Giuen in our castle of Marienburg in the yeare of our Lord 1398 and vpon the 22. day of February Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of the Order of the Dutch knights of S. Maries hospital at Ierusalem A briefe relation of VVilliam Esturmy and Iohn Kington concerning their ambassages into Prussia and the Hans-townes IN primis that in the moueth of Iuly and in the yeare of our Lord 1403 and the fift yeare of the reigne of our souereigne Lord the king that nowe is there came into England the ambassadours of the mighty lord Fr Conradus de lungingen being then Master general of Prussia with his letters directed vnto our foresayd souereigne lord the king requiring amends and recompense for certaine iniuries vniustly offered by English men vnto the subiects of the sayd Master generall written in 20. articles which amounted vnto the summe of 19120. nobles and a halfe c. Item that the third day of the moneth of October in the yeare of our Lord aboue written and in the fift yere of the reigne of our soueraigne lord the king between the reuerend father in God Henrie then bishop of Lincolne lord chancelor and William lord de Roos high treasurer of England on the one party and the sayd ambassadours on the other party it was according to their petition amongst other things ordayned namely that the liege people of our soueraigne lord the king should freely he permitted vntill the feast of Easter then next after ensuing to remaine in the land of Prussia and from thence with their goods marchandises to returne vnto their own home and also that the subiects of the sayd Master generall in the kingdome of England should haue licence and liberty to doe the like Prouided alwayes that after the time aboue limitted neither the English marchants in the land of Prussia nor the Prussian marchaÌ„ts in the realme of England should vse any traffique of marchandise at all vnlesse in the meane space it were otherwise agreed and concluded by the sayd king and the sayd Master general Item immediately after our sayd soueraigne lord the king sent his letters by Iohn Browne marchant of Lin vnto the foresayd Master generall for to haue mutuall conuersation and intercourse of dealing to continue some certain space betweene the marchants of England and of Prussia promising in the same letters that he would in the meane season send vnto the foresayd Master his ambassadors to intreat about the pretended iniuries aforesaid which letters the foresayd Master for diuers causes refused to yeelde vnto as in his letters sent vnto our lord the king bearing date the 16. day of the moneth of Iuly in the yeare of our lord 1404. more plainely appeareth Item that after the receit of the letters of the Master aforesaid which are next aboue mentioned our sayd king according to his promise sent William Esturmy knight M. Iohn Kington câ—erke and William Brampton citizen of London from his court of parliament holden at Couentrie very slightly informed as his ambassadours into Prussia Item before the arriuall of the sayd ambassadours in Prussia all intercourse of traffique betweene the English and the Prussians in the realme of England and in the land of Prussia was altogether restrained and prohibited and in the same land it was ordayned and put in practise that in whatsoeuer porte of the land of Prussia any English marchant had arriued with his goods he was not permitted to conueigh the sayd goods out of that porte vnto any other place of the land of Prussia either by water or by lande vnder the payne of the forfeiting of the same but was enioyned to sell them in the very same porte vnto the Prussians onely and to none other to the great preiudice of our English marchants Item that after the arriuall of the sayd English ambassadours in the land of Prussia it was ordayned that from the eight day of the moneth of October in the yeare of our lord 1405 all English marchants whatsoeuer should haue free liberty to arriue with all kindes of their marchandise in whatsoeuer port of the land of Prussia and to make sale of them in the said land as hath heretofore from auncient times bene accustomed Also sundry other commodious priuiledges vnto the realme of England were then ordayned and established as in the indentures made for this purpose it doth more manifestly appeare Item the said English ambassadours being arriued in the land of Prussia demanded of the â—aid Master generall a reformation and amends for the damages and iniuries offered by the Prussians vnto the liege people of our souereigne lord and king written in fifteene articles which losses amounted vnto the summe of 4535. nobles Item the said Master generall besides the articles exhibited vnto our soueraigne lord the king as it is aboue mentioned deliuered vnto the sayd ambassadours diuers other articles of certaine iniuries offered as he â—ayth vniustly by English men vnto his subiects which amounted vnto the summe of 5100. nobles Item it was afterward concluded that vpon the first of May next then insuing namely in the yeere of our Lord 1406 or within the space of one yeare immediatly