France and Sister to Charles IX a Lady of excellent parts as appears by her writing though it may be truly said of her Memoires that she wrote them more to justifie her self and wipe off some stains then to inform posterity of what was true for all is not currant that she attests However it be having been married many years without either Children or Affection to her Husband she was at last divorced from him 1599 as being married against her will and to one that was then an Heretick and too near a kin to her besides the Spiritual Relation her Father Henry II. having been Godfather to her Husband and all these Nullities confirm'd and to the Divorse ratified by Clement VIII though Pope Gregory XIII had formerly dispens'd with them and approved of the Marriage But for all these pretences the truth of it was that this King naturally gave himself up to the pleasure of variety to which he wanted not many flattering promoters insomuch that some of his Dames of pleasure wanted but a litâ—â—e to fit in the Throne and Margaret having been thus for 27 years fruitless the people desired succession by some other means which afterwards happened from Maria de Medicis daughter to Francisco Grand Duke of Tuscamy married upon the Divorce to this Henry Margaret who yet kept the Title of Queen died 1615 who doth * Men oâ—râ—s p. 31. confess that the Contrivers of this Massacre did design it not only against the Huguenots but also against the Princes of the Bloud Royal and that they were not a little angry when they understood that the King of Navarre and the Prince of Condé were preserved from the slaughter And what vertue or goodness could then be expected in the French Court of which a late excellent Author doth give this Character Hard. de Perefixe Hist Hen. le 〈…〉 That then it never was there any more vicious or more corrupted where then Atheism Sorcery Impiety Ingratitude Perfidiousness Poisonings Murderings and such like horrible wickednesses did sway in the highest degree To which we might adde the designs of Catherine de Medicis the Queen-mother one that hath left a very bad and black Character behind her some making her the Authoress of the many miseries of that Kingdom and amongst many others I find one thus very biting against her Tres Erebi Furias ne posthac credite vates Tho. Lanâ— Consult Germ. p. 272 Addita nam quarta est nunc Catherina tribus Quod si tres Furias à se dimitteret Orcus Haec Catherina foret pro tribus una satis That th' Furies are but three now speak no more Since Catherine doth make the number four And yet should Hell cashier those three this Kate Alone would serve to plague grim Pluto's State And we might also suppose that the ill-will these Brothers of Valois bare one to another might be some advantage to these troubles and one tells us that they endeavour'd to ravish the French Crown one from Hist Hen. le Grand another on which he remarks as it were by a judgment that they all died unhappily And possibly these Garboils and miseries might be somwhat promoted by the natural humour of that Nation which is said to be very * Phil. Brist Geogr. vol. 1. p. 78. Fickle and Quarrelsom the Sieur Montaigne himself confessing and asserting That †Mettez 3 Francois au deserts de Libye ils ne seront pâ—s un mois ensemble sans se harceler esgrat ner Lâ—s Essais de Moâ—taigne l. 2. c. 27. p. 666. if three Frenchmen were put together in the wilde desarts of Libya where self-preservation might oblige them to assist and befriend one another before a months end they would be provoking scratching and falling out one with another As for the Brother Kings * Fuseb Philod lp Cosmopolit Dialog 1. p. 75 76 77 79. some think that the famous French Poet Pierre de Ronsard though a zealous Romanist did design their Characters and vices under counterfeit names in the end of his La Trançiade but whether so or not let others judge However though these accidents might make the way more easie for the following mischiefs yet we shall find that horrid League more highly carried on by those of the house of Lorrain of which pretended holy Covenant we proceed now to speak more particularly passing by in the mean time those worse then Civil Wars between the King and Huguenots where all things went to wrack and the Kingdome was almost ruined of which thus an †Tho. Daneâ—t Hist of France in Epist Dedic Dr. Pet. du Mâ—ulin's Vindication of the sincerity of the Protâ—stants Religion c. 2. p. 29 30 c. eye-witness doth testifie 1577. We found such a Wilderness in all the Countrey between Bayonne and Bourdeaux that whole Forrests and Woods were turn'd up and consumed the Towns utterly desolated the people dispersed the Churches quite subverted and the Children a lamentable thing to be recorded remaining unchristned by the space of ten years And wherever the fault lay I shall not Apologize here for the Huguenot who was too zealous in his way and too much byass'd by fury and indiscretion as it commonly hapneth to those holy people who cry up Religion with the sword in their hands as if it were lawful for subjects to rebel upon the account of any Religion or such pretence in the world But nothing here is intended against the Huguenot since 't is said in their Vindication that these troubles were neither upon the account of Religion nor between the King and them but rather a begun Quarrel 'twixt the Princes of the Blood and the Guises with their Minions the first taking it ill that the latter should sway all by excluding them from the management of publick affairs to whom as Princes of the Blood-Royal by the Custom of France it did belong especially in the Minority or indisposition of their Kings and so one time were willing to gain that which they thought their right and another time thought it best to defend themselves but of these things I shall not judge being at this time nothing to any purpose CHAP. II. The Articles of the Holy League and the Guisards Under plotting against the King SIgismundus II. surnamed Augustus King of Poland and much commended 1572 1573 for his Prudence Valour and Learning dying the people choose for their King Henry Duke of Anjou Brother to Charles IX King of France who accordingly goeth into Poland and is there * Feb. crown'd But here he stay'd not long for the same year his Brother †30 May. Charles dying year 1574 the Crown of France belong'd to him as next and so upon notice of his death he * June steals out of Poland to the no small trouble of the Natives and posts to his Hereditary Throne which he thought more worth then the other Elective yet in France he always kept the Title of King
so far are they from being advantagious to her honour that they must be abominated by the judicious and ridiculous to the very Vulgar 'T is no great honour to her that they tell us she was so familiar with some men as to come down from Heaven to be marryed to them Thus they tell us how she went and held a young mans Horse desired him to take her for his a Caesaâ—ius l. 7. â— 33. Specul Exempl dist 6. Sect 63. Wife and forced him to kiss her the man being unwilling and then very carefully held his Stirrups whilst he mounted again on Horse-back And another time b Gonon Chron. B. Viâ—g pag 142. espoused her self and that with a Ring too to one Robert whilst he was yet in his Mothers Womb. Another time they say that a c Vid Aâ—ds Riâ—â—t Apol. pro B. Virg. l. 2. c 15. p. 367. Brother to a King of Hungary going to be married she was troubled at it because he seemed not to accept of her Again how a young man d Ib. p. 3â—6 married himself to her and put a Ring on her Finger and afterwards he marrying another woman and being in bed with her she came to him shew'd him the Ring upbraided him for his faithlesness for which another time she whipt him to the purpose And as bad as these is another Tale which they do confidently tell us in short thus Two Angels conducted the Virgin Mary to one Hermanus to whom they agree Vid Rivet p. 363 364. to marry her to which purpose they bid him draw neer he though he had a months e Incâ—tabat amâ—â— pudâ—r retinâ—bat minde yet through shame seemed unwilling for though he had been very f â—amâ—â—si Viâ—gine