of Caesarea together Anatolius was a person of extraordinary Learning and Abilities and Theotecnus designing to make him his Successor says the Historian ordained him Bishop in his Life time Euseb l. 7. c. 32. and as it were his Coadjutor or Episcopus designatus Afterwards Macarius and Maximus were Bishops at once in that Church He means that of Jerusalem tho' that of Caesarea was the last he mention'd and this Instance is of the same nature with the other For Sozomen writes that first of all he was secretly design'd by the People to succeed Macarius after his Death And to make sure of his Succession with the Consent and Concurrence of their Bishop they brought it about that he should stay at Jerusalem and assist Macarins in the Episcopal Office Soz. l. 2. c. 20. and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. After his Death to govern that Church whereas before he did only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. assist in the Divine Service and Offices of the Church Epiphanius continues this Gent. alleadg'd by Grotius for this purpose signifies that other Cities had two Bishops and excepts but one Alexandaia had never two Bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 His meaning cannot be as a great Antiquary would have it that Alexandria was never so divided as that several parties in it should have their respective Bishops there for so it was divided in the time of Epiphanius when the Catholicks had Athanasius the Arrians had Gregorius and then Georgius and afterwards the one had Peter the other Lucius and the Novatians had their Bishops successively in that City Soc. l. 7. c. 7. till Cyril 's time To which I answer as briefly as I can 1. That Epiphanius cannot mean that all other Cities had had two Bishops at a time For the contrary is too notorious and the Cases above alleadg'd are extraordinary when the Bishop or People of a City had a mind to secure the next Succession to some Extraordinary Person He was made the Assistant and Coajutor of that Bishop he was to succeed If Alexandria had never done this and it might be the reason why Athanasius was not ordained then when he was design'd by Alexander I do not see what advantage can be made of this Passage the practice of those other Churches has been already considered However I do not see why that Learned Antiquary's Opinion may not be maintain'd against this Gent's Objections He says that Alexandria was divided before Epiphanius his Time between several Bishops It cannot be denied but that is not the thing Epiphanius speaks of but that before the Election of Theonas against Athanasius who was before appointed by Alexander with the Approbation of the Church there were never two opposite Bishops as in other Churches the Instances are all later than this Fact and therefore are insignificant Vnless it be that
these Bishops who are said to be in Regione Hipponensi were not the Bishops of that Region but some Bishops of the Province met together there as had been done before upon the like Occasion as may be seen in the same Epistle Facto Concilio placuit ut conveniremini 2 It appears from the Inscription and Stile of this Epistle Clerici Catholici Regionis Hipponensium and yet speaking of the Bishop of Hippo they call him their Bishop not one of their Bishops which they must have said if they had had more but Conventus ab Episcopo nostro Proculeianus non est Conquestus Episcopus noster c. So that notwithstanding these Bishops mention'd in the Region of Hippo the Body of that Clergy own but one who was properly their Diocesan And this is farther clear'd by comparing this passage with that of St. Austin mentioned a little before where he assumes to himself the Church belonging to the Regio Hipponensium From the Diocess of Hippo we pass to that of Alexandria of which I have spoke particularly enough before but here the same Author offers a great many things p. 32. which I cannot answer at this time very particularly yet something I shall say as briefly as I can The Instance of Maraeotis he says little to he insinuates as if Maraeotis might not have Number enough of Christians to have a Bishop But this Athanasius does sufficiently shew to be a Groundless Conjecture and even before Athanasius the Generality of the People there were Christians He farther finds one Dracontius made a Bishop in the Territory of Alexandria possibly a Chorepiscopus or at least-wise it is manifest from the Epistle to him that it was the extraordinary Favor of the People towards him that compell'd him to accept a Bishoprick And the Danger of their falling to Arrianism was the reason which Athanasius makes use of to press him to accept it This was an extraordinary Case and allowing this man a Country Bishoprick that of Alexandria would be a great deal to big for the Congregational Measure After this we have Instances of several Cities that had Bishops and lay very near one the other and what does this conclude Might not these Dioceses be yet much larger than one Congregation Suppose the Chief Cities of Holland had each a Bishop yet I conceive they would be Diocesans though those Cities lie very close together And now after all this though we have several Instances out of Egypt how near Cities were together in some parts yet upon the whole account 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ath. Ap. 2. the Dioceses do appear to be large enough from the Number of them For in Athanasius his Time there were not a Hundred Bishops in all Egypt Libia and Pentapolis The next thing I shall take notice of is the Defence of Mr. Baxter's Allegation out of Athanasius to shew that all the Christians of Alexandria could meet in one Church It is to be confess'd that the Expressions of that Father do seem to favor him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and that the Church did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hold all c. Now suppose that all the Christians in Alexandria the Catholicks at least-wise could meet together in that Great Church yet all the Diocess could not there were some parts of it at a good Distance and they could not conveniently come so that the Diocess of Alexandria will exceed the measure of the Congregational Way 2. Suppose this Great Church could receive all the Multitude yet if that Multitude was too great for Personal Communion it is insignificant For if that be a Congregational Church that can possibly meet between the same Walls this Congregational Church will be as indefinite as a Diocess 3. Before this the Church of Alexandria met in distinct Congregations 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But we are told that these places were very small short and streight places So I suppose they were in respect of the Multitude of Christians which they did scarcely receive But that they were such Chappels or Churches as some of our Parishes in England have as great a number as Alexandria is hardly credible because 1. The Church of Alexandria was very numerous from the beginning and if they met all in one place it must consequently be very large Nor is it likely they should divide till they were grown too numerous for the biggest Meeting-place they could conveniently have 2. Tho' before the Empire was converted they might be confin'd to little places and forc'd to meet severally yet after Constantine became Christian it is not likely that the Alexandrians would content themselves with small and streight Chappels when every ordinary City built very Great and Magnificent Cathedrals And 3. Some of these Churches had been built with a Design of receiving as many as well could have Personal Communion in Worship together as Theonas is said by Athanasius to have built a Church bigger than any of those they had before And yet this and all the rest were but few and streight in comparison of the great Multitude of Catholicks that were in Alexandria But I conceive after all this that the Expressions of Athanasius do not conclude that all the Christians in Alexandria were met in that Great Church All that came it may be found Room but that all did come is not easily imagin'd For the Tumultuous manner in which they come to their Bishop to demand a General Assembly makes it probable that not only Women and Children would be glad to absent themselves but many more either apprehensive of the Effect of this Tumultuous Proceeding or of the danger of such a Crowd would willingly stay away Mr. Baxter tho' he thought the main Body of the Catholicks might meet here yet he would not conclude that all did and even these that did assemble here were too many for one Congregation and was an Assembly more for solemnity and ostentation than for Personal Communion in Worship and the proper Ends of a Religious Assembly But that we may not wonder how the Catholicks should be so few in Athanasius his Time we are told farther that the Arrians and other Dissenters might make much the Major part Nay it may be the Arrians alone were more numerous How true this is we may learn from Athanasius who speaking of the Catholick Party makes them the Major part of the Alexandrians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 All these were Catholicks and their business was to desire Sirianus and Maximus not to disturb their Churches till they might send to the Emperor And that they were the greatest part might be yet farther clear'd from several Circumstances of that time which I cannot insist upon in this place without being too tedious to the Reader To conclude this not only Alexandria and the other Cities of Egypt had several Congregations compriz'd in the same Diocess but the Meletians had some Bishops of several Titles who had more Cities than one in their Diocesses as may be seen
nothing to be seen in his Book but the Avarice Ambition Ignorance Mistakes and furious Contentions of the Bishops and the Governours of the Church And they being so bad the People that were guided by their Order and Example could not be much better they were but the Instruments of the Episcopal Ambition to fight their Quarrels to kill all that opposed and to burn and destroy all that came before them turbulent seditious Incendiaries and Murderers and what can be the effect of such an History but that men should believe there never was any sort of People so desperately wicked and so great disturbers of the World the Enemy of our Religion will have reason to rejoyce that his work is in great measure done to his hands for this will serve him as a common place book for railing against Christianity and the Christian Reader will be in danger either of loosing all his Patience or a great deal of that Reverence he had for his Religion and those primitive Worthies that profest and defended it But this perhaps will be thought not to concern the Church but the Bishops only who are charged with these Misdemeanours and dishonour'd by this Representation He must have a strange notion of the Church that can think it unconcerned in the dishonour of those by whom it is governed for if one should write a Book and call it the History of the English Nation which should only represent the Vices of our Kings the Contentions and Disagreements of our Parliaments the Weakness and Corruption of our Ministers of State and Justice and represent all persons that were eminent enough to hold any place in Story under mean and infamous Characters he must needs have a very metaphysical Moderation that could think the honour of the Nation unconcerned and that it was no Reflection upon the English name God forbid I should charge the Design of the Author with any disservice to Religion but well-meaning men do sometimes pursue their Resentments too far and so they can be revenged of their Enemies pursue them into the Church and set upon them in the Sanctuary not considering how much it is violated and profaned by the Action But Mr. B. is not insensible of the evil use that may be made of this book and therefore endeavours to prevent it by wholsome Caution and frequently in his History starting like a man affrighted to see that which he though to have been a Rod turn'd into a Serpent streight applies what Remedies he can against the Poyson he does in the first place warm the Reader that he do not abuse this into Diabolisme But alas it is a poor Relief to forbid an Enemy to make use of those Weapons you have put into his hands to leave the Honour of our Religion at his Mercy and then to desire him to be generous not to make use of his Advantage However if the Scorner should prove perverse and take no Warning Mr. B. proceeds to confute his reasoning and his Inference by saying that this scandalous account of the Bishops and their Councils concludes nothing to the discredit of Church or Religion for there were many good men that were not Bishops but Presbyters Monks or Lay-men nay p. 16. 17. c. many Hereticks obscure good men whose Vertues do not shine in Story nay there were some good men among the Bishops themselves with more to the effect God forbid I should endeavour to invalidate the least shadow of reasoning that is urg'd in defence of the Church of Christ I joyn heartily with him in this part and I must profess it is the greatest end of this Treatise to prevent the Contempt of Religion which this Church History might occasion Nor can I think the Author will be offended that I take his part and Religions against his own Book and that I look upon it as a dangerous piece p. 16. 19. § 49.22 c. when he himself has given such frequent and solemn Warnings against it But I must take leave to pursue this point upon another Supposition than he does for he takes all his History to be a true and just representation of things and upon that supposal makes his Vindication of the Church which I hope is a mistake in him and will endeavour to shew is very far from being true nay on the contrary it is the most injurious Character and the most unsuitable to the persons it is fastned upon that can be imagined this I take the great Confidence to do because I am persuaded Mr. B. would be very glad this dishonourable Character even of Bishops should be found a Mistake rather than it should be true to the Disparagement of the Christian Name It is true that in the Western Church the generality of the Clergy as well as Laity were so grievously corrupted as well in Doctrine as Discipline in some of the Ages that were more removed from our Saviour that we must make use of God's Vindication of the Church of Israel to Elijah to excuse it from a total Defection but for the first four or five hundred years thanks be to God there is no need of that refuge for the generality of the Christians of those times and the Bishops more eminently were men of that Holiness and Integrity as reconciled the most obstinate Prejudices against their Religion men of so exact and punctual a Justice of so frank and unstinted a Charity of so severe a Temperance of so grave and weigh'd Conversation that their Memory does still command an universal Veneration and their Examples remain a reproach to the degeneracy of after Ages What sort of men did the World know that were greater Undervaluers of it Upon whom did the Temptations of Wealth or Honour or Pleasure prevail less What Society of men was ever united by so powerful Bands of Friendship and Affection No Religion had ever so constant and faithful Adherers whom no Danger no Loss no Death could fright from the Acknowledgment of the Truth which is after Godliness in hope of eternal Life And all this owing next to the Grace of God and the Precepts of so holy a Religion to the Guidance and Example of the Bishops It was by their Ministry that Churches were multiplyed and the Kingdom of Christ enlarged by their Care that they were preserved in Peace and Unanimity These were the great Champions for Religion that maintainld the Purity of the Faith against Paul of Samosata Arrius Eunomius Photinus Macedonius Pelagius Nestorius Eutyches and innumerable other pestilent Hereticks and Overthrowers of the Foundation of our Religion But with all this they were men subject to the same Passions and Mistakes with us and if some among them were evil men and the best of them had his Failings it is not to be wondered at much less to be aggravated to the Disparagement of the Order They were generally men of severe Lives and that naturally sharpens the Temper and renders it more rigid and uncomplying they had
an extraordinary Zeal for Religion and that oftentimes made them take Alarme when it was not in any extream danger and if their Knowledge and Discretion were not always proportionable to their Zeal surely among Christians it might be allowed to the Frailty of Humane Nature and the Sincerity of a good meaning If they differ'd sometimes among themselves and were warmer than is fit in their Disputes consider that the Apostles themselves had their Misunderstandings and their Contentions sometimes Peter was to be blamed and Barnabas was carried away The Churches founded by the Apostles were immediately divided about Opinions which were presently determined in Council and yet we do not find that the Controversie was at an end Should any one therefore so abridge the History of the Apostles as to represent nothing of them but their unhappy Contention and leave them under the odious Characters of Disturbers of the World and Dividers of the Church would it not justly pass for a Libel against Christianity It were disingenious and base even in an Enemy in a Christian I know not how to call it Having paid this duty to the honour of Religion by a general Vindication of it from such Consequences as might be drawn from this Church History against the Intention of the Author I come now to his design which is laid down page 27. To shew the Ignorant so much of the matter of Fact as may tell them who have been the Cause of all Church-Corruption Heresies Schisms Seditions c. And whether such Diocesan Prelacies and Grandure be the Cure or ever was But surely this is not the way of cureing Church-divisions thus to exasperate These Reproaches cannot serve to heal but to fret and inflame the Wound I have some hopes that I shall be able to shew the Reader so much of the matter of Fact too as may let him see how much he has been imposed on by this History and that all Corruptions and Schisms are very injuriously and against all Truth of History charg'd upon the Bishops Yet suppose the Charge be true is it such a Wonder that men of great Talents and great Authority do sometimes abuse them and by that means become the Cause of Church-Corruptions Private men though neither better nor wiser than the Bishops have not the Opportunity of doing so much either Good or Hurt and their Mistakes or Vices do not draw after them so great Consequences This Accusation though it may serve to render Bishops odious is yet of use to prove their Authority and their ancient possession of the right of governing the Church like his who would prove that they have troubled the World ever since the Apostles time If the abuse of this Power be sufficient reason to take it away or to render it odious what will become of preaching and writing Books What will become of Scripture and Conscience Let him still exclaim the Bishops have been the Authors of all Corruption and Schism were they not Christians and Men as well as Bishops and if a Heathen or a Jew should not lay such a Stress upon the name of Bishop but put that of a Christian in it's place and then make a great Outery wicked Christians turbulent Christians would not this reasoning hold as well as Mr. B's or if some of