following there should bee made a conuenâ—ent iust and reasonable satisfaction for all molestatious vniustly ofâ—â—red on both partes as well on the behalfe of our soueraigne lord the king as of the foresayd Master general Which satisfaction not being performed the Prussians with their goods marchandises within three moneths after the end of the sayd yere next following were without molestation or impediment enioined to depart out of the realme of England with their ships and goods and the English men likewise out of the territories and dominions of the said Master general both of them without any further admonition to abstaine separate themselues from both the countreis aforesayd For the performance of which premisses the ambassadors on both parts being sufficiently instructed were appointed to meete the first day of May at the towne of Dordract in Holland Item that the sayd William Esturmy and Iohn Kington in their returne homewards from Prussia towards England passed through the chiefe cities of the Hans and treated in such sorte with the Burgomasters of them that there were sent messengers and agents in the behalfe of the common society of the Hans marchants vnto the towne of Dordract to conferre with the ambassadors of England about the redressing of iniuries attempted on both parts where diuers agreements were set downe betweene the sayd ambassadors and messengers as in the indentures made for the same purpose it doth more manifestly appeare Item that the meeting appointed at the towne of Dordract vpon the first of May was by the letters of the foresayd ambassadors proroged vnto the first of August then next ensuing and afterward by vertue of the kings letters vnto the first day of March next following and there was another day of prorogation also Item that after the prorogations aforesayd
de pace ad eos legatos mitâ—unt quam nostris dare placuit vt soluta certa pecuniae summa ab omni deinceps Italiae Galliaeque ora manus abstinerent Ita peractis rebus post paucos menses quà m eo itum erat domum repediaâ—um est The same in English THe French in the meane season hauing gotten some leasure by meanes of their truce and being sollicited and vrged by the intreaties of the Genuois vndertooke to wage warre against the Moores who robbed and spoyled all the coasts of Italy and of the Ilandes adiacent Likewise Richard the second king of England being sued vnto for ayde sent Henry the Earle of Derbie with a choice armie of English souldiers vnto the same warfare Wherefore the English and French with forces and mindes vnited sayled ouer into Africa who when they approched vnto the shore were repelled by the Barbarians from landing vntill such time as they had passage made them by the valour of the English archers Thus hauing landed their forces they foorthwith marched vnto the royall citie of Tunis and besieged it Whereat the Barbarians being dismayed sent Ambassadours vnto our Christian Chieftaines to treat of peace which our men graunted vnto them vpon condition that they should pay a certaine summe of money and that they should from thencefoorth abstaine from piracies vpon all the coasts of Italy and France And so hauing dispatched their businesse within a fewe moneths after their departure they returned home This Historie is somewhat otherwise recorded by Froysard and Holenshed in manner following pag. 473. IN the thirteenth yeere of the reigne of king Richard the second the Christians tooke in hand a iourney against the Saracens of Barbarie through sute of the Genouois so that there went a great number of Lords Knights and Gentlemen of France and England the Duke of Burbon being their Generall Out of England there went Iohn de Beaufort bastarde sonne to the Duke of Lancaster as Froysard hath noted also Sir Iohn Russell Sir Iohn Butler Sir Iohn Harecourt and others They set forwarde in the latter ende of the thirteenth yeere of the Kings reigne and came to Genoa where they remayned not verie long but that the gallies and other vessels of the Genouois were ready to passe them ouer into Barbarie And so about midsomer in the begining of the foureteenth yere of this kings reigne the whole army being embarked sailed forth to the coast of Barbary where neere to the city of Africa they landed at which instant the English archers as the Chronicles of Genoa write stood all the company in good stead with their long bowes beating backe the enemies from the shore which came downe to resist their landing After they had got to land they inuironed the city of Africa called by the Moores Mahdia with a strong siege but at length constrained with the intemperancy of the scalding ayre in that hot countrey breeding in the army sundry diseases they fell to a composition vpon certaine articles to be performed in the behalfe of the Saracens and so 61 dayes after their arriuall there they tooke the seas againe and returned home as in the histories of France and Genoa is likewise expressed Where by Polydore Virgil it may seeme that the lord Henry of Lancaster earle of Derby should be generall of the English men that as before