familiaâ—ssâ—â—â—â—â—huc usâ—s â—ssâ—â— familiar with her yet he thought it odd to be so coupled with her At last he takes some courage and on he goeth but again he falls off and fancying it an odd business at this the Angel takes hold of his hand and will he nill he by main force joyn'd it to the Blessed Maries right hand and in these words married them together a Hanc ego tibi virginem uti olim B. Josepho desponsa est despondeo jubeoque nomen sponsi simul cum sponsa accipere ac deinceps Josephum nominari I espouse this Virgin to thee as she was formerly espoused to holy Joseph and command thee with this thy Wife to take upon thee the name of an Husband and of Joseph But because there is few satisfied with a bare Marriage they will have her to be much given to kissing too To which purpose I told you formerly how they say she beg'd of a young man to buss her and b Accede ad me da mihi Osculum coegit cum Caesar l. 7. c. 33. made him do it whether he would or no. Another man Gononus tells us she * Collum meum brachiis suis stringens dedit mihi osculum p. 297. hug'd about the neck and kist him and the same familiarity and ceremony and I should be apt to think it the same story did not my Author make almost an hundred years difference between them did she use to another c Ib. pag. 207. Caesar l. 7. c. 51. Cistertian Spanish Monk To another of the same Order whose name name was d Gonon p. 235. Abundus she gave her hand to kiss but this not satisfying her she also went and kist him as she bust the e Id. pag. 525 526. cheeks of Stephanus Justitius whom she also perswaded from that severity and abstinency of body which he formerly used But as if marrying and kissing were not enough she must also afford the benefit and happiness of her Brests Thus they say she pull'd out her Dugs to pour her Milk f Gonon p. 374. into the mouth of her Friend Alanus Thus she let Abbot g Dauroult cap. 2. Tit. 41. Sect. 2. Gonon pag. 131. Fulbert suck her Brests and with that frankness that his Cheeks were all besmear'd with her Milk And to another h Gonon p. 132. Priest she did the same favour Nay rather than fail of love-tricks her very i Gonon p. 172 173 174. Image or Statue could several times afford some drops to the comfort of St. Bernard to advance his Eloquence And she was as they say so kinde too as to lye in bed k Vincent spec Hist l. 7. c. 87. between a man and his wife the first night of their Marriage Nay as if all this were not enough they would make her a Patroness for ought that I know to whoredom For thus they glory of her that one Beatrice a Nun having stole from the Nunnery and play'd the errant l Caesarius l. 7. c. 35. Whore for fifteen years together the Blessed Mary supplyed her place all the while in her likeness and habit that it might not be known that the Nun had been so wicked A pretty while and honour to her to be absent from Heaven playing the drudge upon Earth in behalf of such an Whore Another time they say a certain m Vincent Specul Histor l. 7. c. 86. Discip de Mirac B. Virg. Exemp 24. Abbess being got with Childe and in great perplexity how to keep its knowledge from the rest of her Nuns who bare her a grudge the Virgin Mary to hide the shame and save the credit of the Strumpet descended from Heaven with two Angels whom she commanded to play the Mid-wives and then to carry the Childe in her name to a certain Hermite to keep it till it was seven years old Another wench they tell us of who being n Vid. Rivet Apol. pro B. Virg. l. 2. c. 15. p. 375. over-kinde with her Master her Mistress the goodwife offended at this abuse had a minde to be revenged on her but the Virgin Mary bid her let her alone because she belong'd to her Nay of late days within these forty years viz. 1627. they tell us how a Neapolitan o Gononus pag. 525. Whore dying suddenly at Anagni in Compagna di Roma had the favour shew'd her by the Virgin Mary to be restored to life again that she might confess her sins and be happy in Heaven And so she saved the life of another p Id. pag. 221 222. Harlot What shall I say of her other love-tricks they father upon her of her giving Alanus a q Gononus pag. 374. Ring made of the Hair of her own Head of her bringing r Caesar lib. 7. cap. 32. Bread from Heaven to give to another of her giving Coelestial Å¿ Ib. l. 7. c. 48. Spec. Exemp dist 3. Sect. 28. Electuary by spoonfuls to a company of Monks onely neglecting one for his studying of Physick Of her coming from Heaven with St. Catherine and Mary Magdalen to I know not what poor t Dauroult c. 2. Tit. 41. Sect. 3. Indian Woman spreading a Cloth
far off and the Bishops of Rome suppose Councils especially the latter do rather take away then give them any jurisdiction whereby such conventions are both chargeable and troublesome to them in the carrying on of their interest and therefore they use all their cunning and reason to draw such power and thoughts from Temporal Princes and with a thousand slights will prolong the time To which purpose the Italians say not amiss of them Coll ' arte el ' Inganno Lui passa Mezzo anno Coll ' Inganno è coll ' arte Se vive l' altra parte With art and with guile O' th' year they past one while With guile and with art They live the other part And for confirmation of this we need go no farther than their Council of Trent it being a long time before the Popes would be perswaded to call it and when 't was held 't was carryed on with so much cunning and jugling even to the trouble and grief of many Eminent Roman Catholick Divines there that the Legates would permit nothing to be concluded upon but according as they received directions and orders by Letters from the Pope which occasioned the unlucky Proverb That the Council of Trent was guided by the Holy Ghost sent to them from Rome in a Cloak-bag Insomuch that several of the Divines there did divers times publickly complain that it was not a a Paolo pag. 507 508 530 551 623 635 644 659 661 683 566 569. free one and both the b Id. p. 279. Emperour and the King of c Id. p. 818. France call'd it a Convention As for the Testimonies in the Italians supplication I have no reason to suspect them it having been above these fifty years dispersed all Europe over and not that I know of in the least contradicted besides several of their own Historians do almost confess as much CHAP. III. The Murther of the Emperour Mauritius with his Empress Children c. by wicked Phocas with Pope Gregory the First sirnamed the Great his judgement and opinion of that barbarous action and his Authority pretended over Kings HAving hitherto briefly seen the forgery of Constantine's Donation year 600 the low condition of the Bishops of Rome for some hundreds of years the power and practice of Temporal Princes over them in their Nominations or Approbations with some short Observations concerning their Elections We shall now proceed to what we first designed Their great Lawyer a De Repub. lib. 2 6. cap. 7. § 10. Gregorius Tolosanus tells us that though the Christians indured grievous oppressions and cruel torments yet for the first three hundred years they never rebell'd against their Kings or Temporal Governours And had not the Pope incouraged and fomented it this sin of witch-craft had never been I am certain so much practised by those who call themselves Christians But here Cardinal b â—e Rom. Pont. lib. 5. cap. 7. Bellarmine the Jesuit joyns hand in hand with c De jure Reg. Buchanan the Puritan to free the Primitive Christians from this scandal of Obedience and would have the fault to lye not in Religion but the want of strength though the former d Loco citato Gregorius will dash this Argument in pieces by telling you that they had force and number enough to perpetrate such wickedness if their wills and piety would allow of it As for the Popes Temporal Authorities Guicciardine will tell you that they had none long after these Nel qual tempo i Pontefici Romani privaâ—i in tutto di potentia Temporale Guâ—cciard Hist d'Ital lib. 4. times 'T is true this Section is knavishly left out in some Italian Editions and others who followed them but you have it at large in the e French 1612. Paris f Engl. 1618. London and some others and