ground After this he presently assaulted Oboda king of the Arabians who hauing laid ambushments in the countrey of Galaad in a place fit for such a purpose discomfited him and his whole army being driuen thence into a deepe valley where they were pestered with a multitude of Camels But Alexander escaped vnto Ierusalem where the people who had conceiued a hatred against him being encouraged by his great losse and slaughter of men began againe to rebell but then also he ouercame them and in six yeeres space at sundry battels he slewe aboue fiftie thousand Iewes notwithstanding he neuer reioiced in his victorie because the strength of his country was consumed thereby For which cause giuing ouer his warres he began to seeke the peoples fauour by sweete and milde speeches but they so much hated his inconstant and variable manners that when he demaunded of them what he might doe to win their fauours they answered if he would die for that scarcely they would pardon him if so be he were dead who had committed so many hainous crimes And thereupon the Iewes sent vnto Demetrius surnamed Aâ—…aerus for helpe who in hope of great rewards came and ioyned his forces with the Iewes about Sichem where Alexander met them both with a thousand horsmen and six thousand footmen that were hired hauing at that time ten thousand Iewes his fauourites and of the contrarie part there were three thousand horsemen and forâ—…ie thousand footmen Before the fight began the two kings sent messengers one vnto anothers army perswading one anothers men to forsake their colours and captaines for Demetrius hoped that Alexanders hired men would haue forsaken Alexander and come vnto him Alexander hoped that the Iewes that followed Demetrius would haue left Demetrius and come to him But when both parties perceiued that the Iewes continued obstinate in their purpose and the Greekes kept their fidelitie the two armies encountred in which encounter Demetrius had the vpper hand although Alexanders hirelings euidently shewed strength and courage But the end of this victorie was such as neither partie expected for they who sent for Demetrius after his victorie did forsake him and fortune chaunging her colours six thousand Iewes fled vnto Alexander into the mountaines whither for saferie he had betaken himselfe This reuolting much displeased discouraged Demetrius for he now thought that Alexander vniting his forces was able to bid him battel he feared that al the Iewes would at that present follow Alexander for which cause he returned home Yet the rest of the Iewes hauing thus lost the helpe of Demetrius would not for all this desist from their rebellion nay they so long warred with Alexander till at last the most of them being slaine he droue the rest into the citie of Bemeselin and when he had surprised and sackt the citie he led them captiues into Ierusalem But immoderate anger turned his crueltie into impietie for hauing crucified eight hundreth captiues in the middest of the citie he killed their wiues and the children he massacred before their mothers faces and this pitifull spectacle he beheld with pleasure drinking and making merry with his concubines Whereat the people were so terrified that the night after eight thousand of the contrarie part fled out of the countrey of Iudaea who staied in banishment during the life of Alexander Thus after he had by those actions sought for the tranquillitie of his kingdome which he obtained not but with long time and great difficultie he ceased to make warre against his countrey CHAP. IIII. Of the warre of Alexander with Antiochus and Aretas and of Alexandra and Hircanus AFter this Antiochus who likewise was called Dionysius the brother to Demetrius who was the last of all the race of Seleucus raised vp new broiles against Alexander who fearing him because he had prepared warre against the Arabians drew a deepe trench along that ground which lieth betweene Antipatris and the sea coast of Ioppe and before the trench he builded a verie high wall and raised towers of wood to hinder his enemies passage But all this could not keepe out Antiochus but that burning the towers and filling vp the trenches he entred and passed ouer them with his forces And not tarrying at that time to reuenge himselfe of him who had thus forbidden him passage â—…he presently marched forward against the Arabians But the king of Arabia retiring himselfe into certaine places of his countrey which were fittest for defence returning sodainly to battel with his horsmen who were in num ber ten thousand rushed hastily vpon Antiochus souldiers and found them vnprouided so that a hotte skirmish began betwixt them in which the souldiers of Antiochus whilst he liued shewed themselues valiant though they were on euerie side massacred by the Arabians but so soon as he was slaine who was alwaies readie to assist those that were in danger all of them fled and the greatest part of them were slaine in the battaile and in flight as for those that escaped they fled into the towne of Cana where they all except a very few died for hunger After this the people of Damascus being incited by the hatred they bare to Ptolomey the sonne of Mineus sent for Aretas and established him King ouer Coelesyria who warring against Iudaea and ouercomming Alexander in battell retired himâ—…lfe vpon composition Alexander hauing taken Pella resorted once more to the towne of Gerasa in that he was desirous of Theodorus riches and tooke the place notwithstanding that it was foâ—…ified with three walles and that vpon euerie wall there was planted a garrison He tooke Gaulan and Seleucia and that towne which is called the valley of Antiochus Moreouer hauing taken Gamala which was a most strong castle and imprisoned the gouernour thereof who was called Demetrius because he was a wicked person he returned into Iudaea after he had spent three yeeres in warrâ—…s where for his prosperous successe he was ioyfully receiued of his nation But no sooner ceased he from warre but he fell sicke and falling into a quartaine ague he thought that he should driue away his sicknes if he employed himselfe in some busines for which cause being not rid of his disease he applied himselfe to warre and labouring aboue his strength amids those tumults yeelded vp the ghost in the seuen and thirtith yeere of his raigne leauing the kingdome to Alexandra his wife fully acouâ—…ting that the Iewes would in all things obey her because that she alwaies by misliking and seeking to hinder his crueltie and iniquitie had woone the hearts of the people Neither was he doceiued for she being admired for her pietie amongst them obtained the principalitie the rather for that she was well acquainted with the customes of her countrey and euen from her childhood detested them who violated the holy law She had by Alexander two sonnes the eldest was called Hircanus whom by reason of his yeeres she proclaimed
the sacred tongue signifieth a King and Sos a shepheard or shepheards according to the common speech and Hicsos is a compound word Some say these people were Arabians but in other coppies I find that Hicsos is not interpreted kings shepheards but shepheards that were captiues for Hic and Hac also when it is pronounced doth in the Egyptian tongue signifie a captiue and this latter exposition seemeth to me to bee the truest for it is more agreeable with the historie Wherefore Manathon reporteth these foresaide kinges and sheapheards to haue ruled Egypt fiue hundreth and eleuen yeares and after these the king of Thebes and the king of the residue of Egypt vniting their forces togither inuaded the sayde sheapheards and held on great and long wars against them and that the sayde sheapheards were ouercome by the king Alisfragumthosis also that then they lost all Egypt which hee had in their power and that they were shut vp in a place called Auaris conteining ten thousand acres of ground which as Manathon reporteth these shepheards enuironed round about with a huge wall to the end that all their whole prouision might be fortified and all their prayses which they got defended Moreouer that Themosis sonne of the saide Alisfragumthosis endeuored by force to subdue them and for this cause besieged them with foure hundreth and foure score thousand armed men and at last despairing to take them by siege he couenanted with them that they should safly depart out of Egypt whether they would and that they vpon these conditions togither with all their families and goods and cattle departed out of Egypt into the wildernes so into Syria being in number two hundreth fortie thousand that fearing the puissaunce of the Assirians who at that time raigned in Asia they builded a citie in the countrie now called Iudea which they made so large as that it might receiue them all and this citie they called Ierusalem Further the saide Manathon in an other booke of the Egyptians affaires sayth that in the holy writings he sendeth the foresaide shepheards called captiues wherein he saith most true For our auncesters were wont to feede cattle so leading a pastorall life were called shepheards neither are they vniustly called captiues for our forefather Ioseph tould the king of Egypt that he was a captiue and long time after hee called his brethren into Egypt by the kinges commaund but wee will hereafter examine this point more straightly I will now cite the testimonie of the Egyptians concerning this point and also relate the words of Manethon touching the time when this befell who sayeth as followeth After that the nation of shepheards were departed out of Egypt vnto Ierusalem king Themosis who droue them out of the land raigned twentie fiue yeares and foure moneths and then dyed and his sonne Chebron succeeded him who raigned thirteene yeares and after him Amenophis twentie yeares and seuen moneths next his sister Amesses one and twentie yeares and nine moneths then raigned Mephios twelue yeares and nine moneths Mephamuthosis twentie fiue yeares and ten moneths Thimosis nine yeares and eight moneths Amenophis thirtie yeares and ten moneths Orus thirtie sixe yeeres and fiue moneths after him his daughter Achencheres twelue yeeres and one moneth and the brother of Rathotis nine yeeres Achencheres twelue yeeres and fiue moneths an other Achencheres twelue yeeres and three moneths Armais foure yeeres and one moneth Armesis one yeere and foure moneths Armesesmiamus threescore and sixe yeeres and two moneths Amenophis nineteene yeeres and sixe moneths Moreouer that Sethosis hauing made readie a huge armie both of foote and horse and also a Nauie at Sea left the gouernment of Aegypt vnto his brother Armais and permitted vnto him all other kingly authoritie onely forbidding him to weare a Diademe and to oppresse the Queene mother to his children commaunding him also to abstaine from the rest of the Kings concubines And Sethosis himselfe went to Cyprus and Phaenicia against the Assirians and Medes and subdued them all partly by the sword partly by feare of his power and greatnesse and being proud of all this his fortunate successe he bent himselfe against the Easterne Countrie and destroyed with fire and sword the Cities of that place with whole Prouinces and spending much time in these warres his brother Armais whome hee left in Egypt did without feare commit all that hee forbad him to doe for hee oppressed the Queene violently and dayly lay with the rest of the Kings concubines and being thereto councelled by his friends hee put a Crowne vpon his head and rebelled against his brother Also that he who was then â—…hiefe of the Egyptians holy customes sent letters vnto Sethosis containing all that had happened and how Armais had rebelled against him who returning to Pelusia came and enioyed againe his owne kingdome which by his name was called Egypt for Manethon writeth that this Sethosis was named Egyptus and his brother Armais Danaus Thus farre Manethon out of whome it is euident by computation of the foresaid times that our nation was deliuered out of Egypt three hundred nintie and three yeeres before Danaus and inhabited this Countrie of Iudaea so long before Danaus came vnto Argos notwithstanding the Inhabitants of Argos boast that their Citie is most auncient Wherefore Manethon recounteth two things for vs out of the Egyptian letters first that we came from another place to them afterwards went out of their Countrie againe and that so long agoe as it was almost a thousand yeeres before the Troyan warres Touching those things which Manethon professeth himselfe not to haue gathered out of the writings of the Egyptians who did write out of certaine tales and reports I will hereafter shew how they are alleadged without any reason for them For I will once againe leaue these and go to the testimonie of the Phaenicians which they writ concerning our nation The Tyrians therefore haue Chronicles of verie great antiquitie which they haue kept with all diligence concerning that which hath beene done amongst them and indeed they are worthie of memorie Amongst these Recordes it is written that king Salomon built a Temple at Ierusalem a hundred fortie three yeeres and eight months before the Tyrians erected Carthage So they haue registred the building of our Temple for Hiramus king of the Tyrians was our kings Salomons friend obliged vnto him for his fathers sake who for this cause also of his owne liberalitie gaue Salomon a hundred and twentie talents of gold towardes the building of the Temple and cut downe the most goodly wood called Libanus which hee bestowed vpon him to make the roofe of the Temple withall for which bountie Salomon gaue him againe manie liberall gifts and among the rest a Countrie of Galilee named Zabulon but Salomons wisedome was the chiefe cause of this Kings friendship towards him For they sent problemes one to the other to bee answered and Salomon in his answeres appeared
Ioas treble victory The yeare of the world 3◅03 before the Natiuitie of Christ. 86◅ Hedio Ruffinus chap. 9. Amasias king of Ierusalem 4. Reg. 14. De◅ 24. The yeare of the world 3106. before Christs birth 858. The dismission of the Israelits 2 Paral. 25. Amasias victory ouer the Amalechites Amasias i◅ reprehended◅y a proohet for his idolatry The yeare of the world 3106. before Christs Natiuitie 858. Amasias expedition against Ioas king of Israel Amasias taken prisoner by the king of Israel Ierusalem ruinated The temple spoyled Amasias slaine The yeare of the world 3120. before Christs birth 844. Hedio Ruffinus chap. 11. 4. Reg. 14. The enlargement of the kingdome of Israel Ionas 1 Ionas sēt vnto Niniue flieth the presence of God and ascending a ship is cast in a strome into the sea The yeare of the world 3120. before Christs Natiuitie 844. Ionas cast into the sea is deuou red by a whale and cast vpon the coast of Niniue foretelleth them of the losse of their empire Ionas 2. 3. 4. Reg. 14. 15 Ieroboams death Ozias king of Iuda The yeare of the world 3136. before Christs birth 828. Ozias expedition and the repaiting of the city 2. Paral. 26. The yeare of the world 3150. before Christs natiuitie 814. Ozias riches and army Ozias transgresseth his vocation and is punished with a leprosie and compelled to depart out of the city The yeare of the world 3170. before Christ birth 794. The yeare of the world 3170. before Christs birth 794. Zacharias slaughter 4. Reg. 35. Manahem king of Israel The yeare of the world 3174. before the birth of Christ. 790. The Tapsians slaughter Peace bought with money The yeare of the world 3185. before Christs birth 779. Phaceias The translatiō of the Israelits The yeare of the world 3187. before Christs birth 777. Iothams piety Hedio Ruffinus chap. 7. The prophecy of the destruction of Niniue Naum. 2. The yeare of the world 3204. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 760. Hedio Ruffinus chap. 13. Achaz impiety The sacrifice of his sonne The punishment of impietie Esay 7. 4. Reg. 16. The slaughter of the army of Iuda 4. Reg. 16. The Israelites by the prophets aduice dismisse those prisoners they had takē of the tribes of Iuda and Beniamin The yeare of the world 3207. before Christs birth 757. The yeare of the world 3207. before Christs birth 757. 4. Reg. 16 17. The translatiō of the Israelites Achaz giueth the gold and siluer of the temple to the king of the Assyrians Achaz shutteth the doors of Gods temple and honoureth strāge gods Achaz death The yeare of the world 3215. before Christs birth 749. Oseas impietie and punishment Hedio Ruffinus chap 14. 4 Reg 17. The pietie of Ezechias king of Iuda Ezechias embassadours that were sent to the Israelites to exhort them to celebrate the feast of vnleuened bread are slaine by them 2. Paral. 29. 30 The word of God is neuer without fruit The yeare of the world 3218. before Christs Natiuitie 746. Ezechias sacrifice Reformation of Gods seruice The yeare of the world 3224. before Christs birth 740. The king ouercommeth the Philistines Ezechias forsaketh the seruice of the king of Assyria Hedio Ruffinus chap. 15. 4. Reg. 17. The Israelites remoued from their possessions are translated into the region of the Chuthites The yeare of the world 3224 before Christs birth 740. The Tyrians Chronicles touching the wars of Salmanazar against the Tyrians written by Menander Gods displeasure against the idolatrous Chuthites The Chuteans embrace the seruice of God and in prosperitie claime kindred of the Iewes The yeare of the world 3231. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 733. 4. Reg. 18. The destruction of Iudaea The oth of Senacherib and his breach thereof Rapsaces perswasion to cause Ezechias submit 4. Reg. 19. Ezechias in aduersity hath recourse to God he is cōsorted by Esay The yeare of the world 3231. before Christs Natiuity 733. Herodotus of Senacharib Hedio Ruffinus chap. 11. The punishment of Senacharib for displeasing God Patricides Hedio Ruffinus chap. 3. 4. Reg. 20. Ezechias sicknesse and the prolongation of his life assured by miracle The yeare of the world 3231. before Christs Natiuitie 733. The Assyrian Monarchie destroied The embassage of the king of Babylon to Ezechias The captiuitie of Babylon foreprophecied by Esay The yeare of the world 3232. before Christs birth 732. Hedio Ruffinus chap. 4. Ezechias death 4. Reg. 21. Manasses impiety and cruelty The yeare of the world 3247. before Christs birth 717. Hedio Ruffinus chap. 5. Alias cap. 4. The yeare of the world 3247. before Christs Natiuitie 717. Manasses surprised and led prisoner into Babylon and after his repentance restored to his kingdome The yeare of the world 3288. before Christs birth 676. Manasses purifieth the citie and consecrateth the temple againe The yeare of the world 3302. before Christs birth 662. Manasses death Amos king of Iuda a wicked prince The yeare of the world 3304. before the birth of Christ. 660. Iosias king of Iudae 4 Reg. 22. Iosias restoreth the true seruice of God The feare of the world 3307. before Christs birth 657. Iosias rooteth outidolairie The yeare of the world 3321. be fore Christ birth 643. Iudges The zeale of the people in the reparation of the temple The yeare of the world 3321. before Christs birth 643. Moses sacred bookes found in the temple Olda the prophetesse sent vnto by Iosias The pophecie of the Iewes miserie 4 Reg. 23. A liuely image of a godly prince The truth of the diuine oracles 3. Reg. 13. The celebration of the passeouer The yeare of the world 3321. before Christs birth 643. Hedio Ruffinus chap. 9. Alias cap. 5. The yeare of the world 3334. before Christs birth 630. The Egyptians worke their passage thorow Iudaea 4. Reg. 23. Iosias death An Epitaph written by Ieremy on Iosias 2. Paral. 25. Ieremy prophecieth the captiuitie of Babylon In what time Ieremie liued Ioaz king of Iuda 4. Reg. 23. 2. Paral 36. Hedio Ruffinus chap. 7. Alias chap. 6. Eliacim called Ioachim made king of Iuda The yeare of the world 3335. before Christs birth 629. The yeare of the world 3336. before the birth of Christ. 628. Nabuchodo nosor king of Babylon warreth against the Egyptians The yeare of the world 3336. before Christs birth 628. Ioachim paseth Nabuchadnezzar tribute 4. Reg. 24. The yeare of the world 3343. before Christs natiuitie 621. Hedio Ruffinus chap. 8. Ioachim reuolteth from the king of Babylon The yeare of the world 3345. before Christs Natiuity 619. Ieremy foretelleth the destruction of Ierusalem Ier. 22. Nabuchadnezzars entertainment into the citie and his crueltie 4. Reg. 24. 2. Paral. 36. Ioachin or Iechonias king of Iuda The yeare of the world 3346. before Christs Natiuitie 618. Hedio Ruffinus chap. 9. 4. Reg. 25. Nabuchodonosor a truce ◅eaker Sedechias king of Ierusalem seduced by his courteours false
The yeare of the world 4014 after Christs birth 52. The souldier executed that burned the Bible A Galilean slaine in Samaria Eleazar and Alexander two princes of the Iewes exercise much crueltie Conspiracy in robbery Quadratus gouernour of Syria heareth the Samaritanes Iewes Quadratus giueth sentence betwixt the Iewes and Samaritanes The yeere of the world 4014. after Christs birth 52. Claudius sentence against some Samaritanes Cumanus and Celer Claudius dieth and Nero succeeded him The yeare of the world 4015. after the Natiuitie of Christ. 53. Nero killeth his brother his mother and wife The yeare of the world 4018. after Christs natiuitie 56. Ant. lib. 20. cap. 1â—… Felix surpriseth Eleazar the captaine of the theeues and many others and sendeth them bound to Rome Another sort of theeues who at 〈◊〉 daies went about the city to murther men Ionathas the high priest with many others slaine Ant. lib. 20. cap. 12. An Egyptian Prophet gathereth welny â—…0000 men Felix ouerthroweth the Egyptian The theeues and magitians work much mischiefe to many men The yeare of the world 4020. after the 〈◊〉 of Christ. 50. Ant lib. 20. cap. 13. A fight betweene the Iewes and Syrians about Caesarea Sedition and slaughter among the Iewes The yeare of the world 4024. after Chrisâ—… 〈◊〉 62. Ant lib. 20. cap 11. Albinus president of Iudaea full of all wickednes The seditious bribe Albinus to winke at their robberies The yeare of the world 4028. after Christs birth 66. Ant. lib. 20. cap. 16. Gessius Florus succeeded Albinus and proued worser then Albinus The couetousnes of Florus spoileth whole cities The yeare of the world 4018. after Christs birth 66. Cestius Gallus appeaseth the people and requireth a mitigation of Florus seueritie The beginning of the warre of the Iewes the 12. yeare of Neros raigne Ant. lib. 20. cap. 15. The causes of the warre of the Iewes The yeare of the world 4030. after Christs birth 68. Florus periury and decoit toward the Iewes The conflict of the Iewes with the Caesareans Florus imprisoneth twelue of the chiefest Iewes in Caesarea Another cause of warre raised by Florus The yeare of the world 4030. after Christs Natiuitie 68. Another occasion of the war Florus scorneth the gratulation of the Iewes Florus in his tribunal requireth them to be yeelded vnto him who had spoken ill of him The outrage of Florus soldiers Florus soldiers kill 630. Iewes in one day Berenice requi reth Florus to pacifie his displeasure against the Iewes The furie of the souldiers against Beroâ—… nice The people exclaime against Floruâ—… The yeare of the world 4030 after Christs birth 68. Florus renueth the discontents of the people Florus subtiltie and treason The exhortation of the priests and princes to the people The euent sheweth Florus intent counsel The slaughter of the Iewes The seditious for 〈◊〉 least Florus should seâ—…se their spoiles flie to the temple Florus taketh the spoiles and entreth the temple Florus seeing the Iewes inexpugnable in the temple surceaseth his violence and leauing a band behind him goeth to Caesarea The yeare of the world 403â—… after Christs birth 68. Cestus Gallus president of Syria coâ—…ulteth with the princes what were bestro be done Politianus is sent to Ierusalem and meeteth with Agrippa The multitude of the people go out to meet Agrippa and Politianus Politianus assembleth the people and inciteth them to peace and after returneth to Cestius The Iewes require the king y t there might be some embassadors sent to Rome to conplaine of Florus to Nero. Agrippas oration to the Iewes Agrippa striueth to make the common sort flexible attentiue The yeâ—…re of the world 4030. after Christs birth 68. It be hooueth to honour the magistrate and not to prouoke him by iniury Agrippa excuseth Caesar and the Romanes Depulsion of the Iewes libertie which they so vehemently seeke forâ—… The exaÌ„ple of the Athenians others who obey the Romane empire The Lacedemonians The Macedonians The comparison of the Romans force with the Iewes weaknes The Romans haue brought the whole world vnder their gouernment haue â—…ought another world beyond the Ocean The 〈◊〉 of the world 4030. after Christs Natiuitie 68. Fiftie Cities of Asia obey the Romans The defence of France The Spaniards subiect to the Romans The Germains mulâ—…de vertue and huge stature The Britaines subiect to the Romans The Parthians The Carthaginians made subiect by Scipâ—…os hands The Romans gouerne the Moores The yeare of the world 4030 after Christs birth 68. Alexandria acknowledgeth the power of the Romans Gods fauour towaâ—…ds the Romans The last argument that proueth the Iewes destitute of Gods mans helpe and vnapt to make warre Whilest the ship is yet in the Port it is good to preuent the â—…uture tempest Agrippas prophecie of the Iewes future miserie Agrippâ—… protesteth that hee hath omit ted no counsel that he thoght expedient for the Iewes The yeare of the world 4030. after the birth of Christ. 68. Agrippa the king is by the people driuen out of the citie with stones The Iewes refuse Caesars sacrifices for the prosperitie of the Romanâ—… Against those who refuse forrain sacrifices None of the seditious gaue eare to those that were in authoritie Embassadours sent to Florus and Agrippa against the seditious The yeare of the world 4030. after Câ—…sts birth 68. Warre in Ierusalem between thâ—… seditious and those that â—…auored peace Xylophoria aâ—…east The kings souldiers are ouercome The Iews take Antonia and burne it Manahemus the chiefe of y t rebels giues the kings faction and friends licence to depart The Romans forsaking the Stratopedon flie into the Kings sortes The yeare of the world 4030. after Chrâ—…sts birth 68. The death of Ananias the high priest and Ezechias his brother Eleazars followers assault Manahem in the Temple Manahem with the princes slaine The Romans vnable any â—…on ger to resist yeeld themselues The Romanâ—… against all couenant law are all slaine saue Metiliâ—… Slaughter on the Sabaoth day The yeere of the world 4030. after Christs birth 68. The Iewes spoyle the villages and burn the Cities of Syria Al Syria full of miserable calamities Iewes against Iewes The Scythopolitans kill thirteene thousand Iewes Simon daily killeth many of his countrimen in Scythopolis The yeare of thâ—… world 4030. after the birth of Christ. 68. Simon killeth his parents his wife and children and at last himselfe An other slaughter of the Iewes The cities in armes against the Iewes Varus killeth 70. Iewes in in their iourney The Romans yeeld vp theiâ—… castle in Marichunte to the Iewes Sedition in 〈◊〉 betweene thâ—… Greeks and Ieweâ—… The yeere of the world 4030. after Christs birth 68. Tiberius Alexander exhorteth the seditious Iewes to keepe peace A cruell victorie wherein 〈◊〉 thousand Iewes are slaine Huge companies of the Romans Zâ—…bulon 〈◊〉 strong Citie of Galilee spoiled and burnt The Iewes kill two thousand Syrians The Romans take Ioppe and burne it and kill eight thousand and foure hundreth 〈◊〉 â—…nd
the banquet ministreth meat according to euerie mans affection Some therefore are seduced with the sweetnes of the stile and in seeking their pleasure lose their profit who reape no other fruit of Historie then to beguile time and beget officious idlenes laughing away houres and nourish repent others in reading glorie hunt it in a shadow where if they could make vse of it in proportion they could not fall to repent it And whereas no man can aspire to true glorie without true vertue neither no wise man will hope further yet see we many men that because they haue read many excellent works will be Capricious and pretend wisedome resembling those tragedians who will after they haue discharged themselues of their parts and apparrell wherein they counterfaited the Emperour yet retaine his royall and princely manners Some triuiall and light witted that make an Eclipse of a shadow make more of the embleme then the worke the habit then the Doctor So admirable effects worketh history in mens mind Now whereas it is the most exact and chiefest intent of historie to awaken mans idlenes and arme them against casualties and the whole bent of example hath no other issue it falleth out thorow mens securitie who suppose that their neighbours perils concerneth them not that whatsoeuer is of note is ouerslipt with a deafe and sleeping iudgement and things that memorie should best loue are lost in her To conclude there are some that will haue euerie mans shooe fitted on their owne last tie all mens pens to their own pleasures For which cause partly by reason of this secret partly thorow this ill ordered confused and rash method of reading as of corrupt humours so is there growen a certaine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of iudgement and resolution and as in intemperate bodies meat yeeldeth verie little profit so reape they no fruit or benefit by their reading By this good reader thou maist easily conceiue how a historie ought to be read how mens liues ought in them selues be examined finally how equal a proportioÌ„ is required in both And truly in my opinion the chiefest ground of this difficultie is the peruersnes of our iudgements which is the cause we the rather respect our own inclinations what they are then the true life and force of example Furthermore this is no lesse miserie then the former that such as write set downe such things as are acted not onely for their profit sake but to feed their owne humours and like to certaine Architects by interposing their iudgements doe vainely praise some things supposing that our imitation should betied to their pleasure where if they performed what they ought to do the reader should incounter with no such distractions but now in like manner as Cookes who rather expect their masters pleasurable taste then his profit would God the Historiographer did not affect flatterie It therefore appeareth that in two sorts first in our owne iudgement and next to the preiudice of those that write we are circumuented in that they set not downe such euents as passe in their owne nature and as they are For he that writeth an Historie is the interpretor of those things that are past whose iudgement being depraued it fareth with him as with the purest most richest wine which waxeth mustie by reason of that vessel wherein it is inclosed or is by sophistication corrupted which is the greatest folly most intolerable deceit that may befal men They therfore who negligeÌ„tly vndertake a historiy or suppose that life were to be past rashly and without an exact obseruance of all offices are no lesse deceiued then certaine countrey pesants in the last troubles of France of whose folly I drewe some example who attempting and entring vpon a citie not farre off from them lighting into an Apothecaries shop furnished with all kind of drugs and dainties and being allured by the pleasure odors and delight of the confections they tasted and supposing all to be of the same kind deuoured tasted and swallowed downe euery thing whereupon some fell sicke of feauers some grew phrensie and manie lost their liues to please their appetites at leastwise he that scaped best gaue occasion of laughter to the lookers on For as life so Historie the image of life is fraught with pleasure and displeasure and onely in the vse of life the wisedome of life consisteth Fare well vse this and my selfe as two twinnes borne for thy profit Thine Thomas Lodge THE TITLES OF ALL SVCH BOOKES AS ARE CONTAINED IN THIS HISTORIE 1. A Historie in twentie bookes wherein the Antiquitie of the Iewes is discouered 2. Seuen bookes of the Warres of the Iewes 3. Two bookes against Apion the Gramarian in Iustification of the Antiquitie of the Iewes 4. A booke as touching the memorable martyrdome of the Machabees 5. Iosephus Life Written by himselfe all A briefe computation of time verie profitable and necessarie in the vnderstanding of this Historie FRom Adam vntill the Deluge there were 1656 From the Deluge vntill Abrahams time 292 From Abraham vntill the departure out of Aegypt 500 From the departure out of Aegypt vntill the building of the temple by Salomon 480 From the building of the temple vntill the captiuitie in Babylon 410 From the returne from the captiuitie vntill the Machabees time 432 From the Machabees time vntill Herods 134 From Herods time vntill the finall and fatall destruction of Ierusalem 103 The Iewes haue two sorts of yeeres the Politique sort which beginneth in September and the Sacred or Ecclesiastique which beginneth in March They haue twelue Moneths or Moones euerie third yeere hath a thirteenth Moneth of 22. daies and the fourth yeere hath a thirteenth moneth of 23. daies Before the captiuitie of Babylon they accounted the moneths successiuely by 1. 2. 3. c. since their returne they haue named them rather after the maner of the Chaldees then Hebrewes The Hebrew The English The Greeke Nisan March Andimen Ziu or Iar Aprill Leritien Sluan May Distre Tamaz Iune Xantique Ab Iuly Arthemisien Eâ—…ul August Desien Ethanin or Tisrij September Paneme Bul or Markesuan October Loïe Casleu Nouember Gorpian Thebet December Hiperberetâ—… Sebath Ianuarie Dien Adar Februarie Apelleen This nation in their beginning was gouerned by Iudges Moyses Iosuah Othoniel Aod Baruc and Debora Gedeon Abimelech Thola Iair Ieptha Absan Elon Abdon Sampson Eli Samuel After them they had these Kingâ—… Saul Dauid Salomon Roboam Abia Asa Iosaphat Ioram Ochozias Athalia Ioas Amasias Ozias Ioathan Achaz Ezechias Manasses Amon Iosias Ioachas Eliachim Ioachin Sedechias The Captiuitie of Babylon continued 70. yeeres Gouernors after the Captiuitie Zorobabel Rhesa Iehan Ben Resa Iudas Hyrcanus Ioseph Abner Heli Mahat Nagge Hagaâ—…eli Naum Amos Matâ—…hathias Ioseph Arses Iannes Hyrcanâ—… Mattathias The Machabees who haue been â—…oth Gouernorâ—… and Priests Iudas Ionathaâ—… Simon Iohn Hyrcanus These following haue been both Kings and Priests Aristobulus 1. Iohn Alexander Alexandra Aristobulus 2. Hyrcanus Aristobulâ—… the son of Arist.