you heard went into Barbary with the French men and Genouois The memorable victories in diuers parts of Italie of Iohn Hawkwood English man in the reigne of Richard the second briefly recorded by M. Camden pag. 339. AD alteram ripam fluuij Colne oppositus est Sibble Heningham locus natalis vt accepi Ioannis Hawkwoodi Itali Aucuthum cortupâ—èvocant quem illi tantopere ob virtutem militarem suspexerunt vt Senatus Florentinus propter insignia merita equâ—stri statua tumuli honore in eximiae fortitudinis fideique testimonium ornauit Res â—ius gestas Itali pleno ore praedicant Paulus Iouius in elogijs celebrat sat mihi sit Iulij Feroldi tetrastichon adijcere Hawkwoode Anglorum decus decus addite genti Italicae Italico praesidiúmque solo Vt tumuli quondam Fâ—orentia sic simulachri Virtutem Iouius donat honore tuam William Thomas in his Historie of the common wealthes of Italy maketh honorable mention of him twise to wit in the common wealth of Florentia and Ferrâ—ra The voyage of the Lord Iohn of Holland Earle of Huntington brother by the mothers side to King Richard the second to Ierusalem and Saint Katherins mount THe Lord Iohn of Holland Earle of Huntington was as then on his way to Ierusalem and to Saint Katherins mount and purposed to returne by the Realme of Hungarie For as he passed through France where he had great cheere of the king and of his brother and vncles hee heard how the king of Hungary and the great Turke should haue battell together therefore he thought surely to be at that iourney The voiage of Thomas lord Moubray duke of Norfolke to Ierusalem in the yeere of our Lord 1399. written by Holinshed pag. 1233. THomas lord Moubray second sonne of Elizabeth Segraue and Iohn lord Moubray her husband was aduanced to the dukedome of Norfolke in the 21. yeere of y e reigne of Richard the 2. Shortly after which hee was appealed by Henry earle of Bullingbroke of treason and caried to the castle of Windsore where he was strongly safely garded hauing a time of combate granted to determine the cause betweene the two dukes the 16. day of September in the 22. of the sayd king being the yeere of our redemption 1398. But in the end the matter was so ordred that this duke of Norfolke was banished for euer whereupon taking his iourney to Ierusalem he died at Venice in his returne from the said citie of Ierusalem in the first yeere of king Henry the 4. about the yeere of our redemption 1399. The comming of the Emperor of Constantinople into England to desire the aide of Henry the 4. against the Turkes 1400. SVb eodem tempore Imperator Constantinopolitanus venit in Angliam postulaturus subsidium contra Turcas Cui occurrit rex cum apparatu nobili ad le Blackheath die sancti Thomae Apostoli suscepÃtque prout decuit tantum Heroem duxÃâ—que Londonias per multos dies exhibuit gloriose pro expenâ—iâ— hospiâ—ij suâ—â—oluens eum respiciens tanto falligio donariuis Et paulò post His auditis rumoribus Imperator laetior recessit ab Anglis honoratus à rege donarijs preciosis The same in English ABout the same time the emperor of Constantinople came into England to seeke ayde against the Turkes whom y e king accompanied with his nobilitie met withall vpon Black-heath vpon the day of saint Thomas the Apostle and receiued him as beseemed so great a prince and brought him to London and roially entertained him for a long season defraying the charges of his diet and giuing him many
enter we plied our great ordinance much at them as high vp as they might be mounted for otherwise we did them litle harme and by shooting a piece out of our forecastle being close by her we fired a mat on her beak-head which more and more kindled and ran from thence to the mat on the bow-sprit and from the mat vp to the wood of the bow-sprit and thence to the top-saile yard which fire made the Portugals abaft in the ship to stagger and to make shew of parle But they that had the charge before encouraged them making shew that it might easily be put out and that it was nothing Whereupon againe they stood stifly to their defence A none the fire grew so strong that I saw it beyond all helpe although she had bene already yeelded to vs. Then we desired to be off from her but had litle hope to obtaine our desire neuerthelesse we plied water very much to keep our ship well In deed I made litle other reckoning for the ship my selfe and diuers hurt men then to haue ended there with the Carack but most of our people might haue saued themselues in boats And when my care was most by Gods prouidence onely by the burning asunder of our spritsaile-yard with ropes and saile and the ropes about the spritsaile-yard of the Carack whereby we were fast intangled we fell apart with burning of some of our sailes which we had then on boord The Exchange also being farther from the fire afterward was more easily cleared and fell off from abaft And as soone as God had put vs out of danger the fire got into the fore-castle where I thinke was store of Beniamin and such other like combustible matter for it flamed and ran ouer all the Carack at an instant in a maner The