it hath been several times printed by it self as at g 1561. Basil in three Langues viz. Italian French and Latin and at h 1595. London in four the English being added to the sormer of which the Italian according to Guicciardines own Manuscript in Florence As for the Popes spiritual Power as Bishop of his own See I They are also lately with amendments of Thuanus printed at Amsterdam 1663. have nothing to do with nor shall I trouble my self with the Excommunication of the Emperour Anastatius by the Popes h Platina Gelasins h Anaestatius the Second or by i Baron an 502. Symmachus because it may be all will not agree of what was the meaning and authority of such censures in those times We are also told that Euphemius Patriarch of Constantinople threatned to depose this Anastasius if so then it seems others besides Rome can unthrone Princes but I wonder why a An. 491. Baronius brags so much of this it being quite contrary to the Roman greatness and prerogative But let us come to realities Tiberius the Second being dead there succeeded him in the Empire Mauritius famous in War but he was tainted with covetousness In this time John Patriarch of Constantinople made the means to have himself call'd Vniversal Bishop at this Title Gregory the First sirnamed the Great Bishop of Rome taketh great offence and hoping to get this null'd by his acquaintance with the Emperour Maurice having formerly been at Constantinople with Tiberius and him to prove a confirmation for Pelagius the Second in his Popedom having also been God-father to one of Mauritius his Sons as also himself confirmed in the Papal Chair by the same Emperour Upon these and suchlike good turns and acquaintance he questioned not but to have this Title taken from John of Constantinople to which purpose he sends to Mauritius his Empress and others Letters after Letters affirming it to be a b Lib. 4. Epist 32. New name against Gospel and Canon a title of vanity profaness and blasphemy a c Id. Epist 38 39. horrible and wicked word d Epist 36. that none of his Predecessors had ever used such a profane title to be abhor'd by a Christian minde and suchlike to be read in his Epistles But the Emperour did not care to trouble himself with these paper-squablings onely wish'd that they would not bring a scandal to the Church by this railing This troubles Gregory yet he giveth the Emperour all the noble Titles that could be calling of himself onely e Lib. 6. Ep. 62 63 64. Dust and very Worm of the Earth his most unworthy man or servant c. And indeed he as well as f Duarenus de sacris Eccles Minist lib. 1. cap. 5. and see more of this in Andr. Rivet Jesuita Vapul cap. 28. § 37 38 39 40 41 42. pag. 539 540 541 54â— c. other Bishops of Rome in those times were exactly obedient to the Emperours however the case is alter'd now of which one instance at this time may satisfie This Emperour perceiving that every one in those zealous times thought
the Nobility contrive a Plot against their King though at first in their Councils they could not agree for though they concluded to take the Kingdom from him yet some were onely for depriving him and to have him shorne and so thrust into a Monastery for a Monk whilst others would be satisfied with nothing but his death to which at last the rest consented Accordingly Bodille seeing the King one time hunting and but few with him having call'd his fellow-Traytors together went and presently a Anno 667. slew him but this not satisfying to increase their Villany they took his innocent Queen Blitide great with Childe as she was and murder'd both her and the Infant Sect. 3. The unfortunate Rule and Murther of the Emperour Justinian the Second and the troubles of Constantinople SOme few years after this the Emperour Constantinus Pogonatus the Fourth dying his Son Justinian the Second succeeded in the Empire and being then but young did several things unadvisedly which procured him the ill will of many of his Subjects Amongst the rest Leontius a'famous Souldier and one that had been General resolved to rebel and make himself Emperour which design he discover'd to Gallicanus Patriarch of Constantinople and other friends who consented to the Treachery Upon this he privately armed a great many men who upon a day appointed went to his house where he headed them thence went to the Goals and set all the Prisoners at liberty And thus having gathered a sufficient company he went to the Emperours Palace where he was proclaim'd Emperour and thus apprehending Justinian very cruelly cut off his Ears and Nose and some say his Tongue and then banish'd him to Chersonesus Leontius having thus made himself Emperour sends an Army but not big enough against the Sarazins the General John with this little Army troubled the Sarazins as much as could be but earnestly sollicited Leontius for more supplies but without effect whereupon he himself posted privately to Constantinople to perswade Leontius and in his absence left as General one Tiberius Absimarus The Army at last began to murmur to see themselves thus neglected and proceeded so far as to perswade Tiberius to make himself Emperour Tiberius having thus taken upon him the Title of Emperour left his design in Asia and in all speed ships his Army for Greece where being landed many of his friends joyn'd to him and so went straight to Constantinople where Leontius had fortified himself but Tiberins by force took the City and Leontius Prisoner and cut off his Nose and Ears and slew many of his Friends and grew so jealous that he banish'd one of his own dear Friends viz. Philippus onely for saying he dream'd that an Eagle alighted upon his head as if by this he would aspire to the Empire which after accordingly happened For more security Tiberius Absimarus resolved to kill Justinian of which he hearing escaped and fled into Sarmatia where he marryed Theodora Daughter to King Chaganus but this King being corrupted by Tiberius resolved to deliver up the Emperour of which Justinian being informed by his Wife fled secretly thence and after long wandring up and down he got to Trebellius King of Bulgaria who pittying his case rais'd an Army for him with which he marched to Constantinople and took it and Tiberius whom with Leontius he made to be carryed in disgrace through the principal Streets of the City and then being brought before him in irons they fell flat down at his feet upon whose necks Justinian troad and then they were both onely beheaded and Calliâ—icus the Bishop had his eyes put out and himself sent as a present to the Pope They say farther that he was so incensed against the Rebels who had done those great indignities to him that he never wied or blew his cut Nose whence he was call'd Rhimetus but he caus'd one of Leontius his faction to be slain Justinian being thus again restored resolved to be revenged upon the people of Charsenesus who had formerly designed his distraction and abused him and accordingly sends an Army against them Upon this they prepare for defence and desire the formentioned Philippus to head them which he doth calls himself Emperour and many of Justinians Army revolt to him and so being very strong he marcheth towards Constantinople in two divisions one commanded by Maurus who took Tiberius a young Son to Justinian but crown'd also Emperour in a Church begging mercy at the Altar whose head he presently cut off and the other Army was commanded by Elias who seis'd upon Justinian himself and beheaded him with his own hands And this was the end of unfortunate Justinian and Philippus sirnamed Bardanes was held for next Emperour This Justinian desiring to see Pope Constantine then sitting in the Chair at Rome sent to him and a Hic Constantinum Papam ad se venire jubens honorifice suscepit ac remisit Paul Dâ—acon vit Justin Anastasius Bibl. commanded him to come to him at Constantinople who accordingly obeyed the Emperour going out to meet him and in sign of humility not onely imbraced him but kiss'd his feet And this we are b Genebrard Chron. Tom. 2. pag. 706. Coeffeteau pag. 481. told was the first Emperour that kiss'd the Popes Toe which was not so much a fault in Justinian as in Constantine to permit