of God to the ende that conceiuing in his mind the greatnes of his workes he might as much as in him lieth imitate his most vnequall example and follow him with all diligence For it is impossible that a law-maker being voide of this contemplation should haue good sence or that his writings should be of any moment to induce them vnto vertue who should receaue those lawes except before all things they should learne that God who is the Father and Lord of all and that seeth all giueth happie life vnto those that follow him and contrariwise inuironeth them with great calamities who forsake the way of vertue and righteousnesse Moses therefore intending to instruct his Citizens in this doctrine began not his ordinances with the treatise of contracts and couenaunts which we practise one with another as other law-makers were accustomed to doe but he hath lifted their spirits on high to the ende they might thinke on God and on the ornament of this world made by him perswading that the most accomplished worke among all those things which God had made in the world was the creation of vs men After that he had made them capable of things concerning pietie then might he more easily perswade them in the rest Whereas other law-makers addicting themselues vnto fables haue in their discourse imposed on their Gods the infamie of sinnes committed by men and by that meanes haue brought to passe that the wicked sort are yet more wicked and addicted to euill doing But as touching our law-maker after he had declared that God had in himselfe all vertue pure and vnspotted he hath thought good that men also should endeuour themselues to be partakers of the same and on those that neither conceiue nor belicue those thingâ—… he inflicteth a grieuous and inexorable punishment I exhort the reader therfore to examine our writings according to this Maxime for to those that consider after this maner nothing shal seeme either absurd or vnworthy the magnificence of God by reason that all things haue their disposition conformable to the vniuersall nature which our Law-maker hath declared sometimes obscurely sometimes in conuenient allegories grauelie and otherwise expressing that manifestly and publishing that in plaine words which he ought openly to make knowne The causes whereof if any man would search he might find a most deepe and verie Philosophicall contemplation which I ouerslip at this present without longer staying thereon but if God shall giue me time I will inforce my selfe to compose it in a volume as soone as I shal haue finished this worke For this present then I will apply my selfe to expose those thinges which haue beene done beginning at the creation of the world according as Moses hath spoken and I haue found it written in the holy scriptures which testifie and intreat to this effect aâ—… followeth CHAP. II. The Creation of the world IN the beginning God created heauen and earth now the earth not being subiect to sight but couered with thicke darkenesse and trauersed with an ayre comming from high God commanded that there should be light and after the light was made hauing considered the vniuersall matter he seperated the light from the darkenesse and named the darknesse Night and the light Day calling the Morning the beginning of the day and the Euening the time wherein we cease from trauell and this was the first day which Moses in his language called a day whereof at this present I could giue a sufficient reason but for that in a particular discourse I haue promised to write the generall causes of all I will referre the declaration thereof to his conuenient time and place After this the second day he placed â—…he heauen aboue all the world and hauing separated it from other things he thought good to giue it a place apart and making it firme by the meanes of a Christalline matter he endowed it with a qualitie moist and rainy and did harmoniously accord the earth with it to the end the increase thereof should be watred by dewes The third day he firmly established the earth spreading the sea round about the same and the same day he with a word caused all plants and seedes to spring vpon the face of the earth The fourth day he embellished the heauens with the Sunne the Moone and Starres ordaining them their motions and couâ—…ses by which the seasons orderly ensuing might be distinguisht In the fift day he made all kinde of liuing creatures which dwell vpon the face of the earth as well they that swimme in the deepest waters as those that flie in the ayre vniting them togither by couples and paires to the end that each in their kinde might increase and multiply The sixt day he made all four-footed beasts distinguisht them into male and female and in the same day he formed man So that Moses saith that the world and all that is therein was made in six whole daies and that on the seuenth day God tooke rest and ceased from his labours By reason whereof we likewise desist from trauell on that day which we call Sabath which is to say Repose After the seuenth day Moses began to describe the originall of man and the manner of his Creation in these tearmes God framed man of the dust of the earth and powred into him a spirit and soule which man was called Adam an Hebrew worde signifying ruddie because he was made of eâ—… tempered with redde or yeallow for the earth which is rightly called a virgin that is to say earth not remooued but elementarie is of that colour Then brought God all kinde of liuing creatures before Adam shewing him as well the male as the female on wâ—…m Adam bestowed those names which to this present time they retaine And seeing that Adam had female to accompany and liue with him for as yet there was no woman and for that he thought it strange that all other liuing creatures had their companions God tooke one of his ribbes from him at such time as he slept and of the same he formed a woman who being brought before Adam he did acknowledge that she was made for him Now in Hebrew a woman is called Isha but this was called Eua which is as much to say as the mother of all liuing creatures He declareth also that God planted in the East a garden flourished and adorned with all sortes of plants amongst which was the tree of life and an other the tree of intelligence by which was knowne both good and euill And after he had brought Adam and his wife into this garden he commanded them to keepe and cherish the plants Now this garden is watred by a riuer that inuironeth the whole earth which diuideth it selfe into 4. chanels or riuers That which is called Phison which name signifieth abundance or multitude floweth by the land of India and entereth into the great sea and is by the Greekes called Ganges As
most odoriferous drugge the halfe of the said waight and he caused all these to be beaten and infused in a Hin of oyle of oliue others write palme this Hin is one of our measures contayning two Choas of Athens all which he mixed boyled together according to the art of perfumers and he made thereof a most odoriferous oyntment which he tooke and annoynted the priest withall and all that which belonged to the Tabernacle to the intent to purifie them offering many and sundrie sorts of beasts of great price to sacrifice within the Temple vpon the Altar of gold whereof I forbeare to speake any further for feare I should grow offensiue and tedious to the readers Twice a day before the sunne rise and sunne set they were to burne incense and purifie the oyle and refresh the lampes whereof three ought to burne euerie day vpon the sacred Candlesticke in honour of God and the rest were lighted in the euening Amongst them that wrought and finished these things Beseleel and Eliab were the most excellent and expertest workemen for whatsoeuer had been enterprised by others they in their art polished and perfected and they of themselues found many new things of their owne inuention yet was Beseleel iudged the most excellent of them two All the time employed in this worke was seuen months and at that time was the yeare accomplished which began at their departure out of Egypt In the beginning of the second yeare in the month which the Macedonians call Xanthicus and the Hebrewes Nisan vpon the new moone they dedicated the Tabernacle with all things belonging thereunto according as I haue made mention And God presently testified that both their gifts were gratious in his eyes and the Hebrewes labors fruitfull and pleasant in his sight testifying his presence in that Temple after this manner Whereas the heauen was otherwaies cleere and faire ouer the Tabernacle only there was a cloud not wholy thicke like a winter storme nor obscure and yet not so thin as a man could see thorow the same from whence there descended a dewe that gaue testimonie of Gods presence vnto them that had will and beliefe Moses honoured the workemasters that made the worke with such rewards as appertained vnto them by desart and sacrificed according as God had commanded him in the doore or porch of the Tabernacle a Bull a Ramme and a Kid for their sinnes but with what ceremonie these things are done I will declare when I intreat of sacrifices as also what offerings are to be burned by fire and according to the law are allowed to be fed vpon and with the blood of the slaughtred beasts he besprinkled the vestment of Aaron and purified both him and his children with fountaine water and the pretious oyntâ—… 〈◊〉 to the end they might be sanctified to God And for seuen daies space he consecrated both themselues and their vestments and the Tabernacle with those things which appertained thereunto with that oyle whereof I haue before time foretold you with the bloud of Buls and Rammes slaine euery other day after their kind But on the eight day he proclaimed a holy day and festiuall to all the people and decreed that euery one of them should particularly sacrifice according to his abilitie and they with emulation striuing to exceed one another obeyed him and offered vp their sacrifices according as it was commaunded them Whilest thus the sacrifices were vpon the Altar sodainly there issued a fire from them which kindled of it selfe the flame whereof resembled the light or brightnes of lightning and consumed all that which vvas vpon the Altar At that time there happened an inconuenient to Aaron which although it somewhat moued and amated his fatherly patience yet digested he it with a constant and generous mind for he was a man of much constancie and such a one as knew that nothing could befal him without the prescience and prouidence of God For of those foure sons which I told you that he had the two elder brethren Nadab and Abihu bringing sacrifices vnto the Altar not such as were appointed by Moses but of that sort they were accustomed to offer before times were burned by the violent flame that issued from the Altar seasing both their breasts and faces in such a sort as by no meanes possible that might be extinguished so that at length they died Moses commaunded both their father and brothers to take their bodies and carry them out of the host and burie them sumptuously all the people wept and were amased verie much at this their death so straunge and vnsuspected But Moses ordained that neither the father nor his sonnes should lament but that they should rather make estimate of Gods honour then of their owne misfortune for Aaron was alreadie inuested in the sacred robe But as touching Moses he refused all honours which were offered him by the people neither applied he himselfe vnto any other thing but to the seruice of God neyther did hee ascend any more vp to the mountaine of Sinai but entred into the Tabernacle to take counsaile at Gods hands in those things whereof he had neede to be informed He demeaned himselfe like a priuate man not onely in his apparrell but in all other things and liued verie popularly perseuering in that familiar and ciuill course of life and challenging no priuiledge aboue anie man but onely in those things which pertayned to the administration of the common weale Besides these he reduced vnder writing both the lawes and ordinances as touching Policie in due performance whereof if they should liue they should bee both agreeable to God and liue without cause of controuersie the one against the other And all this established he following those directions which God had instructed him in But now will I returne and bend my stile to discourse vpon that which I haue omitted in the ornament of the high priest for this apparrell of theirs leaueth not any occasion to false prophets to execute their wicked impostures and if there be any such as dare intermeddle with that which appertaineth to Gods maiestie this habite maketh them know that it is in Gods power to be present with the sacrificers at such time as it pleaseth him and to be absent when him listeth which God would haue made knowne not onely to the Hebrewes but to all those straungers who by any occurrence might be eye witnesses of the same For of those stones which the high Priest bare or his shoulders which were Sardonixs whose nature is so notorious to all men that it were vnnecessarie to reueale it the one shined at such times as there was any offering that other which was fastened on his right shoulder shined verie cleerely at such time as God was present at the sacrifice and cast his raies a farre off that it might be perceiued by those that beheld the same both contrarie to his nature and custome which truly
answere his hart more more failed him in that he manifestly perceiued what sinister successe would betide him if God should not assist him in the conflict He therfore commāded that they should search him out some Pythonissa or cunning enchantresse who inuocated and raised the spirits of the dead to the end that by her meanes he might know if his warres should haue that successe which he pretended for the diuiners which giue answere by the belly which the Greekes call Engastrimythes declare their aduentures to those that aske them And when as by the report of a certaine familiar friend of his he was aduertised that there was such a one at Endor vnwitting to his whole arme and laying aside his royall habites and attended onely by two whom he esteemed for his most faithfull seruants he repaired to Endor to this woman requiring her to diuine and raise vp the spirit of him whom he should name The woman denied and said that she ought not contradict the kings edict who had driuen out of his realme all such sort of soothsaiers telling him that he did not well that hauing receiued no wrong at her hands he should thus sound her and seeke to bring her in lapse of the kings lawes cause her to be punished But Saul swore vnto her that no man should knowe thereof and that he would not discouer her diuination to others briefely that shee should incurre no daunger thereby After then that by his othes and protestations he had perswaded her that she should haue no cause to feare he commanded her to raise the spirit of Samuel She not knowing what Samuel was called him from hell and he sodainly appeared But when she perceiued that it was an honourable man and of diuine semblance she was sore troubled and being wholy discomforted with this vision she turned and said vnto the king art not thou Saul for Samuel had certified her no lesse Saul confessed that it was he and asked her for what cause she seemed to be so much troubled she answered that she saw a man ascend that resembled God Saul commanded her to declare vnto him his shape habite and age and she gaue him to vnderstand that he was a reuerend olde man attired in the vestment of a high priest By these markes Saul knew that it was Samuel whereupon prostrating himselfe on the earth he adored and saluted him The spirit of Samuel asked him for what cause he had troubled and raised him To whom he complained and lamented that he was inforced thereunto by necessitie for that a grieuous host of his enemies were at hand and that void of counsaile he was forsaken by God hauing from him no prediction either by prophecie or dreame for which cause said he I made my recourse vnto thee who hast alwaies had care both of me and my fortunes But Samuel foreseeing that the kings death was hard at hand answered him that it was in vaine for him to question with him as touching those things that should happen since thou knowest that thou art forsaken by God Know therfore said he that Dauid shall possesse the kingdome and that it is he that shall establish the estate by armes but as concerning thy selfe thou shalt lose both thy kingdome and thy life because thou hast disobeyed God in thy warre against the Amalechites and hast not obserued his commandements according as I foretold thee at such time as I was aliue Know therefore that thy people and host shall be discomfited by the enemy and that both thou and thy sons shall be to morrow slaine in the battell and be with me When Saul vnderstood these things he became speechlesse thorow the sorrow wherewith he was seased and fell downe on the pauement either for that his forces failed him thorow sodaine griefe or for his want of meat because that neither that night nor the day before he had vouchsafed his body any refection or sustenance At length hardly recouering himselfe out of his swoun the woman importuned him to receiue some sustenance beseeching him to doe her that fauour in recompence of her vnexpected diuination which though interdicted she had aduentured to performe for his sake before she were ascertained that it was he that had forbidden them in consideration wherof she prayed him that sitting downe at the table he would refresh himselfe with some sustenance to the end he might be the more able to returne vnto his army And although he resisted and vtterly refused to eat in that he had no appetite and was vtterly desperate yet so effectually importuned she that finally she perswaded him to receiue some little nourishment And whereas shee had but one calfe which she bred vp in her house with some particular care for she was but a poore woman and had no other riches yet spared she not to kill it and dresse the flesh for Saul his seruants Thus refected Saul returned backe againe into his campe The curtesie of this woman deserueth to be praised for although she knew that the king had prohibited her art whereby both she and her family sufficiently maintained themselues and although before that time she had neuer seene Saul yet so it is that without remembring her that it was he by whom her art had bin condemned she entertained him not as a stranger or like the man she had neuer seene before but had compassion of him and comforted him exhorting him to eate although he refused it and presented him willingly and hartily with that little which she had in her pouertie All which she did not vnder hope of recompence or expected preferment knowing well that Saul should shortly lose his life nor according to the ordinarie course of men that naturally honour those that haue bestowed some dignitie vpon them and become seruiceable to those from whom they pretend to draw some profit hereafter She therefore ought to be imitated and in her appeareth an excellent example of bountie approuing that there is nothing more worthie praise then to relieue those that are in necessitie neither any thing more becomming men or whereby we may obtaine Gods fauour and graces better then by it Thus much sufficeth at this present in respect of this woman But now methinketh I shall do vvell if I insert in this place and in these my vvritings another eaxmple both profitable to people and nations and in especiall an incitation to noble men and such as are borne vnto glory to follow vertue vvhich also shall expresse vvhat honour is and exemplifie how a man may eternize his memorie vvhich ought to engender in the hearts of kings of nations and of gouerners of commonweales a singular desire and affection to addict themselues to noble actions and to encourage them to entertaine dangers yea death it selfe and teach them to endure all difficulties vvhatsoeuer for their countries cause To vvhich intent the historie of Saul the king of the Hebrewes yeeldeth me matter
thereof that the worthy nature of this king might be known vnto all men and how beloued he was of God and how surpassing in all kindes of vertue When Hiram king of Tyre vnderstood that Salomon succeeded his father in the kingdome he was glad thereof for he was Dauids friend for which cause he sent messengers vnto him to salute him and to congratulate with him of that good which had hapned vnto him by whom Salomon returned an answere in these tearmes Salomon to Hiram the king Know thou that my father hauing a wil to build a temple vnto God hath been withdrawen from the performance thereof by the continuall warres and troubles he hath had for he neuer tooke rest before he either had defeated his enemies or made thē tributaries vnto him For mine own part I thanke God for the peace which I possesse and for that by the means therof I haue opportunity according to mine own desire to build a temple vnto God for he it is that foretold my father that this house should be builded during my raign For which cause I pray you send some one of your skilfullest men with my seruants to the wood Libanus to hew downe trees in that place for the Sidonians are more skilfull in hewing and preparing timber then our people are and I will pay the cleauers of wood according to your direction When Hiram had read this letter he was very glad to p◅e the contents of the same and wrote backe againe vnto him to this effect The king Hiram vnto king Salomon Thou hast cause to thanke God in that he hath deliuered thy fathers kingdome into thy hands to thee I say who art a man wise and full of vertue For which cause since no newes can come vnto me more gratious nor office of loue more esteemed then this I will accomplish all that thou requestest for after I haue caused a great quantitie of Cedar and Cyprus wood to be cut downe I will send it thee by sea by my seruants whom I will commaund and furnish with conuenient vessels of burthen to the end they may deliuer the same in what place of thy kingdome it shall best please thee that afterwards thy subiects may transport them to Ierusalem You shall prouide to furnish vs with corne whereof we stand in need because we inhabit an Island The copies are yet at this day kept not onely by those of that nation but also by the Tyrians so that if any man desire exactly to know that they be let him search the publique records of the Tyrians and he shall finde in them matters accordant to that we haue said All which I say to that end that the readers might be assured that I outstrip not the truth in any sort and that I insert not in this historie matters that are meerly apparant deceitful and only fashioned for delight neither feare I that any man shall examine my writings neither desire I likewise that euery man giue credit at the first sight to the same or that I be held blamelesse in suffering my selfe any waies to vary or vnproperly dilate ought in this historie but contrariwise if I cannot approoue the truth by demonstration and sufficient testimonies I desire not to be allowed As soone as Salomon had receiued these letters from the King of the Tyrians he praised his facilitie and beneuolence and presently sent him that which he demanded euerie yeare therefore he sent him two thousand Cores of wheat and the like number of Ba ds of oyle this Bad containeth seuentie and two sextaries He gaue him also the like measure of wine From that time forward the friendship betwixt Hiram and Salomon increased more and more so that both of them protested that it should continue for euer The king imposed on his people the tribute of thirtie thousand workemen whom he gaue in charge to trauell continually and distributed them verie discreetly Hee ordained that ten thousand of them should cut wood in Libanus for the space of one moneth and that then they should rest two moneths returning euery man vnto his owne dwelling place vntill such time as the twentie thousand had in their turne accomplished the taske in the time that was prefixed vnto them and then the first 10000. renewed their work followed the same in the fourth month Ador◅ was constituted superintendēt ouer this tribute Besides these there were 70000. men appointed to cary stones wood who were the inhabitants of that countrey which Dauid had left There were foure score thousand hewers of stone ouer whichwere 3200. commissaries these had the king commaunded to cut the greatest stones to make the foundations of the temple which after they had hewed and prepared in the mountaine he commaunded should be drawne and brought into the Citie and not onely commaunded he his countrimen to performe this but those workemen also that were sent him by Hiram Salomon began this building in the fourth yeare of his raigne in the second month which the Macedons call Artemisium and the Hebrewes Iar fiue hundreth nintie and two yeares after the departure of the Israelites out of Aegypt one thousand and twentie yeares since the arriuall of Abraham in Mesopotamia one thousand foure hundreth and fortie yeares after the Deluge And since Adam the first man vntill Salomon who builded the Temple all the yeares that are passed haue beene three thousand one hundreth and two But the beginning of the building of the Temple hapned in the eleuenth yeare of the raigne of Hiram who gouerned in Tyre and since the first time that Tyre began to be inhabited vntil the said building of the temple there passed two hundreth and fortie yeares The king therefore laid the foundations of the Temple and made a most deepe trench and fortified it with most strong stones which might be able to resist al the iniuries of time These stones were so closely ioined the one vnto the other that for the strength of the foundations they might serue to make the base and ground both to fortifie the worke as also to sustaine that which should be builded thereupon either for embellishment or waight of the charge neither could the foundations be of lesse strength and hugenes which were to sustaine a sumptuous pile of that height greatnes magnificence and ornament The walles were made of white stone and continued of the same matter euen vntill the roofe The height of the Temple was sixtie cubits and the length as much and the bredth twentie Ouer that was another edifice hauing the like dimensions so that the whole height of the Temple was sixescore cubits and the entry therof was to the East-ward The porch that gaue entry thereinto had twentie cubits in length which was the bredth of the Temple and in bredth ten cubits and the height thereof was of sixescore cubits About the Temple were builded thirtie celles which inuironed the circuit of the same on
according as we haue gathered them out of holy scriptures Obedias wife who was sometime steward of Achabs house came vnto him and told him that he was not ignorant that in that persecution wherin Iezabel sought to murther the Prophets how her husband saued one hundreth of them for whose priuat maintenance he had borrowed much money of other men and that now he being dead his creditors stroue to draw both her and her children into seruitude For which cause she besought him in consideration of this act to haue compassion on her husband and to yeeld her some succour Hereon Elizeus asked her if she had any thing in her house who answered him that she had nothing but a verie little oyle left her in a earthen pot Whereupon the Prophet commaunded her to depart and to borrow diuers empty vessels of her neighbour that done he willed her to locke vp her doores and to poure oyle into the vessels in that it was Gods pleasure to fill them all The woman did according as he had commaunded her and all the vessels were found full so as none of them were emptie whereof when she had certified the Prophet he aduised her to goe and deliuer her oyle and pay her debts and when all was paide he assured her that there would be some remainder that might serue to sustaine both her and her children By this meanes Elizeus discharged the widow of her debts and that trouble which her creditors intended against her He admonished Ioram likewise by certaine messengers that he should take heed of a certaine place wherein the Syrians lay in ambush intending to slay him by means of which admonition the king went not out on hunting But Adad being sore displeased because his ambushment was discouered began to suspect his owne followers whereupon calling vnto him his houshold seruants he maliciously termed them traitors and furthermore threatned them with death for that they had discouered a matter which was only committed to their trust vnto his enemy Whereupon one of the assistants told him that he ought not to conceiue that false opinion of them neither suspect that they had discouered his intended ambush to cut off his enemie but rather that he ought to conceiue that the Prophet Elizeus had discouered and discoursed all that which was intended against him Whereupon he sent out his souldiers with an expresse charge to know in what Citie Elizeus made his ordinarie aboad who returning backe brought him newes that he remained in Dothaim For which cause Adad sent a great number of horsemen and chariots to Dothaim to lay hold on Elizeus who begirt the Citie by night and laide watch round about the walles that no man might escape them Early in the morning when the Prophets seruant had notice hereof and was aduertised that the enemies sought to surprise Elizeus he fearfully hasted and discouered their intent vnto his master who encouraged him and commanded him to shake off his feare for that he held himselfe both secured assured of Gods help whereupon he praied God that at that present he would shew his power and assistance both toward the reliefe of his necessitie and the confirmation and incouragement of his seruant At that time God hearing his prayer presented to the Prophets seruants sight a number of chariots and horsemen that inuironed Elizeus so that he laid his feare aside and was assured when he perceiued these succours That done Elizeus besought God againe that hee would blinde his enemies eies and to cause a thicke cloud to fall vpon them to the end they might not discouer him Which done he presently thrust himselfe amongst the thickest of his enemies demanding of thē whom they came to seeke for They answering him that they sought for the Prophet Elizeus he promised them to deliuer him into their hands if so be they would come with him into the Citie where he was They blinded in eies and depraued in vnderstanding by God followed the Prophet willingly who marched before them When as therefore Elizeus had brought them into Samaria he willed king Ioram to locke the gates and to inuiron the Syrians with his souldiers This performed he prayed God that he would cleere the Syrians sight and take away the cloud that obscured their eies who being deliuered from their blindnesse perceiued that they were in the midst of their enemies Whereat being sore astonied and vncertaine whence this diuine and vnexpected act had befallen them King Ioram asked the Prophet whether he should kill them with darts But Elizeus forbad him to doe so for said he it is a iust and conuenient matter that they who are taken by order of warre should lose their life but that they had done no euill vnto his country but by Gods prouidence came thither without their owne knowledge for which cause he counsailed him to giue them presents and present them meat and afterwards to suffer them to depart without any iniurie Ioram giuing credit to the Prophets words entertained the Syrians magnificently and with great humanitie and sent them backe vnto Adad their king to whom vpon their arriuall they declared all that which had hapned vnto them Adad astonished at this vnexpected euent and wondring at the apparition and power of the God of the Israelites lastly admiring the Prophet whom God so wondrously assisted he concluded from that time forward neuer more to attempt the king of Israel in secret because he feared Elizeus but concluded to make open warre against him hoping to haue the vpper hand of his enemies by meanes of the great number and force of his army So that he issued out with a mighty power against Ioram who supposing himselfe to be ouermatched by the Syrian army locked himselfe vp within Samaria putting his trust and confidence in the fortification and strength of the wals thereof Adad hoping to surprise the citie if not by engins at leastwise by famine default of things necessarie drew neere vnto Samaria to besiege it But Ioram was so destitute of conuenient supplies that by reason of the incredible want of victuals an Asses head was sold in Samaria for eighty pieces of siluer and a measure of pigeons doung at fiue pieces of siluer which they vsed in steed of salt neither was there any thing that more troubled the king then that he feared least some one constrained by famine should deliuer or betray the Citie vnto the enemy For which cause he euery day walked the round about the walles and visited the sentinels of the Citie for feare least any one should lie hidden within and with all care and diligence he gaue order that if any one had such a sinister intent the meanes to execute the same should be taken from him And whereas a certaine woman cried out vnto him Haue mercie vpon me O King he incensed with wrath and supposing that she asked him some meate began to raile on her