Portugals lept ouer-boord in great numbers Then sent I captaine Grant with the boat with leaue to vse his owne discretion in sauing of them So he brought me aboord two gentlemen the one an old man called Nuno Velio Pereira which as appeareth by the 4 chapter in the first booke of the woorthy history of Huighen de Linschoten was gouernour of Moçambique and Cesala in the yeere 1582. and since that time had bene likewise a gouernour in a place of importance in the East Indies And the shippe wherein he was comming home was cast away a litle to the East of the Cape of Buona Speranza and from thence he trauelled ouer-land to Moçambique and came as a passenger in this Carack The other was called Bras Carrero and was captaine of a Carack which was cast away neere Moçambique and came likewise in this ship for a passenger Also three men of the inferior sort we saued in our boat onely these two we clothed and brought into England The rest which were taken vp by the other ship boats we set all on shore in the I le of Flores except some two or three Negros whereof one was borne in Moçambique and another in the East Indies This fight was open off the Sound betweene Faial and Pico 6 leagues to the Southward The people which we saued told vs that the cause why they would not yeeld was because this Carack was for the king end that she had all the goods belonging to the king in the countrey for that yeere in her and that the captaine of her was in fauour with the king and at his returne into the Indies should hane been Uiceroy there And withall this ship was nothing at all pestered neither within boord nor without and was more like a ship of warre then otherwise moreouer she had the ordinance of a Carak that was cast away at Moçambique and the company of her together with the company of another Carack that was cast away a litle to the Eastwards of the Cape of Buona Speranza Yet through sicknesse which they caught at Angola where they watered they say they had not now aboue 150 white men but Negros a great many They likewise affirmed that they had three noblemen and three ladies in her but we found them to differ in most of their talke All this day and all the night she burned but the next morning her poulder which was lowest being 60 barrels blew her abroad so that most of the ship did swim in parts aboue the water Some of them say that she was bigger then the Madre de Dios and some that she was lesse but she was much vndermasted and vndersoiled yet she went well for a ship that was so foule The shot which wee made at her in great Ordinance before we layde her aboord might be at seuen bouts which we had and sixe or 7 shot at about one with another some 49 shotâ— the time we lay aboord might be two houres The shot which we discharged aboord the Carack might be some twentie Sâ—cars And thus much may suffice concerning our daungerous conflict with that vnfortunate Carack The last of Iune after long trauersing of the seas we had sight of another mightie Carack which diuerse of our company at the first tooke to be the great S. Philip the Admirall of Spaine but the next day being the first of Iuly fetching her vp we perceiued her indeede to be a Carack which after some few shot bestowed vpon her we summoned to yeeld but they standing stoutly to their defence vtterly refused the same Wherefore seeing no good could be done without boording her I consulted what course we should take in the boording But by reason that wee which were the chiefe Captaines were partly slaine and partly wounded in the former conflict and because of the murmuring of some disordered and cowardly companions our valiant and resolute determinations were crossed and to conclude a long discourse in few wordes the Carack escaped our hands After this attending about Coruo Flores for some West Indian purchase and being disappointed of our expectation and victuals growing short we returned for England where I arriued at Portesmouth the 28 of August The casting away of the Tobie neere Cape Espartel corruptly called Cape Sprat without the Straight of Gibraltar on the coast of Barbarie 1593 THe Tobie of London a ship of 250 tunnes manned with fiftie men the owner whereof was the worshipfull M. Richard Staper being bound for Liuorno Zante and Patras in Morea being laden with marchandize to the value of 11 or 12 thousand pounds sterling set sayle from Black-wall the 16 day of August 1593 and we went thence to Portesmouth where we tooke in great quantitie of wheate and set sayle foorth of Stokes bay in the Isle of Wight the 6. day of October the winde being faire and the 16 of the same moneth we were in the heigth of Cape S. Vincent where on the next morning we descried a sayle which lay in try right a head off vs to which we gaue chase with very much winde the sayle being a Spaniard which wee found in fine so good of sayle that we were faine to leaue