which in my opinion is since that aggravated by placing a Cross at the end of the Shoe or Pantofle to take away the objection of worshipping a man since it would be a greater sign of Religion to place that Badge in a more honourable place but whatever be the pretences pride and policie to promote greatness and reverence is the reason Though for mine own part since I finde the greatest Potentates submit themselves to such a salute I should not scruple to kiss a worse part if custom gave it authority for those mens consciences are the worst part of their Religion which take pet or boggle at those ceremonies which time and fashion have made signs of civility and who can now deny the Pope to be a Temporal Prince within his own Territories And besides this curiosity is a good prop to the Argument And thus by the c An. 711. Murther of Justinian the Second and his Son Tiberius ended the Imperial Family of Heraclius which had continued just an hundred years Philippus Bardanes having thus made himself Emperour the Pope Constantine and he fell out about Religion and so the Pope excommunicated him and declared him an Heretick but said nothing against his Rebellion or Murther but to end the strife Artemius his Secretary and others conspire against him and one day he resting year 700 himself after his disports on horse-back they rushed into his Lodging apprehended him pluck out his eyes and banish'd him and the next day they proclaim Artemenius Emperour who changed his name to Anastasius Anastasius the Second sends a great Army against the Saracens but they took a gig in
Henry is not punished against whom he rants to the purpose The Legats again endeavour a peace and therefore they try Henry to see how far he would yeild To whom the King replyed That for his part for the love he bore to the Pope and Cardinals he would permit the Archbishop Thomas to return in peace § 67. to his See and dispose of his Church and all things thereunto belonging and because there had been long contention about the Customs he said That he and his Children would be content with those which his Ancestors had enjoy'd And yet if this condition of peace did not satisfie Archbishop Thomas he affirmed he was ready to stand to the determination as well of the Bishops of England as those beyond Seas as of Roan Baieux and Le Mans And if this were not yet enough he would submit himself to the judgement of the Pope with this Salvo that he would not impeach his Childrens right for during his own life he was content that the Pope should abrogate what he pleas'd But yet could not these condescentions do any good All these indeavours failing Lewes the Seventh King of France undertook the business he and Henry being now made friends and in this he behaved himself so wisely that he had wrought pretty well upon Thomas and so having procured a meeting Thomas § 85 86 humbled himself at the feet of Henry saying I commit to your determination the whole controversie which hath been the cause of dissention between us still excepting the honour of God Which last reservation greatly troubled Henry Thomas always making use of such Salvo's that render'd all but conditional and so void when himself fancied Henry at this turns to the King of France saying See my Lord if it please you let any thing not fit this mans humour and he presently condemneth it as contrary to the honour of God whereby he challength not onely his own but also whatsoever belongeth to me But that it may appear that I withstand not the honour of God nor yet of him i. e. Canterbury I make this offer There have been many Kings of England my Predecessors of greater or less Authority than I am and there have been many Archbishops of Canterbury before him of great worth and holiness what therefore the more eminent and virtuous of his Predecessors have done to the least of my Predecessors let him allow the same unto me and the Controversie shall be ended Upon which followed great Acclamations that the King had humbled himself enough Thomas holding his peace the King of France said My Lord Archbishop will you be greater than other holy men will you be greater or better than Peter what do you doubt loe peace is even at the door At last Thomas fell a commending his Predecessors but that they had left something for him to do and then extol'd Peter for resisting the Tyrant Nero with the loss of his life c. Thus the Peers of both Kingdoms England and France seeing no good to be done with him turn'd all against him imputing the want of peace to his a Imputantes arrogantiae Archiepiscopi impedimentum pacis Bar. an 1168. § 87. Arrogancie one Earl protesting he ought to be cast out of France as he had been out of England nay the very Courtiers who had been Mediators for his peace did now in his presence deeply charge him that he was b Semper superbus elatus sapiens in oculis suis propriae semper sectator volunta sentencia c. § 88. always proud high-minded wise in his own conceipt a follower of his private fancie and opinion Adding moreover that it was an exceeding mischief and great damage and danger to the Church that he was ever made a Governour thereof and that the same being already partly ruinated by him would now be quite overthrown Yet they tell us that the King of France presently alter'd his opinion and countenanced Thomas as much as ever All these indeavours failing the Pope once again undertook the year 1169 business and so sent two Nontio's Gratian an Vivian to take up the Controversie but when it came neer the conclusion they could not agree about the formality of the words and so returned as wise as they came Yet did not the Pope give over but sent two other Simon and Bernard who earnestly perswaded Thomas to humble himself to his King and so to please him with prayers Baron an 1169. § 39 40 43. and ready service And to work more upon him the King of France the Archbishops Bishops and other Lords there present earnestly advised him to the same Thomas seeing no remedy and all against him condescended to their desires went to King Henry and kneeling down submitted himself to God and the King but still with this reservation of the honour of God and his holy Order But this Henry rejects as imperfect alledging that Thomas by that Salvo would upon any occasion exclude the honour of his King However Henry declared that he required nothing of him but that he as a Priest and Bishop should before them all truely promise without any deceipt to observe the Customs which the holy Archbishops of Canterbury had observed to their Kings and which Thomas himself had once promised him to do But Thomas would consent to nothing without such Salvo's as formerly mentioned which conditional obedience so vext the King that he affirmed Thomas should never enter England till he had done to him as he ought to do and had undertaken to observe what others had observed and what himself had formerly promised And thus broke off this business And the truth is the King might have some reason to be more and more incensed against Thomas who instead of seeking the favour and friendship of his Soveraign had excommunicated his chief Friends and went so far against others that there was Speed § 32. scarce found in the Kings own Chappel and presence such as might perform the wonted Ceremonies And besides did daily threaten an Interdict against his whole Dominions and had done it but that some more prudent over-perswaded him to the contrary and the Pope himself thought it best to lay his commands on him not to do it till farther Order But this was not all for they proceed yet more and more to vex his Majesty For he being now about fifty years old and seeing the uncertainty of obedience and not knowing what the pretence of Church-authority might do to his Children if he should dye excommunicated as it was daily threatned him or not in favour with the Pope as he might suspect upon Thomas his account Upon these and other reasons he rosolved to settle his Succession by the Coronation of his Son Henry now fourteen years old This resolution being made known the Pope thought that now year 1170 he might compel the King to admit of Thomas or neglect the Coronation under the pretence that that Ceremony belong'd of right to