his wofull predictions had weakned the hearts of the people which were otherwaies readie to fight for him and their countrey by reason that he flying vnto the enemie menaced them with the surprisal and vtter ruine of their Citie But the king in regard of the naturall humanitie and iustice that was in him was not any waies whetted in respect of his owne interest yet to the intent he might not seeme to be vtterly opposed to the gouernours by contradicting them he deliuered the Prophet into their hands to deale with him howsoeuer they pleased Who hauing obtained this libertie from the king entred the prison on the sodaine and laying hold on Ieremy they let him downe into a pit full of mud to the intent he might die in that place and be strangled by the ordure in effect he was set therein vp to the necke But one of the kings seruants an Aethiopian by nation certified the king of the Prophets affliction assuring him that his friends and gouernours did not iustly so to thrust and burie the Prophet in the mud and cursedly to conspire against him tyring him with bonds and tortours worse then death For which cause the king hearing this newes was sorie that he had deliuered the Prophet to the gouernours and commaunded the Aethiopian to take thirtie men of his court with him with cords and such other things necessary as might concerne the safetie of the Prophet charging him with all expedition to deliuer him from that captiuitie Hereupon the Aethiopian furnished with men and necessarie meanes drew the Prophet out of the mud and dismissed him without any gard That done the king sent for him in secret demaunding of him if he had any message to deliuer him from God praying him to let him vnderstand what soeuer he knew as touching the successe of the siege The Prophets answere was that although he should tel him yet it would not be beleeued that if he should exhort him he would not giue eare or listen vnto him But said he O king thy friends haue condemned me to death as if I had beene a most wretched malefactor But where are they now at this present that haue deceiued thee and bore thee in hand saying that the Babylonian would not come and besiege thee Now will I take heed how I tell thee the truth for feare least thou condemne me to death Hereupon the king swore vnto him that he should not die neither that he would deliuer him into the hands of the gouernours for which cause Ieremie grounding himselfe vpon the faith which he had plighted vnto him counselled the king to yeeld vp the Citie to the Babylonian because that God had willed him to signifie vnto the king that if he would saue his life and auoid the imminent daunger and saue his Citie from vtter ruine and preserue the temple from burning he should submit or otherwise that none but he should be the cause of all these euils that should happen vnto the Citie and Citizens and of that calamitie that should confound both him and all his familie When the king heard this he told him that he would doe according as he had counselled him and performe whatsoeuer he thought necessarie to be done but that he feared his friends who were alreadie of the Babylonian faction least being accused by them he should be deliuered by their meanes and the kings displeasure vnto death But the prophet encouraged him telling him that his feare was in vaine assuring him that he should suffer no euill if so be he yeelded vp the Citie and that neither his wife nor children nor the sacred temple should either endure desaster death or ouerthrow Vpon these words the king dismissed Ieremy charging him to communicate the counsell that was held betweene them to no one of the Citizens no not to the princes if so be they should light on any inckling of their conference or aske of him whether the king had sent for him aduising him to answere if so be they were inquisitiue that he resorted to the king to request him that he might be no more imprisoned all which the Prophet performed for they instanced him verie much to know for what cause the king had sent for him CHAP. X. Ierusalem is taken and the people carried into Babylon by Nabuchodonosor MEane while the Babylonian continued his violent siege against the Citie of Ierusalem and hauing raised towers vpon certaine bulwarks he droue away by this meanes all those that approched neere vnto the walles he raised also round about the circuit of the Citie diuers platformes that equalled the walles in height Meane while the Citie was as valiantly and couragiously defended by the inhabitants for neither pestilence nor famine plucked down their spirits And although that within the Citie they were tormented with these scourges yet were not their resolutions distracted by the warre neither did the enemies inuentions astonish them nor their engines affright them but that they inuented new countermines so that all the battel betwixt the Babylonians and Iewes seemed to be a trial both of valour art whilest these by the one doe assuredly hope to surprise the Citie and the other thought their safetie consisted herein if they ceased not by new inuentions to frustrate their enemies endeuours And in this estate continued they both for the space of eighteene moneths vntill they were consumed by famine and by the darts that were shot against them by those that shot from the towers At length the Citie was taken by the princes of Babylon in the eleuenth yeare of the raigne of Zedecias the ninth day of the fourth moneth who were put in trust by Nabuchodonosor to performe the siege For touching his owne person he made his aboad in the Citie of Reblata Now if any man be desirous to know the names of them that had commaundement at such time as Ierusalem was surprised these they be Nergelear Aremantus Emegar Nabosar and Echarampsar The Citie being taken about midnight the princes of the enemies armie entered into the temple which when Zedecias vnderstood he tooke his wiues and his children with the princes and his friends and fled thorow a great valley by the desart which when the Babylonians vnderstood by certaine Iewes that were reuolted and had submitted themselues vnto them they arose earely in the morning to pursue them and ouertooke and surpised them neere vnto Iericho Whereupon those princes and friends of Zedecias that had taken their flight with him seeing the enemies neere vnto them forsooke him scattering themselues heere and there concluded each of thē to saue himselfe When as therefore the enemies had apprehended him who was attended by a few followers only and accompanied by his children wiues they brought him vnto the kings presence who no sooner beheld him but he called him wicked and perfidious and vpbraided him with breach of his promise and contempt of his maiestie to whom he had
that they that disobey and contradict these thinges shall be hanged on the gibbet and that their goods be confiscate These were the contents of his letters Now the number of those that returned togither from the captiuitie into Ierusalem was fortie two thousand foure hundreth sixtie two CHAP. II. The Gouernours for the King doe hinder the building of the Temple WHilest these men laid the foundations of the Temple and were verie affectionately busie about the building thereof the nations that bordered vpon them and in especiall the Chuteans whom Salmanazar king of Assyria sent from Persia and Media to inhabite in Samaria at such time as he translated the people of the ten tribes incited the princes and gouernours to interdict the Iewes from raising and building their citie and reedifying the temple Who corrupted with siluer sold their negligence and delay to the Chuteans which they vsed in those buildings For Cyrus intending his other wars was ignorant hereof and hauing conducted his army against the Massagetes it was his hap incontinently to finish his life When as therfore Cambyses his sonne had obtained the kingdome they of Syria and Phoenicia the Ammonites Moabites and Samaritanes wrote their letters to Cambyses in these termes O King thy seruants Rathimus the secretarie Semelius the Scribe and those men that are counsellers in Syria and Phoenicia giue thee to vnderstand that those Iewes that were led captiue into Babylon are returned backe into this countrey and doe build a wicked and rebellious Citie and repaire the places and walles of the same and reedifie their temple likewise Know therefore that if these things be permitted to be finished that they will no more endure to be thy subiects and tributaries but will oppose themselues against their kings holding it more fitter to commaund then to obey We haue therefore thought good that whilest they are thus on working and affectionat in rearing their temple to write vnto your maiestie to the intent you may not neglect to examine your fathers records wherein you shall alwaies finde that the Iewes haue been rebels and enemies to their kings and that their Citie hath been for this cause laid desolate vntill this present We haue thought good to signifie thus much to your maiestie which perhaps is vnknown vnto you because that if this Citie be once more reinhabited and inclosed with a wall your way is shut vp from passing into Coelesyria and Phoenice CHAP. III. Cambyses inhibiteth the Iewes to build the Temple WHen Cambyses had red this letter in that he was by nature both wicked and malicious he grew inwardly iealous and displeased at the contents thereof and wrote backe againe after this manner The King Cambyses to Rathymus the secretarie of his casuall euents and to Belsem and Semelius scribes and to al his other counsellers and inhabitants in Samaria Phoenicia health Hauing red your letters I haue commanded the records of mine auncestors to be examined and I finde that the Citie of Ierusalem hath bin alwaies enemy to their kings and that the inhabitants thereof haue alwaies raised sedition and wars I haue likewise found that their kings haue bin mightie and violent and that they haue vexed Syria Phoenicia with continuall tributes For this cause I haue ordained that the Iewes shall not be permitted to reedifie their Citie for feare least their malice should augment by such occasion which they haue continually vsed against their kings Incontinently after the receipt and reading of these letters Rathymus and the sâ—…ibe Semelius and those of their faction tooke their horse and rode hastily to Ierusalem leading with them a great number of people prohibiting the Iewes from the building either of their Citie or temple Thus was this worke interrupted vntill the second yeere of the raigne of Darius king of Persia for the space of nine yeeres For Cambyses raigned six yeeres during which time he subdued Aegypt and vpon his returne from thence he died in Damasco And after the death of Cambyses the Magi that held the Empire of the Persians for the space of one yeere being taken away the seuen families of Persia made Darius the sonne of Hystaspis king CHAP. IIII. Darius the sonne of Hystaspis causeth the Temple to bee builded THis Darius during the time that he liued a priuate life made a yow vnto God that if he obtained the kingdome he would send backe vnto the temple of Ierusalem all those vessels which were as yet remaining in Babylon It fortuned that about the same time Zorobabel who was appointed gouernour ouer the captiue Iewes came vnto him from Ierusalem For he was the kings auncient friend for which cause he with other two were chosen to be of his guard and obtained thereby that honor which he expected The first yeere of the raigne of Darius he entertained all his courtiers with great pompe and magnificence both those of his houshold as they also that were his gouernors and Princes of Media and Persia and the commanders in India confining vpon Aethiopia with all the chieftaines of his army in one hundreth twenty seuen prouinces Now after they had made great cheere and were full of wine they departed each of them vnto their lodgings to betake themselues to rest But king Darius laid in his bed reposed verie little all the night long but passed the time without sleepe for which cause seeing he could take no rest he began to deuise and discourse with three of his guard promising him that should most truely and aptly answere those questions that he should demaund to grant him licence in way of reward to weare a purple garment and to drinke in golden cups to lie on a gilded bed and to ride in a chariot harnessed with gold and to beare the Tiara or linnen wreath and weare a golden chaine about his necke and sit in the next place vnto the king and should likewise bee called his kinsman in regard of his wisedome After he had made these large promises he demanded of the first whether wine were the strongest of the second whether the king were stronger of the third whether women or truth were the most strongest of the three And as soone as he had deliuered them these questions to deliberate vpon he laid him downe to rest Vpon the next morrow he sent for the princes chiefetaines and gouernours of Persia and Media and afterwards sitting aloft in that throne from whence he was accustomed to determine the differents among his subiects he commanded those three yoong men of his guard in the presence of that princely assistance publikely to yeeld their resolution of those questions he had proposed vnto them Whereupon the first of them began after this manner to expresse the force of wine Noble princes when I consider the force of wine I find nothing that may surmount the same For wine entangleth and deceiueth the vnderstanding and maketh the princes vnderstanding like to the poore
any man perceiued any thing in that translation which was either extiperant or deficient he should consider thereupon and giue notice thereof to the end it might be corrected dealing herein verie discreetly to the end that that which had once beene adiudged good should continue inuiolable for euer The king therfore was highly contented seeing his indeuours and purpose in that behalfe so happily and profitablie finished but aboue all things he tooke pleasure in reading of the law admiring at the deepe conceit and wisedome of the law-maker and began to question with Demetrius by what meanes it came to passe that neither any Poet nor Historiographer had made mention of that law notwithstanding that in it selfe it was so admirable To whom Demetrius gaue this answere that no man was so hardie to touch that worke by reason that it was diuine and euery way venerable assuring him also that certaine men who had attempted to set their hands thereto had beene punished by God giuing him to vnderstand how Theopouspus intending to reduce certaine contents of that law into his history had beene distraught in mind for more then thirtie daies that hauing some intermission of his fit he appeased God by prayer thereby easily coniecturing what was the cause of his maladie Moreouer he was certified by a vision that appeared vnto him in his sleep that this inconuenient befel him in that he had too curiously serched into sacred and diuine matters and had intended to communicate the same with prophane men from which enterprise since he had desisted he recouered his right wits againe He likewise insinuated further that Theodectes the tragicke Poet intending to make mention in some of his peomes of a certaine historie written in the sacred scriptures was strooken blind and acknowledging the cause hereof to proceed from his audacious presumption he was restored to his sight after he had appeased Gods displeasure When the king had considered on these words according as Demetrius had discoursed them vnto him he prostrated himselfe on the earth and commaunded that the bookes should be carefully kept to the end they might continue in their pure integritie Furthermore he exhorted the translators to repaire oftentimes vnto him from Iudaea assuring them that in so doing the matter would redound both to their honour and profit telling them that for that time he thought good to dismisse them but when they should returne vnto him againe of their owne motion they should obtaine all that which their wisedome deserued or his magnificence might impart vnto thē This said he gaue thē leaue to depart after he had giuen each of thē three seueral sutes of apparrell two talents of gold a cup that was in value worth a talent a certaine bed or curious seat to sit and banquet vpon This gaue he them for themselues But to Eleazar the high Priest he sent by them ten couches whose feete were of siluer and the furniture correspondent and a vessell of thirtie talents Ten purple robes likewise and a magnificent crowne and one hundreth pieces of fine linnen and besides that hee sent in way of present vnto the temple ewers basons and two golden vessels beseeching Eleazar by his letters that if any one of his subiects had a will to come vnto him he would permit him asluring him that he would highly esteeme the conuersation of so learned men and that he had riches which he would imploy with great pleasure in such affaires See heere how Ptolomey Philadelph esteemed and honoured the Iewes CHAP. III. How the Kings of Asia honoured the nation of the Iewes and gaue them liberty and freedome to dwell in those Cities that were builded by them THey receiued honour likewise at the hands of the kings of Asia because they had borne armes vnder them For Seleucus surnamed Nicanor highly respected them permitted them to dwel in those cities which he built in Asia lower Syria yea in Antioch likewise which was the Metropolitane and chiefe Citie Moreouer he ordained that they should be held in as great estimation as either the Macedonians or Greekes that inhabited therein so that euen vnto this day that order is continued as it appeareth by this for that the Iewes refusing to annoint themselues with forraine oyle doe receiue a certaine summe of money from the masters of the exercises in lieu of the oyle Which when the people of Antioch intended to abolish during the present warre Mutianus at that time gouernour of Syria opposed himselfe against them Againe when as Vespasian and his sonne Titus had conquered the world although the Alexandrians and Antiochians required them that the priuiledges that the Iewes enioyed might continue no more yet could they not obtaine the same Whereby the humanity and valour of the Romanes may appeare and in especiall of Vespasian and Titus that notwithstanding they had beene so trauailed by the warres of the Iewes and were so bitterly incensed against them for that they had not by laying downe their armes submitted themselues but had continued warre against them to the vttermost yet depriued they them not of their aforesaid priuiledges but surmounted their displeasure which they had long before conceiued against them and in like sort had not regard to the request of two so puissant cities as Alexandria Antioch were In such sort as they granted nothing in fauor of them neither ordained any thing in disfauour of those whom they had ouercome in warre to the intent to abolish one only iot of those priuiledges which they had in times past but said that they that had resisted them by armes and who had beene ouercome were sufficiently punished for their obstinacy and as touching those that had not committed any offence they saw no reason to depriue thē of their rights prerogatiues We know likewise that Marcus Agrippa was of the same opinion as touching the Iewes For whereas the Ionians were seditiously bent against them and besought Agrippa that it might be only lawfull for them to make vse of the priuiledge which Antiochus Seleucus nephew whom the Greeks intituled by the name of God had giuen them requiring that if the Iewes were of their bloud they might be tied to adore the same gods which the Ionians worshipped When as therfore this matter was referred to the determination of the Iudges the Iewes had the day and obtained the liberty to liue according to their owne lawes and customes and he that at this time pleaded their cause was Nicholas Damascene For Agrippa pronounced that it was vnlawfull for them to innouate any waies And if any man desire to haue exact knowledge hereof let him reade the hundreth twenty three and twenty fourth booke of the histories of Nicholas Neither ought this iudgement of Agrippaes to seeme in any sort strange for at that time our nation had not by any wars procured the Romans displeasure But vpon iust occasion may a man admire the magnanimity of Vespasian
the rather for that he excelled them in all things and had such parts in him as might draw them to emulate him Whereas therefore Ioseph was desirous to know which of his children had the ripest iudgement and vnderstanding he sent them one after another to those masters who were most renowmed for science in that time but all of them returned backe vnto him rude and illettered by reason they were negligent and idle Whereupon he sent Hircanus the youngest of them after all the rest into a desart place distant from the high way some seuen daies iourney and gaue him with him three hundreth couple of oxen to sow the ground in that barren place hiding from him before his departure the yokes that should couple them together When as therefore he came vnto the place and perceiued that the yokes were missing he asked aduise of some of the husbandmen who counsailed him to send some one backe vnto his father to fetch the couples But he supposing that he ought not to lose so much time as would be spent in sending backe a messenger deuised a cunning expedient stratageme more then might be expected from one of his yeares For he caused ten couple of oxen to be slaine and distributed the flesh amongst his workemen and made them cut the skins and fashion couples thereof and hauing yoked his oxen he caused the land to be manured according to his fathers direction and afterwards returned home vnto him Who loued him the more intirely by reason of his wisedom and the subtiltie of his vnderstanding praising besides that his resolution and execution esteeming him the more for that he was his only true sonne to the general discontent of the rest Whenas therefore newes was brought vnto Ioseph that about that time king Ptolomey was blessed with a young sonne and how all the chiefest Lords of Syria and the countries vnder his obeisance repaired to Alexandria in great pompe to celebrate the birth day of the kings sonne he being of himselfe vnable by reason of his age to repaire thither he sounded his children whether any one of them would go and visit the king Whenas therefore the elder sons had excused themselues and made refusall to vndertake the iourney pretending that they were of insufficient ability to performe the message and all of them gaue counsaile that their brother Hircanus might be sent Ioseph tooke great pleasure thereat and calling for Hircanus asked him if he would goe to king Ptolomey who promised to vndertake the iourney and told his father that he needed no great summe of money to performe the voyage because in the way he would trauell frugally and content himselfe for the whole expence with ten thousand drachmes Ioseph was verie glad to heare of his sons prudence and after Hircanus had kept silence for a while he counsailed his father that he should not present the King with any thing out of Iudaea but that he should write vnto his factor in Alexandria commaunding him to deliuer such summes of money as he thought conuenient to buy that which he found to be most magnificent of best esteeme in that Citie Ioseph imagining with himselfe that perhaps he would onely employ some tenne talents in presents and allowing his sonnes counsaile wrote vnto his factor Arion who had the vse of almost three thousand talents of his in Alexandria For gathering vp his money in Syria he was wont to send it thither and as oft as the prefixed time came wherein the kings tributes were to be paid he commaunded Arion to defray the same Hauing therefore letters of credence vnto him he iourneyed towards Alexandria Wherupon his brethren wrote presently vnto all the kings friends that by some meanes they would make him away As soone as he was arriued in Alexandria and had deliuered his fathers letters to Arion Arion asked him how many talents he would haue hoping that he would craue but ten or some little ouerplus but when Hircanus had told him that he had need of a thousand he waxed wroth and reproued him for his prodigalitie telling him how his father had gathered his goods with much trauaile and thriftie sparing and refusing his demaunds he praied him to imitate his fathers example who had begot him and in a word he told him that he would deliuer him no more then ten talents and that for no other vse then to buy giftes to present the king withall Whereupon Hircanus waxing angry caused Arion to be kept in prison All which his wife certified to Cleopatra praying her that she would moderate the young man for Arion was in great estimation with the Queene who for this cause acquainted the king with the matter Wherupon Ptolomey sent for Hircanus and said vnto him that he marueiled that being sent vnto him from his father he had not as yet visited him and besides that he had committed his fathers agent to prison he therefore commanded him to yeeld him a reason thereof Whereunto he answered that there was a law among the Iewes that no man should taste of the sacrifices that had not first of all visited the temple and sacrificed vnto God and that in that respect he had not hitherto visited his maiesty because he expected certaine presents to present his highnesse with from his father who was his bounden seruant Furthermore he alleadged that he had punished his fathers seruant because he had disobeyed his commandement which he ought not to doe whether his master were either noble or ignoble and if said he we chastise not such men as they haue deserued expect O King that you also shall be neglected by your subiects When Ptolomey heard these words he began to smile and wondered at the magnanimitie of the yoong man Arion perceiuing that the king held himselfe satisfied and that he was like to haue no assistance at his hands deliuered Hircanus the thousand talents and by this meanes was he set at libertie Some three daies after Hircanus came and saluted both the king and Queene who entertained him graciously and feasted him kindly for the affection sake which they bare vnto his father He priuily inquiring among the merchants bought one hundreth yoong laddes well lettered and in the flower of their age paying a talent for euery one and the like number of virgins for so many talents Being therefore inuited to a banquet by the king with all the Princes and other Lords he was placed beneath them all because that by reason of his yoong yeeres they that assigned the places according to euery mans dignitie made small accompt of him Now when as all the guests after they had eaten their meats laid all their bones before Hircanus so that the table was loaden round about him a certaine pleasant fellow of the Kings called Triphon whose merrie conceits and iests the king very willingly listned vnto during the time he was at meat being sollicited by those that were at the table came vnto the king and said