the graver Beasts should recover the Conversation they had in Aesop's days and talk judicially might not they bray aloud Horrible men Abominable men that will never agree or understand one another and then conclude with the Ass in the Satyr Ma foy non plus que nous l'home n'est qu'une bête Be the Bishops whose History Mr. B. writes as bad as he will have them how will this concern the rest of that order unless they will follow their Examples and own their Corruptions Machiavel was of Opinion that the greatest part of men were Rogues and Knaves but what is that to You and I let every man bear his own Burden But Mr. B. is resolved to cut off this Retreat and to level his Charge not so much against the Persons as the office of Bishops and to this effect he explains himself p. 22. There is an Episcopacy whose very Constitution is a Crime and there is another that seems to me a thing convenient lawful and indifferent and there is a sort which I cannot deny to be of divine Right Here we have three sorts of Bishops and this is pretty reasonable and compendious but in another Book which he refers to in this he gives no less than twelve Disput of Ch. Government p. 14. dividing was much in Fashion at that time though commonly it was without a difference and as they could make a sort of Seekers that neither sought nor found so he gives several sorts of Bishops that were no more so than he or I nay in this Abridgment of the great Division I believe the Members will be concident and that it is but a little artificial Illusion of Mr. B. that makes them appear several take away the little corner'd glass and that great multitude of pieces we saw are in a moment reduced to one poor Six-pence well let us see then what this criminal sort of Episcopacy is and what Mr. B. has to lay to it's Charge That Episcopacy which I take in it self to be a Crime is such as is afore-mentioned p. 22. which in it's very Constitution overthrows the Office Church and Discipline which Christ by himself and his Spirit in his Apostles instituted this is criminal indeed and a thousand Pities it should stand one Moment But where shall we find this Abomination it is not far of if his Judgment may be taken for Such says he I take to be that Diocesan kind ibid. which has only one Bishop over many Score or Hundred fixt parochial Assemblies Is this then their Crime that they have many fixt parochial Assemblies under their Government Had not the Apostles Had not the Evangelists so too And was that Constitution criminal Had not the Bishops of St. Jerom's Notion several fixt Assemblies That Father did indeed maintain that the poor Bishop of Eugubium was as much a Bishop as he of Rome but he little thought that he was more so or that the Extent of the Roman Diocess had chang'd the very Species of it's Church Government Hieron Ep. ad Evagr. he thought they were both of the same sort and that the single and small Congregation of the one and the numerous Assembly under the Inspection of the other had made no difference at all in the nature or constitution of their Episcopacy he communicated with and submitted himself in Questions of the highest moment to the Bishop of Rome Vid Hier. Ep. ad Damas which considering the Temper of the man and his Contempt of the World he would hardly have done if he had judged him an Usurper but would rather have joyned himself to the poor Bishop of Eugubium and done all possible
their Elders do directly excommunicate and yet are lay-men It would be much to the Advantage as well as the Reputation of our Dissenters if they would first agree and correct those Abuses among themselves which they so sharply exclaim against in our Church 2. When they oblige the Magistrate to execute their Decrees by the Sword be they just or unjust § 55. and to lay men in Goals and ruine them because they are excommunicated by Bishops Chancellors c. This is the Law of the State and not of the Church and therefore is not to be charged upon Diocesan Episcopacy besides now there are few that have reason to complain of this there are those Evasions found that render that Law insignificant but the Threatning Princes and Magistrates with Excommunications if not Depositions p. 23. if they do communicate with those whom the Bishops have excommunicated belongs not at all to our Diocesan Episcopacy let the Papists who hold this Dostrine or the rigid Scotch Presbyterians who seem to have outdone the Popes in their Claim of Authority over Sovereign Princes answer it if they can 3. Or when they arrogate the Power of the Sword to themselves as Socrates says Cyril did § 55. How far Socrates is to be credited in his account of that Bishop we shall consider in due place in the mean time this does not concern Diocesan Episcopacy as it is with us for our Bishops do not arrogate that Power if the King confer upon them any Authority extrinsecal to their Office Mr. B. has declared himself p. 23. § 59. that shall make no difference and that he will submit to them notwithstanding The next Paragraph I am loth to meddle with it is little else but Biitterness and Railing and this I have neither Skill nor Inclination to answer yet because it is set down as the highest Aggravation of Diocesan Tyranny I must say something to it lest I should be thought to be ashamed of the Cause and to desert it It becomes much worse § 56. continues Mr. B. by tyrannical Abuse when being unable and unwilling to exercise true Discipline and so many hundred Parishes they have multitude of Atheists Infidels gross Ignorants and wicked Livers in Church Communion yea compel all in their Parishes to communicate upon pain of Imprisonment and Ruine and turn their Censures cruelly against godly persons that dare not obey them in all their Formalities Ceremonies and Impositions for fear of sinning against God I am afraid there are too many wicked men in all Communions and the Communion or as they call it the Religion of the State will have the most for Reasons I need not mention but it is oftentimes a hard thing to know them and until they are discovered it can be no Reproach to the Discipline of the Church that they are in outward Communion but all sorts of People and these with the rest are forced into our Communion They are indeed obliged to come to Church and to receive the Sacrament three times in the year but all this is upon the Supposition of their being Christians if they declare to the contrary they are immediately exempted from all Church-Jurisdiction and for the Civil let them deal with it as well as they can It is the duty of every Christian to come to Church and receive the Sacrament and because all that have been baptised and have not renounced the Faith are presum'd to be Christians it is doubtless lawful to quicken them to that which is their Duty by Penalties upon the neglect of it As for the Atheists and Infidels declared if they are admitted to Communion it is an unexcusable fault of Discipline yet such as is to be charged on the Minister of the Parish that receives them rather than the Bishop and for the being of any such men amongst us that is not so much to be imputed to the defect of present Discipline as to the licentiousness of the late unhappy times and the Offence that was given to light and unsteady minds by such pretended Saints as made Religion their Warrant for all their barbarous Villanies they committed But wicked Livers he adds are forced into Church-Communion by the Bishops § 56. This is a great Mistake for the Bishop forces no such into the Church but obliges the Minister and Church-wardens of every Parish to present such if any there be that they might be separated from Communion till they shall have given some Satisfaction to the Church by their Repentance and good Hopes of their future Amendment and lastly that gross Ignorants are admitted to the Communion can be charged upon no other than the Minister of that place whose Duty it is to instruct them in the Principles of their Religion and the Bishops are so far from obstructing the Exercise of this Duty that there is hardly any thing which they press with greater Earnesiness As to those godly persons who dare not obey the Orders of Bishops in point of Church-Communion and cannot bring their Conscience to comply with Ceremonies and Formalities Whether it be their Fault or Misfortune I pity them heartily but I believe this ought not to be charg'd upon the Constitution of our Episcopacy for if the King and the great Senate of the Nation after Experience of former Troubles should think fit to impose this as a Test upon such as they thought the Government not secure of what is all this to Diocesan Episcopacy The next Paragraph concludes the Arraignment of Diocesan Bishops § 57. not with any Argument but a great many hard Words which suppose the Proofs that have gone before to have amounted to full Evidence I am not willing to repeat them here let them stand or fall with those Arguments they depend upon Now least you should take Mr. B. for an Enemy to Bishops for one sort he rejects he receives two the first such as St. Jerom says Was brought into the Church for a Remedy against Schism the Bishop of this Constitution was it preside over Presbyters and without him nothing of Moment was to be done in the Church § 58. These Presbyters that were under the Bishop had they several Parishes or Congregations or the same with their President If several then this is the Diocesan Prelacy that is a Crime in it's Constitution if the same then what did they do there For by old Canons it appears and Mr. B. makes use of them to serve his own Turn that a Presbyter was not to preach in the Presence of the Bishop what then Shall they only read the Offices of the Church This is to fall into worse than Diocesan Episcopacy and to make Presbyters not Preaching but what sounds much meaner reading Curates only to the Bishops There is another sort of Bishops that he dares not deny to be of divine Institution § 60. And they are such as succeed the Apostles in the ordinary part of Church-Government while some senior Pastors have
and one Parish has diverse Chappels for the aged and weak that are unfit for Travel Every one of these Churches then had one Bishop and was in his Opinion all the Diocess of apostolical and ancient Bishops If in any City or Town the number of Christians should exceed what might meet in one Congregation that then they were to imitate the Commonwealth of Bees who when they grow too numerous for one hive send out new Colonies commanded by their own Officers so when Christians grew too many for personal Communion in Doctrine and Worship they must resolve themselves into several Churches and have as many independent Bishops as they have Congregations But this model of a Church I am afraid is like to please no Party for the Dissenters are of Opinion we have too many Bishops already but this Project would make more Bishops in this one City than are now in the three Kingdoms Mr. B. has elsewhere endeavoured to take away this Prejudice Disp 1. of Ch. Gov. Ch. Hist part 2. by saying that those many Bishops he is for are not of the same sort with ours 't is true indeed Dioceses are not to be so large yet their Power within their own Church is to be equal to the others within their Diocess and the Church would fare no better in this Case than the Empire did in the times of Galienus when the People generally discontented with his Government because it was too remiss found themselves immediately enslaved by no less than thirty Tyrants The Presbyterians would never endure that the Power of their Classes and Synods should be settled in congregational Bishops and the Independent's Principles will as little admit this Project the Erastian Party will allow this Bishop no Power of Censures or Church Discipline Lewis Moulin Paraenesis who seems to speak in the name of all the English Independents explodes the use of Excommunication in a Christian State and will have no Ruler but the Civll and some of the greatest men of that party in their Recommendations before his Book though they speak something cautiously yet do not disapprove his Notion What some others of them have writ of the Nature of a Church is so mysterious and seraphical that one must be verè adeptus to understand it the plainest thing I believe can be made of it is that they are above Ordinances and that these Saints on Earth have as little need of Discipline and Censures as those in Heaven The Episcopal men are content with the present Form and do not desire the Bishops should be multiplyed at least not according to this Project for this in their Judgment would lie heavier than the Burden of Issachar So that I cannot see what party or principles this would suit besides the Authors own nor since he is so subject to Change is it likely to please him long However if it be the Primitive Platform it is Reason that all Churches notwithstanding their Prejudices should conform to it and therefore it is not equal it should be rejected though all the World were against it before that great Evidence of History which he alledges in Favour of it is consider'd For this Evidence he refers us to another Book of his 1 Disput of Ch. Government and Worship p 1659. and dedicated to R. Cromwel p. 87. Grotius his Opinion he rejects himself p 6. Edict Vossii Disp p. 88. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 § 22. where the Proofs are set down at large the first Authority he mentions there after the Scriptures is that of Clemens Romanus who mentions only Presbyters and Deacons but this is besides the present Question As for the Pseudo Clement which Mr. Thorndike mentions and is alledg'd by Mr. B. though it may be to the Purpose yet 't is of no Authority The next and the plainest as he confesses is Ignatius out of whom he cites several Passages the first out of his Epistle ad Smyrn Vbi itaque apparet Episcopus illic multitudo sit quemadmodum utique ubi est Christus Jesus illic Catholica Ecclesia as in B. Vshers old Translation with which Vossius's Greek Copy does agree from whence Mr. B. urges That this Plebs or Multitudo is the Church which he ruleth and not only one Congregation among many that are under him for this does without distinction bind all the people one as well as another to be where the Bishop is or appeareth viz. in the publick Assembly for Communion in Worship It is plain therefore there that there were not then many such Assemblies under him otherwise all save one must have necessarily disobey'd this Command To which I answer first That Antiochus cites this Passage quite differently and more at large than it is in the Text and to this Effect § Wherever the Bishop appears Antioch Ser. 124. there let the Multitude be as wheresoever the name of Christ is call'd there let a Church be assembled it is not permitted the Flocks of young Lambs to go whithersoever they please but whither the Sheepherds lead them those that remain out of the Flock the wild Beasts destroy and devour all that which goes astray which Words do not at all imply whether there were one or more Congregations under that Bishop and their design is to prove that Christians ought not to assemble themselves where they please without the Leave of or in Opposition to their Bishop this appears plainly from the Context to which Mr. B. does refer us these are the Words that immediately precede the Passage alledg'd Nullus sine Egiscopo aliquid operetur eorum quae conveniunt in Ecclesiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illa firma gratiarum actio reputetur quae sub ipso est vel quam utique ipse concesserit So that here is a plain distinction between a Congregation under the Bishop that is where he is personally present and a Congregation assembled by his Permission and Allowance and these Expressions of Ignatius can have no other Occasion than the Usage of the Church even in his time to have several Congregations under one Bishop The next Proof is out of Ignatius's Epist to the Philadelphians where he exhorts them to come all to the same Eucharist and these are his Motives Vna enim Caro Domini nostri Jesu Christi unus Calix in Vnionem Sanguinis ipsius unum altare unus Episcopus cum Presbyterio Diaconis conservis meis Disp p. 89. And thus the old Translation which is word for word according to the Florentine Greek Copy The Passage as Mr. B. cites it is in this Epistle interpolated but making more for his purpose he preferr'd it to the Genuine Reading where there is no mention of unus Panis unus Calix toti Ecclesiae but that which he lays his greatest stress upon is Vnum Altare unus Episcopus and this all Copies do agree in from whence he concludes Here it is manifest that the particular Church which in those dayes was