the richest and most plentifull in all the world For here are great store of golde mynes siluer mynes and pearle great store of coâ—tâ—n cloth for the countrey people weareth nothing else but fine cotten cloth which is more accepted then silkes For here is great store of silkes they are good châ—ape Al kinde of victuals as bread slesh wines and hennes and all kindes of foules are very plentifull Here are great store of freâ—h riuers The pâ—ople are very louing Here are very faire cities and townes with cosâ—ly buildings better then those in Spaine And the countrey pâ—ople go very richly apparelled both in sâ—â—kes and gold But here wâ— haue order from the king of Spaine that a Spaniaâ—d may not dwell in China aboue 3 yeres and afterwaâ—ds they must returne again into Nueua Espanna and other souldiers must come in their places The countrey is very vnwholesome for vs Spaniardes For within these 20 yeres of 14000 which haue gone to the Philippinas there are 13000 of them dead and not past 1000 of them left aliue There is a place in China which is an harbour called Macaran which the king hath giuen to the Spaniards freely which shall be the placâ— where the ships shall come and trafficke For in this harbour there is a great riuer which goeth vp into the maine land vnto diuers townes and cities which are neere to this riuer And thus â—râ—nbling you no farther I rest From Mexico the 20 of Iune 1590. Your obedient sonne SEBASTIAN BISCAINO A Letter of Bartholomew Cano to Peter de Tapia in Siuill from Mexico the 30 of May 1590 touching the state of Nueua Espanna and the Fleet of that yeere BEcause I haue answered your letters which I haue receiued in the last Fleet as touching that matter I haue no more to say The occasâ—on of my writing vnto you at this time is to giue you to vnderstand that those commodiâ—ies which came in the last Fleet were sold at the fiâ—st good cheape and those that bought them got much by them For now at this instant â—hite Roan cloth is solde for 8 or 9 reals a vare The cause of this was by reason â—here came a carauel of Aduise from Hauana which brought vs nâ—wes how the armie that his maiâ—stie did sâ—nd for England was all spoiled and cast away and therefore thâ—y of Spaine did write that thâ—râ— would come no Fleet from Spaine hither this yeâ—re And this is the cause that all linnen cloth is very deâ—re in these parts Wines also are very deere for they are sold â—or 90 â—nd 100 deminas a pipe When the Frigats departed from hence in August last 1589. Cochinilla was sold at that instant for 50 pesâ—s the quintall and now it is sold for 55 pesoâ—s And since that nâ—wes came from Spaine in a carauâ—l of S. Lucar that it was solde there for 72 ducates the quintall there are laden in this Fleet 14000 Arouas of Cochinilla and 7000 Arouas more were laden in the Frigats which departed before the Fleet. There is laden in the Fleet great quantitie of treasure more then hath bene sent to Spaine these many yeres both for the Kings and the Uice-royes account And the marchants and gentlemen of all these prouinces doe send great quantitie to supply the Kings wants for that his maiestie hath written to the Uice-roy and to the gentlemen of these countreyes to ayde him with much money towardes the maintenance of his warres against France and other places therefore they haue sent good store God send it well to Spaine There are likâ—wise laden aboord the Fleet to the number of 100000â— hides and great store of other kindes of this countrey commodities So that the the Fleet goeth very richly laden Quicke siluer is here very deere for here is almost none to bee had for any money to worke in the gold mynes for without Quicke siluer wee cannot refine our gold And no man vpon paine of death may bring any from Spaine hither but all must come for the Kings account and so the King doeth sell it here there is exceeding great gaine thâ—rein And thus I rest From Mexico the 30 of May 1590. BARTHOLOMEVV CANO A letter of Frier Alonso new elected Bishop of Mechuacan to the king of Spaine written in Peru in the citie de los Reyes the first of March 1590 touching the state of Arica a chiefe Hauen in Peru. VPon Christmas euen the yere 1589 I receiued your maiesties commission in Potossi For which I am and shall be continually bound to pray for your maiesties long health for the great benefits which your maiestie hath bestowed vpon me in â—ending me to Mechuacan whereby my great trauell and paines may be recompenced which I haue taken with that vngrateful and despâ—rate people of the riuer of Plate which they haue â—ene the occasion of in dealing so badly with me their Pastour which haue counselled thâ—m that they should haue a great care to serue God and be dutifull to your maiestie according as euery good and true subiect ought to do Now for this gift which your maiestie hath bestowed on me I most humbly kisse your maiesties handes a thousand times Thus presently I departed from Potossi somewhat sickely to accomplish that which your maiâ—stie hath commanded me So I arriued at Lima in safetie the first of February by the way of Arica which is an hauen towne where they imbarke all the barres of siluer And there I haue seenâ— whaâ— is done what they haue prouided against the Englishmâ—n in that hauen which is That there is a litle