And Epicrates giuen ouer to couetousnesse did openly yeeld vp Scythopolis and other Cities into the hands of the Iewes so that it was impossible for either of them to leuy the siege Finally after that Hircanus had continued his siege before the Citie for the space of one whole yeere he became master of the same and not contenting himselfe with the surprisall hereof he vtterly destroied it enforcing the riuers thorow the midst thereof yea he ruined the same in such sort that the mud and soile both of the water and earth tooke away all the appearance of the Citie so that it seemed as if it had neuer been Of this Hircanus there is a certaine incredible matter committed to memorie namely how during his high priesthood God had conference with him For it is reported that the very same day wherein his sons fought against Antiochus the Cyzicenian whilest being himselfe alone he offered incense in the temple that he heard a voice saying that his two sons had at that present ouercome Antiochus all which he incontinently signified vnto the people at the gate of the temple and according as he had said so came it to passe See heere what occurrences hapned in Hircanus time About this very instant likewise the affaires of the Iewes prospered not only in Ierusalem and Iudaea but also amongst the inhabitants of Alexandria and finally in Aegypt and Cyprus For Queene Cleopatra rebelling against her sonne Ptolomey Lathyrus appointed Chelcias and Ananias the sonnes of that Onias who had builded the temple in Heliopolis according to the patterne of that in Ierusalem her chiefetaines And hauing committed her army vnto their hands she acted nothing without their aduise according as Strabo the Cappadocian witnesseth speaking after this manner Diuers of those who came with vs and of those who had beene sent into Cyprus from Cleopatra sodainly reuolted to Ptolomey Only the Iewes that were of Onias faction remained constant in their duety because the Queene made great account and reckoning of Chelcias and Ananias their countrimen Thus farre Strabo This great felicitie and prosperitie of Hyrcanus mooued the Iewes to conceiue a hatred against him and especially the Pharisees opposed themselues against him These Pharisees were one of the sects of the Iewes whereof we haue heretofore intreated which sect was in so great credit with the common people that when they deposed any thing were it against the king or the high priest they were presently beleeued Hircanus had been one of their disciples and was in like sort very much beloued of them Hee therefore inuited them to a feast and entertained them with all humanitie and seeing that they were set vpon a merrie pin he began to tell them that they knew his minde how that he desired nothing more then to be iust and to square all his actions according to Gods will and direction according as they themselues taught He therefore required them that if they perceiued that he mistooke himselfe in any thing or that he wandred from the right way they would by admonition redresse the same Whereupon all of them gaue testimony of his perfect vertue Wherwith he was highly contented But one of the company called Eleazar a man of a malicious nature and such a one as delighted in mutiny said vnto him Since you desire to heare the truth if so be you affect the estimation of a good man giue ouer the place of priesthood and content your selfe with the gouernment of the people Hircanus demaunded of him the cause wherefore he should forsake the priesthood Because saith he that we haue heard say by our auncestors that your mother was a captiue during the raign of Antiochus the Famous which notwithstanding was a false report Hircanus hearing this was sore mooued against him as also all other of the Pharisees who were assistant in that place Amongst the rest there was a certaine man called Ionathan of the order of the Sadduces who maintaine an opposite opinion against the Pharisees who was an inward and deere friend to Hircanus with whom he communicated the iniurious speeches that Eleazar had spoken by him who told him that as he thought Eleazar had spoken these words by the publike consent of the Pharisees and that he might discouer the same most manifestly if he enquired of them what punishment Eleazar had deserued for speaking after this sort Hircanus therfore questioned with the Pharisees as concerning his punishment telling them that he should very well perceiue that this iniurie had not been pronounced by the common consent of them all if they condemned the offender to suffer a punishment proportionable to his offence Whereupon they decreed that he ought to be punished by imprisonment and scourging for said they an iniurie done in word required no capitall punishment and to speake vprightly they in their thinking censured seuerely enough of this fault for that the Pharisees are naturally inclined to mercie when there groweth any question of punishment But Hircanus was sore offended with this their answere and imagined that this Eleazar had spoken after this manner by the common instigation of the rest This displeasure and conceiued dislike of his did Ionathan aggrauate to the vttermost and handled the matter in such sort that he drew Hircanus to forsake the Pharisees subscribe to the opinions of the Sadduces abolishing their ordināces causing thē to be sharply punished that obserued the same These practises of Hircanus incensed the people against him and his sonnes But hereof will we speake in another place At this present I will declare how the Pharisees haue made many ordinances among the people according to the tradition of their fathers whereof there is nothing written in the ◅awes of Moses for which cause the sect of the Sadduces reiecteth them affirming that they ought to keep the written ordinances and not to obserue those that are grounded vpon the tradition of the fathers And great dispute and dissensions haue beene raised among them vpon this occasion because the richer sort onely and not the baser sort of people cleaued vnto the Sadduces but the Pharisees had the communalty on their sides But of these two sorts and that of the Esseans I haue more exactly intreated in my second booke of the warres of the Iewes But Hircanus finally appeased this mutiny and liued afterwards in much peace and happines and after he had most discreetly gouerned his princedome for the space of one and thirtie yeeres he died leauing fiue sonnes behind him This man was honoured by God with three great gifts the gift of gouernment the gift of Priesthood and the gift of prophecy For God spake vnto him diuers times by Oracles Reuelations and gaue him the knowledge of things to come which he in such sort foretold that he declared that his two eldest sonnes should not possesse the principalitie any long time whose ende it shall not be amisse to set downe in what manner it
to a place called Delta he fought with his enemies in a place which is called the campe of the Iewes in which battell Mithridates led the right wing and Antipater the left When as therefore they came to handie blowes Mithridates wing retired and fainted grew in danger to be wholy discomfited had not Antipater running with his soldiers along the banke of the riuer obtained the vpper hand of his enemies by putting the Aegyptians that were conquerers to flight restoring Mithridates And so long pursued he them that he got their campe and called backe Mithridates who chased the Aegyptians to take part of the pray with him that he had recouered from the fugitiue enemie In this fight there fell eight hundreth on the enemies side and fiftie on Aatipaters Afterwards Mithridates wrote hereof vnto Caesar and certified him that Antipater was cause of the victory and their preseruation so that Caesar from that time forward highly commended him and in all this warre he made vse of Antipater in his most daungerous attempts Whereby it came to passe that Antipater was grieuously wounded in diuers fights Now after that the warre was finished Caesar sailed into Syria and bestowed great honours as well on Hircanus to whom he confirmed the high Priesthood as on Antipater whom he made a free Citizen of Rome and granted him full exemption of all charges in all places Diuers men report that Hircanus himselfe was an agent in this warte and that he came into Aegypt whereunto accordeth Strabo the Cappadocian speaking after this maner by the authority of Asinius after that Mithridates had entered Aegypt with Hircanus the high Priest of the Iews The same Strabo in an other place speaketh thus by the authority of Hypsicrates that Mithridates issued alone and that Antipater was sent for into Ascalon where he prepared three thousand soldiers because he was gouernour of Iudaea and encouraged the rest of the guernours and Hircanus the high Priest also had a part in this warre Thus farre Strabo At that time came Antigonus Aristobulus sonne vnto Caesar lamenting vnto him the inconuenient that had befallen his father and how he was slame by poyson in his seruice and how his brother had his head strooken off by Scipio beseeching him to haue compassion of him who was excluded and thrust out of the kingdome He accused Hircanus and Antipater also for their tyrannicall and violent gouernment ouer their nation and iniuries offered to himselfe Antipater being at that time present answered for himselfe in those points wherein he was accused declaring that Antigonus and his friends were factious and seditious men protesting for himselfe how much he had trauailed and how many exploits he had executed in the late warre whereof Caesar himselfe was a witnesse Moreouer he auowed that Aristobulus had beene iustly led twice into captiuitie to Rome for that he had bene alwaies an enemy and no waies wel affectioned towards the Romans And as for his brother who was beheaded by Scipio he auerred that he was iustly punished by him for his Larcinies and not iniuriously and outragiously as he pretended After that Antipater had spoken to this effect Caesar declared Hircanus high Priest and gaue Antipater any gouernment whatsoeuer best him liked who according to his choice was appointed prefect in Iudaea CHAP. XVI Caesars letters and the Senates decree as touching their amity with the Iewes MOreouer Caesar permitted Hircanus to repaire the walles of Ierusalem according to his humble suit For after that Pompey had beaten them downe they lay leuelled with the earth and he commaunded the Consuls at Rome that this decree should be registred in the Capitoll The example of which ordinance of the Senate containeth matter to this effect Lâ—…ius Valerius the sonne of Lucius the Pretor hath related to the Senate assembled in the temple of Concord the thirteenth day of December in the presence of L. Caponius the sonne of Lucius and â—…ius Pâ—…pyrius Quirinus the requests made by Alexander the sonne of Iason Numenius the sonne of Antiochus and Alexander the sonne of Dorotheus Embassadors in the behalfe of the Iewes men of good regard and our allies and proposed by them in renuing the auncient fauours they haue receiued from the Romanes and in testimonie of the confederation haue brought vs a violl and buckler of gold of fiftie thousand crownes price requiring our letters might be giuen them addressed to the free Cities and the kings our confederates to grant them passage thorow their countries and ports with all securitie and without any offence And we haue thought good to make friendship and alliance with them and to grant them all that which they require in accepting the buckler brought by them This hapned in the time that Hircanus was high priest and prince and in the ninth yeere of his princedome in the month of Iuly Hircanus was in like sorâ—… honored by the people of Athens for many commodities and friendships that they receiued at his hands They sent him also a decree which they ratified in his behalfe the tenor whereof ensueth The yeere wherein Dionysius the sonne of Asclepiades was gouernour and priest in the moneth of Iuly and on the 20. day this arrest or decree of the Athenians was deliuered to the gouernours by the Pretor Agathocles Eucles the sonne of Menander the Alimusian hath written it the eleuenth of March in the assembly generall and placed it in the Theater and the suffrages were gathered by Dorotheus the high priest with the chiefe assistants of the people Dionysius the sonne of Dionysius published the same Since that Hircanus the sonne of Alexander the high priest and the prince of the Iewes continueth his good affection towards all the people and in especiall towards euery Citizen of Athens and hath shewed them many friendships receiuing with all humanitie those Athenians that come vnto him whether they resort thither as Embassadours or for any other particular occasion whatsoeuer and sendeth them backe after they haue prouided them of safe conduct whereof we haue heretofore had testimony by the report of Theodosius the sonne of Theodorus Simeus who hath made recitall vnto the people of his worthinesse and of the will he hath to doe vs all the good that is possible We haue thought it good to honour him by sending him a crowne of gold in testimonie of his curtesies according to our custome and law and by erecting a brazen statue vnto him in the temple of Demus and the Graces Our will is also that this be proclaimed by a herauld in the Theater during the Bacchanals and at such time as the new Tragedies are plaid Likewise in the solemnities Panathean and Eleusynian and at the publike exercises we will also that the gouernours prouide that all that which we haue aduised for the honour fauour affection and good will toward this man as he hath well deserued be diligently performed to the end that thereby it may
had afterwards endured many paines and miseries Furthermore that his friends were in great daunger and left besieged for which cause hee had sailed by winter and despised all daungers onely to seeke for assistance at his hands on whom depended his hope and last refuge CHAP. XXVI Herode is made king of Iury by the Romane Senate ANtonius hearing all those alterations that had befallen Herode had compassion of his misery bethinking himselfe of the estate and condition of great men who are likewise subiect to no lesse casualties and the rather was he induced to doe him good both in remembrance of the friendship he had with Antipater his father as also by reason of Herodes promises of certaine summes of money if so be he were made king by his meanes as he had beene before time declared Tetrarch But that which most moued him hereunto was the hatred which he bare vnto Antigonus whom he accounted to be a mutinons man and an enemy to the Romans fortune On the other side Caesar was wel inclined to succour him both in regard of those armies which Antipater had brought into Aegyptin his fathers seruice as also because of the good hospitality and kindnes that he had shewed him in all things as in especiall to gratifie Antonius who was well affected towards Herode Whereupon the Senate being assembled Messala and Atratinus brought forth Herode and after they had praised him and recited the benefits which the Romans had receiued by his father and the great affection and good will which he bare to the people of Rome they accused declared Antigonus for the Romanes enemy not onely for his ancient crimes but also for that in contempt of the Romans he had receiued the kingdome from the Parthians Whilest the Senate was sore displeased at the report of these things Antonius arose and declared openly before thē all that in furtherance of the Parthian warre it were not amisse that Herode should be made king which opinion of his was generally allowed and finally ratified The principall demonstration of the loue and affection which Antonius bare vnto Herode was that he not onely obtained him the kingdome beyond all hope for neuer thought he that the Romans would grant that dignity vnto him who were wont to reserue that honour to those of the kings bloud and therefore he intended to haue demaunded it for his wiues brother Alexander and nephew to Aristobulus by the fathers side and to Hircanus by the mother which Alexander Herode afterwards put to death as it shall be declared in place conuenient but also for that within the terme of seuen daies he sent him out of Italy with the vnexpected titles of his felicitie As soone as the Senate weas risen Antonius and Caesar issued forth leading Herode betweene them and being accompanied by the Consuls and other magistrates went vp into the capitol to do sacrifice and to place there this decree the Senate had made as touching this matter The first day of Herodes raigne Antonius feasted him and after this sort was he established king in the hundreth eightie and fourth Olympiade in the yeere wherein C. Domitius Caluinus twice Consul and Caius Asinius Pollio were Consuls Meane while Antigonus besieged those that were in the castle of Massada who were plentifully furnished with all things necessary except it were water for which cause Ioseph Herodes brother that was within and two hundreth of his friends had concluded to flie vnto the Arabians for that they vnderstood that Malchus had repented himselfe of the fault he had committed against Herode But whilest they stoode vpon these termes God powred downe a huge raine on a certaine night that in short time filled their cestemes in such sort as that they had no more necessitie to flie and from that time forward they waxed confident and for that this abundance of water befel them by Gods prouidence they made a sallie vpon their enemies in which they charged Antigonus soldiers after such a maner somtime in open field sometime by couert assault that they slue a great number of them At that time Ventidius a Romane captaine was sent into Syria to driue the Parthians from thence after their departure he arriued in Iury making shew that he would assist Ioseph but in effect all his pretence was to draw money form Antigonus Being therefore encamped neer vnto Ierusalem and hauing drawn sufficient money from Antigonus he retired himselfe with the greater part of his forces and to the intent his deceitfull dealing might not be discouered he left Silo with a company of his soldiers who likewise was honoured by Antigonus for feare least he should be cause of some newe trouble before such time as the Parthians whose comming he expected should yeelde him aide CHAP. XXVII Herode returneth from Rome by sea and fighteth against Antigonus AFter that Herode was come from Italy by sea to Ptolemais and that he had assembled no small number of soldiers both straungers and his owne countrimen he marched forward against Antigonus and passed thorow Galilee Silo and Ventidius also gaue him assistance in this action hauing receiued direction by Gellius from Antonius that they should assist Herode to recouer his countrey But Ventidius was employed in appeasing the troubles that were raised in the cities by the Parthians and as touching Silo he kept in Iudaea hauing beene corrupted by Antigonus But the further that Herode daily marched into the countrey the more and more increased his forces and all Galilee except a very few submitted themselues vnto him Whilest therefore hee marched forward toward Massada being vrged thereunto in that he was to relieue his parents that were besieged therein the citie of Ioppe would not grant him passage for the citizens thereof were his enemies so that it behooued him first of all to ruinate the same to the end he might leaue no retreat or place of rescous for his enemy on his backe if so be he made towards Ierusalem Vpon which occasion Silo laying hold dislodged his army made thitherward whom when the Iewes did pursue Herode sallied out with a small company and put them to flight and saued Silo notwithstanding he fought very coldly and cowardly Afterwards being seazed of Ioppe he hasted onwards to deliuer his friends that were besieged in Massada but part of the inhabitants submitted themselues vnto him for the friendship they had borne vnto his father an other sort of them for the honour that they bare vnto him the rest admitted his goue◅ment in acknowledgement of those benefits they had receiued from them both But the greatest part was thereunto moued by the hope they had conceiued of their new elected king and the confirmation of his gouernment Thus by these meanes was his army mightily increased Whilest thus he marched forward Antigonus seazed those places that were fittest to lay ambushes in or to fight at aduantages by the way
of them in this place also The Pharisees vse a verie austere and strict kinde of life and addict not themselues to any delicacie but diligently follow that which their reason induceth them vnto They honour their elders neither dare they reply or reproch them for their admonitions They attribute all things vnto fate and yet they take not an assent of will from man supposing that God tempereth all things in such sort that by his ordinance and mans will all things are performed either good or euill They beleeue also that the soules of men are immortall and that vnder the earth they receiue iudgement of honour or disgrace according as they haue addicted themselues to vertue or vice in their life times the one to liue in perpetuall prison the other to rise againe verie shortly For which cause they are in great estimation among the people and all that which appertaineth to the seruice of God whether they be praiers or sacrifices all things are done according as they giue direction So ample a testimonie yeeld the Cities of their wisedome temperance and honest life But the Sadduces are of that opinion that the soules of men perish with their bodies They obserue no other thing but that which is in the law and hold it a vertue to dispute with their masters as touching the decrees of their sect Their opinion is entertained by verie fewe yet such who for the most part are men of the best reckoning yet entermeddle they not in any case with any affaires and when they are aduanced to any honours either with their owne good liking or with constraint they are enforced to allow of that which the Pharisees shall propose otherwise the common people will not endure them The Esseans attribute vnto God the gouernment and disposition of all things They say that the soules of men are immortall and all the vttermost of their endeuor and delight is to maintaine iustice and equitie They send their offerings vnto the temple yet sacrifice they not with other men by reason they vse more sacred and different ceremonies for which cause they are secluded out of the common temple and sacrifice apart Otherwise they are men of most reconciled behauiour and such as are wholy addicted in trimming labouring their fields They haue one custome which is worthy admiration such a one as is not to be found amongst any other either Greeks or Barbarians that make any reckoning of vertue which they haue not practised for a little while but euen from all antiquitie which is that they possesse their goods in common neither doth the richest amongst them make more vse of his possessions then he that hath least of all They are at least foure thousand in number who neither haue wiues nor slaues supposing that women are the occasion of iniustice and that slaues do arise by mutinies and liuing apart by themselues they serue one another and choose out certaine vpright men among their priests to gather the fruits and renenewes of their lands to the end they may be sustained and nourished thereby In a word they follow the same course of life that they do who are called Plisti among the Danes The fourth sect was founded by Iudas of Galilee which accordeth altogither and in all things with the Pharisees but that they are extremely iealious of their liberty acknowledging but one onely God Lord and master of all things and had rather both themselues with their deerest children kinsfolke endure the most grieuous and bitter torments that may be imagined then call any mortal man their Lord. Of which constancy of theirs I forbeare to discourse any further at this time for that it is sufficiently knowne to diuers who haue beene eie witnesses thereof neither feare I least any one should suppose those things to be incredible which I haue said of them but contrariwise that I haue spoken lesse then they themselues make euident in contemning their grieuous tortures and punishments which courage and magnanimitie of theirs increased verie mightily amongst our nation being kindled by the most hainous iniuries which were offered vs by Gessius Florus our gouernour by which meanes at length it came to passe that they reuolted and rebelled against the people of Rome Thus much as touching the sects among the Iewes CHAP. III. The Tetrarches Herode and Philip build Cities in honour of Caesar. AFter that Cyrenius had confiscated Archelaus goods and finished the valuation of euery mans estate which hapned thirtie seuen yeeres after Antonies ouerthrow by Caesar in the Actian battell he deposed Ioazar from the priestly dignitie by reason of that sedition which the people stirred vp against him and established Ananus the sonne of Seth in his place But Herode and Philip tooke each of them the possession of their Tetrarchy disposed of the affaires thereof Herode inclosed Sephoris with a strong wall and made it the chiefest citie and ornament of all Galilee he fortified also another Citie called Betaramphtha named it Iulias in honour of Iulia the Emperour Caesars wife Philip repaired Paneada scituated neere vnto the sourse of Iordan and called it Caesaraea he repaired also the borough of Bethsaida neere vnto the lake of Genazereth and gaue it the dignitie of a Citie both for the number of the inhabitants as for other preheminences and called it Iulia by Caesars wiues name As for Coponius the gouernour in Iudaea who as we haue said was sent with Cyrenius in whose time there hapned that which followeth At the feast of vnleuened bread which we call Pascha the custome was that the Priests opened the temple gates about midnight at which time certaine Samaritans who secretly entred into Ierusalem as soone as the gates were open spred mens bones amidst the porches and ouer all the temple whereby it came to passe that the priests began to keepe a more diligent watch then they had done before time Some little while after Coponius returned to Rome and Marcus Ambiuius succeeded him in the gouernment In his time Salome king Herodes sister departing out of this life bequeathed vnto Iulia the Citie of Iamnia and all the lands and countrey round about she gaue her also Phasaelis scituate in the plaine and Archelais where there are diuers date trees bearing most excellent fruit After Ambiuius Annius Rufus had the commaund vnder whom died Caesar the second Romane Emperour after he had raigned fiftie seuen yeeres sixe moneths and two daies and had Antonius his copartner in the monarchie for the space of fourteene yeeres He liued in the whole seuentie seuen yeeres After Caesar succeeded Tiberius Nero the son of Iulia his wife who was the third Romane Emperour He it was that sent the fift gouernour into Iudaea whose name was Valerius Gratus who succeeded Annius Rufus This Gratus deposed Ananus and appointed Ismael the sonne of Fabius high Priest and after his decease for he liued but a little whiles after Eleazar
not in that which exceedeth thy power to shew thy vertuous affection towards me For which cause I thinke that it should be a great shame for me if I should suffer my selfe to be ouercome by thee in kindnesse without some answerable correspondence I will therfore put that in practise which I haue heretofore omitted For all those things that hitherto I haue bestowed on thee are of no reckoning My will is that thy readines and vertue should at this present be requited by such means as might for euer make thee happy Now he spake after this manner hoping that Agrippa would begge some great prouince at his hands or the reuenues of some Cities But although he had already prepared his demaund yet did he not discouer his intent but gaue Caius this ready answere that whereas he had serued him to the dislike of Tiberius it was not for the gaine he expected heretofore and for the present also he did nothing vnder hope to be rich contenting himselfe that he was in the Emperours good fauour That the benefites he had receiued by him were great yea exceeding all that which he durst euer haue hoped For said he although they be but small in comparison of your greatnesse yet in respect of my selfe who haue receiued them and in my conceit and qualitie they are verie great Caius being amazed at this his courage insisted the rather to perswade him that he would grant him all that he would require at his hands Whereupon Agrippa said Dread prince since it is your good pleasure to thinke me worthy to be honoured by your presents I will not request any thing at your hands that may tend to inrich me for that by those goods you haue already giuen me I am greatly honoured but I beseech and request one thing at your hands which will purchase you the reputation of pietie and will procure God to be propitious vnto you in all your actions and which also will breed me much glorie among those who shall heare that I haue not been refused in my demaund which concerneth me more then the necessities of this life I therefore beseech you that it will please you to giue commandement that that statue which you haue charged Petronius to erect in the temple of the Iewes may neuer be aduanced there This was Agrippas request which to his great hazard he presented the Emperour with knowing verie well how perilous a matter it was and as much as concerned his life to demaund any such thing at Caius hands that was not answerable to his humour Caius on the one side mooued with the seruice Agrippa had done him and on the other side seeing how great an indignitie it should be for him if before such an assembly of witnesses he should deny that which he had so instantly pressed Agrippa to request as if he sodainly had repented himselfe and admiring Agrippas vertue who hauing meanes within a little time to augment his particular estate either by reuenues or other commodities had preferred the common cause the lawes of his countrey and pietie before all these he granted him his supplication wrote to Petronius praising him for that he had vsed such diligence in assembling his army as also for al that wherof he had certified him annexing these words If said he you haue alreadie planted the statue as I commanded you let it remaine in the place but if it be not done be thou no more troublesome to the Iewes but dismisse thine army and repaire thou in person to that place whither I haue sent thee For I vrge no more the erection of that statue for the desire that I haue to gratifie Agrippa whom I intirely honour and in such sort as it is impossible for me to contradict any thing whatsoeuer that either he hath neede of or shall require These were the contents of those letters which Caius wrote to Petronius before he vnderstood that the Iewes bethought them of reuolt for they made it known that rather then they would endure that statue they would hazard a warre against the Romans which when Caius vnderstood he was extremely sorrowfull and being a man addicted to all villanie and estranged from all honestie and who gaue place to no good counsel incontinently after he had conceiued a displeasure against any man who likewise thought it a great good hap for him to accomplish all that whatsoeuer he pleased hee wrote againe to Petronius to this effect Since the presents which the Iewes haue giuen thee haue preuailed more with thee then my commaundements haue done so as to please them thou hast despised that which I haue enioyned thee I make thy selfe the iudge how much thou hast deserued to incurre my displeasure to the end that thou maist serue for an example to all those who shall come after thee that an Emperours commandement ought not in any sort to be neglected Although this Epistle was both written and sent yet did not Petronius receiue the same during Caius life time for that they that carried the same were staied by crosse windes so that Petronius receiued those letters that certified him of Caius death before he receiued the other For God would not forget Petronius who exposed himselfe to great dangers for the loue of the Iewes and for the honour of God And Caius being taken out of the world by Gods wrath being kindled against him by reason that he affected diuine honors receiued his reward and Petronius obtained fauour both at Rome and thorow all his whole gouernment and especially among the principall Senators against whom Caius was accustomed to vomit his cholericke disgraces He died a little after he had written the letter to Petronius by which he threatned and denounced him death Hereafter will I declare the cause why he was taken out of this world and the maner how treason was complotted and wrought against him The letter that brought tydings of Caius death was deliuered to Petronius first and incontinently after hee receiued that wherein he enioyned him to kill himselfe He highly reioiced at this his good hap and Caius death and admired Gods prouidence who speedily and happily had rewarded him both for the honour that he bare vnto his Temple as also for the assistance he vsed towards the Iewes Behold how Petronius escaped from death by an vnexpected meanes CHAP. XII That which hapned to the Iewes tâ—…t were at Babylon and of the two brethren Asinaeus and Anilaeus IN those daies there hapned a grieuous commotion amongst those Iewes that inhabited Mesopotamia and Babylon and such slaughters and calamities as neuer the like hath bin declared in our former narrations which in that I intend to report both particularly and seriously I will rippe vp the whole cause thereof from his first originall There was a Citie called Nearda belonging to Babylon stored with inhabitants and enriched with many fruitfull possessions sufficiently to sustaine so great a multitude Moreouer it was such as might