govern'd by a Bishop Presbyters and Deacons was but one Congregation for every such Church had but one Altar This Observation of one Altar in one Episcopal Church he confirms by Mr. Mede who propounds it with great Modesty and onely as a Conjecture and M. B. has added nothing to his Reason more than his own Confidence If he had but taken leisure to consider and not have run away with that onely which seems to make for his purpose he might have found enough in those very Passages cited by Mr. Mede to have undeceived him The Matter in short is thus The Principal Church or Meeting-place in every City belong'd to the Bishop where his Chair was set up with a Bench of Presbyters on every side circling the Communion Table this whole place was called Altare Sacrarium and within the Jurisdiction of a single Bishop it is probable there was no more than one the Bishop with his Presbyters and Deacons represented the Unity of the Church although it might be divided into several Congregations and every Congregation might have a Communion Table so that one Bishop one Altar signifies indeed the Unity of the Church as being the place of its common Councel and solemn Tribunal and to set up an Altar is not to have two Communion Tables in a City but to have distinct Governments Mr. B's Dispute of Church Government p. 90. The Ancients ordinarily call the Lords Table and the place where it stood 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I say the Table and the Sacrarium or place of it's standing And so says Bishop usher in his Notes upon the passage before cited Altare apud patres mensam Dominio eam passim denot at apud Ignatium Polycarpum Sacrarium quoque and opposite Bishops and Presbyters this is confirmed by a Passage of Ignatius in his Epistle to the Magnesians cited by Mr. B. Omnes adunati ad templum Dei concurrite sicut ad unum Altare If this reading which he uses were right it would distinguish between Christian Temples and imply that some of them had not Altars which is not likely to be true if Altar and Communion-table were the same But to speak ingeniously neither Temple nor Altar here does signifie what Mr. B. would have it for the Florentine Copy has 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which refers only to the Jewish Temple and Altar wherein consisted the Unity of the Jewish Church notwithstanding they were divided into many Synagogues and Congregations But that one Altar for every Church so frequently mention'd by Ignatius does not signifie every Communion-table but that eminent one together with the Bishops Chair and the bench of the Presbyters appears from diverse Passages in his Epistles In that to the Magnesians he alledges to this Ecclesiastical Consistory about the Altar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That well-platted Crown of our Presbyters alledging to the Figure in which they sate and then follows 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Counsel of the Altar or Sacrifices And in his Epistle to the Ephesians he speaks to this Effect Unless a man be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 within the verge of the Altar he is no partaker of the bread of God and this Phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he explains in his Epistle ad Trallenses he that is within the Altar is clean wherefore he obeys the Bishops and the Presbyters he that is without is such a one that does any thing without the Bishop and the Presbyters so that Obedience to the Bishop or Presbyter is an Explication of that Phrase of being within the Altar and this might consist with the Division of the Church into several distinct Congregations But St. Cyprian in his fifty fifth Epist makes this yet clearer where speaking of the Insolence of such as having sacrificed to Idols thrust themselves into Church-Communion without doing any Pennance he breaks out at last into this passionate Aggravation what then remains but that the Church should yield to the Capital and that the Priests withdrawing themselves and taking away the Altar of our Lord Images and Idol-Gods together with their Altars should succeed and take Possession of the place proper to the sacred and venerable bench of our Clergy the bench of the Clergy then belongs to the Altar that is the Communion-table of the Principal and Episcopal Church to which all other Congregations did belong in as much as the Presbyters they joyn'd with appertain'd to that Altar and so there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and yet several Assemblies under his Direction and within the Communion of that Altar This Usage of one Altar and several Communion-tables depending upon it continu'd a long while after in the Church Innocent I. in his Letter to Decentius mentions the sending of the consecrated Symbols from the Episcopal Church Altar to the depending Parishes upon solemn times and long after that all the Parishes of a Diocese paid Homage to the Episcopal Church by sending some of their principal Members to communicate there upon Solemn Festivals as appears by several Canons that are cited and examined more particularly hereafter and here in England there have been Footsteps of the same Custom till of late in Comparison though from the first beginning of the Gospel we have not the least hint of Congregational Episcopacy in this place The next thing he alledges is a passage out of Justin Martyr Just Martyr Ap. 2. p. 97. Ed. Paris 98.99 where he describes the manner of the Christian Assemblies in his time where the Eucharist is said to be celebrated by the Bishop 1 Dispute p. 92. and that on Sunday all the Christians that liv'd either in Cities or in the Country came together prayed with and received the Sacraments at the hand of the Bishop and those that were absent had it sent to them by the Hand of the Deacons but what shall we conclude from hence That all that came together could come to one place or because the Congregation of the Bishop as being the most eminent is here only described must we conclude that there was no more than one in any City This account is only General and serves only to shew what they did when they came together and the Principal Assembly was surely the most proper instance and not in how many places they might be Assembled Disp p 33. The Story of Gregory Thaumaturgus makes the next Proof who being made against his will Bishop of Ne-Caesarea found but seventeen Christians in the whole City this was indeed a small Congregation and hardly numerous enough to make a Church but if Mr. B. had been so ingenious 〈…〉 as to have mentioned the Success of that Bishop's Ministry he might have spared any one else the Labour of answering this Instance for the same Bishop out of those contemptible Beginnings did so far enlarge the Church of that place that when he dyed he left but seventeen in the whole City that were not Christians if
the number of Christians at his first Entrance was hardly enough to make a Congregation towards his latter end it was surely too great for one for the multitude of people in the City and the Country that belong'd to it Ubi supra it is said by Gregory Nysser to be infinite The Testimony of Tertullian Apolog. chap. 39. is as little to his purpose his words are these p. 93. Where a Body compacted by the Knowledge of the same Religion the Vnity of Discipline and the League of Hope do come together into one Congregation Conus ad deum Ed. Rigalty and not in caeum Congregationem to offer up Prayers to God we meet for the hearing of the holy Scriptures we feed our Faith with those holy words we raise up our hope we fix our Confidence 〈◊〉 confirm Discipline by the inculcating of 〈◊〉 â—ours Precepts there are likewise there Exhortations as being done in the presence of God that is lookt upon as an Anticipation of future Judgment if any one has so offended as to be banish'd from the Communion of Prayer and the Assembly and of all holy Commerce most approv'd Elders do preside Now let the Reader judge whether Mr. B. has Reason to be so confident of this Passage as to say pag. 94. If I be able to understand Tertullian it is here plain that each Church consisted of one Congregation and yet out of the words there can be nothing brought to favour it unless it be this that Christians used in those days to assemble for Prayer and reading of the Scriptures but whether one or more such Assemblies were under the Discipline of the Bishop and Presbytery is not signified in the least That Elders are said to preside does not at all prejudice the Right of the Bishop for either those are Bishops that are said to preside and so every particular Church will have many which if it be not against Mr B's Notion of Episcopacy is confessedly against the practice of the Church in those times when one Church had no more than one Bishop if they were Presbyters then 't is probable there was more than one Congregation But it appears by what follows that these Presidents were all the Officers of the Church where they are distinguish'd from the people and said to live out of the common Stock and the Deacons as well as Priests did assist at the Sacrament and the Bread and Wine was distributed by their hands aâ—â— shall endeavour to prove in due place 〈◊〉 cites out of the same Author De Corona Militis to put his meaning out of all doubt concludes nothing less than what he would have him to say his words are to this effect Presidentium c. 3. That we must receive the Eucharist at all times but from no other hand but those that preside That those were not Bishops appears from the next passage which he cites out of the same place This Mr. B. mistakes Ch. Hist p. 7. when he says that they took not the Lord's Supper but only Antistitis manu I suppose his Memory deceiv'd him 〈◊〉 where Tertullian speaking of Baptism mentions the form of renouncing the World and the Devil Sub manu Antistitis where we may observe that he uses another Word as well as another Number yet since it is said that Christians ought not to receive the Sacrament but from the hands of those Presidents we must not conceive the Bishop to be excluded but by that general Name to be comprehended together with his Bench of Presbyters but will not this Circumstance of Baptism serve to evince that a Bishop had then but one Congregation and every one to be baptized was to make his Renunciation under the Bishops Hand nothing less for many more might be baptized by a Bishop in the compass of few years than there are in the greatest Diocese in the World Paulinus could not well wish a greater number in his Diocess than he baptized in seven and thirty days Bed l. 2. chap. 14. Pamelius did labour to prove that Antistes is the same with Seniores Presidentes and that Presbyters might baptize as well as Bishops but that is not the thing in Question nor does this Passage suppose every baptism performed by the Bishop but the Renunciation of the Devil c. which was preparatory to it to have been made in his presence he might have a very large Diocess and be at Leisure for this especially when we consider that the generality of Christians in those times had such an awe of that Sacrament and the strict Obligation it lay upon them of more than ordinary Sanctity that they deferr'd it till the last and were baptized on their Death-bed and that not by the Bishop but by any other Presbyter or Deacon nor can we find in all the History of the times we now speak of that Children had any part in the solemn and publick Baptism but they might be privately baptized in case of Necessity and eminent danger of Death without the assistance of the Bishop And long after these times we find in the largest Dioceses where a great many Congregations are affirmed to be under the same Bishop One Baptistry to a Church sufficient for several Congregations there were but three days in the year appointed for solemn Baptism and the Bishops were so far from being unequal to the Multitude that they complain of the general Neglect of the Sacrament and of their not being fully employed at those times so that supposing this Antistes to be the Bishop and every one that was solemnly baptized past under his hand it is far from making out Mr. B's Notion that there was but one Congregation under him The next thing he makes use of to confirm his Conception of Congregational Church is the Consent of the people Disp 95. in the Margin Ch. Hist p. 7. as well in the Election of their Bishops as in several other Ecclesiastical Acts but this â—e rather hints by the Bye than insists upon and I suppose did not value much since he takes no care to improve it whoever will take the pains to examine those passages will find that the people never polled at the Election of their Bishops which was principally the act of the Clergy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but approved it commonly by a general and confused Voice of the Multitude that was present and the Phrase Vniversa Plebs does not denote every particular Christian of the Church but onely a general Assembly and Congregation of as many as could come together or of the most considerable Persons of the Diocese or rather as it is usually express'd all the People that were present at the Action Cornelius elected plebis quae tunc adfuit Suffragio Cypr. l. 4. c. 2. I shall not forget to answer this Argument more particularly hereafter when we shall meet with it confirmed by any Canon of Councils or other passages in his History Basil Ep.
many it is Pity these great London Parishes should ever be divided they are so serviceable to Dissenters on all Occasions for if a Conventicle is to be kept up the Greatness of St. Martin's or St. Giles Parish will justifie it those Churches will not hold a tenth man that ought to repair to them and surely better set up a meeting against the Law than that the People go unedified And again when Rome or Alexandria are to be reduced to a single Congregation then it is but comparing them to these great Parishes and the work is done It is not likely that for two hundred years Rome it self had near so great a number of Christians as one of these Parishes Suppose they had not the Question is not whether the Church of Rome was more numerous than that of St. Martins but whether they could meet in one Congregation for suppose they were but half or a quarter so big if they could not meet in one place to hear the Word and receive the Sacraments but must resolve into several Assemblies for to do it it is no matter what proportion they held to our London Parishes But what Evidence is there out of History that the Church of Rome made but one Congregation for two hundred years after Christ is it that the People are said to consent to the Election of the Bishops or to concur in several Ecclesiastical Acts But how shall we be assured that every Believer was obliged to be present or that Matters were carried by Vote and not by general and confused Approbation Besides though all that had the right of Electing Church Officers might possibly meet in one place yet they were not the fifth part of the number that had right to Congregation and Personal Communion for Women and Children and Servants must be supposed to be excluded together with the Poor and the more inconsiderable Persons or if this practice of approving the Election of Church-Officers be any Argument for a Churches being no more than a single Congregation it will follow that Rome had but one Congregation for many hundred years after for the People were very long in possession of that right after the whole City was become Christian and surely then they were too numerous for one Congregation Anton. de Dom. l. 4. c. 11. makes a long deduction of the Election of the Bishops of Rome and proves that they were chosen by the People until Innocent the Second for 1100 years and that he was the first that alter'd the ancient way of Election Now if any one can believe that for eleven Centuries there was but one Congregation in Rome much good may it do him As for the Peoples Right to chuse which Mr. B. does so much insist upon and seems to give the People Encouragement to revolt from those Bishops which they never chose I shall give a more particular Account of it towards the latter end of this Treatise Mr. B. makes a Computation of the Church of Rome in the time of Cornelius and finds it to fall much short of one of our great Parishes for when Novatian divided that Church it had but forty six Priests seven Deacons and as many Sub-deacons forty two Acoluti Exorcists Readers and Porters fifty two Widows and Poor that were disabled and lived upon the Charity of the Church fifteen hundred upon which we compute thus Suppose the Poor the tenth part of the whole Church as St. Chrysostom calculated the number of the Church of Antioch the Product then would be fifteen thousand and not ten thousand five hundred as Mr. B. reckons or the Printer mistakes and even thus would they be too many for one Congregation We cannot imagine any five Churches of such as the Christians might be supposed then to have Ch. Hist p. 7. capable of holding them all Euseb l. ◠c. 43. but if we consider this Passage more narrowly we shall find Mr. B.'s Computation to be extreamly short for these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were not only poor but sick and disabled for so the word is explain'd in the Epistle of the Roman Clergy to the Clergy of Carthage upon the subject of Cyprians retiring Ap. Cyr Sive Viduae sive Thlebomeni qui se exhibère non possunt sive qui in Carceribus sunt sive exclusi à sedibus suis utique habere debent qui eis ministrent So then these poor were such only as were not able to help themselves that were not able to come abroad and such as these surely are not the fortieth part of any people unless it be in the time of Plague or extraordinary Sickness In the next place let us consider the number of the Priests what use can there be of forty six in one Congregation For they were neither to preach nor administer the Sacraments in the Presence of the Bishop for the first Mr. B. urged it elsewhere to prove no more than one Congregation belong'd to one Bishop and I hope he will not be so disingenious as to cast it off as soon as he has serv'd his turn of it For the Administration of the Sacraments Justin Martyr is very clear in his Description that the Bishop consecrated and gave it the Deacons to be distributed among the Congregation ubi supra so that unless there were distinct Congregations at that time those 46 Presbyters could hardly find how to employ themselves But Mr. B. does endeavour to remove this Objection Ch. Hist p. 8. by shewing the Church-Officers were very much multiplyed in those days to the end that as many as had any useful Gifts might be employ'd in the Service of the Church For this Orat. 1. p. 45. he brings in Nazianzen as a credible Witness shortly after complaining of the Excess in this part that the Church Rulers were almost more than the Subjects but how shortly after would you have judg'd this to have been spoke No longer than about a hundred and fifty years and after one of the greatest Revolutions that happen'd in the Church in Cornelius's time the Christians as Mr. B. remarks were not of the greatest and richest and therefore it is not likely that the publick Charge should be multiplyed without Necessity and forty six Presbyters be appointed for one Congregation But in Nazianzen's time the Church was in a prosperous and flourishing Condition the Governours were now become Christians and great Priviledges and Wealth were added to the Clergy which made it then so desireable a thing But in Cornelius's time the greatest Dignity was Martyrdom and the Clergy was particularly aim'd at by the Heathen Persecutors their Portion was Labour and Danger they were to come and assist the Brethren in the Prison and at the Stake and the Office was so unpleasant that Novatian the Author of that Sect which Mr. B. speaks so favourably of desired to be eased of the Burden Euseb l. 6◠c. 43. and renounced his Priest-hood besides the same Epistle of Cornelius