fort made hard by the waters side with certaine small pieces of ordinance in the said fort to offend the enemie if occasion should serue that they should offer to come into the harbour and offer any violence But the principall thing of all that we want is to haue souldiâ—rs foote men and horsemen For according as I am informed here want 100 men which should keepe the coast if they should offer to land and march vp into the countrey And likewise the people of this countrey haue told me that if vpon an high mount which is hâ—re in the harbour neere to the hauâ—ns mouth on the Southside of the harbour where the sea doth beat ther were two or three great Canons planted on the top of the hill where very good watch is continually kept from that place they may reach to doe the enemie great hurt a league into the sea The new Uice-roy Don Garcia Vrtado de Mendoça worthy of that dignitie is in great fauour with al those of these realmes for that he is a great solliciter both by sea and land in all kinde of diligence not loosing one houre in your seruice and that which he hath in charge With as much speed as may be I will depart from hence to Mechuacan to serue that church and your maiesty and there I will remaine according to your maiesties commandement
abundance Diamonds of inestimable value with great store of pearle The report of a French man called Bountillier of Sherbrouke concerning Trinidad and Dorado HE saith that beeing at Trinidad in 1591. he had of an Indian there a peece of Golde of a quarter of a pound in exâ—hange of a knife the sayde Indian tolde him hee had it at the head of that riuer which commeth to Paracoa in Trinidad and that within the Riuer of Orenoque it was in great abundance Also in 1593. beeing taken by the Spanyardes and brought prisoner into the Iland of Madera the place for his prison there came in this meane time a Barke of sortie Tunnes from a new Discouery with two millions of Golde the company whereof reported Golde in that place to bee in great abundance and called it El Nueuo Dorado This Frenchman passed from Spaine in the Barke and hauing a cabben neere a gentleman one of the Discouerers that came from that place in the sayde Barke had diuers times conference with him and amongst other things of the great abundance of Golde in the sayd Dorado being as they sayd within the riuer of Orenoque Reportes of certaine Marchants of Rio de Hacha concerning El Nueuo Dorado THey sayd aduancing the kings great treasure in the Indies that Nueuo Reyno yeelded very many Golde mines and wonderfull rich but lately was discouered a certaine Prouince so rich in Golde as the report thereof may seeme incredible it is there in such abundance and is called El Nueuo Dorado Antonio de Berreo made the said discouerie The report of a Spanyard Captaine with Berreo in the discouerie of El Nueuo Dorado THat the information sent to the King was in euery poynt truely sayde that the riuer Orenoque hath seuen mouths or outlets into the sea called Las Siete bocas de dragon that the sayd riuer runneâ—h farre into the land in many places very broad and that Anth. de Berreo lay at Trinidad making head to goe to conquere and people the sayd Dorado A Relation of the second Voyage to Guiana performed and written in the yeere 1596. by Laurence Keymis Gent. TO THE APPROVED RIGHT VALOROVS AND worthy Knight Sir Walter Ralegh Lord warden of the Stanneries Captaine of her Maiesties Guard and her Highnesse Lieutenant generall of the Countie of Cornewall I Haue here briefly set downe the effect of this your second Discouerie without any enlargement of made wordes for in this argument single speech best beseemeth a simple trueth Where the affinitie of the matter with your person leadeth mee to write of your selfe vnto your selfe that small libertie which I haue therein vsed shall I doubt not without offence or sinister construction be giuen to the cause in hand which whether it suffer not detriment by attributing lesse then of right belongeth the iudgement bee theirs that vprightly and indifferently shall weigh the consequents of their euill purpose who in seeking to detract from the Author of these Discoueries doe so much as in theÌ„ lieth wound deface tread vnder foot the thing it selfe But this is no nouelty nor proper only to these our dayes For long since it hath bin said Laudes eo vsque sunt tolerabiles donec ea dicunturâ— quae auditores se quoque facere posse existimant simaior a proferantur inuident non credunt The feruent zeale loyalty of your minde in labour with this birth of so honorable expectation as it hath deserued a recompence farre different so needeth it not my poore suffrage to endeare the toyle care and danger that you haue willingly vndergone for the good and aduancement of our weale publique The praise-worthinesse thereof doeth approue it selfe and is better read in your liuing doings then in my dead vnregarded papers All that I can wish is that my life were a sufficient pledge to iustifie how much more easie and more materiall the course for Guiana would bee then others which requiring greater