indued with many rare vertues yet some do so dote upon a blind Pontificall Obedience that they will impudently take upon them the part of an Omnipotent Diety and tell you that he is e Vâ—d Spondam an 1250. § 19. damn'd and all this I suppose because he would not let his Empire be childishly and foolishly taken and pluck'd from him by his Holiness who hath as much authority to depose Kings as Cromwell or Ravillac to murther them Sect. 4. The Guelfs and Gibbillins with other troubles of the Empire AT these times those who took part with the Popes were called Guelphs and those who sided with the Emperours Gibbilins the occasion of which denomination some Authors tell as followeth though the beginning of the story every man may believe as he pleaseth Irmentrudis Wife to Isenbard Earle of Altorff not only abusing Pezel part 3 p. 109. a poor woman for having several children at a birth but also causing her to suffer as an Adulteress as if by a judgement was the next year after her self brought to bed of twelve Sons and fearing to suffer by her own former judgement ordered a woman to drown eleven of them she reserving onely one The woman hired to obedience goeth towards the River meets the Earl who asked her what she was carrying she replyed Whelps he desired to see them she denyeth but by force he obtains makes the Woman confess the truth at which we may suppose him not a little troubled he hath them conveyed to a Miller there privately nurs'd up and the woman to keep Counsel but to return and tell her Lady that she had drowned them Six years after the Earle makes a great Feast hath these eleven Boys clad as the twelfth was and brought in and inquired of his guests what punishment was fitting for those who would have killed such pretty children at which the Lady suspecting swounded but coming to her self again upon her knees confest all pleaded simplicity and desired pardon which was granted her but for memory of the story the Earl ordered that their sirnames should be Whelps or Guelfs i. e. little young dogs or whelps Thus much for the original name of these after Dukes of Saxony and Bavaria But f Hist de Guelfis principibus vid. Hen. Canâ—s Antiq Lection Tom 1. pag. 179. Altorfensis or Weingartensis tells other stories of this name as probable as the former and it may be all alike As for Gibelin the common opinion is that the Emperour Conrade III. or his Son Henry was either born or nursed at a Town so called in Schwaben and that this Emperour being very powerful in arms the Italians fear'd him and so the better to keep him imployed at home Roger King of Sicily stir'd up the Bavarians Naucler p. 750. and others against him The two Armies joyning the Bavarians cryed out Hie Guelff their General being called Guelpho and the Imperialists shouted out as loud Hie g Weâ—bâ—ingen a Castle not far from Stutgartâ— in the Dukedom of Wâ—rinâ—burg in Seâ—â—â—â—â—n Gibelin in relation to their General young h Or Conrade himself Christ Besâ—ld Synopsiâ— hist p. 406 Henry so called from the Town of his birth or nursery And the Pope in this was concerned too Innocent II. being supposed to have an hand in this Revolt and war against the Emperour But these Names some say were almost forgot till they were again revived in the days of Frederick the II. Others will not go to Germany for this story but lay its original in Italy that when there were deadly feuds between the Pet. Mexia selva rinovata part 2. c. 39. Cancellieri and Panciatici in the City Pistoia in Tuscany at what time also there chanced to be two Potent Brothers called Guelfo and Gibellino the one siding with one party and the other with the other and that with such eagerness that from them each faction after took denomination as a Tho. Lans consult orat contra Italiam p. 816. Italy hath been several times rent by such private feuds and afterwards Frederick adhering to one and Gregory joyning to the other the Imperialists were called Gibbelins and the Popelins Guelfs under which two names Italy for several years suffered infinite miseries not only Cities and Towns but Families and nearest Relations being divided in this quarrel whereby they prosecuted one another with all fury imaginable Father against Son Brother against Brother nay the Wife and Husband oftentimes indeavouring one anothers destruction Of which unnatural Hatred and Tyranny the old Mendicant Fryer b Figurae Bibliae foâ— 65 66. Anthonius a Rampengolis according to his old way will tell you many Scripture-Allusions But to conclude some say they took beginning first at Pisa there the Faction first arising After the death of Frederick II. some of the Italianized Historians are willing to have the Empire voyd for some years some more or less but be it as it will I shall hastily run over some passages between the Popes and those by others held for Emperours of the West William we see the Pope cannot well deny having been so great an instrument to his promotion and c Bzov. an 1251. § 2. Spond § 1. perswading of him again to it and yet we find him very earnest with d Mat. Paris an 1251. p. 808. Haco King of Norway to take the Empire upon him Now Innocent seeing Frederick dead resolves for Italy and it is pretty to observe with what a complement he took his farewell of Lyons where he had been entertain'd all this while For the more glory of the business by a Cryer all the Citizens are Mat. Paris p. 819. warned to attend his Holiness and being all met Cardinal Hugo in the Name of the Pope made a Farewell-Sermon to them concluding thus Loving friends we have performed much good and done great Alms since our being in this City for when we first came hither we found but e Tria vel quatuor Prostibula inven mus sed nunc recedentes unum solum relinquinâ—s verum ipsum durat continuatum ab orientali pâ—rta â—lvita tis usque ad occidentalem Mat. Paris p. 856 Mat. Paris p. 892. three or four common Stews or Brothel-houses but now at our departure we leave you but one but such an one that extends it self all along from the East-gate even to the West-gate of the City Innocent being in Italy bends himself against Conrade Son to Frederick by the Germans call'd Emperour by others King of Naples and Sicily whom he perswaded William to root out of the Empire assisted with his Excommunications and Deprivations and sollicites Richard Brother to our English Henry III. to take upon him the Protection of Conrades other Territories in Italy For this Richard desired some assistance from the Pope and some Frontier Towns whither upon occasion he might retire but the Pope denying all conditions as if all people were obliged to fight for him and he
take his ease Richard knowing that without these concessions he could not be able to conquer Conrade wisely replyed to Albert the Legat that the Pope might as well say Loe I sell or give to thee the Moon ascend and take her Whereupon this treaty fell But the Pope then falls to work with King Henry himself whom he knew to be * Ad damna propria pronum credulum Ib. credulous and apt to run into his own ruine Henry easily consents to this sending the Pope a great deal of Money and the Pope as if to requite him stays the Croisado-Forces designed for the Holy-land that they might serve the King of England against Conrade to the grief of the Christians in Palestine which must be a crime in him if it were any in Frederick And to make Conrade more odious he bespatters him with multitude of Accusations to all which Conrade a Vid. Will. Wats Additamenta Matt. Paris apud fiâ—em p 192 193 194. answered at large and at last dyed as most men say by Poyson Not long before him dyed at Bugden in Huntingtonshire Robert Grost head Capito or Great-head Bishop of Lincolne The Pope no sooner heard of the death of Conrade but with a cheerful heart a smiling countenance and a triumphing voice he cryes out b Matt. Paris p. 89â— Truly I rejoyce and let all us that belong to the Roman Church be glad because two of our greatest Enemies are taken away Robert Bishop of Lincolne and Conrade King of Sicily And yet for Robert of Lincolne I dare boldly say that he was the greatest