be ask'd in whose Chair he sits he must say where Bonifacius Ballitanus sate before him and he where Victor Garbiensis who was the first Donatist Bishop in Rome and there the Succession ends he having none to succeed to Filius sine Patre Tyro sine Principe Hospes sine Hospitio Pastor sine Grege Episcopus sine Populo non enim Populus aut Grex appellandi fuerant pauci qui intra quadraginta quod excurrit basilicas locum ubi colligerent non haberent It is plain then that Optatus does not speak of the state of Rome as it was in his own time but of Victor Garbiensis the first Donatist Bishop when this was is not easie to fix There is no greater Argument for a great number of Congregations under the Bishop of Rome than what Mr. B. observes of their Churches before Dioclesian's time that they were but like our Tabernacles as to the capaciousness Euseb l. 8. I suppose as well as the manner of their Structure and therefore the lesser they were the greater Number there must be of them and the Church must grow too big for his Definition since there must be more than could in those circumstances have personal Communion in Doctrine and Worship When the Diocess of Rome is reduced within the narrow Bounds of a single Congregation what other Church can pretend to more And if the Imperial City need not be excepted Alexandria cannot hope for Exemption therefore he proceeds to shew that Alexandria the greatest and most populous City in the World next to Rome had no more Christians than could meet together in one Congregation and of this he offers a bold Proof that it was so in the time of Athanasius Athan. T. 1. p. 531. Ch. Hist 9. whose words he cites where he excuses himself for having celebrated Easter in the great Church of Alexandria and drawn together such a multitude as gave great occasion of Jealousie to the Emperour but his Plea is that the other Churches were so narrow that they would have been in danger of suffering by the crowd and as if this Church would have held all the People he adds that it was better for the whole Multitude to meet in the Great Church and to have the concurrence of the people with one Voice c. This Church was newly built by Constantius and we may suppose it very large though not yet so great as to be able to contain all the Believers in Alexandria nor does Mr. B. desire it should but only the Generality Ch. Hist p. 10. yet granting that it received all it would follow indeed that the Church of Alexandria then was but one Congregation but what was it before this great Church was built when they had no possibility of personal Communion were not they then made congregational Churches under one Bishop And Athanasius in the same place confesses the multitude was so great that all the other Churches in the City could not hold it Besides the Orthodox were probably much more numerous before the building of that Church and the Banishment of Athanasius and if this vast Fabrick could not receive the party of Athanasius what Church shall we imagine could have been large enough for all the Christians in Alexandria before they were divided by Arrius and before they were governed by Gregory and George the Arrian Bishops He adds to this of Athanasius p. 10. § 30. another Argument given him by a learned Friend which I will take the liberty to examine The City of Alexandria says Strabo is like a Souldiers Cloak c. and by Computation about ten Miles in Compass a third or forth part of this was taken up with publick Buildings Temples and Royal Palaces thus is two Miles and a half or three and a quarter taken up I will not say this learned Friend has impos'd on Mr. B. but there is a very great Mistake betwixt them suppose Temples and Royal Palaces should take up such a part of the City must there therefore be no Inhabitants in those Palaces or no Christians amongst those Inhabitants But he believes this to be that Region call'd Bruchium which Epiphanius speaks of in his time as destitute What all the publick Buildings of the Town in one Region and that an outer Skirt too as it is described by the Greek Martyrology in Hilarion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And in the Life of Apollonius Discolus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This Epiphanius says was destitute of Inhabitants in his time and not unlikely and perhaps destitute of publick Buildings too for it was destroyed after an obstinate Siege in the reign of Aurelian as Ammianus Marcellinus or of Claudius l. 22. as Eusebius would have it However the City must be reckon'd by so much the less In Chronico neither is there any Necessity of this for they might enlarge upon another Quarter being it may be forbid to build in Bruchium because it was divided from the rest of the City and too favourable a Refuge of Rebellion to which that People was too much addicted they might dwell closer than before and so their Multitude be undiminisht However certain it is that this City long after the Destruction of Bruchium retainrd it 's ancient Greatness and is represented by no Writer as diminisht either in Number or Wealth but to let this pass let us see what becomes of the rest he adds A great part of the City was assign'd to the Jews so Strabo indefinitely as Josephus quotes him others tell us more punctually that their Share was two of the five Divisions Ush Annals p. 859. though many of them had their Habitations in the other Divisions yet they had two fifth parts entire to themselves which he might have found as punctually in Strabo as in Bishop Vsher and this continues he is I suppose the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Josephus says the Successors of Alexander set apart for them thus we see how six or seven Miles of the ten are disposed of And by the same rule he might have disposed of all at once and concluded out of Strabo's Division of the Town that there was not one Christian it it For Strabo liv'd in Augustus his time when it was a hard matter to find a Christian in Alexandria unless we will take in Justin Martyr's old Christians such as Socrates i.e. all virtuous good men and then I am afraid they would be too few to make a Congregation The number of these Jews was much lessened within a little while after Strabo by an Insurrection of the Alexandrians against them the Civil Wars afterwards under Trajan and his Successor had almost extirpated them and yet even at this time Alexandria was as populous as ever and frequented by almost all the Nations of the Earth as Dion Chrysostomus represents the flourishing State of it in his time but no matter what number of Jews or Heathens it had in Strabo's days the Question is whether many
where in a short time Sabbatius a Convert Jew ordain'd Priest by Marcianus the Novatian Bishop of C. P. began to favour the Jewish time of observing Easter established in the Council of Pazus and for this and the pretence of greater Purity began to separate from the Church He is call'd upon to shew the Reasons of his Separation and declares his greatest Grievance is about Easter The Novatian Bishops perceiving this was but a Pretence and that his real Disease was the desire of being a Bishop were resolv'd to take away this Excuse and leave it indifferent for every one to observe Easter when he thought fit And what was the Issue He seem'd to be satisfied for some time till he found he had some Followers and an Opportunity to set up a Congregation for himself and then notwithstanding his Compliance turn'd Schismatick so little good does Concession do with men that are set upon Separation So that though you should take away all Rule and all Order yet there is a sort of men that a Wantonness of Spirit has made restless that would never be satisfied the Disease is fed by Concession and then it is most violent when they know not what they would have A great Council says our Historian was call'd at Hippo p. 73. § 25. and Augustin yet a Presbyter was there Good men will do well and most of the African Councils were the best in all the World And why would you judge Because their Bishopricks were but like our Parishes and they strove not who should be the Greatest or domineer I am content he should like any Councils or Bishops but I am afraid this good Opinion will not continue long for the Reason of his good Liking is a great Mistake that they were Bishops according to his own Model Whose Dioceses were no bigger than our Parishes But surely this cannot be for all Africa from Tangier to Aegypt had but four hundred sixty six Bishopricks Notitia Affr. which were thus divided according to the Provinces 1. Proconsularis 54. 2. Numidia 125. 3. Provincia Bizac 107. Sees without Bishops 006. 4. Maurit Caesar 120. without Bishops 006. 5. Maurit Sitifens 044. 6. Tripolis 005. 7. Sardinia 008. There is some Difference between the Sum in gross and the Particulars which will not agree though you should deduct the twelve vacant Sees for then the Particulars will not come up to the Sum of four hundred sixty six And now judge whether the African Bishopricks were not bigger than our Parishes by comparing the vast Extent of Africk with our England which is not near so big as some of those Provinces and yet the Bishopricks of Africk were multiply'd thus occasionally as we shall shew hereafter and cannot prescribe to other Countreys Nor could the Churches of Africk notwithstanding the Multitude of their Bishops and Narrowness of their Dioceses keep themselves in Peace any more than their Neighbours but were divided as soon as any and their Divisions were as long and irremediable as their Neighbours And indeed Schism came over from hence into the other parts of the World with Novatus and who taught the Roman Presbyters first to set up against their Bishops In short there was no where a greater Breach nor more extravagant Schismaticks who oppos'd themselves not only against the Discipline of the Church but the Civil Government too Now lest this may put our Author out of Conceit with the Bishops and Councils of Africk as well as the rest I must put him in mind of his own Remark That good men will do well whether they be Bishops or not whether they have large or small Dioceses and a very good man in a very great Diocess will do an extraordinary deal of good A Donatist Council at Bagai S 29. p. 73. had three hundred and ten Bishops who condemn'd Maximianus and upon this Council Mr. B. makes two observations 1. How great a number the Donatists were and upon what Pretence as over-voting them they call'd others Hereticks and Schismaticks Very unjustly no doubt for they were Hereticks and Schismaticks themselves still notwithstanding their Increase Multitude may render a Sect formidable but it is but a poor Argument of Right 2. How small Bishopricks then were the number tells us not so small as our Parishes though the Donatists did use all means in the World to multiply them and to strengthen their Party The Council of Turin order'd p. 74. § 30. That Communion should not be deny'd Felix one of Ithacius his Party and not the contrary according as the false Reading of Binnius Vid. Conc. Sirm. So Sirmond in loc Male enim in vulgatis qui Felici non communicant abest enim in Manuscriptis Negatio Another Carthage Council § 31. call'd the second which Binnius saith was the last is plac'd next and so our Author takes it This Mistake Binnius takes from Baronius Conc. T. 2. p. 1158. as Labbe shews Erravit post Baronium Binnius verè enim hoc Concilium celebratum fuit Anno 390. Sub Genethlio decessore Aurelii cujus nomen necnon Alypii exulat à MS. optimae notae The Canons that Mr. B. instances from hence in favour of his Congregational Church will not comply with his Design ibid. That the Bishops only had the Power of making Crisme and all the Priests were to receive it from him that the Bishop alone was to reconcile Penitents publickly this may consist with a great many Congregations and the Canon Can. 3. Reconciliare quemquam in publicâ Missâ Presbytero non licere may probably extend only to the Cathedral Service and that the Priest should not do this in the Presence of the Bishops as he is forbid several other Acts which he is supposed to do apart and in the Bishops Absence but with the Supposition of his Consent Can. 4. The fourth Canon expresses the Absolution of Penitents by Reconciliare sacris Altaribus the plural tho it must be confess'd it is improper for there was but one principal Altar that was properly so call'd though several Communion-Tables depending upon the great Altar there might be in the same Diocess unless the reconciling to one Church be reckon'd a Reconciling to all other parts of the Catholick Church The fifth Canon is disingeniously cited by Mr. B. thus Can. 5. When Christians were multiply'd they that desir'd a Bishop in a place that had none before might have one but he leaves out the Consent of the Bishop out of whose Diocess that other is taken which is made absolutely necessary Dioeceses quae nunquam Episcopos habucrunt non habeant illa Dioecesis quae aliquando habuit habeat proprium si accedente tempore crescente fide Dei populus multiplicatus desideraverit proprium habere rectorem ejus videlicet voluntate in cujus potestate est Dioecesis constituta habeat Episcopum Which is confirm'd by the third Council of Carthage where it is added
that as Mr. B. sayes a Bishop had the priviledge of a had Physician he might murder and not be hang'd c. This Decree is I believe hardly so ancient as the fore-mention'd Epistle for we have only the Authority of Gratian for it a man little to be depended upon unless he find Vouchers that are ancienter than himself but any thing will serve Mr. B's turn that will give him occasion to ease his Spleen against Bishops CHAP. V. Of the First Council of Ephesus c. OUr Author in the beginning of this Chapter p. 84. §. 3. to prejudice his Reader beforehand against the Acts of the Council of Ephesus gives the worst account of Cyril who was the President of it that he could patch up out of all the libels and accusations of his Enemies The first thing he is charged with is the oppression of the Novatians This was enough with Socrates or Sozomen to paint him as ugly as men do the Devil Socr. l. 7 or Antichrist and therefore there is no great credit to be given them in these relations as manifestly espousing the cause and quarrels of the Novatians But suppose he had us'd severity towards these Schismaticks it may be they deserved it and being Schismaticks and Alexandrians it is not unlikely that they were very troublesome and seditious Socrates makes it part of his charge that he took upon him the government of temporal affairs Socr. l. 7. c. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and a little before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This was not the usurpation of the Bishop but the indulgence of the Emperour and the Truth is that the Church and State being now united and the Schisms of the one causing inevitable seditions in the other the Civil Magistrates for the greater security of their Government did think it expedient to invest the Bishop with a coercive power since their Spiritual authority was contemn'd to the dishonour of Religion and no less to the disturbance of the State And it was it seems a crime in Cyril to accept this Commission or to act in pursuance of it though our Author elsewhere professes that he shall not dishonour such p. 23. sect 59. nor disobey them But besides the suppressing of the Novatian Conventicles he is charged with executing some Jews and banishing others which Orestes took ill as an incroachment upon his office who was Governour of the Province Socr. l. 7. c. 13. But as to this he cannot be very much blamed for the Jews conspired against the Christians and resolved to destroy them all in one night they gave the alarm that one of their Churches was on fire and as the Christians ran out to quench the fire they were murdred by those Villains Perhaps Cyril did not think this a time to complement the Governour to the assistance of the Christians when the danger they were in was sufficient to call him away but animated the people to make their defence and to go in quest of these Murderers and it was a sign of his Moderation that there were but some executed and that all were not put to the Sword after so barbarous an attempt This or something else offended the governour Socr. l. 7. c. 14. so that he became irreconcileable to Cyril The Bishop like a good man endeavoured by all means to procure a reconciliation but without effect and why is a Bishop to be worse thought of if a man of quality become his implacable enemy without cause Five hundred Monks came from Mount Nitria in a fit of wild zeal to take the Bishops part and Socrates cannot say that he sent for them they light on the governour and assault him he is wounded and hardly escapes with life But how could Cyril help this or how can he be charg'd with the extravagance of those Monks that he had no knowledge of till they had committed it But one of those Mutineers says Socrates that wounded the governour being executed for his crime was honour'd by Cyrill as a Martyr I do very much suspect this story from the circumstance of changing the criminals name to Thaumasius and the most probable conjecture that I can make of it if there be any ground at all for the story is that the memory of a Martyr of that name might be honoured by him which his enemies interpreted to be the Criminal But this changing of name is a thing without precedent and without reason for either this disguise was put on that it might not be observ'd and he was ashamed of doing it openly and then it will not be easie to be certain that this Thaumasius was that Ammonius who was executed or if he was the same and Cyril confest it then it is impossible to imagine a reason why he should use that disguise But there are men in the world that honour such as Martyrs that were executed not for Wounding a Governour but Murdering a King after a most unexampled manner witness the worthy Martyrologies of Harrison Speeches and Prayers Printed A. D. 1660. Carew Cook Peters c. and of Barkstead Okey Corbett with this Motto in the Frontispiece these dyed all in Faith and innumerable other things that justifie their horrid crimes and make them Martyrs by the cause of their suffering Printed 1662. I hope they were neither Bishops nor Episcopal men that were so fond of Canonizing these Murderers for Martyrs Another thing which our Author cites from the professed enemies of Cyril to render him odious was the Murder of Hypatia the famous She-Philosopher She it seems was barbarously murder'd but by whom or upon what occasion is not certain Socrates makes the occasion to have been this Socr. l. 7. c. 15. That she being frequently with the Governour was suspected to do Cyril evil offices and to disswade the Governour from being reconciled to him therefore some Zealots watched her and barbarously Murder'd her among whom was one Peter a Reader of the Church and an admirer of Cyril And this continues the same Historian brought a great reproach upon Cyril and the Church of Alexandria But he cannot charge the Bishop of being by any means conscious to it and though it were done upon his account by violent heady Zealots yet he could be no further guilty than he contributed to it by his countenance or consent Suidas in Damascius Damascius in the life of Isidore the Husband of this Hypatia charges Cyril directly with this Murder but his credit signifies very little as being in the first place a Heathen and a violent enemy of the Christians and secondly being more remote from these times for he liv'd in the reign of Justinian Vales Annot in Socr. l. 7. c. 15. Valesius cites the passage at large out of him and promises to publish much more of him than we have had hitherto This is taken out of Suidas who I believe cites the whole out of this Author In the beginning he makes it dubious