you my friend at which time for the reuerence sake that he bare vnto Caesar he sate him downe againe but the feare that he had grew so forcible that he arose againe so that Caius could not detaine him supposing that he departed thence to dispatch some important busines At that time did Asprenas counsalle Caesar to repaire to the bath telling him that after his refection he might returne thither againe all which he did being desirous that the resolution might take effect They that were with Chaereas were alreadie disposed to take aduantage of the time and were agreed each of them to stand prepared and in a readines in a place appointed to the intent to act the tragedie and the delay was verie grieuous vnto them for that it vvas alreadie three a clocke after noone So that Chaereas seeing that Caius lingred so long intended to go in vnto him and assaile him in his seat but he conceiued that he could not bring that to passe-vvithout great losse and murther of Senators and Knights that were there present Now although he had this apprehension yet addressed he himselfe to the execution thereof supposing that the losse that might happen by the death of some one would be wel recompenced by the securitie and libertie that would redound vnto all men When as therefore they were in a readines to enter the Theater newes was brought them that Caius vvas risen to come forth by meanes whereof there arose some noice For which cause the confederates returned backe into the Theater and appeased the people telling them that they displeased and anoyed the Emperor but the effect was to draw him aside from all those who might yeeld him any assistance and so to set vpon him Before Caius marched Claudius his vncle and M. Minutianus his sisters husband and Valerius who at that time was Proconsul who might not any waies be drawen from their place although they had the will by reason of the place and dignitie which they held Caius followed after them accompanied with Paulus Aruntius Now when he was entred into the pallace he left the readie way where his officers were and Claudius vvith his associates held he turned aside by an vnfrequented way to the bathes vpon purpose to see certaine young boyes who vvere come out of Asia and were sent him out of that countrey partly to sing in those ceremonies that were instituted by him and partly to daunce in armes about the Theater and in that place Chaereas came and incountred him asking him the vvatchword which Caius gaue him verie reprochfully according to his custome For which cause vvithout any further delay Chaereas assailing him both in word and act drewe his sword and gaue him a great wound which notwithstanding vvas not mortall some say that Chaereas purposely vvounded him after that sort because he would not kill him at once but to his further torment encrease the number of his wounds but I cannot beleeue the same for that in such executions a man hath no leasure to determine how to strike And if Chaereas had such an intention I account him the veriest foole that might be for that he rather took his pleasure to content his despight then readily to deliuer both himselfe and others who by his delay in being of his confederacy might be drawen into hazard For if Caius had not beene sodainly slaine he could not haue wanted meanes of rescous and it should seeme that Chaereas had not pretended to doe so much mischiefe to Caius as to himselfe and his fellow confederates And being in this incertaintie whether his enterprise should haue fallen out happily or no he had without reason both vndone himselfe lost the occasion whereas hauing happily hit home he might without a word speaking warrantize himselfe against those who would offend him But let each man thinke what best pleaseth him Caius feeling the griefe of the wound for he was strooken betwixt the shoulder and the necke and his sword could not pierce further by reason that it hit vpon the first bone of the breast he cried not in any sort neither called for any of his friends whether it were that he distrusted them all or that he had some other thought and in lamenting himselfe he past onward But he was met by Cornelius Sabinus who was alreadie prepared to encounter him who thrust him downe vpon his knees whereupon all of them enuironed him round about and with mutuall exhortations encouraged one another to doe their vttermost in murthering him At length in all mens opinion they agreed on this that it was Aquila that gaue him the deadly wound that seuered his soule from his bodie But this act ought to be attributed to Chaereas For although diuers set to their hands in the action yet was he the first who had bethought him of the action hauing long time before any of them premeditated the same after what sort it should be attempted and he also was the first that durst boldly impatt it vnto others and who after they had allowed of his resolution assembled them and vvhen as euerie one was to speake his opinion hee concluded the same verie discreetly and had alwaies done farre more then the rest so that by his earnest and honourable perswasions hee encouraged those that were faint-hearted since at such time as the opportunitie presented it selfe to set hand to the execution hee vvas the first that attempted it and who valiantly strooke and made an easie vvay for the rest vvho found Caius calme inough in that hee vvas a man almost thorowly slaine For vvhich cause it is necessarie that all that vvhich others haue done should bee ascribed to Chaereas aduice vertue and diligence Thus died Caius being slaughtered with many mortall wounds now when Chaereas and his companions had dispatched him they perceiued well that it would be impossible for them to saue themselues if so be they should returne by the way that they came so much were they rauished with that which they had done For they drew themselues into no small daunger by murthering an Emperour who was cherished and beloued thorow the folly of the common people and whose death the men of warre vvould not leaue vnpunished Now in that the vvaies were narrow where the murther was done and they themselues also were hindered by reason of the great number of people and officers and souldiers that gaue their attendance that day in garding the Emperor they tooke another vvay and retired themselues into Germanicus lodging who vvas Caius father whom they had lately slaughtered This house adioyned vpon the pallace For although the pallace vvas but one yet consisted it of diuers lodgings vvhich were builded by seuerall Emperours vvhose names whether they had begunne or finished the workes were imposed on the same buildings When as therefore they were escaped from the prease they were in safetie as long as the inconuenient that had befallen the Emperor was as yet hidden The first
report of his death came to the Germans who were of his guard being a company chosen out of that nation named the Celtique band for the preseruation of the Emperours person These men are verie prone vnto wrath and amongst all other Barbarians it is a rare thing in them to examine the causes of their execution otherwise they are men strong in body and who in the warres alwaies giue the first onset yeelding great aduantage to those on whose side they fight They hauing notice of Caius murther were vehemently aggrieued therat for that it is their manner to censure all things not according to right but as they are answerable to their owne profits Caius in especiall was deerely beloued by them in that he had obtained their fauour by bestowing much money vpon them Their captaine was one called Sabinus who was not aduanced to that estate either for his vertue or the nobilitie of his auncestors for he was but a fencer but for his mightie strength and huge body They therefore ran about with their naked swords searching for Caesars murtherers from house to house and meeting with Asprenas at first whose gowne as we haue said was bebloudied with the bloud of the slaughtered sacrifice which was a presage that aboaded him but little good fortune they hewed him in pieces The second was Norbanus who for his nobilitie and auncestors might deriue his titles from the noblest Citizens amongst whom were diuers generals of armies who seeing they made no reckoning of his dignitie and being of himselfe endowed with great force and strength he tooke a sword from one of them which first assailed him with whom he grapled and made them know that he intended that they should buy his bloud verie deerely and in deed so had he done but that being inuironed by diuers who assailed him at once he was beaten downe and slaughtered with many deadly wounds The third was Anteius one of the number of the Senators who with some others met not with these men by chance as the two other had done but to shew the hatred that hee bare vnto Caius and the pleasure that he tooke to see him lie dead was come out of his house being egged on with enuie to feede his eies with that spectacle For Caius had banished Anteius father whose name likewise was Anteius and not content therwith he had sent his soldiers to kill him He therefore with great pleasure beheld the slaughtered carkasse of this tyrant but hearing the vprore that was raised in euerie part of the house he thought good to hide himselfe yet might he not auoid the narrow search of the Germans who were so displeased that they slew all those whom they met with whether they were guiltie or guiltlesse of the fact Thus were these three made away But after the rumour of Caius death was heard in the Theater euerie one vvas amased and could scarcely beleeue it For although diuers of them vvere verie glad that he was taken out of the vvorld perswading themselues that it vvould highly profit them yet did their feare hinder their beliefe On the other side there vvere some who desiring not that any such mishap should befall Caesar and conceiuing in their thoughts that it was impossible to be done for that there vvas no man so hardie as to enterprise the same they supposed the report to be vtterly vntrue Of this minde vvere certaine vvomen and children slaues and souldiers These by reason they receiued wages at his hand and tyrannized vvith him being his ministers in all those outrages that he offered to many good Citizens in partaking the bootie and other aduantages that Caius drew vnto him As for the women and children they vvere of that opinion by reason that such kinde of people take delight in plaies iusts donations of flesh and other such pastimes vvhich Caius in word pretended to do to gratifie the common people but in effect it was to haue means to satisfie his rage and crueltie He was also gratious among the seruants slaues for that by him they had the libertie to accuse and contemne their Masters and vvere therein countenanced by Caius For vvhen they falsely accused their Masters they vvere easily beleeued and vvhen they discouered their Masters treasures in recompence of their discouerie they vvere not onely made free by him but also sent home with rich and ample rewards For the reward that vvas assigned them vvas the eight part of those goods that were confiscated As for certaine of the nobilitie although the matter seemed true to some of them for that before time they vvere priuie to that vvhich the rest intended and notwithstanding they desired that the enterprise should be effected yet kept they all things close and gaue no signe of ioy nor made any shew that they heard that which was reported For some of them feared least if they should be frustrated of their hope they should bring themselues in danger of punishment for that they had discouered their intent sooner then they should haue done They likewise vvho knew the enterprise and vvere confederates vvith the actors yet did they more closely conceale it the one from the other fearing least if they should discouer the matter to any one of those vvho drew any commoditie from Caius tyrannie they might bewray them vvhereby if Caius should be yet aliue they might incurre the danger of punishment For the voice was that he had been vvounded in certaine places yet that he vvas not slaine but as yet aliue and among his Physitians hands vvho dresied his vvounds No man therefore durst liberally discouer the secrets of his heart to his neighbour for they that spred those reports vvere either friends and for that cause vvere suspected as fauourers of his tyrannie or enemies and by that meanes in that they vvere but sinisterly affected towards Caius there vvas no certaintie to be gathered of that vvhich they said There arose also another report vvhich abashed and beat downe the hearts and hopes of the nobilitie namely that Caius setting light by the danger vvherein he was and as little also by the vvounds he had receiued was come into the market place all bloudy as he vvas and after that manner declaimed before the people See here how they that spred these rumours preferred their coniectures vvhich were voide of all reason vvhich distracted those vncertainly that heard the same according as they were affectioned This notwithstanding no man remooued from his place for feare least they should be sodainly accused knowing well that they should be censured not according to their thoughts and affections but according to the disposition of their iudges and accusers But after that the troupe of Germans had inuironed the Theater with their naked swords all the assistance expected nothing but death and as soone as any man entred they vvere seazed vvith such an amazement as if they had alreadie felt the strokes so that they knew not vvhat to
repaired to Petronius who was gouernor of Syria and complained against these Dorites who was no lesse displeased with the action then he himselfe For he supposed that such breach of religion was the meanes to further impietie and for that cause he wrote to those which had attempted this innouation somewhat sharply to this effect following CHAP. VI. Petronius letter written to the Dorites in the behalfe of the Iewes PVblius Petronius lieutenant to Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus to the Magistrates of the countrey of Doria health Whereas Caesar hath published an edict by which he permitteth the Iewes to liue according to their lawes and customes some one amongst you haue been so presumptuous to contradict the same in effect although in words you protest that you obey him and doe all that which you can to hinder the Iewes from enioying their Synagogue in so much as in the same you haue planted Caesars image not onely therby opposing your selues against the Iewes but also against the Emperour himselfe whose image might haue been better placed in his owne temple then in a forraine temple and you haue placed it in their Synagogue whereas by right euerie one ought to be maister of his place according to Caesars iudgement For it should be verie ridiculous in me to alleadge mine owne iudgement after that of Caesars who hath granted the Iewes the liberty to liue according to their lawes and customes and hath commanded that they should conuerse in equall freedome among the Greekes For these causes I commaund you that they who haue been so bold as to contemne Augustus decree against whom their owne magistrates haue beene displeased excusing themselues that this accident hapned not by their motion but by the furie of the common people be brought before me by the captaine Proculus Vitellius to yeeld a reason of that which they haue done exhorting the magistrates that if they will not be accounted parties in this contempt they labour to discouer those that are guiltie vnto Proculus and giue order that no sedition or violence be offered thereupon Which notwithstanding it seemeth that they affect although we and the most honoured king Agrippa whom I take for my good and special friend labour nothing more then that the nation of the Iewes should not assemble and take armes vnder colour of their defence And to the end that whatsoeuer Augustus hath ordained as touching this matter may be the better knowne vnto all men I haue annexed his edict which he published in Alexandria and although they are sufficiently knowne vnto all men yet hath the most honoured king Agrippa read them vnto me at such time as I sate in my tribunal seat concluding according to right that the Iewes ought not to be excluded nor hindred from enioying those benefits which are granted vnto them by Caesar I therefore charge all men that hence forward they take heed least they seeke any occasion of mutinie or sedition and that euerie one liue according to his religion See here how Petronius proceeded in this matter both to amend that which was past as also to preuent that which was to come that none should be so bold to attempt the like After this Agrippa tooke the priesthood from Simon Canthara and gaue it againe to Ionathan the sonne of Anani whom he esteemed to be more worthy then the other But Ionathan declared that he was not desirous of this dignitie for in effect he refused it saying O King I most willingly acknowledge the honour which it pleaseth you to bestow vpon me and know well that it is a dignitie which of your owne freewill you bestow vpon me notwithstanding that God iudgeth me vnworthy It sufficeth me that I haue once been inuested with the sacred habite for at that time I wore it with more holinesse then I can now receiue it at this present yet notwithstanding if it please you to know one that is more worthy of this honour then my selfe I wil informe you of one My liege I haue a brother who towards God and you is pure and innocent whom I dare recommend vnto you for a most fit man for that dignitie The king tooke great pleasure in these his words and leauing Ionathan he bestowed the priesthood on Matthias his brother according as Ionathan had aduised him and not long after this Marsus succeeded in Petronius roome and tooke vpon him the gouernment of Syria CHAP. VII Agrippas acts vntill the time of his death SIlas was made generall ouer the kings army and for that he had alwaies beene faithfull vnto him and had neuer forsaken him in any daunger that was offered without partaking the vtmost extremitie but had alwaies aduentured on the greatest perils in respect of his intire and constant resolution he made his account that being so firme a friend to the king he should also be partaker and companion with him in the honour For which cause in all things whatsoeuer he submitted not himselfe to the king but chalenged to himselfe a liberty to speake what him listed For this cause he grew hatefull in the kings sight for that in particular he boasted of himselfe beyond measure and oftentimes refreshed the memory of those aduersities the king had past the rather to expresse how affectionate he had been toward him and his continuall talke was nothing else but of those trauailes he had endured Now for that he obserued no measure in this his discourse the king tooke it as an iniury intended to his honour was offended with the vnbridled licence of the mans prattle For nothing soundeth more harsh in a mans eare then the memorie of his forepassed miserie and it is but the fault of a foole to rip vp the courtesies he hath emploied on another man Finally Silas grieuously prouoked the kings displeasure against himself that rather subscribing to his wrath then his wit he not only dispossessed Silas of his generals roome but also sent him bound into his countrey in that place to be held prisoner This notwithstanding time asswaged his displeasure the king drawing himselfe into better consideration and remembring himselfe how many trauels Silas had endured in his behalfe he reuoked the sentence that he had pronounced At such time therfore as he was ready to celebrate the festiual day of his birth and al his subiects were addressed to take their pleasure he speedily sent for Silas to the end he might be partaker thereof and banquet with them But Silas who was of a free nature supposing that he had iust cause to be displeased concealed it not from those who were sent vnto him but spake vnto them after this manner To what honour doth the king inuite me at this present to the intent incontinently to depriue me thereof for he hath not onely depriued me of those honours which he bestowed vpon me in acknowledgement of the good affection I haue alwaies shewed vnto him but he hath altogither spoyled me and
for that he feared least if the matter should be publikely knowne he should suffer some punishment as being the onely author and instructer of the king in vndecent matters that otherwise he might serue God although he were not circumcised since he had resolued to liue according to the institutions and lawes of the Iewes and that God would pardon him for in this true religion consisteth more then in the circumcision of the body though hee were not actually circumcised since the necessitie and feare of his subiects ouerruled him By which words the king for that time was won to affect the same no further But some little whiles after for he was not wholy altered in that affection which he had another Iew called Eleazar comming from Galilee and accounted a man of great experience in the doctrine of our religion perswaded him to be circumcised For comming one day vnto him to salute him he found him reading of the bookes of Moses and said vnto him O King contrarie to your knowledge you offend the law and God likewise for it sufficeth you not that you vnderstand the same but the chiefest matter you are tied vnto is to doe that which the law commaundeth how long therefore vvill you remaine vncircumcised And if as yet you haue not perused the law as touching this point read it now to the intent you may know what impietie it is to omit it After the King had heard this he would no longer deferre his circumcision for which cause withdrawing himselfe into another chamber he called a surgeon vnto him vvho acted that which he required and afterwards calling his mother and master Ananias vnto him he certified them vvhat had past vvherupon they grew straungely amased fearing least the king should grow in daunger of the losse of his kingdome if this action of his should come to light for that his subiects would not endure that such a man that followed a contrarie religion should be their king they feared also least they themselues should be in daunger for as much as the cause of all this matter would be imputed to them But God by his prouidence preuented least any of those things vvich they feared should come to effect for he deliuered Izates himselfe and his children likewise out of many daungers yeelding them his assistance in their doubtful desperate estates declaring in effect that those that onely put their trust in him and depend vpon his proiudence are neuer depriued of the fruit of their pietie But of these things vvill vve speake hereafter When Helena the kings mother perceiued that the estate of the kingdome vvas in peace and that by all mens opinion both homebred and straungers her sonne vvas reputed happie by the good vvill of God she vvas seazed vvith a desire to go and visit the citie of Ierusalem and adore God in that temple vvhich was so much renowmed thorow the vvhole vvorld offer sacrifice of thanksgiuing therin for vvhich cause she besought her son that he vvould suffer her to performe her vowes who willingly cōdescended to her desire and furnished her royally vvith althings that were necessary for such a voiage giuing her a great masse of mony with her and bringing her onward on her way many daies iourney so that at length she arriued in Ierusalē to the great aduantage of the inhabitāts of that citie For at that time the citie was oppressed with a gricuous famine so as many died for want of food for which cause Queene Helena sent her seruants some into Alexandria to buy a great quantitie of come the rest into Cypris to buy dried figs who returned with all expeditiō they might wherupon Helena distributed the victuals among the poore leauing a singular memory of her beneficence among the whole nation Her sonne Izates also vnderstanding of this famine sent a great summe of money to the gouernour of Ierusalem But hereafter will I declare what other benefits the king and Queene haue bestowed vpon our nation Now Artabanus king of Parthia perceiuing that the princes of his kingdome had conspired against him resolued with himselfe to go vnto Izates for the securitie of his life and person hoping by his meanes if it were possible to recouer his kingdome He therfore retired thither and brought with him about one thousand men of his kinsfolke and houshold seruants And by the way he met with Izates whom he knew verie well by his royall traine notwithstanding he were vnknowne vnto him by countenance Drawing therfore neere vnto him he first of all humbled himselfe on his knees according to the custome of the countrey and afterwards spake vnto him after this manner Dread king forsake me not who am thy seruant neither reiect thou my praiers For being deiected by the meanes of my misfortunes and of a king become a priuate man I haue neede of thy succour Consider therefore the inconstancie of fortune and thinke with thy selfe that by prouiding for me thou shalt prouide for thy selfe For if thou makest no reckoning of the wrong that is done vnto me diuers men will grow audacious to enterprise vpon other kings These words pronounced he with weeping teares and with lookes lowly fixed vpon the ground When Izates had heard Artabanus name and saw his humble and submissiue estate he leapt incontinently from his horse and said vnto him King be of good courage and let not thy present and perplexed condition dismay thee as if thy misfortunes were irrecouerable For this sorrow of thine shall sodainly bee changed and thou shalt finde a better friend and allie then thou hopedst for at this time For either will I repossesse thee of thy kingdome of Parthia or I will lose mine owne gouernment This said he caused Artabanus to get vp on horsebacke and walked by him on foote yeelding him this honour as to a greater king then himselfe Which when Artabanus sawe he was discontented and sware by his fortune and honour to come that he would set foote on ground if he would not get vp on horsebacke and ride before him wherunto he obeied and mounting vpon his horse againe he conducted him to his pallace yeelding him all the honour that was possible both in his sittings and banquets as in his assemblies not respecting his present estate or condition but his former dignitie considering with himselfe that such casuall misfortunes and changes are incident to all men Furthermore he wrote vnto the Parthians perswading them to receiue their king Artabanus assuring them on his faith and oath that he would obtaine a free pardon for all that which was past and to that intent he offered himselfe to be an arbitrator betweene them The Parthians gaue him this answere that they would not refuse to entertaine him but that they could not for that one who was called Cinnamus was aduanced in his place and dignitie and that they feared least a sedition should happen amongst them Cinnamus who was a noble and
committed against the Iewes if Nero had not pardoned him vpon his brother Pallas submission and intreaty who importuned him and was at that time in great reputation with him Furthermore two of the chiefest amongst the Syrians that wrought Berillus who had sometimes beene Neros Master and at that time was secretarie of estate in the Greeke tongue by mightie bribes to begge at Neros hand the reuocation of the right and title which the Iewes enioyed in the gouernment and administration of the common weale For which cause Berillus sollicited the Emperour and obtained a letter at his hands which was the cause of those mischiefes that afterwards hapned in our nation For the Iewes of Caesarea vnderstanding what commission the Syrians had gotten were so much the more kindled and encouraged to make warre As soone therefore as Festus was arriued in Iudaea he found the countrey grieuously afflicted with robberies and the lower countrey was spoyled by sword and fire The theeues likewise at that time encreased wondrously they vsed short swords after the manner of a Persian Cymetre and crooked like the Roman faulchion with which they slew diuers men For thrusting themselues into the presse of people that came in great multitudes on the festiuall daies to celebrate Gods seruice they killed those verie easily whom they listed and oftentimes repairing to their enemies villages they spoiled and burnt the same But Festus sent diuers forces both of horse and foote against certaine Iewes that were seduced by an enchanter who had promised them security and repose from all their troubles and molestations if so be they would followe him into the desart who slew both the deceiuer and the deceiued that followed him At that time king Agrippa erected a stately building within the pallace at Ierusalem neere vnto the porch This pallace in times past appertained to the Asmoneans was scituate in a high place with a goodly prospect from whence they that listed might with pleasure behold the whole citie of Ierusalem wherein the king tooke great delight and beheld from thence that which was done in the temple The chiefest men of Ierusalem seeing this building were sore displeased For neither doth our custome or law permit that any one should looke on that which is done in the temple and especially forbiddeth that no man should behold the sacrifices and oblations They therefore builded a high wall vpon the gallerie which was within the temple on the West side which did not onely damme vp the sight of the royall chamber but also that of the gallery without the temple on the West side where the Romanes kept guard neere vnto the temple on the festiuall daies Herewith was King Agrippa sore displeased and the gouernour Festus farre more then hee who commaunded them to pull downe the wall But they besought him that he vvould giue them licence to send their Embassadours to Nero to this intent alleaging that it was impossible for them to liue if any part of their temple should be beaten downe Which being graunted them they sent tenne of their chiefest nobilitie and with them Ismael the high priest and Chelcias the Treasurer of the temple vnto Nero who no sooner heard their suit but he pardoned them not onely for that they had done but hee commanded that the building should remaine as it was All which hee did in fauour of his wife Poppea who was intreated by the Iewes for that she was a deuout Princesse to sue for them She therefore commaunded the tenne Embassadours to returne and kept Chelcias and Ismael for pledges vvith her The king vnderstanding how all things had past gaue the high priesthood to Ioseph surnamed Cabi vvhich was the sonne of Simon who in times past had beene high Priest CHAP. VIII The gouernment of Albinus CAesar being aduertized of Festus death sent Albinus to gouerne Iudaea But king Agrippa commaunding Ioseph to lead a priuate life and aduanced in his steed a certaine man called Ananus the sonne of Ananus who is reported to haue beene most happie For he had fiue sonnes al which supplied the place of the high priest after himselfe had long time before them enioyed the roome The like whereof hath neuer hapned to any of our high Priests The younger Ananus who as we said was aduanced to this place was a rash and headstrong man that followed the sect of the Sadduces who as we haue alreadie declared were amongst all other the Iewes the most seuere in executing Iustice whereas therefore Ananus was of this disposition he thought that he had a fit occasion offered him to do what him listed after Festus death and during the time that Albinus was as yet vpon his way He therefore ascended and sate down in the tribunal assisted by the Iudges and caused Iames the brother of Iesus who was called Christ to appeare before him with certaine others and accused them for transgressing the law and blasphemy against God and caused them to be stoned to death They that were men of vpright conscience within the citie and diligent obseruers of the law vvere verie much displeased with this act and sent secretly vnto the king beseeching him to prohibite Ananus that hereafter he should commit no such like offence for that his first action was not allowable Some of them also went to meet Albinus being on his vvay from Alexandria to enforme him that it was not lawful for Ananus to assemble the councel without his licence Albinus perswaded by these words wrote a cholericke letter to Ananus wherein he threatned to punish him And for the same cause king Agrippa dispossessed him of the Priesthood after he had held the same for the space of three moneths and in his steed he established Iesus the sonne of Damneus After that Albinus was arriued in Ierusalem he employed all his care and studie to pacifie the countrey by executing diuers of the theeues But the high priest Ananias daily increased in honour and credit and purchased the good will of the citizens by his liberalitie and great gifts But he had certaine mischieuous seruants about him who conuersed with those that were most intemperate and audacious who repairing from graunge to graunge tooke vp many tenths that belonged to the Priests and beat those that reâ—…used to tender them The priests vsed no lesse force then did their seruants hauing no man that might restraine them whereby it came to passe that the piests who were before time maintained by the tenths died at that time for want of victuals And the theeues renewing their entrance into the citie by night during the feast that was celebrated at that time tooke the secretarie of captaine Eleazar aliue who vvas Ananias sonne who was the high And hauing bound him led him out of the citie sending Ananias word that they would deliuer his secretarie if he would labour so much with Albinus as to deliuer them their tenne companions then prisoners who