Scholar and most knowing man in his days in the World And the c Nic. Harpsfield Hist Eccles p. 477. Jo. Pistreus p. 326 227. Romanists themselves will magnifie him for all manner of Vertues and Holiness and not stick to say that his many d Matt. Paris p. 876 880 88â— 903. Harâ—sfieâ—d p. 47â— Miracles were evident signs of his Saintship But to pass by these things Pope Innocent himself dyed presently after And if they will put now any credit in Visions of which they have formerly so much gloryed as to bring Arguments from them to prove their Religion as you may see at large in Daurovetius both a Pope and a Cardinal will assure them of the e Matt. Paris pag. 897 903 904. miserable condition of this Innocent in the other World for his bad living in this But this I leave to them onely who delight in and vindicate themselves by such ware Yet before I part with this Innocent IV give me leave to tell the Reader that this is him who once in a rant thus vapour'd out his Authority f Nonne Rex Anglorum noster est vassalus ut plus dicam mancipium qui potest eum nuta nostro incarâ—erate ignominiae manâ— pâ—â—e Matt. Paris anno 1â—53 pag. 872. What is not the King of England our Vassal nay and to say more our SLAVE whom at a beck I can cause to be imprisoned and exposed to all ignominy After Alexander IV Vrban IV then Clement IV sate in St. Peters Chair as they phrase it which Clement before his Popedome was g B. Carranza sum Concil pag. 814. Bzov. anno 1265. § 1. Spondan Io. Guil. Rishanger continuat Matt. Paris p. 999 Genebrard Con p 9â—5 1272. 〈◊〉 p. 975 976. marryed and had several Children After his death the See of Rome was void three years the Cardinals not agreeing but wrangling amongst themselves every one hoping to be the man These self-ended interests and designs and yet all pretending the Elections to be by the Infallible inspiration of the Holy Ghost made one of the Cardinals it seems of a more free humour than the rest thus jeeringly advise them Let us open the top of the Conclave for the Holy-Ghost cannot descend upon us through so many Roofs At last Theobald Archbishop of Liege is chosen who call'd himself Gregory X. Of this wrangling Election the former Cardinal of Porto made this riming Distick Papatus munus tulit Archidiaconus unus Quem Patrem Patrum fecit discordia fratrum An Archdeacon's made Pope and at Rome sits a vicaring Made Father of Fathers by the Cardinals bickering But returning to Germany William of Holland departing out of this World by violence some say the Prince Electors differ about a new Emperour Some stand for Richard Duke of Cornwall and him they say the Pope favoured the main reason being his Riches according to the Proverb Nummus ait pro me nubit Cornubia Romae For me the money speaks it self Rome Marries Cornwal for his pelf Other Electors chose Don Alphonso X King of Castile and Leon so famous for his love to Astronomy and other Sciences But Richard made more haste and was Crown'd at Aken yet some will account neither of these for Emperours though a De jure status l. 3. c. 4. p. 287 288. Bozius confesseth that of necessity one of them should and ought to be Emperour yet the same Romanist will easily dash away the necessity with his almighty Argument viz. because it was not the Popes pleasure to confirm either of them And yet they confess that Pope b Spondan anno 1259. § 8. Alexander IV earnestly desired our English Richard to go to Rome and receive the Imperial Crown And after Richards death Alonso of Spain could not obtain it But the Electors then went to a new Election and chose Rodulph Earl of Habsburg upon the Northern Coasts of Helvetia I shall not trouble my self here with the Original of this Family whether German or Italian but refer you to a late Tract said to be a Posthume of that busie-pated c Gasp Sciop de August Dom. Austria Origine Scioppius and a later and more large Volume by d Germania Part. 3. vid. Mâ—c Eyzinger Genealog Princ. Austâ—â—ae Spond anno 1273. § 8. Gabriel Bucelinus who will refer you to others Yet this we must grant that from this Family the famous House of Austria and almost all the German Emperours to this day have sprung This Emperour Rodulph the Pope would gladly have had gone into Italy to receive his Crown of him but Rodulf utterly refused it e Pet. Mâ—xia fol. 444. Spondâ— anno 1277. § 3. alledging for his reason Aesop's Fable how the Fox would not go to the Lyon because he observed no Foot-prints of any beasts returning safe out of those who had formerly goâ—e to visit him And this he took to be the case of the Emperours his Predecessors few of them but loosing by their journey and having cause to repent of their expensive and abused travails And this some others observing Italy in time fell off from the Empire The Pope by no means allowing of a Neighbour so neer and so potent Rodulph dying Adulph Earl of Nassaw was elected by the cunning year 1292 of Gerhard Archbishop of Mentz his Kinsman But having ruled VI years and Albert son to
out and thrown in also lastly his head was cut off and fixt upon the most eminent place of the City and his body divided and parts of it sent to the chief places in the Kingdom As for Robert Graham he was thus punished a Gallows was raised in a Cart then he had his right-hand nailed to it and so drawn along the streets whilst the Executioners with burning Pincers tâ—re pieces from his Shoulders Thighs and suchlike fleshy places which were farthest from his Vitals thereby to keep him the longer alive and in greater pain yet did these terrors bring little repentance to him as may be ghâ—st by his impious answer for being asked during all these tortures How he durst lay hands on his Prince made this Reply That if he had Heaven and Hell at his choice he durst leap out of Heaven and all the joys there into the flaming bottom of Hell At last having all his flesh almost pull'd off his Heart and Intrails were thrown into the fire his Head stuck up and his Quarters sent to several places for a terror to others And here I shall hastily pass by the unfortunate Raign of King James III how his own Subjects covenanted against him confined or forced him to Edinbourgh Castle and at last came to open Battel against him at Bannoch-Burn not far from Sterlin where his Army being beaten he was after in cold blood murdered in the Mill but whether this abominable murther was done by Patrick Lord Gray Robert Sterling of Keer or Andrew Borthwick a Priest or all of them must be left as their Histories hath it uncertain Sect. 4. The deaths of Henry the Sixth and Edward the Fifth Kings of England BUt leaving Scotland here might I treat of the miseries of England at the same time of the long but unfortunate Raign of good Henry VI of his dethronement and which was worst of his year 1471 murther in the Tower of London as the common opinion goeth by a Bacons Hist Hen. VII pag. 2. Richard Duke of Glocester afterwards call'd Richard the III. Though Mr. b Hist Rich. III. pag â—0 Spondan calls him a Martyr an 1471. § 6. Buck of late would deny the fact and clear the said Richard from this and all other imputations laid to him by all other Historians The body of this King Henry was carryed to Chertsey in Surrey and there buryed in the Monastery belonging to the Benedictines And 't is said that many Miracles have been done at his grave above two hundred of which was gather'd into one c Vâ—d Harâ—sfield Hist Eccles p. 595. Volume nor was there any disease but they say was cured by him Blind Lame Dumb Kings-evil and what not And as if these were not enough they make him cure another Miracle viz. a Woman that used to go with Childe above d Ib. p. 596. two years Richard III envying the fame of Henry if we may believe King * Spelman Concil tom 2. pag. 71â— Henry VII removed the Corps from Chertsey to the Chappel of Windsor where he was also worshipped by the name of Holy King Henry and here they say that his Red-velvet-Hat e Stow pag. 424. heal'd the Head-ach of such as put it on their heads there his body rested for a time but now his Tomb being taken thence it is not commonly known what is become of his body 'T is true King Henry VII had a desire to have it