that he was unacquainted with the Fathers and Ecclesiastical writers which made him condemn the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 7. c. 32. which was us'd by Athanasius and several others and that he did not vouchfafe to read the Ancients As for Philosophy perhaps he had too much and his writings do shew that he had no confus'd illogical Pen So that this proves the ignorance of the Bishops of those times no more than the rest The truth is our Author has the worst luck in the world in his observations where he ventures to dictate out of his own head and to speak something new He could not have likely pitch'd upon such another age in all the History of the Church as this for multitude of eminent and learned Bishops and I believe I may say there is none that has recommended it self to Posterity by so numerous and substantial Monuments of learning What shall we think of Hierom Ruffinus Augustin the two Cyrils Theodoret what shall we say of Synesius Isidore Pelus and infinite others were these ignorant times that yielded such eminent lights such renown'd Champions and Ornaments to the Church of Christ One may say with great truth that it was not till now that learning was become general among Christians and especially in the East Yet alas say our Author how few Bishops could distinguish then as Derodon and cur conimon Metaphysicks do now between Individuum prima substantia natura suppositum persona and distinguish between a right essence and hypostasis or subsistence c. and have defin'd all these Nature says Derodon is taken in nine senses but the sense was not here agreed on before they disputed of the matter Alas indeed this was a wonderful ignorance They simple men did not understand the art of splitting a good six-pence into two bad groats or of evaporating all good substantial sense by multiplying impertinent distinctions but for my part I value them not a farthing the less for not knowing nine sorts of natures any more than for not knowing the four sorts of Seekers or our Authors twelve species of Episcopacy What our Author speaks of the turbulence and factiousness of the Bishops â—bid that blinded them so as not to distinguish between the Abstract and the Concrete and between the qui quà Deus It is after his wonted candour It is no wonder if good men are vehement when they think their faith is going to be overthrown and if heat and passion is in any thing to be excus'd it is surely here where the concern is so very great and easiness and moderation look like the betraying of the cause of God But there needs no other answer to our Author than the words of our Saviour Mat. 7.5 First cast out the beam out of thine eye and then shalt thou see clearly to cast out the mote out of thy brothers eye If the Bishops were turbulent here it was for the faith but there are those that have been and still are more turbulent for the circumstances of Religion I wish our Author would think of it There remains yet one considerable Objection against Cyril which I have reserv'd on purpose to the last place that I might answer it more at large and I hope it will give great light unto the subject we have in hand The objection is this That Cyril father'd the doctrine of Nestorius about the Incarnation upon his Master Theodorus Tarsensis and Theodorus Mopsuestenius But Theodore Tars dy'd in the Communion of the Church and was own'd by it not only as a sound Member but as an eminent Champion for the truth I will take notice at this time of this Theodore only whose discrple Nestorius was Facundus takes great pains to vindicate him and does it very effectually but as for this charge of Cyril he does not well know what to say sometimes he is in doubt of the matter of fact whether Cyril did condemn his doctrines and write against him because in doing so he must depart not only from the rest of the Fathers but from himself too For in some of his writings he is very high in his commendation Scripti sunt à Magno Theodore says Cyril ap Fac. l. 8. t. 6. p. 349. adversus Arrianorum Eunomianorum Haereses viginti forte ampliùs libri elia prater hac Evangelica Apostolica Scripta interpretatus est hos quidem labores nullus est ausus increpare sed dextrò decreto honorare studium rectorum dogmatum quod in cis est And therefore he makes it a doubt concerning Cyril sive scripserit aliquid adversus Theodorum sive non But there is no question to be made about the matter of fact For Cyril's Epistle to Successus where he accuses Theodore as the Father of Nestorianisme was never question'd that I know and another of his to Acacius Melitenus mentions not only his dislike of Theodore but that he had writ against him because he conceived he had writ against our Saviours incarnation and yet Theodore did expresly maintain two natures in one person So that Cyril in opposing this must either be a Heretick or he must mistake the meaning of those he wrote against Now for the clearing of this matter we must observe that though Theodore was no Heretick yet there was Heresie among his writings foisted in by the followers of Apollinaris and this is the very Heresie for which Cyril condemns him I will set down Theodore's own words as they are cited by Facundus Fac. l. 10. c. 1. Ante triginta enins hos annos de Incarnatione Domini Codicem conscripsinus usque ad 15. versum pertingentem in quae Arris Eunomii de hâc re delicta nee non etiam Apolinarii vanam prasumptionem per totum illud opus examinavi ut nihil sicut mea fert opinio praterirem ex his quâ—â— ad firmitatem Ecclesiastica Orthodoxia pertinerent ad convincendam corum impietatem Sed hi qui omnia facillime praesumunt praeterea rursum ab Apolinario qui princeps hujus haeresis fuerat instituti omnibus quidem similiter sentientibus opus nostrum manifestum fecerunt siquo modo aliqua invenirent valentia ad convincendum ea quae in eo sunt scripta quoniam verò nullus contra certamen Scriptis suscipere praesumebat imitati sunt infirmos Athletas callidos qui duni non possunt contra fortiores certare insidiis eos machinamentis quibus possunt conantur evertere Scripserunt enim ipsi inter se proculdubio quaedam inepta quae à nobis unqnam minimè dicerentur denique haec ipsa in medio Scriptorum nostrorum in quadam parte interposuerunt suis familiaribus demonstraverunt aliquando etiam nostris qui per facilitatem suam omnia pronis animis audiebant Et hoc quasi documentum ut putabant nostrae impietatis videntibus praebebant Vnum autem ex his Scriptis erat
Dioscorus cry'd cum Patribus ejicior and his followers were afterwards call'd Eutychians though they did not own his doctrines as some of the Eastern Christians are call'd Nestorians though they do not really hold the doctrine of Nestorius but the very same with the Eastern Bishops that mistook Cyril and with Theodorus Tarsens and Mopsuest who were misunderstood on the other side by Cyril But of this we have said enough already CHAP. VII The Council of Chalcedon NOw comes the great Council of Chalcedon under the new Emperour Martian p. 99. §. 14. where all is chang'd for a time yet Pulcheria who married him and made him Emperour and whose power then was great was the same that before had been against Nestorius in her Brothers reign Thus far our Church Historian It is a marvellous observation that all should be chang'd for a time and yet Pulcheria be the same that condemn'd Nestorius in her Brothers reign She was the same person I suppose though I dare not maintain any identity against the splitting instruments which he borrows of Derodon those Metaphysical terms I mean which we have mentioned before and our Authors charms and imaginary remedies against Heresie those Notions that he bewails the ancient Bishops were so dull as not to be able to find out But if out of special grace he will allow Pulcheria to be the same Pulcheria in and after her brothers reign we must acknowledge his good nature in the concession But where is the wonder all this while that matters should change and yet she be still the same It may be that she might not have always the same credit and authority with her brother and if Nicephorus may be believ'd in a story that hangs very well together and is very probable l. 14. c. 47 c. her interest was very low when the Second Council of Ephesus was call'd for the end of it was to ruine her favourite Flavian who had given her notice of a Court-plot that was form'd against her to shave her and thrust her into a Monastery So that it is not much to be wondred at if Pulcheria when she had the power in her own hands should change some things that had been done against her will and perhaps design'd by the Court on purpose to affront her This then cannot be the wonder and it would vex a man to see one stare and stand agast and yet not be able to find out the subject of the admiration It may be for I will venture to guess once more that the wonder is that the same Pulcheria should condemn Eutyches that had condemn'd Nestorius before But why should we wonder at this in Pulcheria more than in Flavian in Eusebius Doryl and a great many others that did the same thing at that time Nay did not all the world in a manner all the Catholick Church condemn both these Will he say that these are contradictory Doctrines and therefore one must be true and the other false But Mr. B. has determined already that Cyril Nestorius Flavian Eutyches all of them meant the same thing and what wonder then is it if a devout Lady could not find this secret consent of doctrine under appearing contradictions when the learned Bishops could not do it nor after ages nor the subtile distinguishing School-men no nor Derodon himself However since we cannot discern the drift and shrewdness of the observation we ought thankfully to accept what we can understand though that be no great news That Pulcheria that was Empress after her Brothers death was the very same that condemn'd Nestorius in her Brothers reign This profound Remark is immediately follow'd by another of great acuteness p. 100. sect 14. That it was never truer than in the case of general Councils that the multitude of Physicians exasperateth the disease and kills the patient And yet our Author will have these Physicians multiply'd without end If every Congregation have its own Bishop what general agreement can we then expect what unity in a Nation when Bishops are grown so inordinately numerous Since it can be no otherwise than by a consultation of these Physicians that the publick Peace and Unity can be preserv'd Or if this Expedient should fail what other way is there left Our Author comes in here and relieves us in a great strait and offers a remedy more Soveraign than all the Hereticating Councils in the World In short it is this The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the one nature after Vnion the words One Will and one Operation had never done half so much mischief in the Church if the erroneous had been confuted by neglect p 100. sect 14. and Councils had not exasperated enraged and engag'd them and set all the world on taking one side or another It is an admirable way to cure Heresie to neglect it and to preserve the Church by despising such small differences as may be reduced into a Word It was but a word that divided the Arians and the Orthodox It was but the Trinity Servetus said that divided all the World Despise the disputes about this and then Christians Jews and Mahumetans may be comprehended under the same Rule It is but the Import of the word Episcopus that our Dissenters stand so much upon why does not Mr. B. perswade them to despise this Verbal Controversie and study rather to be quiet than to write about it But we find he cannot perswade himself to this otherwise the Shops would have wanted divers books that he hath publisht this year Nay we find that he himself will not be answer'd with Neglect So that we are like to find little benefit of this rare project for confuting the disturbers of the Church For though six of his Books that came out in little more than six months were let pass without any Answer that I know of yet this Patience has been so far from mending his humour that he writes and writes on still runs us down with Repetitions proclaims his own victories and insults over our silence and in short he cannot be more violent and outragious more bitter and malicious under all the provocations imaginable than he is under that Neglect which himself is pleased to prescribe for the cure of them I wish our Author had taken his own advice before this Book was written practic'd this Mortification upon himself And not gone on as he does still to disturb the world with perpetual contentions to no purpose but to shew how much he wants of a Scholar and a Christian But however men may be confuted yet they are seldom convinc'd by neglect and therefore lest that expedient might fail our Projector slurs in another p. 100. ubi supra One skilful healing man that could have explicated ambiguous terms and perswaded men to love and peace until they understood themselves and one another had more befriended Truth Piety and the Church than all the Hereticating Councils did And why may not this skilful man
for his Banishment Theod. l. 4. c. 13. tells him If the people should know it they would drown him in the-river Euphrates What would they say if our Churches were such as this Orthodox Episcopal Church was What ever they would say of the people they must needs commend your Ministers But the case is very much alter'd Here a Bishop leaves his people rather than occasion any disorder With you the Pastors perswade the people that notwithstanding all the laws to the contrary they must not desert their Pastors Here the People were incensed with the apprehension of Arianism which overthrew the Foundation of the Faith with you there is no such reason since you all confess we are agreed in the Substantials of Religion and yet the Teachers press their Congregatios to stand by them against the Government Here a good Bishop would not be prevailed upon by any intreaties to return against the Emperors command to the manifest endangering of the publick peace and desire them to have patience and submit to Authority The Presbyterians Teachers when they had opportunity did inflame the people against the Government and by their seditious preaching kindled the late Rebellion What would we say then if you were like this Church of Samosata that lovded their Bishop and would be govern'd by him and take his advice when he disswaed them from tumult and sedition We would say then that tho' the first heats were not warantable yet that you would be much better than you are and the Government could be much more secure of you than it is Mr. B. pursues this instance farther and adds Theod. l. 4. c. 14. When the Emperors Arian Bishop was set over them not one of all the people would come to the Church as they were used to do Would not wash in the same water c. do our hearers deal as harshly as this How shall a man deal with those that have no Conscience but against Ceremonies and Episcopacy Is there any resemblance between our case and this The Arians as Mr. B. confesses deny'd by direct consequence the Being of Christ and is it any wonder that Orthodox Believers should have such abhorrence of these men If any of our Bishops Nay if an Angel from Heaven should preach such Doctrine as this let him be Anathema and be abhorr'd as much as you please In the mean time they are but in evil case that depend upon the Authority of your instances for Separation and will believe they are moderate Men because they do not use Orthodox rightful Bishops as harshly as the Orthodox did the Arian Usurpers Although they have no great reason to boast of their civility upon this account it being easy to shew out of their writings and Sermons to say nothing of their common conversation such Language as a Christian ought to be ashamed of But these good men are too much mortified to blush and keep their blood so much in subjection that they never suffer it upon any provocation to flush into their faces After this we have another story of the Virgins that sung in reproach of Julian the Apostate Who can help Libels Theod. l. 3. c. 13. and Lampoons from stealing out against one that is generally hated Did any of the Christians enter into any combination against him or declare it lawful to Rebel Presently we have another story of the Church of Edessa that would assemble notwithstanding the Emperors commands to the contrary And what is all this to the purpose Did not the Primitive Christians do so too and suffer'd Martyrdom for it But did they ever enter into Covenants and Practices against the State No here is mention of a poor Woman that made hast to the Assembly when she knew it would be disturb'd by Souldiers and in probability be massacred but what to do to see how manfully a field Conventicle would be have it self or to plunder the Baggage of the assailants when they should be put to the rout No such thing but with a design to suffer Martyrdom and to dye tamely with the rest for the profession of the Faith In the next place We have Basil 's answer to the Prefect Theod. Hist l. 4. c. 19. when he offered him the Emperours favour upon condition he would turn Arian which our Author with great ingenuity forgets This sayes he may take with Children c. And as for the Emperors friendship I much value it joyned with Godliness but if it want that I say it is pernicious Upon this our Author remarks In one of us this Answer would have been enough to make us seem as bad as it made Basil esteemed good I must ask your pardon if in this point I am not of your Opinion For when your circumstances are the same with Basils I believe you may follow his example and they are unreasonable men that will find fault that when any King or Emperors fayour upon Earth is offered you upon condition to betray the Faith you should reject it with indignation But the difference between the substance and indifferent circumstances of Religion strangely alters the case There is a great deal more to this effect of the Orthodox refusing to conform to and keeping separate assemblies from the Arians which as they do not prove Sedition against those that were then Non conformists so they do not excuse ours And this must be added that in all these lamentable distractions of the Church we find no Orthodox Bishop animate the people against the government what persecution soever they suffer'd but on the contrary restraining all Tendencies to Rebellion and withdrawing themselves when the Popular favour towards them grew inordinate and uncontroulable whereas too many of our Schismatical Presbyters have kindled and fomented Sedition Mr. B. saith Audas a Bishop in Persia demolish'd their Temple or Pyreum by violence for which the Emperor of Persia kill'd him Theodor. l. 5. c. 39. and destroy'd all the Christian Churches And Audas was very much to blame and the fact was disowned generally and Theodoret condemns it and antiquity never approv'd it But who follows the example of this Zealot Bishop I am sure our Episcopal men are far enough from any such imputation But there are men in the world that Mr. B. knows who have not destroy'd Pagan Temples but Christian Churches and some were so zealous as to move for the pulling of them all down as polluted with superstition What Theodoret says of Julian calling him Tyrant which Mr. B. takes notice of was after Julian's Death and therefore could not tend to Sedition But whoever animated the people to resist him His Apostacy indeed being inexcuseable people took the Liberty to give him such a Character as he deserv'd when he was dead and his successours were not at all concern'd in it as having no relation to him Isaak as Mr. B. observes l. 4. c. 34. spake to Valens with great boldness but it was with the assurance of a