awaked and so prepared as I was w◅nt I downe into the plaine and as soone as I came thither all the people of Galilee with their wiues and children humbling themselues vpon the earth and weeping besought me that I would not leaue them for a pray to their enemies neither that I would abandon their countrey to serue for a pray and mockerie to their aduersaries But seeing that I made small reckoning of their praiers they constrained me by oath to remaine amongst them and vttered diuers iniurious outrages against the people of Ierusalem that enuied them the peace and happines which they enioyed After I had heard these words and seene the desolation of the people my heart was broken with compassion and I resolued my selfe that in respect of so great a multitude my life could not be better hazarded then for their contentment I therefore gaue my consent to remaine with them I gaue order that fiue thousand of their best souldiers with their prouision should attend me as for the rest I sent them backe euerie owne to his owne house When these fiue thousand presented themselues I annexed them to the other three thousand that I had with me and drew out with them fourescore horsemen and marched on towards Chabalon a burrough vpon the marches of Ptolemais where I vndertooke to prepare them for the battell expecting some assault from Placidus who was come with two companies of footmen and one of horsemen sent by Cestius Gallus to burne the countrey townes of Galilee and other little burroughs that bordered on Ptolemais And for that he was entrenched before the Citie of Ptolemais I encamped mine army likewise not farre from the burrough Chabalon some sixtie stades off and diuers times drew I out my forces to bid him battell but neuer would he offer any thing but skirmishes For Placidus perceiuing my forwardnesse to fight was abashed thereat and retired himselfe yet departed he not from Ptolemais About that time came Ionathan with the other Embassadours who as we haue heretofore declared were sent by Simon and the high priest Ananus who laboured to entrap me by policie for that they durst not assaile me in open field They therefore wrote a letter vnto me to this effect Ionathan and the Embassadours with him who are sent by those of Ierusalem to Ioseph Greeting We are certified by the chiefest men of Ierusalem that Iohn of Gischala hath oftentimes sought to betray you for which cause we are sent to represse his malice and to exhort him hereafter to submit himselfe vnto you and being desirous to conferre with you as touching that which concerneth the publike profit we pray you to resort vnto vs as soone as you can with some few attendants because the burrough is not able to entertain many To this effect wrote they vnto me hoping that one of these two effects would fal out either that I comming disarmed should be easily surprised by them or that bringing with me a great companie I should be condemned for an enemy of my countrey The messenger that brought me this letter was a valiant young man mounted on horsebacke who had in times past borne armes for the king The time wherein he came vnto me was two houres within night and euen then was I banquetting with my friends and the chiefest goue◅nours of Galilee After that one of my houshold seruants had certified me that a certaine Iew on horsebacke came to speake with me I commanded he should be brought in who embracing me but coldly and deliuering me the letter said vnto me They that are come frō Ierusalem send you this letter giue them a speedy answere For I am commanded to make a speedy returne They that sate at the table with me were amazed at the souldiers boldnesse But for my selfe I willed him to sit downe and to make merrie with me but he refusing the same I kept the letter in my hand in such manner as I had receiued the same and began to talke with my friends of other affaires and not long after arising from supper and dismissing the rest to their rest I onely retained with me some of my most inward friends and commanding my page to fill me wine I opened the letters before any man perceiued the same and conceiting incontinently what they meant I sealed them anew and as if I had knowne nothing of the contents hauing the letter in my hands I gaue order that the soldier should receiue twenty drachmes for to beare the charges of his voiage He hauing receiued the same and giuing me thankes I perceiued well that he was addicted to gaine and might easily be wrought with money Wherupon I said vnto him if thou wilt drinke with me thou shalt haue a drachme for euerie glasse thou drinkest To this the souldier listned willingly and hauing dranke good store of wine to get him the greater store of money he grew drunken so that he was vnable any longer to conceale his secrets but of his owne accord he declared the treason that was prepared and how the sentence of death was giuen by them against me Which when I vnderstood I answered them to this effect Ioseph to Ionathan and those that accompanie him Health I am verie glad to heare that you are arriued in Galilee in good health especially for that I may now redeliuer into your hands the gouernment of the affaires thereof to the end according as I haue long time desired I might returne into my countrey I will not onely therefore visit you at Xallon but in anie further place also notwithstanding you had neuer sent for me Notwithstanding pardon me though I come not at this present for I am now at Chabalon to confront Placidus who pretendeth to inuade Galilee Resort you therefore vnto mee vvho shall reade my letters Farewell After I had written this answere and deliuered it to the souldier to carrie it vnto them I sent by the same way thirtie of my most approoued friends of Galilee commanding them to salute them that were come without anie further speech I assigned also to each of these one of my most resolute and best souldiers to take heede least any of those I sent should conferre with Ionathans men They therefore set forward on their way and Ionathan and the other seeing their first purpose failed them they sent me another letter after this tenour which ensueth Ionathan and his companie to Ioseph Health We commaund you that within three daies you make your appearance before vs without anie of your souldiers in the burrough of Gadara to the end you maie answere to that which Iohn hath obiected against you As soone as they had written this saluted those whom I had sent they went to Iapha which is the greatest towne of Galilee defenced with strong walles and peopled with manie inhabitants Against these the people of that Citie their wiues and children came forth exclaiming against them with huge cries
came vnto me and saluting me told me that they reputed me happie for that I had so wisely behaued my selfe in Galilee and they reioiced also in appearance for that I was returned with honour telling me that the honour that was done vnto me was their ornament for that they were my instructors and fellow citizens and that the friendship which I bare them was more iust then that of Iohns they therfore required me to repaire vnto my house promising very shortly to deliuer Iohn into my hands these speeches of theirs they seconded with dreadful oaths which made me thinke that I had no cause to misbeleeue them Furthermore they required me to take vp my lodging in another place for that on the morrow was the Sabboth day it were an inconuenient that the citie of Tiberias should be drawne into trouble on that day I that suspected nothing repaired to Taricheas leauing notwithstanding certaine of my friends behind me in Tiberias who might curiously obserue what the common talke was of me and all along the way betwixt Taricheas Tiberias I laid certaine men in wait who from one to another might certifie me of that which was discouered by them who remained in the citie The next day therefore all of them assembled in the Proseucha or Oratorie which was an ample house wherein they prayed and was able to containe a great multitude When Ionathan was entred into this place he durst not manifestly speake vnto them of a reuolt but only told them that their citie had need of a better Gouernour But the President Iesus without dissembling spake plainly after this maner vnto them It were better for you my friends that you were subiect to foure men of nobilitie great wisdome then to one and therupon he shewed them those who accompanied Ionathan Hereupon Iustus arose and praised that which Iesus had proposed and drew some of the people to his opinion But the greater part tooke no pleasure therein and there had presently followed a mutinie had not the assembly been dismissed by reason it was midday which is the ordinary hour amongst them to take their repast in Thus did Ionathans consorts remit the determination of the matter vntill the next day retiring themselues without any good done Which being presently reported vnto me I resolued with my selfe the next morning to repaire to the Citie of Tiberias and on the morrow I arriued there in due time for I found the people alreadie assembled in the place of praier and they that were drawne to that conuocation knew not the cause why they were assembled Ionathans partners seeing me there in person contrarie to their expectation were verie sore troubled and bethought themselues of this subtiltie They tolde the multitude that a certaine friend of theirs had informed them that he had discouered certaine Roman horsemen vpon the frontiers of that territorie some thirtie stades off of the citie in a place called Homonoea and that the newes being brought to them those of Iohns faction had presently signified the same vnto them to the intent they should not endure their countrey to be sackt by the enemy They vsed this speech supposing that vnder pretext of rescuing the countrey they might driue me abroad and strengthen the Citie for themselues Now although I knewe verie well what their intent was yet gaue I ease vnto them least I should driue the Tiberians into an opinion that I was negligent and carelesse of their securitie I therefore road out and came to the place of which they had spoken where finding scarce a footstep or appearance of an enemy I returned speedily without delay to Tiberias When I came there I found the whole councel assembled with a multitude of people and Iohns partakers vrging against me a verie vehement accusation that I made no account to relieue them in their warres but that I studied nothing but mine owne pleasures And whilest they spake these words they produced foure letters as being written vnto them by those who were vpon the marches of Galilee requiring them to come and succour them for that the Roman horsemen and footmen would within three daies forrage and spoile their countrey for which cause they made haste and would not neglect their suit who besought them The Tiberians hearing these allegations and supposing them to be true cried out saying that it behooued them not in that manner to dally time but to go and succour their countrey men inuironed with great dangers Whereunto I answered that I was readie to obey them and promised to march foorth against the enemy with all expedition Now knew I well the pretence of Iohns partakers and was of the opinion that since those letters said that the Romans gathered head in foure diuers places it was requisite to deuide our power into fiue companies appointing euerie one of them a chieftaine ouer them For it is an honour for good men not onely to giue counsell but also when need requireth to be the first and formost in the action For I tolde them that it lay not in my power to leade any more then one companie This my aduice was pleasing vnto all the people who presently constrained these men to march out vnto the warre whereby it came to passe that they were greatly confused to see that they might not finish that which they had imagined because I crossed all their enterprises Hereupon one amongst them called Ananias a wicked and peruerse man counsailed the people to celebrate a solemne fast the next day in honour of God and gaue direction at the same houre that all of them should gather togither in that place in armes to protest before God that if they obtained not succours at his hands they held all sort of resist vnprofitable He spake this not for anie pietie that was in him but to the end to surprise both me and my followers vnarmed To this aduice of his was I enforced to condescend to the end it might appeare that I contemned not that which appertained to the seruice of God As soone therefore as we were retired euerie one of vs to our seuerall lodgings Ionathan and his partakers wrote to Iohn to resort vnto them early in the morning with his men of warre and all the power he could make for that they might easily laie hands on me and accomplish that which they had so long time longed after He receiuing this letter willingly obeied The next day I commanded two of my strongest and faithfullest souldiers to hide their short swords vnder their gownes and to attend me to the end that if in any sort we were assailed by the enemie we might defend our selues I put on my curets also and girt my sword by my side in such sort as no man might perceiue the same and came with them to the place of praier But Iesus as soone as I was entred with my friends hauing the guard of the gate would not
periurie for they esteeme him condemned for a lyer who is not beleeued without he call God to witnesse They studie diligently ancient Writers chiefly gathering out of their writings what is most conuenient for the soule and the body Out of them they learne remedies for diseases and medicinable hearbes and what is the proper effect of euerie stone Those who are desirous to be of their order do not straightway conuerse with them but for a yeare before they liue out of their Colledge and haue the same diet giuing them also a little hatchet and such a girdle as is before spoken of and a white garment But at the yeares end if they perceiue him to be continent then they take him into their refectorie and he is made partaker of purer waters to the end he may continue chast yet is hee not admitted in common amongst them for two yeares after this his triall they obserue his life and manners and at last when he is thought worthy then is he admitted to their common company And before he be receiued to the common table first he protesteth with great and solemne oaths that he will worship God and obserue iustice fidelitie towards all men and neither willingly hurt any man nor iniure any one for another mans command but that he wil alwaies hate the wicked and assist the good and euer keepe his faith to all but especially to his superiours For no man can obtaine the power of principality without the will and good pleasure of God and that if he be put in authoritie ouer others he neuer will abuse it to the preiudice of those that are vnder him and neither exceed the rest in apparrell nor in any other ambitious pompe that he will alwaies loue the truth and euer endeuour to confute liers and that he will keepe his hands from stealing and his soule pure from all vniust gaine and that he will not conceale any mysteries or secrets from his companions nor reueale them to any straungers although he should be thereto compelled by death Adding moreouer that they will neuer deliuer any doctrine saue that which they haue receiued and that they will auoide theft and diligently keepe the bookes of their doctrine and the names of Angels And with these oaths they trie and as it were arme those who enter into their order Those of their congregation who shall be condemned they thrust out of their companie and whosoeuer is so punished for the most part dieth a miserable death for hauing once taken this oath it is not lawfull for him to take meat of any straunger so that feeding on grasse like beasts at last he perisheth through famine For which cause oftentimes they moued with compassion receiue many into their order againe euen readie by famine to yeeld vp the ghost iudging them to haue endured penance inough for their offences who with famine were almost brought vnto deaths doore They are verie seuere and iust in their iudgement and to decide any matter there is neuer fewer of them then a hundreth and that which by them is agreed vpon is an irreuocable sentence Next after God they reuerence the lawmaker insomuch as if any one reuile him they forthwith condemne him to death They greatly reuerence olde men and a multitude so that if ten of them sit togither no man of them must speake without he be licenced thereto by nine of the companie They also must not spit in the midst of the assembly nor on the right hand And they are more seuere then anie other Iewes in obseruing the Sabboths And they do not onely abstaine from dressing meat vpon that day but also they may not remoue anie vessell out of his place nor go to the priuie Vpon other daies they dig a pit a foot deepe into the ground with the hatchet which as we before said euerie one at his entrance into their order hath giuen him and then couering themselues diligently with their garment least they should doe iniurie to the light of heauen in that pit they ease themselues and thē couer their ordure with the earth they took out of the pit this they do in most secret places And although this purging of their bodies be naturall yet do they by washing purifie themselues after it as after great vncleannes Furthermore they amongst themselues are deuided into foure orders according to the times which they haue taken to follow this exercise of life and they who are iuniors are so farre different from the seniors that if they do but touch one of them they presently purifie themselues as though they had beene prophaned by a straunger They are long liued so that most of them liue a hundreth yeeres which I iudge is by reason of their well ordered diet and their temperancie They contemne aduersitie and by counsell and discretion ouercome torments They preferre an honourable death before life And the warres which the Iewes made against the Romans shewed what courage and hardines they haue in all things For being then compelled by breaking of the members of their bodies and firie torments all kind of tortures which were laid vpon them to reuile the lawmaker and to eate any meate forbidden yet could they not be forced to any of these neither wold they entreat the torturers nor shew any sorrow amidst their torments Nay in the verie midst of their griefes and paines they scoffed at their tormenters and laughing ioyfully yeelded vp their soules as though they hoped to receiue them againe For it is an opinion amongst them that the bodie is corruptible and that the matter thereof is not perpetual but yet the soule remaines for euer immortall who passing out of a most pure and subtile ayre wrap themselues in bodies as in prisons being as it were drawen thereunto by a naturall inclination And when they are deliuered cut of these carnall bonds then presently as freed from a long bondage they ioyfully mount aloft And of the good soules they say as did the Grecians that they liue beyond the Ocean seas in a place of pleasure where they are neuer molested with raine nor snow nor heat but haue alwaies a sweet and pleasant ayre comming out of the Ocean But the wicked soules as they say go into a place very tempestuous where there is alwaies as it were winter weather alwaies ful of lamentations of those who for euer are to be punished But I iudge that the Greekes are of this opinion when they say there is an Isle for the vertuous whom they call Heroes and halfe-gods and that the soules of the wicked go to a place in hell where as it is fained some to be tormented as Sysiphus Tantalus Ixion Tytius Which they did first inuent for this purpose because those who are of good disposition are made better in this life by hope of some reward in the life to come and the wicked are as they thought hereby restrained for feare of eternall
according as the beams of the sunne do sundry waies fall vpon it And in many places it casteth vp pieces of black bitumen in greatnesse and shape like a bull without a head and these floate aboue the water They that get their liuing vpon this water finding this bitumen that is thus gathered togither drawe it to their boates and it is so tough and clammy that hauing filled their boates herewith it is not easie for them to get them away but their boate is as it were fastned so it hangeth vpon the rest of that masse of bituminous matter till it be separated from it by the tearmes or vrine of a woman This bituminous matter is good for to close the rifts of shippes and also to cure many diseases This lake is fiue hundreth and eightie furlongs long being extended vnto Zoar which is in Arabia and it is a hundreth and fiftie furlongs broade Neere vnto this lake is the land of Sodome and Gomorrah sometime both fertile and rich now all burnt being as it is reported for the impietie of the inhabitants consumed with lightning and thunder To be short one may here behold as it were the signe and reliques of that fire that by Gods appointment destroied the place for one may yet see as it were the fashion and tokens of fiue cities and trees fruits springing vp in the ashes which fruit to the eye seemeth like vnto other fruits but if you handle them they fall into ashes and smoake And so the report of the land of Sodome is knowen to be true to them that behold it CHAP. VI. How Gerasa was destroyed of Neroes death and of Galba and Otho VEspasian desirous to be besiege Ierusalem on euerie side builded castles at Iericho and Adida and left there both the souldiers that came to assist him and also Romans with them And he sent L. Annius to Gerasa giuing him many footmen and part of his horsemen who at the first assault tooke the Citie and slew a thousand young men who thought to haue fled and lead whole families captiue giuing the souldiers the spoile of their goods and so firing their houses hee went to other places adioyning They who were able fled and the weaker sort who could not flie were slaine and whatsoeuer came in their way they consumed it with fire Thus all places both mountaines and plaines being wasted and oppressed with warres the inhabitants liuing at Ierusalem had not whither to goe when they desired to flie from the Zealous by whom they were kept in And they who were against the Romans were kept in themselues the Citie being on euerie side enclosed and compassed with the armie After that Vespasian was returned vnto Caesarea and with all his armie purposing to go to Ierusalem newes was brought him that Nero was slaine hauing raigned thirteene yeeres and eight daies Touching whom I will not recount how he did dishonour the Empire committing the whole sway of all the commonwealth vnto two most wicked men to wit Nymphidius and Tigillinus and of least worth amongst all the Libertines and how hee being taken by the trecherie of these two men was forsaken of all his Senators and so fled onely with foure trustie Libertines into the suburbes and there killed himselfe and how that long time after they that deposed him were punished for that offence and how the warres ended in Gallia and that Galba being created Emperour returned to Rome out of Spayne and how hee was accused by the souldiers and by them killed in the market place as one of base condition and how Otho vvas declared Emperour and led his souldiers against Vitellius his armie also Vitellius his broiles and his fight before the Capitoll and how Antonius Primus and Mutianus slewe Vitellius and so appeased the Germane troupes and ciuill warres Of all these I haue refused to speake because I hope that both the Greekes and Romanes haue written these things at large yet I haue briefelye recapitulated all to continue my Historie After Vespasian heard these newes of Nero he deferred the siege of Ierusalem expecting who should be created Emperour after him And vvhen he was certified that Galba raigned hee determined to doe nothing but lie quiet till such time as hee also should write vnto him his mind whether he would haue him proceede in those warres against the Iewes And hee sent vnto him his sonne Titus both to salute him and also to know his pleasure concerning the Iewes Likewise King Agrippa went with Titus for the same cause vnto Galba But as they were passing by Achaia with long shippes in winter time as the custome is newes was brought that Galba was slaine hauing raigned seuen moneths and seuen daies After whom succeeded Otho who gouerned the Empire three moneths Agrippa not terrified with this alteration still kept on his iourney to Rome But Titus as God would haue it returned from Achaia vnto Syria and so to Caesarea vnto his father They both were as it were in suspence what would ensue and who should be Emperour the Empire being so full of troubles and so they neglected the warres against the Iewes fearing their owne countrey and therefore thinking it an vnfit time to assault straungers CHAP. VII Of Simon of Gerasa author of i new conspiracie FOr all this the war at Ierusalem was increased For there was one Simon the sonne of Giora borne in Gerasa young in yeeres and inferiour to Iohn who now alreadie had gotten the dominion ouer the citie yet was he in strength and boldnes more excellent then Iohn This Simon being for this cause also dâ—…en out of the countrey of Acrabatena where he was gouernour by the means Ananus the hie priest he came to the theeues that seased vpon Massada This Simon at his first comming was so suspected to the theeues that they onely permitted him and the women that came with him to dwel in the lower part of the castle they them selues kept the higher part yet afterwards his manners and behauiour were such that they put confidence in him for he was their captaine alwaies when they went to spoile and rob any part of the countrie about Massada So he feared not to perswade them to attempt greater matters for being desirous of rule after he heard that Ananus was dead he departed into the high places of the countrie and with the voice of a crier promised and proclaimed that all bondslaues that would follow him should haue their libertie and all other should be richly rewarded and so he gathered togither all the wicked and desperate people in the countrey And hauing now a large armie he robbed and spoiled all the townes and villages there about and his number daily increasing he also now presumed to come into the plaine countries so that now cities stoode in awe of him and many potentates now feared him for his strength and prosperous successe And his armie did not onely
had not such successe as he hoped for he came to Rome and brought Ionathas and the rest bound with him thinking that no more inquirie would be made of the false accusations inuented by himselfe But Vespasian suspecting the matter made diligent inquirie to know the truth and finding these crimes iniuriously imposed vpon those men at Titus intreatie he acquited them and punished Ionathas according to his desert who being first whipped was afterward burned aliue And Catullus at that time by reason of the mildnesse of the Emperours had nothing said vnto him but not long after he fell into a grieuous disease and was cruelly tormented not onely in bodie but also in mind For he was greatly terrified and still imagined to see the ghostes of them whom hee had so vniustly slaine readie to kill him so that hee cried out and not able to containe himselfe lept out of his bed as though hee had beene tortured with torments and fire And this disease dayly increasing on his guts and bowels rotting and issuing out of him at last he died in this manner leauing behind him an euident argument that the diuine iustice doth punish impious malefactors And this is the end of the Historie which we promised to bee set downe with all fidelitie for them that are desirous to know the euent of the warres betweene the Iewes and the Romanes And as for our stile we leaue it to the iudgement of the Reader but touching the veritie of the Historie it is such as no man neede to doubt of for I doe affirme that to bee the onely scope which I aymed at in this whole worke The end of the seuenth and last Booke of Flauius Iosephus of the Warres of the Iewes THE FIRST BOOKE OF FLAVIVS IOSEPHVS THE SONNE OF MATTHIAS WRITTEN AGAINST APION AS TOVCHING THE ANTIQVITIE OF THE IEWES ISuppose O thou worthiest amongst worthie men Epaphroditus that I haue sufficiently testified vnto them who shall reade those bookes which I haue written as touching the autentique historie of the Iewes that our nation is most auncient and that they haue had their originall from themselues and haue from the first beginning inhabited that Countrie whereof they are now possessed at this present To which effect I haue gathered out of our sacred writings and published in the Greeke tongue a Historie containing the occurrences of fiue thousand yeeres And for that I see their are diuers who being too much addicted and seduced by the scandalous blasphemies and reports which some of those who are Iewdly affected towards vs haue published against vs haue misconceited and misbeleeued that which I haue written of our antiquitie and labour to approue our nation to bee moderne because none of the most auncient and most renowmed Historio graphers among the Grecians haue thought our auncestors worthie to bee enrowled in their writings I haue for these causes held it a part of my dutie to write som short treatise hereupon both to reproue the euill intent and affected lying of those our calumners as also to correct their ignorance by teaching those who are desirous to know the truth what the originall of our motion is For proofe whereof I will reduce no other testimonie then those who from antiquitie haue beene iudged worthie of credite among the Greekes laying open before their eyes that they who haue slaunderously and falsely written against vs are conuicted by their owne mouthes I will also enforce my selfe to expresse the causes wherein verie few Grecians haue made mention of vs in their Histories and moreouer I will make it knowne to those that are ignorant either in effect or in pretence who they haue beene that omitted not our Historie First of all therefore I doe not a little maruaile at those who in respect of antiquitie suppose that the truth ought onely to be gathered from the Greekes and that they iustly may claime the honour and knowledge of faithfull writing whereat they neither vouchsafe either vs or any others the credite or truth in that wee set downe although I am able to proue that all things haue fallen out quite contrarie For which cause it behoueth vs not to looke vnto mens various opinions but to examine that which is right and gather the same by the effects For all that whatsoeuer is set downe by the Greekes is new and of late memorie and hath beene brought to execution in a maner but yesterday I meane the foundations of Cities the inuentions of Arts and the descriptions of Lawes and the latest practise amongst them hath beene and is the diligent trauaile in Historie But among the Aegyptians Chaldeis and Phoenicians for I presume not to compare my countrimen with them as they themselues confesse the memorie of their writings is most ancient and infallible For all these nations dwell in such countries as are not subiect to the corruption of aire and haue carefully prouided that none of those things that haue been done by them should sleepe in obscuritie but should be kept in memorie in the publike writings of the learnedest men Whereas innumerable corruptions haue crept in among the Greeks by which the memorie of things forepassed is defaced But they alwaies who haue established new estates haue each of them supposed in their owne behalfe that whosoeuer was of theirs he was the first of the world Yet notwithstanding they haue had the knowledge of the nature of letters verie late and haue attained the same with verie great difficultie For they that speake of the most auncient vse of the same doe boast and glorifie themselues that they haue receiued the knowledge thereof from the Phoenicians and Cadmus Yet notwithstanding there is not any one of them that can shew any record of that time either in their temple or in their publike registers whereas after there arose a great doubt and question whether those letters were in vse during their time who sithence haue for the space of many yeeres continued the siege before Troy And in sooth their opinion who affirme that they were ignorant of the vse of those letters which are at this present allowed and accustomed amongst vs is not to be refused For it is most manifest that there is not any writing extant among the Greekes that is more auncient then Homers poesie which as it is most manifest hath bin in allowance and continuance since the time of the siege of Troy and yet it is reported that he left no part of that his poesie in writing which was composed of diuers songs and onely sung by roate by which meanes it came to passe that there are so many contradictions in the same And as touching those who haue vndertaken to write histories among them I meane Cadmus the Milesian and Acusilaus the Argiue and after him if there were any others they were not aliue but verie little time before the passage of the Persians into Greece Furthermore they who among the Greekes were the