removed to Westminster to which purpose the Abbot desired the f Spelâ— Concil pag. 712 71â— consent of Pope Alexander VI. King Henry VII also desired to have this Henry VI Canonized to which purpose he wrote to the said Alexander who gave the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Durham g Spelm. pag. 720. Authority to inquire into his Miracles and Life Nor did Henry VII cease here but Alexander dying he sollicited h Harpsfield pag. 594. Julius II very earnestly and some think that had the King lived a little longer he had obtain'd his request But this I shall leave with these words of Edward Hall These and other like Offices of Holiness Ed. Halâ—'s Châ—on fol. 223. b. caused God to work miracles for him in his life-time as old men said By reason whereof King Henry VII not without cause sued to July Bishop of Rome to have him Canonized as other Saints be but the fees of the Canonizing of a King were so great a quantity at Rome more then the Canonizing of a Bishop or a Prelate although he sate in St. Peters Chair that the said King thought it more necessary to keep his money at home for the profit of his Realm and Country rather then to impoverish his Kingdom for the gaining of a new Holy-day of St. Henry remitting to God the judgement of his will and intent And here passing by the cruel death of the young Innocent Prince Edward eldest Son to this King Henry VI in cold bloud after the fight at Tewkes-bury I might come to Edward V and shew how he was deposed by his Uncle Richard by means of his wicked Instruments Stafford Duke of Buckingham Dr. John Shaw Brother to Edmond Shaw Gold-smith then Lord Mayor of London and suchlike and from this I might lead you to the making away of the said young Innocent Prince Edward and his Brother by the means of the said Richard III but because all Histories will not exactly agree upon the manner how I shall refer you to the Chronicles themselves where the juggle if not the murthers may be seen at large Sect. 5. The troubles in Spain and the miseries of Don Henry the Fourth King of Castile and Leon by reason of his proud and rebellious Nobility IF we look into Spain we shall finde those Territories miserably wasted by Tumults and Rebellions we might see how the young King of Castile Henry III was so neglected by his proud and L. de Mayâ—â—â— Hist d' 〈◊〉 liâ— 18 19 20 21. greedy Nobility who pocketed up his Revenues that once he was forced to pawn one of his Robes for two Shoulders of Mutton to help out his Supper And we might see their Rebellions against his Son King John II whose troublesome Reign might be an Item to Kings to beware of confiding in and favouring too much one Subject by the neglect of the rest And the unhappy end of the Constable Don Alvaro de Luna may be a caution to the greatest favourites in their carriage for Kings at last in whose protection lyeth their greatest safety may be perswaded to leave them to Justice and then no mercy can be expected from the solong-abused Law and People But proceed we to greater troubles and misfortunes then these This King John II had by his First wife Maria of Arragon HENRY IV King of Castile and Leon. Leonora Catharine dyed young Second Wife Isabel of Portugal Daughter to D. Jean Master of S. Jago Son to John I. King of Portugal Alphonso whom
by the Emperours Ambossador And the better to retain in Memory this Massacre the Pope had it c George Wheâ—ston's English Mirrour pag. 17â— painted about his great Hall in the Lateran and there Recorded in d Jo. Niâ—hâ—l's Pilgrimage B. 8 Marble And what must be the cause of all these e Catholicorum Apologiis propugnata quae â—t Romae atque in Hispania immensis landibus celebrata Jo. de Bussiers Hist Fran. Vol. 4. pag. 120. De eâ— Laetitia ob vindicatos Haereticos piorum animis concepta non parum est Summar ad Hist Hispan Jo. Mariana anno 1572. Joyes Gaities and Triumphs in France Spain Italy and where not amongst the Romanists but that thirty thousand Protestants were in a small time destroyed by divers sorts of deaths some drown'd some hang'd some starv'd some Pistol'd others had their throats cut their bodies drag'd about streets denyed Christian buryal c. without any consideration of Age Sex Quality or Relations And all this in a supposed time of security and tranquillity a peace being made and the King passing his word and promise for their safety Now here would I ask the Romanists whether ever Queen Elizabeth did such a cruel Action as this If not then why must Charles IX go away with all these Glories and Trophies and our Queen laden with nothing but black accusations of cruelty As if Religon intitled one to more authority over his Vassals then the other The year viz. 1572. of this Massacre some have troubled themselves to lay down in these Numeral Letters Upon Gaspar Coligny the Admiral gVIsano oCCVbV It pIVs ah CoLLIgnIVs astV LVX qVater aVgVst I sena DoLen Da Ven It. Or thus bartho Lo MaeVs fLet qVIa FranCICVs oCCVbat atLas And upon the City of Paris this LVtetI a Mater sVos natos DeVoraVIt And here I cannot but take notice of one pretty cheat the Pope makes use of to shew to the world his great liking of this Massacre viz. that whensoever the famous Catholick Thuanus in his Narrative of this Butchery hints as he doth several times of the cruelty of these Throat-cuttings These expressions sound so harsh in the ears of his good Romanists that in the Index Expurgatorius they are all order'd to be dasht out and to appear no more in print lest good people should be corrupted by them so wo be to them who dare think amiss of this Parisian slaughter But it is not here alone but in many other places that they have endeavour'd to falsifie and corrupt this Learned Thuanus though one of their own Church yet one that hated lying For which Jacobus Gretser Johannes Baptista de Machand or Macaldus under the false name of Jo. Baptista Gallus I. C. with Adam Contzen and other Jesuits cannot pass him by without throwing some dirt upon him But though de Thou's book were a Adam Cantzen Discepâ—atio de Secretis Societat Jesu pag. 40. burnt at Rome yet will it remain as an instructive Monument to future Ages though endeavour'd to be corrupted as appears by the Index Expurgatorius and possibly hath been as is manifest by the late little Thuanus Restitutus But leaving these forraign comparisons let us return home and take a short view of our two Sister-Queens of different perswasisions in Religion Queen Mary whose Piety and Mercie is much commended by Sanders and other Romanists Reigned about five years yet in that short time were put to death for Religion above 260 without any regard to Sex Quality or Age Rich and Poor Learned and Ignorant Old and little Children that knew not the right-hand from the left one springing out of its Mothers Womb whilst burning at the Stake and unhumanely the little infant thrown into the fire to burn with its Heretical Mother as they term'd it In twice this time viz. for the first ten years of Elizabeth not one Romanist suffer'd death for Religion and though she Reigned above 44 years yet in that long Rule there were not so many put to death of the Romanists for Treason or what else the Romanist pleaseth almost by an hundred as there were in the short time of Queen Mary To which we may add as is confest by b In numerabiles Ang licaâ—i Martyres Duâ—em Ed mundum Campianum secuti docuetunt Pontificem Rom. posse quemcunque etiam Regem dig nitaâ—e Regâ—a exuete Abr. bzovius de Rom. Pont. cap. 46. pag. 621. Bzovius their Papal Champion that there was not any that suffer'd in Queen Elizabeth's time but did teach the dangerous Doctrine That the Pope could depose Kings This were enough to testifie that Queen Elizabeth was as happy and merciful to her Subjects as her Sister Queen Mary And to perswade those who throw so many commendations on the latter not to rob the former of her due praise The first that the Romanists pretended Martyrologist puts down to have suffer'd in Queen Elizabeth's days is one John Felton year 1570 and yet this was not till the XII year of her Reign so that they can pretend to no bloud for so many years And what small reason they have to glory in this