Prophet and such a one as spake immediately from God The Christian people of Thessalonica says Mr. B. rose and kill'd some of Theodosius his officers Theod. l. 5. c. 17. which provok'd him by his Souldiers to kill seven thousand of them for which Ambrose brought him to do open Penance The Christian people are much oblig'd to Mr. B. for giving them the honour of this Sedition But Theodoret whom he cites for this story says not one word of the mutineers being Christians Ruff. l. 1. c. 30. Ruffinus who is particular enough in relating it says nothing of their being Christians but has some circumstances that make for the contrary Niceph. Hist l. 32. c. 40. The occasion of this Sedition was about a Charioteer who had lewdly attempted one of the Governours Pages and was put in Prison for it but being expert at his calling the people interceded for his release to entertain them at the Publick races It is not likely the Christians would have concern'd themselves for such a villain or for his Performance at those publick spectacles It being forbidden by the Canons of the Church to be present at them and extremely declaim'd against by the Bishops of those times 2. It is not likely they were Christians if we consider the method Theodosius took to revenge this outrage for as these Chariot Races were the occasion of the Sedition so he made them the opportunity of his revenge for having got a great number together to that sight the Souldiers put his orders in execution and slew 7000. in Ludis Circensibus Ruffin l. 11. c. 30. says Ruffinus 3. That the Generality of those that came to these spectacles and consequently of those that were there slain were not Christians may be gather'd from the arguments us'd by St. Ambrose to aggravate the Cruelty where there is not a word of their being Christians and his brethren but only of their bearing the Image of God and being men 4. Zosimus Theod. ubi sup Niceph. l. 12. c. 41. who omits nothing that is to the reproach of the Christians does not mention this Sedition which if it had been theirs he would have hardly pass'd But the Christians it seems are more beholden to that Heathen and profess'd enemy than to Mr. B. Lastly since there are so many Authors Christian and Heathen that mention this Sedition and not one of them say the Christians were concern'd in it Mr. B. is inexcusable for charging such a Barbarous Sedition upon those of our Religion as if he affected without any authority to render Christianity odious And though all this had been the fault of the Christians it is but an accidental Tumult and the Bishops are no way concern'd in it Our Author adds that to mention all the Bloodshed in Rome as at Damasus Election and else and at Constantinople and Alexandria would be tedious even that which was shed on the account of Bishops It cannot be deny'd but there were great and bloody Tumults upon the account of Bishops but there were not many Bishops that encourag'd them but on the contrary they us'd all means possible to prevent and remedy them by withdrawing by quitting their right and going into voluntary Banishment But almost all these Tumults were occasion'd by the Popular elections of Bishops which Mr. B. out of his love to peace doubtless and to save effusion of Christian blood would restore by his Reformation of Episcopacy Lucius he would say Lucifer Calaritanus was a pious Bishop says Mr. B. but so hot for separation from those that had been Arians that he is numbr'd for it with the Hereticks though an Orthodox Bishop And what is all this to Sedition The Novatians were Episcopal and so were the Donatists says Mr. B. and yet how have they been judged of for their Schism I need not tell They are very much to blame that say the Presbyterians or Independents troubl'd the Primitive Church It was impossible for them to be troublesome before they were at all it seems all the Sects and Schisms of that time thought they had no right to pretend to be a Church unless they had Bishops But these Anti-Episcopal Separatists were reserved it seems for the last times as the severest curse and judgment that could befal the Church Those Episcopal Schismaticks indeed divided the Church but these quite dissolve it Besides these Episcopal Schismaticks Mr. B. gives a small list of Bishops that were Anti-Hereticks Apollinaris father and son Paulus Samosatenus Nestorius Dioscorus Eusebius of Nicomedia Theodorus of Mopsuestia have been Arch-Hereticks and the cause of Tumults and Dissension There is much of this that is not true and some of it that Mr. B. does not believe to be so For 1. Apollinaris the Father was no Bishop Hieron de Script Apoll. Laodic Syria Ep. Patre Presbytero l. 6. c. 25. Gregor Nyss Ephr. Syrus Philost l. 8.15 Gottoffred Dissert in Philost and this was he that was the Arch-Heretick as Zozomen informs us and as much may be gathered from Gregory Nyssen who makes Apollinaris a very old man when he should have disputed with Ephraim Syrus Apollinaris the younger is said to have been a Bishop by Philostorgius though Photius adds that he knows not whence he had it But Jerom is express and that is the Common opinion Yet whether he were the Author of this Heresie or his father he was a Heretick before he was a Bishop while he was yet reader of the Church of Laodicea Socrat. l. 2. c. 46. and from Socrates and Athanasius writing against his Heresie it is plain that it was long before the younger Apollinaris was made Bishop if ever he were so Nicephorus makes the repulse of Apollinaris at Antioch which seems to be after he may be presum'd to have been Bishop from some expressions of that Historian Niceph. l. 12. c. 4. to have been the occasion of his Heresie but this manifestly contradicts all ancienter Historians and indeed the very story contradicts it self for Flavian upon the place convicts him of having been a Heretick before Sandius thinks he was not Bishop of Laodicea till after the Council of C. P. because Pelagius is found Bishop of Laodicea in the subscriptions of that Council though I believe this reason of small moment and the Acts of that Council shew him to have been Bishop of that place before However manifest it is that whether the father nor the son were Author of that Heresie he was not a Bishop at that time Nestorius Mr. B. himself has taken great pains to prove Orthodox yet now it seems his mind is changed The same he does with Dioscorus He was on their side against the Councils that condemn'd them but now from Advocate he is turn'd Accuser Eusebius of Nicomedia was no Heretick in the judgment of Valesius but if he were he was not an Heretick because he did not begin the arch-Heresie but followed Arius Theodorus of Mopuestia was an Orthodox Bishop as
the deprivation of Communion is a sorer punishment to those who have known the value of the Ordinances of Christ and have tasted the grace of God in them than any other that can be inflicted on mens bodies or estates And here can be no other relief but by Separation and Schism 2. When a Pastor is turned Heretick and has seduc'd his Congregation into a good opinion of his Doctrine they have no relief because they have no judge to examine the Doctrine and to remove the evil from among them 3. If a Congregation shall conspire to be wicked turn Libertines and Antinomians who shall censure them for it the Magistrate may not be a Christian or may not take notice of it But the inconveniences of this way may be farther observ'd by looking into the several forms whereby this Congregational Supremacy either is or may be Administred 1. Suppose the Pastor invested with this whole power without any appeal to be made from his sentence what temptation would this independence be to abuse that unaccountable power since no superior Court could revise his Acts And if this man sâ—â—uld prove imprudent and wilful in the Administration of so great a power what peace could be expected And yet we must expect this power should fall often into the evil hands and it must be a wretched constitution that should not make some provision against it But in the Congregational way the first thing is extremity But I will not urge this because the Independents will not allow the Pastor any such power and therefore let us consider this way as managed by the Pastor and a select Presbytery the inconveniences are rather greater For 1. In many Congregations the Church power must come into the hands of such as have little capacity or experience and by that means would become contemptible 2. Suppose they should not all agree upon a Sentence of Excommunication must the majority conclude it and against the opinion of the Minister This would be something hard for him to pronounced sentence against his own judgment and condemn a person he believes to be innocent if he does refuse then he resists the Authority of the Church and that must needs produce a Rupture 3. They of the select Presbytery must be supposed to have a mixture with the rest by way of dealing and commerce and this begetting differences and feuds between them it cannot be â—voided but that Church censures will be abused to revenge private Animosities and those upon whom they are to be executed will be more loth to submit when they recollect that they proceed from persons they had disoblig'd and instead of reflecting upon their guilt they will be apt to ascribe all to private grudge upon which reason in common Law he that is supposed to be judged by his neighbours has the liberty to reject any with whom he has had any falling out 4. This would probably degenerate into a civil Tyranny when a poor man should refuse to comply with some of his Ecclesiastical Judges to his own disadvantage they would find some advantage against him and by disgracing him in the Congregation ruine him consequently in his livelyhood 5. The exercising of such censures within so little compass as that of a Congregation by the members of it one on the other must in a little while ingage the whole body in parties and factions without any hopes of uniting the sufferers will be discontented and when they grow numerous will not conceal their resentments but bend them to the disturbance of that Congregational unity But lastly if we suppose the whole Congregation concerned to declare it self in every act of Excommunication few of the inconveniences before mentioned will be removed and there will be others yet greater For 1. It cannot well be avoided but upon many causes the Congregation will be divided and when it happens to be upon the subject of removing from or restoring to Church communion such differences do lead them into Schism for since there is no judge between them every party will likely stand by its own opinion and will hardly submit their judgments to the majority of the other side that out-votes them but by a few voices Those that were fierce for turning a Member out of Church fellowship because they are offended with him will likelier quit the Congregation and set up for themselves than endure the Communion of that which they cryed out upon as so great a scandal 2. The wisest and best men who are generally the fewest will be of no use for they will be overborn with number 3. It will make a constant trade of Faction and making of parties To conclude therefore If the Church hath been afflicted with Schisms and Heresies under Diocesan Bishops we have seen that it has suffered the same things under other sorts of Government but that which Mr. B. offers as a remedy of disorders has been the least able to preserve the Church from divisions nor were those infinite breaches accidental only as the best Government in the world cannot prevent all inconveniences but were the natural fruit of that constitution which would not be able to preserve peace between the Churches of one City how much less between the numerous Congregations of a Kingdom and is such a form as destroyes it self and pulls even particular Congregation in pieces by unavoidable feuds and factions first and then by formal Schism and Separation CHAP. II. Of the Rise and Progress of Diocesan Episcopacy Mr. Baxter in a Book published since his Church History Treatise of Episc Part 1. c. 3. gives us such an account of the Original of Bishops and Diocesans as would make one suspect he had had some late Revelation for he speaks so particularly of such things which no body else ever heard of and shews all the first causes of the rise of Episcopacy after so new a manner that it must be either new Revelation or some new Authors found out But because nothing of these appears in the Margin I am apt to believe it was rather a Dream For he tells us That in the beginning there were but few Scholars and Philosophers converted who were able to Preach and these men of parts Overtop'd the rest and where such as these were found they were highlier esteemed than the rest and these in some time became Bishops being made first Arbitratours and then as more learned Judges of true and false Doctrine nay being wiser than all the rest it was fit he should have a negative voice and Fourthly they understood their own value well enough and that made them proud and desire preheminence And Lastly one Bishop was set over some Churches for want of more able men and he having got the start of the others that came after made them truckle to him Mr. Blondel had a quite contrary dream and for my part I do not know a better way of Answering one Dream but with another he Dream'd I say for he had
Church might exceed the measure of a single Congregation in less time 7. Mr. B. sayes this is no precedent And why The Mother Church gathered and governed by all the Apostles together which is a circumstance that perhaps no other Church can boast of Why shou'd not this be a precedent The truth is it spoils a notion of Congregational Independent Churches and because it cannot be made to comply it must be protested against that it be not brought into a Precedent Besides these exception Acts 2.26.5.1.6.5 6. they offer testimonies to prove rhe Church of Jerusalem no more than could meet in one place because all the multitude is sometimes said to meet together 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 against these proofs there lies one great exception The number of Converts on one side are specified and it plainly thence appears that there was no possibility they should all meet together for all acts of worship but on the other side all the proof is in general expressions the whole multitude and the all may denote only those that were present and not all that believed as it is said Luke 1.10 The whole multitude of the people were without Praying i.e. not all the people of Jerusalem but the whole multitude that was present so the meeting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be said of several Congregations meeting for the same purpose as well as of one But the Independents in the Assembly of Divines did seem to give up this point and to grant that before the dispersion there might be more than one Congregation of Christians but that after they were scattered there remained no more than could meet in one place Suppose all this what advantage can it be to their cause if there were more once than might meet in one Assembly and so were forc'd to divide into several and this notwithstanding to retain the name but of one Church because under one common Government it follows that wheresoever the Christians should afterwards increase in the same manner they might likewise be governed after the same manner and in several Congregations still preserve the Unity of the Church If there were no more afterwards than one Congregation it is plain that it was only casual if I may so speak of the circumstances of the Church Nor is that true in fact which they affirm of the Church of Jerusalem after the dispersion for though they are all said to be scattered besides the Apostles Acts ◠1 yet it cannot be understood of all the Believers because afterwards we find Saul entring into houses and haling out Men and Women We find good men believers doubtless taking care of Stephens Funeral Hist Ecc. l. 2. c. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nid Lorin Cajet Calvin Bez. in Loc. and thus Eusebius understood it where he sayes all the Disciples i. e. the Disciples of Christ mentioned Acts 1. that conversed with Christ and so the generality of Expositors nor is it to be imagin'd that the Apostles should remain alone at Jerusalem when the whole Church had been forc'd thence and the fury of the Persecution was so great that there was no opportunity to Preach publickly Nor is it unlikely that the Preachers were more particularly mark'd out for destruction for in Stephen's case we find it was his publick Disputing and Preaching that brought him under the lash of that Persecution and his Indictment was made up of what was delivered by him in his publick Discourses though besides it cannot be deny'd but that other Converts Men and Women were also hal'd to Prison But whatsoever numbers were forc'd away by that Persecution it is likely they return'd most of them after it was over and it did not continue long for immediately after the the Conversion of St. Paul Acts 9.31 The Churches had rest throughout all Judea and Galilee and Samaria and were edified and multiplyed And it is a strange conceit of Baronius That these are the Jews of the Dispersion that St. Peter and James directed their Epistles to An. 35. and that they were scattered into all the Parts of the World After this Persecution the Church of Jerusalem Acts 8.14 Acts 11.22 as the metropolitan of the rest takes care of them sends some Apostles to Samaria and Barnabas to Antioch and these as soon as they had fulfilled their ministry return home to their Mother Church which could not but thrive much more in proportion than the rest whether we reflect upon the number and abilities of her Pastors or the advantage of its scituation For the place it self was a most convincing witness as of some very remarkable actions of our Saviour so particularly of his Death and Resurrection here the vail of the Temple was rent here Rocks cleft in sunder here the empty Sepulcher preach'd with no less efficacy than the Apostles and though they should hold their peace the Stones would become Apostles and be Witnesses of the Resurrection This Church being thus considerable in all its circumstances Apud Eusib Ecc. Hist l. 2. c. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ap Eusch l. 2. c. 23. when the Apostles were call'd away was committed to James the just the Brother of our Lord If not before for as Clemens reports the matter he was ordained Bishop of Jerusalem presently after our Savious Ascension and mentions it as an instance of the humility of the Apostles that would not contend about it but chose one that was no Apostle and Hegesippus one of the Ancientest Ecclesiastical Writers co-temporary with Justin Martyr and Athenagoras gives much the same account with Clemens as to the time of his promotion unless we shall take Jerom's Translation which if the words would bear it is much more commodious Hegesippus writes That James took upon him the Episcopacy of the Church of Jerusalem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after the Apostles Post Apostolos Hieron Catal. in Jacobo Jerom renders it but against all Grammar and therefore Sophronius who translates him into Greek is forc'd to change the case and write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is very probable Jerom read so in his copy though Rufinus who translated the same passage confirm the Greek reading However certain it is that James was Bishop of Jerusalem whether with or after the Apostles is not so material not only from Hegesippus and Clemens Alex. but also from St. Paul who mentions him as one of the Apostles that he had conversed with in Jerusalem and it is likely there were no more there at that time but he and Peter But when they were at last dispersed Ecclesiastical History makes James the Ordinary Bishop and Diocesan of the place As for his Episcopacy it will not be disputed by any man that has left himself any freedom of understanding and belief and it is strange to see Salmasius run his head so violently against such solid Testimonies as those of Hegesippus and Clemens But for his Diocess that I