charge yeelde not so large benefit and are subiect to more doubtfull euents If vnto their wisdomes who sit in place and authority it shall appeare otherwise and that in following of other attempts there is lesse difficultie certainer profit and need-fuller offence vnto the enemie the cost and trauaile which you haue bestowed shall not I hope be altogether lost if vnto your Honour I can proue how and where the amends is to be had maugre the force and preuention of all Spaniards Your Lordships to be commanded in all seruice LAVRENCE KEYMIS To the Fauourers of the Voyage for Guiana IN things earnestly desired though neuer so likely we are still suspicious thinking it more credite to our common wisedome to discredite most noble and profitable indeuours with distrust then touch to our valours and safeties to lie wilfully idle So that howsoeuer an action well and iudicially attempted bee esteemed halfe performed yet is this my iealous conceite concerning Guiana that nothing is begun before all be ended In this regarde gentle Reader I haue presumed to burthen thine eares with the weake plea of a good cause and in stead of opening it throughly to thy prudent consideration to note only mine owne vnsatisfied affection hoping that because I doe name Guiana vnto thee thou wilt vouchsafe hoc nomine to vaile and couer all other my defects in the desert of a good meaning In publishing this Treatise my labor principally tendeth to this end to remoue all fig-leaues from our vnbeliefe that either it may haue cause to shake off the colourable pretences of ignorance or if we will not be perswaded that our selfe-will may rest inexcusable They that shall apply and construe this my doing to serue the Spaniard his turne so wel as our owne in so much as it may seeme to instruct warne and arme him for their satisfaction herein they must not be ignorant that his eyes in seeing our shipping there doe as effectually informe him that many of our hearts are toward that place as if it should be credibly aduertised by some corrupt hireling that we thinke write and discourse of nothing els Neither can I imagine that to conceale our knowledge herein which to conceale may perhaps proue be hereafter taken for worse theÌ„ paricide would be of better purpose then to hoodwinke our selues as who would say No man shall see vs. Besides if the action were wholy to bee effected at her Maiesties charge then might it at her Highnesse pleasure be shadowed with some other drift and neuer be discouered vntill it were acted But since it craueth the approbation and purses of many Aduenturers who cannot be so prodigall both of their possessions and liues as voluntarily to run themselues out of breath in pursuing they know not what great reason it is that where assistance is to be asked due causes be yeelded to perswade induce them vnto it The Spaniard is not so simple vnsetled vncertaine in his determinations as to build them on our breath or to make
of silke of all colours Twentie pound of spices cloues cinamom pepper and saffron Two kintals of white sope Three pound of threed white blacke and blew Three pound of fine white threed Item halfe a dozen of Northerne karsies of diuers coloursâ— Foure sorting clothes blew red yellow and green Sixe Northerne dozens of diuers colours One fine blew cloth of eight pound One fine stamell of tenne or twelue pound One fine sheeps coloured cloth of twelue pound One fine blacke karsie One fine stamell karsie Sixe yards of blacke veluet Three barrels of nailes for chests Two barrels of nailes for ships and barks Sixe kintals of Occom Two dozen of veluet girdles without hangers Foure yards of taffata red blacke and blew with some greeneâ— Two dozen of leather girdles Sixe dozen of axes hatchets and small billes to cut wood Foure mases of gitterne strings Foure hundred or fiue hundred elles of some linnen cloth that is of a low price to make shirts and sheets Foure tunne of pron These be such sort of wares as I would you should send If you meane to deale or send any ship hither haue you no doubt but by the helpe of God I shall put all things in good order according to your contentment and profit for my father in lawe with the Captaine and Prouedor doe rule this countrey My father in law I shal God willing make a good quantitie of sugar euery yeere which sugar we intend to ship for London from henceforth if we can get such a trustie good friend as you to deale with vs in this matter I pray you presently after the receit of this my letter to write mee answere thereof send your letter to M. Holder to Lisbone he wil conuey it to me out of hand Besides the premisses send sixe yards of skarlet parchment lace of diuers colours Sixe yards of crimosin veluetâ— Sixe yards of crimosin fatten Twelue yards of fine puke blacke Here in this countrey in stead of Iohn Whithall they haue called me Iohn Leitoan so that they haue vsed this name so long time that at this present there is no remedie but it must remaine so When you write vnto me let the superscription be vnto Iohn Leitoan Thus I commit you with all yours to the holy Ghost for