mans Martyrdom let us judge by the Cause in short thus for I shall have occasion to speak more of him hereafter Queen Elizabeth having triumphantly Raigned above X years in the Nation to the great joy and comfort of her Subjects at last Pope Pius V takes a humour in his head and he forsooth must declare her to be no Queen to which purpose he thunders out a Bull declaring her Heretick Excommunicated Deprived and Deposed from her Dominions Absolves all her Subjects from Allegiance and interdicts any that shall obey her c. Felton gets this Bull hangs it upon the Bishop of Londons Palace-gates scorns to seek an escape boldly vindicates the Pope and himself in what was done defying the Queen and her Authority for which he was arraigned condemn'd and hang'd August 8. neer the same place in St. Pauls Church-yard Now for any thus to contemn and vilifie his Soveraign null her Authority renounce his Allegiance and so far to submit himself to a Forreign jurisdiction even in Temporalities as to declare his own Soveraign deprived and depos'd from her Kingdom I say what punishment this man incur'd let the Reader judge provided he will also consider that had a Protestant thus renounced his Obedience in Queen Mary's days not but that there were some Calvinistical fire-brands then the party should have dyed for it and those who commend Felton would have call'd the other Traytor And yet Felton did it to procure a National Rebellion This and some other Disturbances occasioned the next Parliament to put forth some a 13 Eliz. cap. 1. 2 3. Acts for the preservation of the Queens person and the better quieting and securing her Subjects and Dominions all people having time given them to consult either their own safety or a complyance So that who suffer'd afterwards was for their
8 And though he thus denyed his Allegiance and obedience renounced his Soveraign and her Authority and by this action as much as in him lay deprived her of Title Rights and Dominions yet we shall finde no man more commended by the Romanists for this deed then this Felton If the Learned c Lib. 44. Ingenti five audacia five timeritate Thuanus say that it was a very bold or a rash action the Index Expurgatorius will not have those words to stand as if they derogated from the glory of the action and so orders them to be blotted out of his History Father d Respons ad Edict Reginae § 352. Parsons will assure us that he was a glorious Martyr of which Title e De visib Mon. pag. 734. Concertat Eccles Cathol in Anglia part 2. fol 42. Sanders and others declare him abundantly worthy And in this opinion joyns with them no less man then f Anno 1570. § 4. Spondanus Bishop of Pamiers who shews his partiality by his willingness to trust too much to lying Sanders But above all well fare Hilarion de Coste a zealous Fryar as you may suppose for he will have him to out-do all the Worthies and Heroes in the world calls him g Ce Valeureux Soldat brave Champion de Jesus Christ avec une force d'Esprit invincible l'Ardeur de la foy qui le poussoit eut bien le courage l'asseurance d'attacher en plein ville de Londres Certainement cette action fut merveilleusement genereuse Heroique Aussi l'Eglise d' Angleterre met son Martyre parmy les plus glorieux Trophees au range de ses Victoires plus signalees comme celuy par lequel ainsi que j'ay desie dit elle semble avoir triumphé plus glorieusement de l'Heresie avssi ce coup genereux sait par ce brave Gentilhomme Anglois est chanté rechanté par tons les Escrivains qui ont traitté de Schism de la persecution d' Angleterre lequels universellement le lâ—üent extollent comme un acte courageux comparable à ces miracles de valeur ces Prouesses que fiâ—ent jadis un Mutius un Horace one Clodiá vierge Romaine qui mirent leur vie au hazard pour salut de la Patâ—ie de la Republique qui pour cela sont seroâ—t eternellement renommez dans l'Histoire Hil. de Coste Histoire Catholique l. 3 pag. 560. The valiant Souldier and brave Champion of Jesus Christ commends his invincible courage and zeal for the Faith which was sowonderful Noble and Heroick that England doth place his Martyrdom amongst her most glorious Trophees and most signal Victories having thus bravely triumph'd over Heresie whereby his fame is renoun'd in all Writers who for his valour and courage do praise and equal him with Mutius Horatius and Clodis who ventured their lives for the safety of their Country Thus much for the honour of Felton yet when the same Pen cometh to tell us of Elizabeth it will allow her no other commendation then a Cette impie maudite Reine Elizabeth vraye Izabel de nostre temps ib. The impious and wicked Queen the true Jezabel of our Days Thus our late Puritans or Presbyterians and this man seem to have the same School-master who can commend an Oliver and suchlike Rebels but throw all the filth and slanders imaginable upon their Soveraign King Charles the Martyr Another remark there is concerning this Bull the determination whereof shall be left to the judgement of the Reader and for his greater light let him take this following Narrative One John Nichols born in Wales thence went to Oxford staying one year in White-hall since call'd Jesus Colledge then removed to Brazennose Colledge so to his own Country where he taught a Gentlemans Children is Ordain'd turns Curate in Sommersetshire at last gets to London whence he ships himself for Antwerp goeth to Rheimes and at length to Rome where he is admitted year 1579 into the English Colledge Here he staid about a year returns again into England is seiz'd on at Islington and sent to the year 1581 Tower of London where he makes a publick Recantation and in a little time publisheth these following Books for no more are come to my knowledge His Pligrimage A declaration of his Recantation His Oration and Sermon made at Rome with his Answer to an infamous Libel In one of his b Declaration of the Recantation K. VIII Books he hath these words About c 1580. Midsomer 〈…〉 was twelvemonth they renewed these Bulls of Excommunication granted by this Pope d Gregory XIII Gregory under the colour and name of Pius Quintus published There were five hundred Copies printed at Rome as two of you my Brethren can verifie the same and how they were publish'd as I heard at Rome in the English Seminary at Rhâ—ims and were put fast to Pillars in the City Those Bulls of Excommunication were scatter'd throughout all Italy Spain and part of Germany Then a little after he proceedeth thus One of your Readers in Divinity-positive I am certain before two hundred Scholars and not so few as one of you may testifie the same most impudently and devilishly spake that it was lawful for any man of Worship in England to give Authority to the vilest wretch that is to seek the death of our Soveraign Queen But this Nichols stayeth not long in England but slips again year 1582 beyond Seas upon what account I know not though I am not apt to think upon any designe of turning Mahumetan as e Sanders de Schism lib. 3. pag. 415 416. one would hint to us however it was being got as far as Rouen he is seiz'd on clapt up in prison and like to pay for his old Tales he had vented against the Romanists In this perplexity and restraint they tell us how he f De Schism pag. 415 416 4â—7 418 419 c. Card. Allens Answ to the English Justice p. 30 31. recanted all he had formerly utter'd against them protesting that what he had formerly divulged was either through vain-glory envy fear or hopes of Reward That he did recant we onely have from themselves and I can trace him no farther then his imprisonment at Rouen for what they did with him or what became of him afterwards I know not this I am certain that after they say he went out of England that Dudley Fenner an old Puritan publish'd a a Call'd An Answer to the Confutation of John Nichols his Recantion London 1583. In quarto Book in his behalf and it is as true that Nichols himself doth several times protest and call God to witness that he hath publish'd nothing but truth to which purpose he himself did in print answer the objections and imputations laid against him by Father Parsons But however it be I think no great stress is to be laid upon it