al entering into a league togither sodainly inuaded Aegypt and Amenophis not biding the brunt fled into Aethipia leauing his wife great with child who hiding her selfe in caues dens did bring forth a child whom they called Messenes who afterward draue the Iewes into Syria being in number 200000. this done he recalled his father Amenophis out of Aethiopia And thus Chaeremon saith But I imagine that which I haue alreadie said to be sufficient to declare the vanitie of both these two men For if that which they report were true it were vnpossible that they should so much differ but they labour to deuise lies and write not any thing agreeable to other mens writings For Manethon faineth that the cause of the banishment of the lepers was the kings desire to see the Gods and Chaeremon saith that it was for that Isis after appeared vnto him in his sleepe Manethon also saith that Amenophis gaue the king that councell so to cleanse the countrey and Chaeremon saith that he that councelled the king was called Phiriphantes the number also of lepers hath nerie good consonance I warrant you Manethon saith they were almost fourscore hundreth Chaeremon saith two hundreth and fiftie thousand Moreouer Manethon writeth how that these lepers were first sent to a place to hew stones and afterward came to Auaris to dwell and that they hauing already begun wars in Aegypt that then they sent for helpe from Ierusalem And Chaeremon saith that they hauing left Aegypt found at Pelusia two hundreth and fourscore thousand men whom Amenophis had kept there with whom they ioyning againe returned and inuaded Aeigypt and then Amenophis fled into Aethiopia and which is worth the noting he setteth not downe what countrimen or to what purpose this great armie was whether Aegyptians or straungers neither doth he shew any reason why the king would not carie them into Aegypt Moreouer Chaeremon feineth a dreame of the lepers and Isis and reporteth that Ioseph together with Moses was expelled whereas Ioseph liued foure ages before Moses euerie age containing at least a hundreth and seuentie yeeres Rhamesses also Amenophis sonne according to Manethons historie being a young man fled into Aethiopia and was banished with his father and afterward assisted him in the wars whereas Chaeremon reporteth that he was borne in a caue after his fathers departure and that he getting the victorie did driue the Iewes into Syria who were in number two thousand O felicitie in lying for he neither told what nation those three hundred and fourescore thousand was nor yet how a hundred and fourescore thousand of them perished neither were they slaine in the fight or fled vnto Rhamesses and which it is most to be admired one cannot gather out of his words whom he calleth Iewes or whether he attribute this name vnto the two hundreth and fiftie thousand lepers or vnto the three hundreth and fourscore thou sand which were at Pelusium But it is folly to oppose my selfe against them who haue sufficienly contradicted themselues for had other men controlled their writings they had beene the more to be borne withall I will add Lysimachus vnto the two former who hath the same lye that they haue yet farre more absurd a fiction then theirs For he saith that at such time as Bocchoris raigned in Aegypt the people of the Iewes being scabbed and infected with leprosie fled into the temples to beg maintenance and that so many men were with this disease infected that a dearth and scarcitie fell vpon Aegypt Likewise that king Bocchoris went vnto Ammon to know of the Oracle what caused the death and that answere was made that if he would expell all lepers and vncleane persons from out of the temples into the desert that then the famine would cease and that he should drowne these lepers as if the sunne disdained that they should liue and that then he should purifie the temples and so the earth would againe yeeld fruit also that Bocchoris hauing this answere from the Oracle he called togither the Priestes and sacrificers and hauing gathered lepers and vncleane people togither he deliuered them to souldiers to be conducted into the desert and that then they should be lapt in lead and cast into the sea Moreouer they being drowned other diseased people there gathered together and were carried into the wildernesse to be destroyed and that they taking counsell one of another what to doe the night following they made great fiers and lights wherwith they terrified and draue away the souldiers that kept them and that they fasted the day following requesting God to bee mercifull vnto them and th◅ the next day one Moyses councelled them to goe all one way as thicke together as they could till such time as they came to some place inhabited and that he then commanded them neuer hereafter to bee friendly to any man but alwayes rather to giue bad councell then good and to destroy all Temples and Altars of the gods they came by vnto which councell they all agreeing iournyed together through the wildernesse and after much sorrow came to places inhabited Vsing men by whom they past iniuriously fiting Temples and robbing them at last in this manner they came vnto that place which they now call Iudaea and there building a Citie they began to dwell and of this fact called the Citie Hierosyla and shortly after growing more potent they for auoiding shame chaunged the name thereof and called it Ierusalem and themselues the inhabitants of Ierusalem This fellow found not that king which the two former speake of but hee ioyned a more new name and leauing the dreame and the Prophet he goeth to Ammon to know an answere of the old touching the scabbed and lepers for hee saith that a multitude was gathered together at the Temples but hee leaueth it vncertaine whether the Iewes onely were infected with this disease for he saith the people of the Iewes which people whether were they strangers or those that were borne in that Countrie Why dost thou call thē Iewes when they were Aegyptians If they were straungers why dost thou not tell of whence they were Or how came it to passe that the King hauing drowned so many of them in the Sea and left the rest in the wildernesse that still so many should bee left Or how did they passe the wildernesse and get the Countrie wee now inhabite and built a Citie and a Temple famous through all parts of the world Thou shouldest not onely haue told the name of our law maker but also what Countriman he was and of what parents and what moued him in his iournie to make such lawes against the gods and against men For if they were Aegyptians they would not so easily haue forgotten the religion where in they were brought vp or of what place else so euer they were they had some lawes or other which they had beene accustomed to keepe If they had vowed to haue borne
Exposition of dreames see interpretition Expostulation of Samuel with the people 135. c d. Expostulation against Ioseph 659. 2. Extremitie of the Iewes 75. b. Ezechias king of Iuda praised and why 242. i. his embassadours to the Israelites 242. l. offereth a solemne sacrifice 243. 2 b. reformeth Gods seruice bid subdueth the Philistines 243. c. hath his recourse to God 245. f. praieth and is heard 246. g. h. fell sicke ibid. m. his life prolonged 247. a. entertaineth Balads embassadors ibid. b. his death 247. d. Ezechiel prophecieth of captiuitie 250. k. taken prisoner 251. c. foreprophecieth the destruction of the Temple c. 252. k. F Fable deuised by Apion 788. l m. Fable of Iupiter and Pallace 795. f. Fact of Herode deuised 605. f. Faction in Tiberias 531. b. Faction of Chore 77. e. of the people 214. g. Facultie of perswasion 46. i. Factious flie from Ioh 685. b. Fadus gouernour of Iudaea 512. i. slew Tholomaeus 513. a. killeth Theudas 518. i. Fall of Adam and Eue 4. i. Fall of the wals of Iericho 102. i. Fall of Ochozias 224. k. Fall of a tower 710. l. m. False prophets 252. i. k. 253. a. suborned 758. h. Fame of Salomons vertues 203. c. of Iosaphats 224. i. Fame of Herode 588. i. k. Familie of the priests destroyed 149. c. d. Famine of Canaan 12. m. 21. a. 34 k. 35. e. of Egypt 34. i. encreased and why 40. i. of the Iewes 75. a b. in the daies daies of Eli 123. c. inflicted on the Israelites and why 182. i. of 〈◊〉 227. f. 228 g h. 253. c. in Iudaea 403. c. in Ierusalem 714. l. 717. b. 724. i k. 734. g. Fasting of the Israelites 129. d e. of the Iewes 279. d. Father of Iosephus taken 722. k. Fathers before floud 7. a b c. trained vp their sons in vertue 6. h. 7. a b c. their age before the floud 7. a b. c. their death ibid. why liued longer then we now 8. l. Fathers after the floud 11. e. f. Fauour of God to Isaac 21. b. of the keeper to Ioseph 32. i. of Pharaoh to Ioseph 34. h i. of God to Iacob 39 d. of God to Moses 42. m. to the Israelites 50. m. 51. a. 84. k. to Dauid 141. b c. 144. l. of Xerxes to the Iewes 242. l. of Antiochus to Ionathan 318. g. Feare surprising the Madianites 116. l. 117. a b. 137. d. 224. h. Feare of Saul touching Dauid 144. l. 148. k. Feare of the Iewes 618. k. 743. f. Feare giueth confidence 392. k l. Feast of Pascha instituted and celebrated 49. e c d. 69. 〈◊〉 519. a. Feast of Azymes 49. 〈◊〉 243. b. 608. i. Feast of Tabernacles 69. c. 199. e. Feast of Penticost 69. f. Feast of Dauid to the people 155. m. of Ezechias 243. a. Feast of Lots 283. 〈◊〉 Feature of Dauid 141. 〈◊〉 Felicitie of Salomon 203. 〈◊〉 Felix gouernour of Iudaea 521. a. punisheth theeues c. 522. f. surpriseth Eleazar 622. i. ouerthroweth the Aegyptian ibid. m. accused 503. d e. Fellowes of Ioseph 660. i. cast lots ibid. Fertilitie of Gablee â—…46 l. of Genezar 665. c. d. Festiuall solemnized and why 309. 2. Festus discomfiteth a deceiuer c 523. 〈◊〉 Fiction of the Zealous disprooued 677. e. Fiction of Apion refuted 783. a e. 786. i. Field of God 26. g. the great Field 687. f. Fight by sea 665. f. Fight of the Hebrewes with the Chanaanites 76. a. of the Syrians with the Iewes 623. b. betwixt the Romans and Iewes 652. b. 658. g. of Vespasian with the Iewes 668. i k. of the Citizens with the Zealous 675. 〈◊〉 betweene â—…imon and the Zealous 690. i k. betweene Iohn and Eleazar 698 h. at the feast of vnleuened bread 702. g h c. in the temple 728. l. of the Iewes and Romans 732. h i. Finishing of the Temple 271. f. Fire from heauen kindleth the sacrifice 66. m. consumeth Salomons sacrifice 199. c. and Elias 226. f. also the two Captaines and their souldiâ—…s 224. m. 225. a. First begotten among the Aegyptians slaine 49. d. First fruits 69. f. 93. d. First begotten his right 94. g. Fiue kings of Sodome 12. e. Flaccus disfauoreth Agrippa 473. b. Flight of the Hebrewes 76. k. 157. f. of the Palestines 165. b. of the Syrians 228. m. of the Philistines 130. h. Flockes of Nabal spared 152. g. Florus occasion of the Iewes reuolt 464. h. 624. g h i. k. 625. 〈◊〉 464. h. succeedeth Albinus 525. c. 623. e. worser then Albinus ibid. 〈◊〉 cause of the warres 527. e. 624. l m. imprisoneth 12. of the chiefest Iewes 624. l. his deceit ibid. i. scorneth the Iewes gratulation 625. a. requireth his obtractors to be yeelded ibid. b. his subtiltie and treason 626. taketh the spoile c. 626. l. derided 624. m. Floud see Deluge Flouds of Paradice 4. h. Food of Manna 55. a b c. descended from heauen ibid. a. ceased and when 102. h. Footmen of the Romans 648. l. m. Force of the Romans darts 654. k. Forces of the Romans to the Iewes 628. l. Force of enemie 262. i. of slaunder 340. h. Forces weakned and restored 236. i. Forces against the Madianites 87. b. Forces of Susac 209. d. Forgetting of religion cause of calamitie 109. b. 110. h. 111. a b c. 112. a b. c. 113. d. 114. g. m. Forme of the Iewes commonwealth 272. h. Fortitude of Dauid 144. i k. of Vespasian 660. i. of Iulian 729. a. Fortresse of the Citie 674. k. Fortune fauoreth the Romans 714. k. Foundations of the Temple 195. c. Fountaine of couenant 39. c. Fountaine head of Iordan 587. b. 665. b. 667. b c. Fountaine neere Iericho 687. f. Fountaine of Siloa 704. g. Fountaines flowed to Titus 716. k. Fraud of the false Prophet 208. h. Fraud paid with fraud 669. d e. Freemen not to marrie seruants 93. e. Fained friendship of Eurycles 595. a b. Friendship betweene Isaac and Abimelech 〈◊〉 c d. Friendship betwixt Ionathan and Dauid 146. l. confirmed with an oth 147. a b. of Antiochus with Ptolomy 247. c. of the Romans with Iudas 315. d. of Hiram with Salomon 770 l. 783. c. Frogs a plague of Aegypt 48. i. Fruit forbidden tasted 4. i. k. Fruit of the Aegyptians spoyled 49. 2. Fruits of trees vnder foure yeeres grouth 92. i k. Fruits fall into ashes 689. a. Fruit kept vncorrupt 100. yeeres 757. b. Fugitiue Iewes flie to Antiochus 311. f. a Fugitiue discloseth the state of Iotapata 657. Fugitiues request to Vespasian 685. f. Fuluia Saturninus wife deceiued 468. h. Funerall of Iacob 40. m. of Samuel 151. f. of Abner 162 i k. of Herode 451. a. 606. k. Funerals of the dead 794. g. Furniture of the Roman horsemen 648. l. m. Furie of Florus souldiers 625. f. G Gabaens lust and villanie 110. l. 111. a. would not deliuer the authors therof ibid. c. destroyed and their Citie burnt 112. h. Gabeonites send embassadours to Iosuah 104. g. perswade Iosuah
of the Israelites that were numbred Dauid hauing election of three sorts of punishment chose the plague A huge slaughter of those that died of the pastâ—…lence that was iâ—…flicted by God Dauid prayed for the innocent people A commaundement to â—…ld an Altar The yeare of the world 2930. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1034. Oronna the Iebusite supra lib. 7. ch 3 called Orphona Oronna giueth Dauid his floore The summe that was paied for the threshing floore The place of the Altar that was built Gen 22. Supra li. 1. ch 13 Hedio Ruffinus chap. 14. The workmen allotted for the building of the Temple 1 Paral. 22. Dauid gathereth great store of iron brasse wood The building of Salomons Temple is commaunded Dauid counâ—…elleth Salomon â—…o honour God The yeare of the world 2930. before Christs Natiuity 1034. The treasure that was gathered towards the building of the Temple The assistants that Salomon had in building the teÌ„ple The commandement as touching the Arke and laying vp al other sacred vtensils within the Temple Hedio Ruffinus chap. 15. Dauid groweth old and numbe Abisace warmeth him 3. Reg. 1. Adonias affecteth the kingdome The yeare of the world 2931. before Christ birth 1033. Bethsabe by NathaÌ„s perswa sion certifieth Daiud of Adonias vsurpatioÌ„ The yeare of the world 2931. before Christs Natiuitie 1033. The kingdome is confirmed to Salomon by an oth Salomon is annointed king and placed in his fathers throne Adonias for feare of the kings displeasure flieth from his banquet and taketh hold of the hornes of the Altar Dauid numbreth the Leuites and distribuith their offices 1. Paral 13. The diuision of the Priests into 24. kinreds 2. Paral. 24. The yeare of the world 2931. before Christs Natiuitie 1033. He deuided the Leuites into 24. parts Moses posteritie appointed to keepe the diuine treasure 1 Paral. 26. The army deuided into 12 parts 1. Paral. 27. Dauid assembling the gouernors of the tribes commendeth his son Salomon to theÌ„ 1. Paral. 28. Dauid giueth his sonne the modle of the Temple The princes of the people gaue a huge summe of gold siluer brasse precious stones towards the building of the Temple The yeare of the world 2931. before Christs birth 1033. 1 Par. 29. The â—…fices and â—…stiuall solemâ—…ed vpon Salomons coronation Hedio Ruffinus ch 16. 3. Reg. 2. Dauids last counsaile to Salomon Dauid willeth Salomon to punish Ioab Dauid coÌ„mendeth Berzillai sonnes to Salomon How Simei should be punished The yeares of the age and raigne togither with the vertues of Dauid The yeare of the world 2923 before Christs birth 10â—… The sumptuous sepulchre of Dauid Hircanus taâ—…th a huge summe of money out of Dauids tombe Herode spoyleth Dauids sepulcher The reare of the world 2931. before Christ birth 1033. 3. Reg. 2. Salomon king of Israel after Dauids death The yeare of the world 2931. before Christi Natiuitie 1033. Adonias requireth Abisace to wife Adonias is slaine Abiathar is dispossessed of the priesthood The genealogy of the high Priest Sadoc Ioab is slaine Banaia is substituted in his place The yeare of the world 29â—…1 before Christs Natiuitie 1033. Sadoc obtaineth Abiathars place in the Priesthood Simeies punishment and death Hedio Ruffinus chap. 2. 3. Reg 3. Salomon marieth the king of Egypts daughter and establisheth the kingdome God appeareth to Salomon by night in a dreame and willeth him to â—…ke that which most of all he desired Salomon requireth wisedome at Gods hands who with it giueth him riches and honours also The yeare of the world 2931. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1033. Two women accuse one an other for â—…chaunge of their children Salomon coÌ„mandeth both the children to be deuided into two parts Salomon by the speech and gesture of the women discouereth the true mother Salomons gouernours and captaines 3. Reg 4. The happy peace of the Israelites in Salomons time Salomons daily expences Salomons chariots and horsemen The yeare of the world 2931. before Christs Natiuity 1033. Salomons prudence and wisedome Salomons methode in coniuration whereby he cast out diuels The author in this place abuseth the giftes of God bestowed on Salomon in extending them to those artes which are sorbidden by the expresse word of God A Iew casteth out diuels Hirams embassadours to Salomon 3. Reg 5. Salomon requireth carpenters and workemen from Hiram Hiram promiseth Salomon wood and in steed thereof requireth corne The yeare of the world 2931. before Christs birth 1033. The truth of Iosephs history The king sendeth Hâ—… great quantity of wheat oyle and wine The order of the carpenters in Libanus The order of the malons and other workmen Hedio Ruffinus ch 9. 3. Reg. 6. When the building of the temple began The depth of the foundatioÌ„s of the temple The height length and breadth of the temple The porch before the teÌ„ple The cels which were builded in the circuit of the temple The beames and wals beautified with gold The yeare of the 〈◊〉 2933 before Christs birth 1031. Winding staires The temple deuided into two parts Two cherubims The pauement gates and all other things in the temple beautified with gold Salomon sendeth to Hiram for Vram a cunning workman 3. Reg. 7. A vessel called the brasen sea Ten brasen bases of the lauer Ten round lauers The yeare of the world 2933. before the Natiuitie of Christ. 1031. The vse of the sea and the other ten lauers The Altar and vessels appertaining to the same The Table of sacâ—…ed bread The candlesticke The cuppes and vials The bowles The censors Priestâ—… garmeÌ„â—… Instruments of musicke The inclosure before the temple The Fanâ—… The huge treÌ„ches where in the foundation of the temple was laid filled Hedio Ruffinus chap. 4 3. Reg 8. Salomons temple was consecrated in the moneth of October The Arke is caried into the temple The yeare of the world 2941. before Christs Natiuity 1023. The Priests place the arke of God in the sanctuarie and in it the tables of stone wherin the tenne commaundements were written The candlesticke table and altar of gold The bâ—…asen altar A cloud in the tabeinacle Salomons praier vnto God Godimmeasurable The cause why the temple was builded God is true in his promises Salomons praier wherein he thanketh God for his benefits and beseecheth his future protection The yeare of the world 2941. before Christs Natiuitie 1023. Salomon humbly beleecheth God that he will protect this temple as his own house He prâ—…ieth that â—…angers may be heard aâ—… 〈◊〉 this place A 〈◊〉 from heauen consumeth Salomons sacrifies 3. Reg. 8. Salomon exhorteth the people to praise God and to giue him thanke and to pray vnto him 3. Reg. 8. Salomons sacrifices in the dedication of the Temple The feast of Tabernacles The king dismisseth the people 3. Reg. 9. God appeareth againe to Salomon and promiseth him all blessings if he swarued not from his fathers precepts A grieuous commination against the Israelites if they fall from the way
flieth with his wife into Cilicia Epiphanes flieth to Vologesus the king of Parthia Antiochus taken The yeare of the world 4037. after Christs birth 75. Antiochus reconciled to Caesar. The Alans enter Media to spoile the same Armenia wasted The yeare of the world 4038. after Christs birth 76 The time among the Iewes which was most fruitful in all manner of impiety Iohn Giscala The yeere of the world 4038. after Christs birth 76. Simon sonne of Giora The Idumaeans The Zealous The end of the Iewes answerable to their liues Silua the captaine of the Romans besiegeth Massada The scituation of Massada The iourney by the rock called the Snake The top more fruitfull and fatter soile the the plaine Herods pallace The yeere of the world 4038. after Christs birth 76. A â—…ower to the Westside Great store of prouision in the Castle Fruit for a hundreth yeeres kept vncorrupt Herode suspecting a double perill builded this place for a refuge There was but one place about Massada to raise a mount to batter one The Citie battered with a large Ramme and by Siluas appointment Firebrands daâ—…â—…ed against the walâ—… The North wind diuerting the flame turneth it vpon the Romanâ—… The yeare of the world 4038. after Christs birth 76. Eleazars Oration to his companions Eleazar conteâ—… Gods wrâ—…t â—…o bee kâ—…led against tâ—…e people The punish 〈◊〉 â—…ese 〈◊〉 which 〈◊〉 â—…es â—…n 〈◊〉 attempâ—… agâ—…inst the â—…es 〈◊〉 graue 〈◊〉 â—…en lâ—… 〈◊〉 maintained Eleazars Oraâ—…n as touchâ—…g the immor talitie of the soule The yeare of the world 4038. after Christs birth 76. A soule tied in a mortal body The power of the soule Sleepe the argument of the immortalniâ—… of the soule The professors of wisedome among the indians burne themselues An exhortation to contemn death drawne from the time and place Example taken from the Iews that were staine in Caesâ—…a The Calamitie of the Iewes in Scithopoliâ—… The yeare of the world 4038. after Christs birth 76. Eighteen thousand Iews slain in Syria and threescore thousand in Aegypt The calamitie of those Iewes who were taken by the Romans Ierusalem the Metropolitane citie razed froÌ„ the foundations We are borne to die and the most strongest cannot auoid the same Eleazar telleth the Iewes of the Romans tyrannie It is a happines among the Iewes to die free The yeare of the world 4â—…38 after Christs birth 76. The Iewes gathering all their goods togither cast theÌ„ into the fire Ten chosen by lot to kill the rest of the Iewes The Romans expect the fight The Romans admire at the Iewes fortitude and obstinate contempt of death The murtherers authors of new calamitie The Iewes assemble and consult about the murtherers The yeere of the world 4038. after Christs birth 76. Diuers sorts of torments and tortures inflicted on them who reâ—…use Caesars soueraintie Onias by Ptoâ—…es consent buildeth a citie and temple in Egypt Onias temple built in Egypt Lupus shutteth the Iewes out of the temple The yeare of the world 4038. after Christs birth 76 A part of Ionathans companions were taken and slaine the rest kept captiue aliue and brought to Catullus Three thousand Iewes slaine by Catullus Ioseph by Catullus perswasion is accused by Ionathas Ionathas being first beaten is burnt aliue The conclusion of the seuen bookes of the warres of the Iewes The historie of the antiquitie containeth the euents of fiue thousand yeers The causes that moued him to write this book All things among the Greekes are moderne but such things as were done among the Egyp tians Chaldies and Phaenicians are of happie memorie and venerable antiquitie Innumerable corruptions inuaded Greece The Phoenicians and Cadmus the first inuentors of letters Among the Greekes there is not any writing more ancient then Homers poem Thucidides writ a most exact historie of his time The causes of discord among the Iewes Another cause of their discord recorded by the Graecian Historiographers The signe of a true historie A custome which the priests obserued The priests amongst the Iewes are euerie one registred with the name of their fathers and this custome hath continued 2000 yeers Two and twentie bookes of holy writ The Iewes and Greeks are compared together Some others haue written of the wars of the Iewes Ioseph was present in all the wars of the Iewes Ioseph did write the historie of the Iewes wars being at Rome Ioseph sold his bookes to many Some do derogate from Iosephs historie Two things which Ioseph entendeth The Iewes careto bring vp their â—…heildreÌ„ The ancient Iewes had no need to trafficke with the Graecians The Romans were lately knowne to the Greekes Certaine Historiographers report Spaine to be onely one citie Arguments to proue the Iewes of more antiquitie then the Greeks Manethon an Egyptian writer Saltis subdued the Egyptians Kings shepheards Sethosis king of Egypt made his brother Ar mais Gouernour of his Countrie Where upon Egypt tooke his name Manethon sheweth the Iewes comming into Egypt and their departure Salomon built a â—…emple in 〈◊〉 143. yeeres and eight months before the Tyrians builded Carthage The friendship of the Tyrian king and oâ—… king Salomon Problemes of Hiramus and Salomon The testimony of Menander the Ephesian The Genealogie of king Hiramus Carthage built in Affricke by Dido Pigmalions sister Berosus the Historiographer a Chaldean Nabulassarus father to Nabuchodonosor the king of Babylon and Chaldea Nabuchodonosor conquered the rebels Nabuchodonosor succeedeth in his fathers kingdome Nabuchodonosor builded a pallace Semiramis did not build Babylon The king of Babylon excelled Hercules in strength and noble valorous deeds The wals of Babylon built of bricke and bytumen Cyrus expelled Nabodâ—…us from Babylon The testimony of the Phoenicians touching the Iewes Antiquitie Nabuchodonozor besieged Tyre The Chaldaeis and Tyrians agree with the Iewes historie Hermippus writings and testimony of Pythagoras Theophrastus Corban the gift of God Herodotus the Halicarnassian touching the Iewes circumcision Chaerilus an ancient Poet his testimonie of the Iewes Asphaltites the lake The testimony of Clearchus disciple of Aristotle touching the Iewes Hecataeus Abderita brought vp with king Alexander A thousand fiue hundreth priests receiue the Iewes tenths The Iewes constancy against Alexander The largnes of Iurie Fiftie stounds are almost sixe Germaine miles The Priests do dwell in the Temple and drink no wine Agatarchides his testimonie of the Iewes The Iewes Sabaoth Why certaine writers omit to speake of the Iewes The last part against certain detractions â—…aunders The cause of malice betweene the Egyptians and Iewes The Egyptians Idolatrie Manethon an Egyption Historiographer Manethons fabulous reports of the Egyptian Lepers Osarsiphus captâ—…ine of Auaâ—…is The warre of the banished against the Aegyptians The Aegyptian king fled into Aethiopia and was by the Aethiopian king courteously entertained Osarsiphus was afterwards called Moses Manethons lies are confuted Manethons words repeated A conâ—…utation of Manethons words alleadged The Epiloge that the Iewet came not of the Egyptians An answere vnto Manethous slanders touching