upon the multitudes said to be converted the number of Apostles and extraordinary Labourers commonly residing in this City the conjunction of Jews and Gentiles under the common title and profession of Christianity we must conclude that the Church of Antioch was too great for one Congregation especially before the place of assembly can be imagin'd very capacious and I believe Mr. B. does not imagine such vast Cathedrals as Pauls to be very Primitive Orat de S. Ign. But what ever number of Christians there might be at that time Ignatius his Bishop-rick was never the less Diocesan in its constitution and design or else Chrysostom mistakes one Topick of his commendation He reckons five things that were much to his honour whereof two bring him under suspition of Diocesan Prelacy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the greatness of his Authority or Government 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the greatness of the City whereof he was Bishop The first I suppose refers to his metropolitan Power the second to his peculiar Diocess but if this Bishop were to have but one Congregation what would the greatness of the City signifie how many more would have the same honour with him Or what so great difference is there between a full Congregation in the heart of the City and another as full in Chelsey at leastwise what honour does the greatness of the City do the Minister of that single Congregation And now to pass by the Church of Corinth where St. Paul Preach'd for a Year and six Months upon a Divine assurance of extraordinary success and that God had much people in that place Acts 18.8 9 10 11. and where many effectually believed and were Baptized where Peter and Apollos Preached with that effect as to leave many Disciples 1 Cor. 3. who called themselves by their names And to say nothing of Ephesus where a numerous Church is said to have been gathered by St. Paul who preached there for two years and not only they that dwelled at Ephesus but all that dwelt in Asia Acts 19.10 heard the word of the Lord and the progress of the Gospel was so considerable that the shrine-makers apprehended the ruine of their Trade when they saw and heard that Paul not only at Ephesus but throughout all Asia had perswaded and turned away much people v. 26. To pass by these and several other eminent Churches Let us consider the Diocess of Rome as it was yet in the Apostles time It is very uncertain who laid the first Foundations of this Church though certain it is that before Pauls coming there the Gospel was not only received Rom. 1.13 15 17. seq but their Church was very considerable for St. Paul in his Epistle written long before his coming there as he himself witnesses sayes that their Faith was spoken of through the whole World and by the multitude of salutations in the end of that Epistle he makes appear the numbers of Christians in that City Salute Priscilla and Aquila Rom. 16. Ostendit Congregationem Fidelium Ecclesiam nominari Hieron in loe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Coetum Fidelium nec mirum est in tam am plâ Civitate distinctos fuisse Fidelium coetus Beza with the Church that is in their house This was one of the Congregations of that Church which is occasionly mentioned and it is not improbable that several that are mentioned with all the Saints that are with them may be the Officers of several Congregations For it appears that most of these were of the Ministry and such by whose means the Romans believed and that they were strangers come thither from other parts where Paul had known them Congregationem vert Eras Istos amats quos satutat intelligimus ex nominiâ—us suiffe peregrinos per quorum exemylum atque Doctrinam non absurde existimamus credidisse Romanes Hieron for as yet he had not seen Rome And this number was afterwards increased considerably by the coming of Paul who converted some of the Jews and afterwards received all that came whether Jews or Gentiles and Preach'd to them the Kingdom of God for the space of two whole years no man forbidding him And the progress of the Gospel in this City may be farther observed from the Persecution of Nero who is said to have put an infinite multitude of them to Death Ingens multitude hand perinde in Crimint ineendii quam odio bumani generis convicti sunt Tac. H. l. 15. upon pretence that they had fired Rome and the Heathen Historian sayes that they who confess'd were first laid hold on then a vast company were convicted by their indication where by the by besides the multitude of the sufferers we may take notice that the words seem to be mistaken generally as if the Christians some of them had confess'd the Fact and accused the rest Lipsius thus understanding the passage gives Tacitus the lye but he does not say they confessed the fact but they confessed without expressing the particulars but what did they confess then If it were this Crime that theâ— own'd themselves and charg'd others with how comes he to add that they were not convicted so much of this Crime by this Indication as by the hatred of all mankind therefore this confession was no more than owning themselves to be Christians and the hatred they were in made this sufficient conviction To these instances of the great numbers of Christians in some more considerable Cities Eccles Hist l. 2. c. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I shall add only the general account which Eusebius gives of the success of the Christian faith immediately after the first discovery of it That presently in all Cities and Villages Churches abounding with innumerable multitudes were assembled and the Granary of Christ was fill'd up to the top with the Wheat that was gather'd in Hitherto I have observ'd chiefly the growth of Christianity under the Apostles and that there was in some Cities such a number of Christians as could not meet together in one Assembly for personal Communion in Doctrine and Worship The next thing we must shew in order to Diocesan Episcopacy must be that such numbers of believers made but one Church Govern'd by one Bishop As to the Church of Jerusalem we have shew'd already from the most ancient Ecclesiastical writings that James the Just was Bishop of that Church i. e. of all the Believers in Jerusalem Nor is that Tradition without ground in the Scripture it self for St. Paul reckons James the Lords Brother among the Apostles of that Church Sal. 1.19 though he were none of the Twelve and in another place he mentions him as a person in Eminent place and authority there one that had sent several Brethren to Antioch before that certain Brethren came from James â— 12 Here we find the style of the Scripture to alter in favour of Episcopacy for hitherto the Messengers who were sent from one Church to another were
offering themselves to death he sends them back again desiring them if they had such a passion to dye that they would hang themselves because he had not Executioners enough And at Carthage the number of Christians was so great that they could not have been destroyed without making the City desolate as Tertullian tells Stapula the Governour of the Province If thou shouldest go about to destroy the Christians here what wouldst thou do with so many thousands of people when men and women of all degrees of all ages should offer themselves to the Executioners how many Swords Tertull. l. ad Scap. c. 5. Hoc si placuerit hic furi quid facies de tantis millibus hominum tot viris ac foeminis omnis Sexus omnis â—tatis omnis dignitatis offerentibus se tibi quantis ignibus quantis gladiis opus erit paree tibi si non nobis parce Carthagini si non tibi what fires would be necessary for the Execution of so great a multitude Spare the City by sparing us Nor are we to imagin Carthage to abound more with Christians than the rest of the Empire for the same Author tells us that the whole world was oversprend with Believers and that the Heathen cryed that they had ever run the City and the Country Obsessm vociserantur Civitatem in agris in Castellis in Insulis Christianos omnem sexum 〈◊〉 aâ—â—m dignitatem transgredi ad hoc nomen quasi detrmento moerent Apol. c. 1. and every place was full of Christians that persons of all conditions sexes and age was over to this name Nay so great were their numbers that it was not want of strength but want of will that hindred them from becoming masters of the Empire Loyalty was part of their Religion and that was the reason why they did not force the Government to a Toleration of or a submission to it The barbarous Nations that over-ran the Empire were not near so numerous Plares nimirum Mauri Marcomanni ipsique Parthi omnia vestra implevimus urbes insulas castella municipia contillabula castra ipsa Tribus Decarias Palaâ—ium Senatum forum The Christians had filled all Places their Cities their Towns their Councils their Tribes the Court the Senate and what not and though they had been yet inferiour in number and force yet their contempt of death would render them a very formidable Enemy Nay without Rebellion we might easily ruine our Persecutors should we but withdraw Potuimus inermes nec Rebelles sed tantummodo discordes solius divortii invidia adversus vos dimicasse si enim tanta vis hominum in aliquem orbis remoti sinum abrupissemus à nobis suffudisset vestram dominationem tot qualiumcunque Civium amissio imo etiam ipsa destitutione punisset proculdubio expavissetis ad solitudinem vestram ad silentium rerum stuporem quendam quasi mortuae urbis quaesissâ—tis quibus in ea imperassetis plures bosles quam Civis remansissent nunc autem pauciores hostes habetis prae multitudine Christianorum pene Omnium Civium peâ—e Omnes Cives Christianos habeâ—do Apol. c. 37. and retire to any corner of the World the loss of so many subjects of any kind would unavoidably ruin the Government How you would be astonished at the strange solitude our departure should cause at the silence and stilness of your City as if it had expired by our departure you would be to seek for Subjects to govern and wore enemies than Citizens would remain with you but now your enemies are more inconsiderable by reason of the great multitude of Christians who are your Citizens and almost all your Citizns are Christians And because the Heathens complained that Christian Religion was an enemy to trade and that it would destroy the commerce of the East which depended upon the consumption of Frankincense and Spices in the Temples the Apologist answers that the Arabians sell more for the Christian funerals than they do to the Heathen Temples and the Christian Charity spent more in a street than the Heathen superstition did in a Temple Sciant Sabaei pluris charioris suas merces Christianis sepeliendis profligari quam diis fumigardis Interim plus misericordia nostra insumit vicatim quam vestra Religio Timplatim c. 42. Now the largeness of the Dioceses of those times will appear by comparing the vast multitude of Christians and the small number of Bishops and first no City how great soever had more than one Bishop this is so well known that it would be great impertinence to go about to prove it by instances and I have shewed already how the Fathers were of opinion that there ought to be no more Besides the Bishops of most Cities if not all had a considerable Territory belonging to their jurisdiction which was commonly the Country lying round about their City So Alexandria besides the Ager Alexandrinus which was of very large extent had likewise all the Region called Mareotes containing above an hundred and fifty Villages as Athanasius rightly understood computes them For every Presbyter had ten or more Villages under him Athan. Apol. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Singuli autem Presbyteri pâ—â—prios habent pages â—osque maxemos denos interdum aut plâ—res ex bis apparet singulâ—s Mareotice pages non habuisse snum Presbyterum sed unicum Presbyterum denos pages rexisse atque interdum plures Valesius and probably some Assistants or Curates to take care of some of them This Region alwayes belonged to the Diocess of Alexandria and never had as much as a Chorepiscopus But I have before given a particular account of Rome and Alexandria and therefore I shall say no more here than that there being but one Bishop in each of those Cities his Diocess must be very large and contain several distinct Congregations The African Dioceses which Mr. B. fansies to be no bigger than our Parishes were at first very large till the Schism of the Donatists had divided that Church into small pieces the manner and the reason of this change I shall shew in due place and even then it will appear that there were some very large Bishopricks in Africk Carthage in Tertullians time had an infinite multitude of Christians as we have shewed already and Cyprian who was made Bishop there not long after gives us hints enough of the greatness of his Diocess Tempestas maxima ex parts plebem nostram prostravit ita ut cleri portionem sua strage perstringeret Ep. 6. Multi adbuc de Clero absentes 28. Presbyteri qui illic apud confessores offerunt singuli cum singulis Diaconis per vices alternent quia mutatioâ—ersonarum vicissitudo convenientium minuit invidian Ep. 5. The number of the Clergy there even in time of persecution when he confesses several of them to have fallen away yet even then there were so many Presbyters left in the City that he advises them to
go to the Confessours in Prison by turns to Administer the Communion to them that the changing of the Persons and the seeing of new faces daily may render it less envied or observed Besides when four of his Presbyters and those probably living at some distance from Carthage had writ to him about something relating to the Church he tells his Clergy that he was resolved from the time he was made Bishop Ad id vero quod scripserunt mihi Compresbyteri nostri Donatus Fortunatus Gordias Novatus solus rescribere nihil potui quando à primordio Episcopatus mei statuerim nihil sine consilio vestro sine consensu plebis meae privatae sententia gerere sed cum ad vos venere in commune tractabimus Ep. 6. Decipientes quosdam fratres ex plebe nostra Ep. 28. to determine nothing without advising with his Clergy which intimates that they were not of the Clergy residing at Carthage for it is not likely that four persons would pretend to write to their Bishop about any publick concern of the Church without consulting their Brethren if they lived together with them and met daily at the same Altar and Cyprian's speaking of them with this strangeness makes it improbable that they were among this Clergy to whom he wrote concerning them Besides we have express mention of one Country Presbyter and Deacon belonging to the Diocess of Carthage Gaius Diddensis Presbyter who from several passages of that Epistle appears to have been near the City and under its jurisdiction and it is not improbable that this is one of those Presbyters Cyprian complains of in another place for their presumption in receiving the lapsed into communion Quorundam immoderata praesumptio plebis universae tranquillitatem turbare conetur aliqui de Presbyteris nec sibi praepositum Episcopum cogitantes quod nunquam omnino sub Antecessoribus nostris factum est cum contumelia contemptu Prapositi totum sibi vendicent Interim prohibeantur offerre acturi apud nos apud confessores ipsos apud universam plebem causam suam Ep. 10. without consulting their Bishop or the Clergy and the nature of their fault makes it evident that there were several Congregations now in Carthage for this could never have been done by a few in the Episcopal Church in the presence of all the Presbytery it is not probable they would have indured it or if they had then they had been all in equal fault which Cyprian does by no means lay to their charge but layes it upon a few and orders they should be suspended from their office by the rest of the Presbyters and their cause reserved to be tryed before him and the whole Church at his return Beside this the Charity of the Diocess of Carthage towards the redemption of the Numidian Captives was so considerable that it cannot be supposed to be gathered in one oâ— a few Congregations Misimus autem Sestertia centum millia nummum quae istic in Ecclesia cui de Domini indulgentia praesuâ—us cleri plebis apud nos consistentis collatione collecta sunt And if the like should happen again he makes no doubt but his Diocess will relieve them libenter largiter Subsidia praestare ad hoc opus tam necessarium Fratres Sorores prompte libenter operati sunt Ep. 60. LL. S. centum millia LL. centum as Pamelius corrects it though without the Authority of any MS S. Potest inter caeteros qui alimentis Ecclesia sustinentur hujus Histrionis necessitas adjuvari Si illic Ecclesia non sufficit ut laborantibus prâ—stet alimenta poterit se ad nos transferre hic quod sibi ad victum vestitum necessarium fuerit accipere especially when we consider that Cyprian when he sends it to the Bishops of Numidia with a Letter and particulars does not take notice of it as any extraordinary matter and all the observation he makes of the Contributions of his flock is that they were done prompte libenter readily and willingly and he promises that they will be as ready upon any such occasion 2. The Ordinary charge of that Church was so great for the support of the Bishop Presbyters and a very numerous Clergy besides poor who were plentifully relieved and especially in dangerous times besides the maintenance of such as when they became Christians were obliged to quit their former callings as inconsistent with that holy profession and the extraordinary charge of Messengers that passed perpetually between them and other Churches This ordinary charge was so great that the summ collected in this Diocess for the redemption of those Câ—ptives at the lowest computation must suppose a considerable Diocess to furnish it especially so soon after a terrible persecution as that which this is supposed to follow Lastly the Diocess of Carthage is not extraordinary in all these circumstances but the rest of Africk were some of them distributed into several Parishes For Caldonius an African Bishop makes mention of one Felix Faelix qui Presbyterium subministrabat sub Decimo proximus mihi vicinus plenius câ—gnevi â—â—ndem Cum ergo universi pacem preterent quamvis mihi videaâ—tur debere pacem accipere tamen ad consultum vestrum â—â—s dimisi â—e videar aliquid temere praesumere Caldon Ep. ad Cypr. 19. who did the office of a Presbyter under one Decimus another Presbyter of Caldoniuâ—'s Diocess as will appear from some passages of that Epistle though Goulartius be of opinion this Decimus was a Bishop and Felix his Presbyter But Pamelius his conjecture is much better grounded who makes him the Vicar or Curate of Decimus For 1. If he and his wife Victoria had belonged to another Bishop why do they make their Application to Caldonius to reconcile them to the Church Why do not they go to their own Bishop Decimus or if he were dead and no other yet ordained in his place Why not to the Presbytery there who ought to have reconciled them and in a vacance took care of Ecclesiastical Discipline as the Clergy of Rome declare that at such a time they are to take care of the Church Cum nobis incumbat Ap. Cypr. ep 3. qui praepositi esse videmur vice Pastoris custodire gregem But their making their application to Caldonius makes it clear that he was their Diocesan that the Cure in which Felix officiated was in his Diocess 2. Caldonius his remitting them to Cyprian as the first Bishop makes it probable that he was their Ordinary for what else had he to do to meddle with or remit the cognizance of any persons belonging to another Church to any other than their own Clergy and let them remit them to the Primate if they judged the case difficult Therefore it is much more probable that Caldonius was the Bishop of the Suppliants and that the Priest mentioned exercised his charge in some Village or Town in