Moses Moses was not a leper Moses tooke his name of Moy which in the Egyptian tongue signifieth water Against Chaeremon the historiographer Messenes son of Amenophis Manethons historie and Chaeremons compared together The difference betweene Manethons and Chaeremons historie Lysimachus is reproued for lying According to Lysimachus yeâ—…abbed and leprous Iewes were to be conueied into the wildernes and cast into the sea When the Iews got Iudaea and built Ierusalem Lysimus his opinion confuted Nothing is to be said against an impudent liâ—… Apion wrote something verie coldly Apion concerning Moses and the Iewes Apions fiction concerning the temple and Moses is 〈◊〉 The computatioÌ„ of the time is different among the Historiographerâ—… The friendship betweene Hiram and Salomon whereof we made mention in the first booke against Apion in the beginning The Egyptians doe call a disease about the priuie parts Sabatosis Apions fiction of the six daies iourney is confuted Apion denieth his countrey and origen Apion raileth against the Iewes as therby rewarding the Alexandrians The sea coast of Alexandria The liberties and priuiledges granted vnto the Iewes Alexander 1 Ptolomaeus Lagus 2 Ptolomaeus Philadelphus The seuentie interpreters 3. Ptolomaeus Euergetes 4. Ptolomaeus Philometor 5. Ptolomaeus Physcon ceased to to persecute the Iewes Of Cleopatra the last queene of Alexandria Anthonie the husband of Cleopatra The Iewes haue beene alwaies trustie to their princes The Egyptians do worship beasts not agreeable to mans nature The discord of the Iewes and the Alexandrians in religion The cause of discord betweene the Iewes and Alexandrians Apions fiction touching the Iewes being authors oâ—… sedition at Alexandria is confuted The Romans magnanimitie towards the Iewes The Iewes may haue no Images How Emperours and magistrates ought to be honored The lye of Possidonius and Apollonius concerning the Iewesis confuted An answere to the objection of the Asses head Who are accounted Asses amongst the Iewes and other wisemen Certaine Histo riographers endeuour to couer and hide Antiochus hiâ—… periutie and sacriledge That the Iewes ought once a yeare to sacrifice a Grecian The description of the Temple porches What was in the temple Foure Tribes of Priests and of euerie tribe more then fiue thousand men Another fable deuised by Apion of Zabidus Dora is a Citie of Phaenicia and not of Idumaea The gates of the temple Apions lie concerning the oath is confuted Apion vpbraided the Iewes with captiuitie Dauids and Salomons power Apion praiseth himselfe Why the Iewes doe sacrifice coÌ„mon beasts and do not eat swines flesh The Egyptian priests circumcised and eate no swines flesh Apions death The defence of Moses against Apolonius and Lysimachus Wherein Apolonius accuseth the Iewes The louers of order common lawes are excellent in meeknesse and vertue Moses more ancient then all other law-makers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This word law is not in Homer The life of Moses Moses maketh God his guide and counceller The Origen of lawes amongst the Greeks The opinion of the wisest Greeks coÌ„cerning God Moses compared with other lawmakers Two methods of moralitie and discipline Moses commaunded all the Iewes to come heare the law The concord of the Iewes in religion What sort of people are to be made priests Of God and of the diuine prouidence The workes of God The sacrifices of the old testament Purifications vsed in sacrifice Of marriage The punishment for him that doth rauish a virgine The purification for the bodie Of the funerals of the dead The honour due to parents Against these and vsurie How we ought to vse our enemies A repetition of the precepts of the law The reward of such as keepe the law The continuance of the lawes amongst the Iewes Plato admired amongst the Greekes Lycurgus the law-maker amongst the Lacedemonians The Iewes compared with the Lacedemonians The streit laws of the lewes Moses forbiddeth to deride and blaspheme false gods only for the name of God impured vnto them The number of Gods amongst the gentle infinit The fable of Iupiter and Pallas Iupiter What is the cause of such error concerning God Poets and pain ters cause the multitude of gods Plato decreed that no poet should be permitted in a comon wealth The Lacedemonians did expell al strangers The AtheniaÌ„s manners Socrates a citizen of Athens Anaxagoras A talent is 600 crownes The Scithians The Persians manners The Iewes coÌ„stancy in their lawes Against the lawmakers of the Gentiles The iniustice of lawmakers The Iewes strict obseruation of the law The Iewes lawes are of great antiquitie The lawes of the Gentiles The Epilogue of this booke The cause why Ioseph writ these bookes against Apion A briefe rehearsall of all that is aboue said The intention of the Iewes lawes The origen of the Iewes lawes Reason hath dominion ouer our passions The death of the seuen brethren and their mother The description of reason and wisedome Griefe and paine cause or hinder passion Reason resembleth a skilfull gardener An instance of Iosephs chastitie An instance of Dauids chirst Samuel 2. 28. Dauid in his thirst refused to drinke the water he so desired Seleucus and Nicanor Simon a traitor to his countrey Appolonius captaine of Syria came with an army to Ierusalem Angels vpon horses shining with fierie brightnesse Onias by prayers obtained Appolonius his life Antiochus his rage against the Iewes Eleazar is brought vnto Antiochus 〈◊〉 Macch. 6. Antiochus his exhortation to Eleazar Eleazars answere to Antiochus Eleazar constancie Eleazar cruelly whipped Eleazars last words in the fire Reasons victorie A similitude taken from the rocke Eleazars praise Antiochus caused seueÌ„ noble young men of the Hebrews and their mother to bee brought to Antioch 2. Macch. 7. The kings exhortation to the seuen brethren The young mens constancie The seuen brethren reply vnto Antiochus Antiochus coÌ„manded Macchabeus to bee racked The death of the elder brother The second brother bought Machir the third brother is brought Iudas the fourth brother is brought The death of the fourth brother Achas The fifth brother presecnted himselfe to torments before he was called The valour of the sixt brother The sixt brother sharpely reproueth Antiochus Iacob the seuenth brother brought to torments All men are borne and must die alike The death of the youngest brother Reason mistres of our affection A similitude of the waues The seuen brethren exhort one another to suffer death manfully True brotherhood A pledge and signe of brotherly amitie The mothers griefe The mother suffered seuen torments before she was tormented A similitude from the Deluge The mothers speech exhorting her seuen sons to suffer A golden saying of the mother of her seuen children The mother followed her sonnes in torments The light of the iust 1. Cor. 15. Antiochus leuied an armie of footemen from amongst the Hebrewes Antiochus dyed stinking exceedingly 2. Mach. 9. An Epitome of the life of the seuen sonnes and their mother The ioy of the blessed in euerlasting life
Aristobulus 3. Hyrcaâ—…us The race of Herod Antipater Herod the great Archelaus the great Agrippa the son of Agrippa The names of such as were high Priests from the time of their departure out of Egypt vntill the building of the temple which was made by Salomon Aaron Eleazâ—… Phinees Abiâ—…a Busqui Oses Heli Achitob Achimelech Ab aâ—… haâ—… Sadoc Achimaas Azarias From the building of the temple vntill the Captiuâ—…tie of Babylon Ioraâ—… Ioses Axioram Sudeas Ioathan Urias Nerias Odeas Sellum Helcias From their returne out of Babylon vntill the Machabees time Sarâ—…ia Iosedech Iosâ—… Ioacim Eliasib Eleazar Manasses Onias 2. Simon 2. Onias 3. Ioiada Ionathaâ—… Iadus Onias 1. Simon 1. Iason Onias 4. Lysimachus Alcimus High Priests since the Machabees time vntill the last destruction and ouerthrow of that Citie and nation Simon Bâ—…thus Ioseph 1. Ioseph 2. Ioazar Eleazar Iosuah the son of Sias Ioazar Aâ—…us 〈◊〉 Theophâ—… Sâ—… Mattathias Elion Ioseph 3. Ananias Ismael Ioseph Annas Eleazar Simon Ioseph Caiphas Ionathan Iosuah the son of Daâ—…eus Iosuah the son of Gâ—…liel Matthias Phinees or Paâ—…s Kingâ—… of Israel otherwise called kings of the ten tribes or of Samaria Ieroboam 1. Nadab Baasa Ela Zamri Amri Achab Ioram Iehu Ioachaâ—… Ioas Ieroboam 2. Zacharie Manahem Pecha the son of Manahem Pecha the son of Romelia Oseas Kings of Assyria and Babylon Phulhelechus Phulassar Salmanassar Sennacherib Assaradon Berodach Benmerodach Nabuchodonosor 1. Nabuchodonosor the great Euilmerodach Neriglossorar Labosardach Baltassar Kings of Persia. Cyrus Cambyses Smerdes Magus Darius the son of Hystaspis Zerxes the son of Darius Artabanus the tyrant Artaxerxes w t a long hand Zerxes Sogdianus Darius the bastard Artaxerxes Mnemoâ—… Artaxerxes Ochus Arsames Darius the son of Arsames Kings of Syria after the death of Alexander the great Seleucus Nicanor Antiochus Soter Antiochus surnamed God Seleucus Callinicus Seleucus Cerauâ—…s Antiochus the great Seleucus Philopator Antiochus Epiphanes Antiochus Eupator Demetrius Soter Alexander Epiphanes Demetrius Nicâ—…nor Antiochus Sedetes Demetrius Nicanor Alexander Zebina Antiochus Gryphus Antiochus Cyzicenâ—… Seleucus Gryphius Antiochus Pius The kings of Egypt after the death of Alexander the great Ptolomey Soter Philadelphus Euergetes Philopator Epiphanes Philometor Euergetes Phiscon Lathyrus Alexander Auletes Cleopatra Kings of the Tyrians Abibalus Hiram Belastartus Abdastartus Astartus Astarimus Phelletes Ithoballus Badezor Mettâ—… Pigmâ—…lion For the better vnderstanding of the Coines and measures whereof there is some mention made in this Historie obserue I pray you that which followeth Sath was a measure containing about some seuen pintes French The Epha contained three Saths The Core or Homer contained ten Ephas that is to say thirtie Saths and was the same measure both in drie and liquid things The Log contained a French pinte in measure The Hin contained twelue Logs The Bath contained as much as the Epha The Cad was a kinde of pitcher containing such a quantitie as a young maiden might well carrie The common Sicle contained the waight of foure ounces whether it were of gold siluer or of any other mettall The sacred or holy Sicle waied halfe an ounce of any mettall whatsoeuer The common Sicle of siluer was valued at about some shilling of our money The holy Siâ—…e of siluer was valued at about some two shâ—…llings The common Drachme was the eight part of an ounce The sacred Diachme was the fouâ—…th part of an ounce The Pound waied twelue ounces The ordinarie Taleâ—… contained fiftie foure pounds eight ounces and a quarter of Troy waight in any mettall yet was it not currant money but a masse made vp after the manner of an ingot The sacred Talent contained one hundreth pounds Furthermore note this for your better knowledge that when as Iosephus quoteth the Olympiades without any specification of the yeeres therein contained he orderly comprehendeth the space of foure yeers compleat Furthermore where the Latin word Stadium hath diuers Significations amongst both Greekes and Latins as the 〈◊〉 betweene Pâ—…ie and Diodorus Siculus may well testifie and for that diuers of our English translators haue somenmes called it a Stade other whiâ—…e a Stound and otherwhiles improperly a Fuâ—…long I pray you in reading this Historie wheras any of these words occurre suppose them for one and the same measure of ground and according to the Greekes account which I suppose Iosephus most respected in this Historie conclude it to be either of 600. foote as the Olympique that is of 120. paces or as the Pyrâ—…hique which contained 1000. foote that is 200. paces As for the furlong either multiply him 8. times to make him a Stade or as an ouersight in the printing let it passe with the Errata The names of those Authors which are alleadged in this Historie A Acusilaus Agatharcidâ—…s Alexander Andrew Apioâ—… Apollonius Molo Apollodorus Ariphanes Aristaeus Aristotle B Berosus C Cadmus Castor Chaeremon Chaerilus Clearcus Conon D Demetrius Phalereus Dius E Ephorus Euhemerus Eupolenâ—…us H Hecataeus Hellanicus Hermippus Hermogenes Herodotus Hesiodus Hestiaeus Hierâ—…m of Egypt Homer Hyâ—…rochides I Isidorâ—… L Titus Liuius Lysimachus M Manethon Menander Mnaseas Mochus N Nicholas of Damas. P Pherecydes Philon Philostratuâ—… Polybiâ—… Polycratet Posidonius Pythagoras S Strabo T Thales Theodotus Theophilus Theopompus Theophrastus Thucydides Timaeus Z Zopyrion Francis Patritius de Regno lib. 2. cap. 10. Historiarum cognitio Regibus Ducibus Imperatoribus et omnibus principibus perquam necessaria habenda est quam Cicero appellat testem temporum vitae Magistram veram memoriae et veritatis nunciam GEntle reader let it stand with thy patience I beseech thee to correct those errors that shall occurre in this historie as fauourablie as wee haue ouerslipt them vnwillinglie and count it no lesse virtue in thee to wincke at them with discretion as for mee to let them passe thorowe ouer-sight if thou doe this hope better for thy sufferance shall make me circumspect if not according to that in Plautus Quod dedi non datum vellem quod reliquum est non dabo Errata Fol. 4. line 3. for who read which f. 21. l. 14. for sâ—…aightes read straightes Ibidem l. 50. for Sara read Rebecca f. 37. l. 42. for thou read you f. coâ—… l. 45. for thou read you f. 134. l. 51. for deliuer them from those read deliuer those f. 261. l. 40. for Babylon read Ierusalem f. 274. l. 39. for be began read begâ—…n f. 279.l 38. for compassion read composition f. 299. l. 57 read for ould ould yeares ould yeares f. 361. l. 36. read for Iâ—…dea Iudaea f. â—…80 l. 40. for 15 read 50. f. 63â—… l. 1. for aide read warre THE FIRST BOOKE OF THE MOST AVNCIENT HISTORIE OF THE IEWES WRITTEN BY IOSEPH THE SONNE OF MATTHIAS A most excellent Preface containing the causes which induced the Author to write this Historie together with the contents and intents of the same CHAP. I. THEY that indeuour themselues to write Histories seeme not in my opinion to haue one and the same intent and
motiue but diuers and verie different causes of their labours for some of them are addicted to this studie vnder pretence to exemplifie their eloquence and vnder hope to purchase glorie thereby other some to the end to giue them content whose worthy actions they couch and commend in their writings haue intermitted no time nor to their power spared no labour Some there are that hauing beene present in person and eie witnesses in the execution of great affaires haue necessarily beene inforced to reduce and digest the same in writing neither wanted there some who seeing occurrences of high and necessarie consequence which otherwise had beene buried in ignorance haue beene incited in respect of common good to imploy both hand and head in the publishing thereof now of these forenamed causes the two last are they that incited me to the like For the warre which we had with the Romaines and the accidents and issues on both parts all which in person I beheld and to my perill I haue learned do compell me to declare the same and the rather for that there are some who in their writings haue depraued and peruerted the truth I haue therefore taken this worke in hand for that in my opinion the knowledge thereof will be both pleasing and profitable to the Graecians for it shal containe the antiquitie of our whole nation their forme of common-weale both translated and gathered out of the Antiquities and Chronicles of the Hebrewes Truth t is that heretofore and at such time also as I composed the Historie of the foresaid warre I had prâ—…ected and purposed with my selfe to lay open to the world how and whence the Iewes had their first originall what alterations in fortune they had falne into by what law-maker they had beene instructed in pietie and incited to the exercise of vertue how many warres they haue sustained by long and diuers times and finally how against their will they haue beene intangled in this last warre which they waged against the Romaines But for that the content of this matter was too ample and copious I haue separated it apart assigning thereunto this treatise accomplished from the beginning euen vnto the end afterwards in processe of time as it vsually hapneth to those that attempt matters of mightie consequence I was surprized with a certaine delay and slothfulnesse that withdrew me from the translation of so waightie a matter in an vnfamiliar and forraine language Yet some there were who inflamed with a desire of knowledge animated me in this action and especially Epaphroditus a man enamoured of all learning and who in especial tooke it for a pleasure to take knowledge of the diuers occurrences of common-weales as he that had beene agent in diuers affaires of importance and sundrie accidents in all which he hath shewed a maruaâ—…lous magnanimitie of courage with an vnmoueable resolution to follow vertue Being thus perswaded by him who is accustomed to incourage those vnto good actions whome hee perceiueth to be apte and prepared to performe things profitable and honest and that which is more being ashamed in my selfe that I should rather take delight to follow idlenesse than addict my selfe to any laudable exercise I inforced my seâ—…fe more couragiously then before time and besides all that which hath beene spoken I haue effectually considered with my selfe that our auncestors haue thought good to communicate and publish the knowledge of our Histories to the Grecians if so be that any of them were curious to vnderstand the same I haue found therfore that Ptolomey king of Egypt the second of the name highly affectioned to good letters and desirous to store and gather bookes was earnestly desirous that our lawe and the rules thereof and the prescript forme of ouâ—… liuing should be translated into the Greeke tongue And as touching the hie Priest Eleazar who hath not been second in vertue to any other whatsoeuer he refused not to make the said King partaker of the effect of his desire to which he had wholy contradicted had it not beene the ordinarie course of our auncestors not to conceale from other men what thing soeuer was honest For which cause I haue helde it a matter no waies vndecent for me to follow the vertuous courage of that same great sacrificer and the rather for that at this day onely in as much as concerned learning I supposed many also to be no lesse affected to good letters then the king for he vndertooke not to haue all the writings which we had but those translators who were sent vnto him to Alexandria did onely communicate that vnto him which was in our lawe But those things that are found written in the sacred bookes of holy Scripture are infinite being such as containe in them the Historie of fiue thousand yeares in which diuers vnexpected chances sundry fortunes of warre and many changes of politike estates are discouered In some if any one haue a desire to reade this Historie he shall principally learne and apprehend that all things fall out happily and beyond their expectation to those men who obserue the will of God and are affraid to transgresse the lawes of his commandements and that God hath prepared for such the crowne and reward of felicitie Contrariwise if they shall depart from the diligent obseruance thereof that which is easie shall be made impossible and their indeuours in their opinion good shall end in incurable calamities For which cause I exhort all those that shall reade these bookes to fix their mind vpon God and that they approue our law-maker if as it worthely deserued he hath considered the diuine nature and attributed to the same such actions as are alwaies agreeable to his power and hath kept and continued his narration free from the vanitie of fables wherwith others are poisoned although in respect of the length of time and the antiquity of things he might without controule faine and imagine whatsoeuer vanities for hee was borne more then two thousand yeeres ago which is a continuance of ages to which the Poets neither durst referre the original of their Gods neither the deedes or lawes of men whereof they make mention But in pursuit of our Historie the sequell of our discourse shall declare all things exactly and in conuenient order For in compiling this worke I haue promised to adde nothing neither to pretermit any thing and for that all whatsoeuer we shall declare doth almost wholy depend on the wisedome of our law-maker Moses It is necessarie before all other things that I speake somewhat of himselfe least perhaps any man should wonder how this labour hauing been enterprised to discouer the words and workes of certaine persons is also employed for the greatest part in describing and discouering things that are naturall We ought therefore to know that Moses thought it most especially necessarie either for him that will rightly dispose his life or impose lawes to other men that first and in especiall he haue the knowledge of the nature
but after he had made him high Priest in the seuenteenth yeere of his age he presently put him to death after he had so honoured him who when he came to the Altar clothed in sacred attire vpon a festiuall day all the people wept and the same night was he sent to Iericho and drowned in a lake by the Galatheans who had receiued commission to performe the murther These things did Mariamme daily cast in Herodes teeth and vpbraided both his mother and sister with verie sharpe and reprochfull words yet he so loued her that notwithstanding all this he held his peace But the women were set on fire and that they might the rather moue Herode against her they accused her of adulterie and of many other things which bare a shew of truth obiecting against her that she had sent her portraicture into Aegypt vnto Antonius and that through immoderate lust she did what she could to make her selfe knowen vnto him who doted vpon womens loue and was of sufficient power to do what wrong he pleased Hereat Herode was sore moued especially for that he was iealous of her whom he loued bethinking himselfe vpon the crueltie of Cleopatra for vvhose sake king Lysanias and Malichus king of Arabia were put to death and now he measured not the daunger by the losse of his wife but by his owne death which he feared For which cause being drawen by his affaires into the countrey he gaue secret commaundement vnto Ioseph his sister Salomes husband whom he knew to be trustie and one who for affinitie was his well-willer to kill his wife Mariamme if so be Antonius should haue killed him But Ioseph not maliciously but simply to shew her how greatly the king loued her disclosed that secret vnto her and she when Herode was returned and amongst other talke with many oaths sware that he neuer loued woman but her indeed quoth she it may well be knowne how greatly you loue me by the commaundement you gaue to Ioseph whom you charged to kill me Herode hearing this which he thought to be secret was like a mad man and presently perswaded himselfe that Ioseph would neuer haue disclosed that commaundement of his except he had abused her so that hereupon he became furious and leaping out of his bed he walked vp and downe the pallace vvhereupon his sister Salome hauing fit opportunitie confirmed his suspition of Ioseph For which cause Herode growing now raging mad with Iealousie commanded both of them to be killed Which done his wrath was seconded by repentance and after his anger ceased the affection of loue was presently renewed yea so great was the power of his affection that he would not beleeue she was dead but spake vnto her as though she were aliue vntill in processe of time being assertained of her funerall he equalled the affection he bare her during her life by the vehemencie of his passion for her death Mariammes sonnes succeeded their mother in her wrath and recogitating what an impious act it was they accounted their father as a mortall enemie both before and after they went to studie at Rome and especially after they came againe into Iudaea For as they encreased in yeeres so did the violence of their mind encrease And they being now mariageable one of them maried the daughter of their aunt Salome who accused their mother the other maried the daughter of Archelaus king of Cappadocia And now to their hatred was there ioyned a libertie to speake more freely against them and by this occasion of their boldnes many were animated to calumniate them so that some did openly tell the king that both his sonnes sought to worke treason against him and that the one of them prepared an army to helpe the other to reuenge the death of their mother and that the other to wit he that was sonne in law to Archelaus purposed to flie and accuse Herode before Caesar. Herode giuing eare vnto those calumniations sent for Antipater whom he had by Doris to the end he might defend him against his two sons and sought to aduance him aboue them But they thought this alteration intolerable seeing one whose mother was but a priuate woman so preferred and they moued with their owne noblenes of birth could not containe their indignation but vpon euerie occasion shewed themselues offended yet were they euery day lesse accounted of As for Antipater he wrought himselfe into fauour for he knew how to flatter his father and raised many slaunders vpon his two brethren partly inuented by himselfe partly diuulgated by some of his fauorites whom he set a worke about that matter till that at last he put his brethren out of all hope of hauing the kingdome For he was now by the kings Will and Testament declared king so that he was sent as a King vnto Caesar in a kingly habit and pompe only he wore no Crowne and in time he so preuailed that he wrought his mother into Mariammes steed and with flatteries and calumniation so moued the king that he began to deliberate about the putting to death of his sonnes For which cause he conducted his sonne Alexander with him to Rome and accused him before Caesar that he had giuen him poyson But he with much adoe hauing obtained libertie to plead his owne cause and that before an vnskilfull Iudge yet more wise then Herode or Antipater he modestly held his peace in all things that his father had offended in and first of all he purged his brother from daunger of that crime and taking the vvhole matter vpon himself he in verie good sort acquited himselfe therof And afterwards he inueighed against Antipaters subtiltie complained of those iniuries which had been offered him hauing besides the equitie of his cause sufficient eloquence to acquit himselfe for he was a vehement orator and knew wel how to perswade Last of al he obiected that his father hauing a desire to put both him and his brother to death had laid an accusation vpon him where at the whole audience wept and Caesar was so moued that not regarding the accusations that were laid vnto them he presently made Herode and them friends vpon these conditions that they in all things should be obedient vnto their father and that their father should leaue the kingdome to whom he pleased Hereupon Herode returned from Rome and though he seemed to haue forgiuen his sonnes yet laid he not his iealousie and suspition aside For Antipater stil vrged his argument to make Herod hate his other two sonnes though for feare of him that reconciled them he durst not openly shew himselfe an enemie vnto them Afterward Herode sailed by Cilicia and arriued at Elaeusa where Archelaus receiued him verie courteously thanking him for the safetie of his sonne in law and verie ioyfull for that they were made friends for he wrote vnto his friends at Rome with all speede possible that they should be
fauourable vnto Alexander when he came to plead his cause And after this entertainement he conducted Herode vnto Zephyrius giuing him gifts to the value of thirtie talents and so tooke his leaue of him Herode so soone as he came to Ierusalem assembled the people togither being assisted by his three sons he shewed vnto them the cause of his going to Rome and blessed God and thanked Caesar who had appeased the discord of his house and that had made his sons friends which he esteemed more then his kingdome and I quoth he will make their friendship firme For Caesar appointed me king and gaue me leaue to chuse whom I pleased for my successour for the which I giue him heartie thanks And now I here constitute al three of my sons kings which purpose of mine first I beseech Almightie God and secondly you to fauour for the one of them for his yeers the other for their nobilitie of birth haue right to the crown kingdom which is so large that it may suffice many so that you for your parts reuerēce them whom Caesar conioyned and I their father ordained giuing them not vnfit nor vnlike honours but such as they haue deserued For a man cannot do a greater pleasure vnto him whom he honoureth aboue his yeeres then he shall giue discontent vnto him whom he dishonoureth For which cause I will constitute to euery one of them such friends welwillers as with whom they be most conuersant and of them I will require pledges of a concord and vnitie amongst them For I know that discords and contentions arise by malice of those who are conuersant with Princes and that if they be well disposed they will encrease friendship And I request that not onely these but also all such as beare rule in my army that they hope in me onely for the present for I giue not my sonnes the kingdome but the honour and dignitie thereof and they shall haue pleasure as though they were kings themselues yet I my selfe will beare sway although I am vnwilling to do it Let euery one of you consider my age my course of life and pietie for I am not so olde that any one may quickly despaire of me nor I haue not accustomed my selfe to such kind of pleasure as is wont to shorten young mens daies and we haue beene so religious that we are in great hope of long life But if any one despise me and seeke to please my sonnes such a one will I punish I doe not forbid them to be honoured whom my selfe haue begotten for that I enuie them but because I know wel that such applauses nourish pride and arrogancie in the fierce minds of young men Wherefore if all they that apply themselues in their seruice consider that I will be readie to reward the good and that those who are seditious shall find their malice to haue an vnprofitable euent at their hands whom they so flatter I easily perswade my selfe that all men will be of my mind that are of my sonnes mind For it is good for them that I raigne and that I am friends with my sonnes And you O my good sonnes retaine in your minds that sacred nature which maketh the very brute beast to entertaine naturall affection then reuerence Caesar who rconciled vs and last of all obey me who request and entreat that at your hands which I might commaund namely that you remaine brethren And I will now giue you both kingly attire and honour and I pray God that if you will continue and remaine friends I may continue in this mind After he had thus spoken he saluted them verie louingly and dismissed the people some praying that it might be as he had said others who desired alteration made as though they had heard nothing Yet for all this the dissension amongst the brethren was not appeased but each of them mistrusting worser euents departed from one another For Alexander and Aristobulus stomached the matter that Antipater had his desert confirmed and Antipater was grieued that his brethren should haue the second place after him yet he could craftily so carrie himselfe that no man could perceiue his hatred towards them And they deriued of a noble race spake all they thought and many endeuoured to set them on and others as friends insinuated themselues into their companie to learne what newes so that Alexander could not speake a worde but presently it was carried to Antipater and from him to Herod with an addition so that when Alexander spake any thing simply meaning no harme it was presently interpreted in the worst sense possible and if hee chaunced at any time to speake freely of any matter presently it was made a great thing Antipater suborned men to set him on that so his lies might be shadowed with a colour of truth and that if he could prooue any one thing true all lies and tales els diuulgated might thereby be iustified to be true Now all Antipaters familiars were either naturally secret or els he stopped their mouthes with bribes least they should disclose his intents so that one might iustly haue termed his life a secrecie of malice All Alexanders friends were either corrupted by mony or flattering speeches wherwith Antipater ouercame al made thē theeues and proditors of such things as were either done or spoken against him and himselfe doing all things he dealt so warily that at last those calumniations came vnto Herodes eare and he counterfeited his brothers person and suborned other tale carriers telling what they could against Alexander pretēding good will towards his brother at first fainedly reproued thē afterward seriously alleadged their sayings as accusations so that hereby Herod was verie wrath but turned all as though Alexander went about treason and sought to kill his father and nothing made so much credit be giuē to these calumniations as that Antipater colorably excused his brother Herod incēsed herat euerie day withdrew his affection more more frō the two brethren daily encreased his loue towards Antipater The nobilitie also were inclined after the same manner partly of their onwe accord and partly for that they were so commanded so did Ptolemaeus the chiefest of all the nobilitie and the kings brethren and all his kinred for all mens expectation was vpon Antipater And that which grieued Alexander the more was that all these mischiefes wrought to his ouerthrow were done by the counsell of Antipaters mother for she being a step mother was cruell and hated them being borne of a Queene farre more then a steppe mother doth her sonnes in lawe And although all men followed Antipater for the hope which they had of him yet were they also compelled thereunto by the kings commaunde who gaue an especiall charge to their dearest friends that none should follow Alexander or his brother so that he did not only terrifie those of his owne kingdome but also those of other forraine nations