in order to establish a general consent about communicating with Cornelius which was to be done in a full Council of all the Provinces the same that we have set down here from the Libellus Synodicus Another African Council whose Epistle to Fidus about the Baptism of Infants is still extant Ap. Cypr. Ep. 59. Aug. â—â—â—tr duâ—â— Ep. â—th l. 4. c. â— had sixty six Bishops as St. Augustine reports and names the number as extraordinary to add greater Authority to their Testimony That concerning Basilides and Martialis had but a very small number and the first about the validity of Baptism by a Heretick had no great number as we may conclude from the Inscription of it which shews that the Bishops of Numidia were not there and that it consisted only of the Province of Africa properly so called Cyp. Ep. 68.70 Ep. ad Januarium caeteros Episcopos Numidas And Cyprian though he mentions this Council in several places yet he sayes nothing of the number nay though he mentions it in the very same period with that which followed upon the same account yet he does not say any thing of the multitude of Bishops there but expresses that of the other because he thought it remarkable considering the number of Bishops at that time when we had met together the Bishops of Africa and Numidia seventy one in number Quid in Concilio cum complures adessemus decreverimus Et nunc quoque cum in unum convenissemus tam Provinciae Africae quam Numidiae Episcopi septuaginta unus Ep. 73. And this Council as if it had not been full enough is confirmed by another of greater extent and number Cum in unum convenissent Episcopi plurimi ex Provincia Africa Numidia Mauritania Sententiae 87. Episâ—c ap Cypr. T. 2. c. 15 consisting of eighty seven Bishops assembled out of the Provinces of Africa Numidia Mauritania and of these eighty seven two left their suffrages with Proxies and this is the most numerous of all the Councils in Cyprians time and the last of that Country we have any account of in that age This was the state of the Church of Africk and the number of their Bishops which if we compare with the vast increase of Christians there described by Tertullian and the Accession we may probably conceive to have been made after by the care and ministry of those good Bishops that governed that Church we must conclude the African Dioceses to be very large and to contain each of them not only a very great number of Believers but those also dispersed throughout a great extent of Country But it may be objected that all the Bishops of Africk might not meet in these Councils and therefore there is no computation to be made of their number from this observation To which I answer first that it is possible every individual Bishop might not be present yet the greatest part was and none was to absent himself without absolute necessity as of sickness or the like and the number of such would be inconsiderable And the Canons of that Church are very strict in this point in after times Codex Canon Afric c. 53. vid. Conc. Carth. 3. c. 43. and give strange incouragements to such as have otherwise but ill titles to their Bishopricks to hold them to the prejudice of him who has the juster title if the one frequent their Councils and the other neglect them On the otherside neglect of duty in this particular is made liable to deprivation Carth. 4. c. 21. Episcopus ad Synodum irâ— non sine satis gravi necessitate inhibâ—atur fic tamen ut in sua persona â—egatum mittat 2. In Cyprians time when the African Bishops had no dependance one upon another and no subordination to Metropolitans and the Decrees of their Synods did and could oblige only such as were present and consented to them it was necessary that all should come together or send their Proxy in order to establish that Unity among them which was the design of these Councils and yet all the number even of their most solemn Councils is not great 3. The practice of the African Church within half an à ge after this time confirms this inference from the number of the Bishops at Councils to the number of Dioceses in that Country for we find presently as Bishopricks were multiplyed by the Schism of the Donatists so Councils became much more numerous and whereas ninety was the greatest number that ever met there before this Schism afterwards we find several hundreds But however this inference will hold it is some comfort to find some others of great knowledge and judgement in antiquity to hold the conclusion that the number of Bishopricks was not great in Cyprians time which is assigned as a reason why his Province was so large Aucto numero sedium Episcopalium adeo ut omnibus invigilare haud facile esset Carthagâ—nensi Episcâ—po Carol. à S. Paulo Geogr. sacr p. 84. But to make this point clear beyond all exception I will indeavour to shew from unquestionable testimonies how Bishopricks came to be multiplyed in Africk more than in any other part and then notwithstanding this I will make it evident that those Bishops were Diocesans and some of them after the crumbling of that Church into small pieces had yet very large Dioceses not inferiour to most of ours for extent of Territory The Schism of the Donatists though it broke not forth with any violence till after Caecilianus was made Bishop of Carthage yet it was hatching long before in the time of Mensurius Aug. Ep. 163. when the faction was kept up under hand and had its Agents in several places But being grown ripe it took occasion from the promotion of Caecilianus to declare it self Secundus Tisnigensis being called to Carthage with his Numidian Bishops to set up another He came accordingly with about seventy Bishops all the strength he could make and perhaps more than his own Province could afford him These declare they would not communicate with Caecilianus and therefore set up Majorinus against him and in like manner where ever they could make the least party imaginable they appointed a Schismatical Bishop and not content to equal the number of the Catholicks they divided the ancient Dioceses and erected several new Episcopal seats that by the number of their Bishops at least they might appear to be Catholicks as they afterwards laid claim to the title upon that account It was not long after this breach Aug. Ep. 48. but we hear of unusual numbers of Bishops met in Council and one of the Donatists of Carthage according to Tychonius his relation vid. Valesii Dissert de Schism Donat had no less than two hundred and seventy Bishops which if it be true shews this change to have been very sudden though it cannot be so soon as Balduinus and out of him Baronius would understand it to be but of this I have
is said to contain many Churches by that Canon whereby it is provided that Equitius the Bishop of it is to be deposed and another put in his place and for the easier effecting of it it is said Ecclesiae ibi ab his retinentur qui Equitii facinorosam communionem declinaverunt The Diocess whereof Xantippus was Bishop must be supposed of good extent August Ep. 236. for Augustine complains to him of one Abundantius a Presbyter in fundo Strabonensi at a great distance from his Bishop and near it seems to Augustine as may be gathered from the nature and manner of the complaint in the same place there is 〈…〉 Presbyter Gippitanus who was neighbour to this Abundantius or rather they lived both together tho' they had several Cures Alypius Bishop of Tagastis id Ep. 289. had likewise the Church Thyana under him which probably was a considerable City as may be gathered from the Epistle of St. Augustin to Melania whose Son was forced by a tumult of the people of Hippo to take Orders Hippo Regia the Diocess of St. Augustin was very large Ep. 74.212 236. Ep. He mentions many Parochial Presbyters and Parishes in it as Presbyter Germaniciensis Armemansis Subsana where Timothy was ordained Reader which occasioned no small trouble Malliana Turres Ciran Vitalis c. And such was the number of Churches in his Diocess that he excuses himself to a friend whom he had promised to assist in some kind of Study that he could not be as good as his word because he was gone upon his Visitation which would hold a considerable time and therefore he remits him to one of his Presbyters Quoniam visitandarum Ecclesiarum ad meam curam pertinentium necessitate profectus sum But we have a clearer account of the extent of this Diocess than of any other in Africk id Ep. 261. Volens prodesse quibusdam in nostra vicinitate This Neighbourhood which Mr. B. sometimes argues from to shew the smallness of Dioceses then was not the next door or the next Town in his Letter to Celestinus Bishop of Rome where he mentions a place in his neighbourhood as he expresses it that belonged to his Diocess and had never had a Bishop of its own yet forty miles distant from Hippo the passage because it is something remarkable I will set down in St. Austins words Fussala dicitur Territorio Hipponensi confine Castellum antea ibi nunquam Episcopus fuit sed simul cum contigua sibi Regione ad Paroeciam Hipponensis Ecclesiae pertinebat i. e. Tâ—e place is called Fussala a Town adjoyning to the Territory of Hippo which never had a Bishop of it own but belonged to the Diocess of Hippo with the Country about it Sed quod ab Hippone memoratum castellum millibus quadraginta sejungitur because it is forty miles distant from Hippo and the miserable condition of that Church requiring the presence of a Bishop he ordained one for them which not proving as useful as he expected he sends this Letter to excuse himself Nor are we to imagine that the Diocess of Hippo was singularly great above all the rest of Africk Collat. Carth. 1.65 but that Carthage Cirta Milevis and many others of the more eminent Bishopricks had more Churches under the inspection of their Bishops and the Diocess of Milevis particularly had besides Towns and Villages Cities likewise belonging to it for besides Milevis Civitas Tuncensis belonged to that Bishop And now if Mr. B. and the Nonconformists in whose name he makes Diocesan Episcopacy a reason of Separation had lived in Africa in the time of Cyprian or Augustin they must have renounced their communion or must have renounced these principles they must have been Nonconformists there and abhorred the largeness of the Bishops Dioceses no less than the Donatists did the largeness of their Charity Augustin would have been reckoned for all his learning and holiness no better than an Antichristian Bishop and our Reformers must have had toleration to Separate from him and what is the sweetest liberty of all to discharge their gall and bitterness upon him So that this is our comfort that these men that are such irreconcileable enemies to our Church would have been no otherwise to the Prophets the holy Primitive Bishops that have gone before us And for the same reason they reproach us they must reproach the ancient renowned Churches of Christ Nay the Church Universal as will further appear by what follows Although it may seem sufficient for my design to have shewed the progress of Diocesan Episcopacy in Africk the Country that Mr. B. singles out as retaining the clearest footsteps of the Congregational form yet for farther satisfaction in this point I will briefly shew the progress of Diocesan Episcopacy in other Nations and shew how at first they were but few in comparison not only for want of Christians in all Cities and Villages but by choice and when they came afterwards to be multiplyed it was not so much from the increase of believers as from Schisms and divisions in the Church and from the increase of Metropoles by the Christian Emperors in order to which I shall proceed upon the same grounds I have done hitherto From the great number of Christians that were dispersed into all parts and Cities and the small number of Bishops that met in Councils especially Provincial where all were obliged to be present as also from some general expressions of the condition of some Bishops in the earliest times as it is to be presumed that in the earliest times of the Church the Provincial Synods were the majority at least of the Bishops in the several Provinces so the first Synod had so few Bishops that we must needs conclude their number then to be very small For instance therefore The Gallick Synod assembled at Lyons under Irenaeus Ex Libello Synod against Marcion and other Hereticks had but twelve Bishops in it The Synod of Hierapolis under Apolinarius against Montanus and Maximilla had twenty six Ibid. The Synod of Anchialus under Sotas had twelve or thirteen Bishops Ibid. And Eusebius having cited two or three subscriptions out of Serapions Epistle Hist â—ocl l. 5. c. 9. adds that there were the subscriptions of many more not naming the number perhaps because in his time it would have looked but inconsiderable all being but twelve The Synod of Ephesus under Polycrates about the time of Easter was probably more numerous than most of the Provincial Councils of this age as consisting not only of the Bishops of Asia but of those of the neighbouring Countries as we may conclude from Victors attempt to excommunicate them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb l. 5. c. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Libà l Synod Polycrates in his Letter to Victor sayes they were a considerable number and if he should write down all their names it would seem a great multitude But no number is any where expressed
the Multitude of Sects and Heresies that sprung up in the first and second and third ages of the Church was no dishonour to the form of Government then us'd in the Church as should encourage any man to dislike or change it Why then does he endeavour to dishonour Diocesan Episcopacy upon this very reason and why does he reproach it with the Schisms and Heresies that happen'd under that government But no man can reason against Mr. B. better than himself does in the very same Paragraph it is but taking away the word Prelacy and putting in the stead of it Congregational Episcopacy and then nothing can be more full to our purpose If it was Congregational Episcopacy that was us'd then Swarms of Sects and Heresies may come in notwithstanding Congregational Episcopacy even in better hands than yours But if it was not Congregational Episcopacy that was then the Government but Diocesan Episcopacy Heresies are no more a shame to that Government now I wish Mr. B. had consider'd this place when he conceiv'd the first design of his Church History perhaps he might have seen the Inconsequence of his design to dishonour Bishops and their Councils from a long deduction of Schisms and Heresies which he lays at their door and have forborn giving this just offence to all that have any real concern for the Honour of Christian Religion which is no less concern'd in all these disgraces than Episcopacy Yet I shall willingly discharge Congregational Episcopacy from any Imputation of those evils that disturb'd the Church in the first times and be content Mr. B. should lay it all to the account of Diocesan Government which I shall shew at large in the next Chapter to have been the Constitution of the Primitive Churches in the mean time I must enquire a little farther after the Glorious fruit of this Congregational Episcopacy If the Ancient Church was quite a stranger to this kind of Episcopacy it will be a harder matter to find it in latter ages since Mr. B. tells us that Bishopricks were enlarged so enormously in process of time that several Cathedrals were turn'd into Chapels and instead of one Congregation every Bishop had several Scores and Hundreds And the Reformation where it retain'd Bishops made them all Diocesans and set them over several Congregational Churches thus the Bohemians Denmark Sweden and some parts of Germany besides these three Kingdoms Where they Abolish'd Episcopal Government they threw away the Titles too so that if Mr. B.'s kind of Episcopacy obtain'd any where it must be under another name therefore that we may discover it it will be necessary to give a short desoription of it and then we may possibly find it to have acted under the disguise of another name This Congregational Bishop then Treatise of Ep. which Mr. B. makes so much a do about is the same thing with an Elder as he tells us and takes great pains to prove it 2. This Elder has no necessity of any ordination by any Bishop or Elders but having abilities and inclination to exercise them in the service of the Church 2. Disp p. 164.165 he may Interpret it to be sufficient authority to preach Administer the Sacraments c. Nay is oblig'd to do the Office of a Bishop or Elder 1. Disp 〈◊〉 throughout Treatise of Ep. p. 33. 3. That this Elder can Govern but one Congregation and there may be more than one of such Bishops belonging to that one Congregation 4. That this Congregation is not to be so great as that of Israel that had 600000 men but is to be restrain'd to the compass of personal Communion in hearing praying and receiving the Sacraments 5. That this Church and Bishop is independent and is invested with all Ecclesiastical power within it self 3. Disp p. 347. So that no other Bishop or Synod has any power or Superiority over it but by its own consent and then consequently no particular Congregation is obli'd to enter into any association at all but may refuse to submit to any Synod nay if it be left in this liberty and Independence by Christ it ought not to engage with any associations as should be prejudicial to that original liberty and consequently set and determin'd Synods are to be avoided and since they are only prudential means of preserving good correspondence between neighbour Churches it is enough they should be occasional And what is all this but the Picture of Independency and the Congregational Episcopacy upon Examinations proves nothing else but Congregational Eldership What a Healing constitution this is I shall shew first by matter of fact Secondly I shall shew the natural tendence of such a Government to endless discord and division that the Schisms and Heresies that it has hatch'd were not accidental but proceeded from the nature of the Government it self 1. Some derive this Congregational way from Socinus Case of the Church of Engl. p. 249. who perhaps thought it the most suitable to his design of spreading the poyson of his Heresie and to prevent all dangers that might threaten it from the condemnation of Synods Especially considering the late Union that had been made between all the Reform'd Churches of the Greater and lesser Poland in the Synod of Sendomiria Others deduce it from Ramus and Morellus who plac'd all Ecclesiastical authority in the people and by making the Government of the Church to be a Democracy made way for Congregational Independence This put the French Churches to the trouble of several Synods Thorndykes right of the Ch. p. 67. which condemned this Doctrine as pernicious to the Unity of Christian Churches and derogating from the honour of Religion Mr. Thorndyke conjectures that it came over hither with Ramus his Philosophy And that his credit in our Vniversities was the first means to bring this conceit in Religion among us For about the time that he was most cryed up in them Brown and Barrow published it And R. Baly who indeavours to relieve the English Presbyterians from the imputation of having begot this ill-faced Child Disswasive p. 12.13 as he calls it would fain also Father it upon Morellius who as he thinks learned from the Disciples of Munster this Ecclesiastical Anarchy But whoever were the Authors of it and none of those yet named can give it any great reputation it is certain that the Fruits of it are to be found only amongst our selves where it happened to take root and grow up into something considerable The Brownists or those of the separation laid the first Foundations of Independency among us and though they had so few followers at first not exceeding one Congregation so as not to have any occasion of entering into any measures of a general Unity yet they declared for the independence of Congregations and that no Diocesan Prelacy or Presbytery had any Authority over Congregational Churches Rob. Brown who gave the name to the Brownists though Bolton had led that way to