euer If you send this ship I would haue you giue order that she touch in no part of coast of Guinie nor any other coast but to come directly hither to the port of S. Vincent and from the Canaries let her be dispatched in my name to wit Iohn Leitoan Also a dozen of shirts for my wearing let be sent if you send the ship Item sixe or eight pieces of sayes for mantles for women which is the most necessary thing that can be sent By your assured friend Iohn Whithall A copie of the letters of the Aduenturers for Brasill sent to Iohn Whithall dwelling in Santos by the Minion of London Anno 1580. the 24. of October in London MAster Whithall as vnacquainted wee commend vs vnto you c. vnderstanding by your friends M. Iohn Bird M. Robert Walkaden and your brother Iames Whithall of certaine letters that they haue receiued of yours froÌ„ Santos which wee haue seene and read wherein from time to time you doe require and desire them to send a good ship to Santos with such wares and commodities as you did write for whereby you did not onely promise that they should haue good intertainment but also should sell the saide commodities to make three of one outward at the least in euery thing and that for to relade their ship backe they should haue of the best finest whitest drie sugars 32. pound of our weight for a ducket at the most The promises considered with the great credit that they and we doe giue to your writing promise haue caused vs whose names be hereunder written to ioyne our selues in company together to be at great charges purposely to send this good ship the Minion of London not onely with such marchandizes as you wrote for but also with as mâ—ny other things as we thought might any wayes pleasure you or profit the country And we craue of you that we and our factors may haue so much credite of you as we haue in you and of your letters which is to beleeue vs that we haue taken this voyage vpon vs with no other minde or purpose then to deale faithfully and truely in the trade by sea and land so as you shall not onely haue cause to reioyce and deserue thanks for our comming but also you wil procure the magistrates there to be bound as they vse in Galicia that we may be preserued and defended from all reprisals and imbargments of princes or subiects for any causes or matters whatsoeuer whereby wee may bee incouraged by them giuing vs this securitie of good intertainment to continue the trade yeerely henceforth and for our parts we promise vpon our credits and fidelities to commit no outrage at the sea nor land nor suffer any to be done in our company that we may let but rather to defend and protect all other such peaceable marchants as we are with their ships and goods And to the ende that you and others shall know that wee meane as we say we haue giuen order to our factours to giue you good hostages for your assurance of our good fidelities and further we haue sent a testimoniall of our owne true meaning in writing vnder the seales of this honourable Citie of London which we wil not discredite by our behauiours for all the treasure that you haue and so we haue written to your magistrates of your port and others in Spanish the copy whereof we send you herewith enclosed in English And if the time should fal out so contrary to our expectations that there should not be fine white sugar sufficient to lade our said ship in due time at Santos then we pray you direct our factours where they may goe with the shippe in safâ—tie to supply their want and helpe them to a good sure Pilot for that purpose and write your letters to your friends where the best sugar is made in their fauors and helpe our factours to haue a testimoniall from Santos that they and you traded together friendly and so departed in good and perfect amitie and shew them that the iust cause of our comming is to trade as marchants peaceably and not as Pirats to commit any offence to one or other Also we pray you if there be any store of ware or salt-peeter whereby the price there may yeeld vs as much profit as the white sugars at a ducket the roue or any other commodity of like profite then to procure that we may lade it without danger of lawe be it oare of golde or siluer or whatsoeuer else Wee haue sent you copper couldrons for your Ingenios with iron and all other necessaries for your purpose and artificers to see the sâ—me
thence to another Cape passing the line Equinoctial called Capo de bona speransa and from Portingal to the Cape is 1800 leagues and from this Cape to the Islands of Spicerie of the Emperour is 2500. leagues So that this nauigation amounteth all to 4300. leagues So that as afore is sayd if between our New found lands or Norway or Island the seas toward the North be nauigable we should goe to these Islands a shorter way by more then 2000. leagues And though we went not to the sayd Islandes for that they are the Emperours or kings of Portingal wee shoulde by the way and comming once to the line Equinoctiall finde landes no lesse riche of golde and Spicerie as all other landes are vnder the sayd line Equinoctiall and also should if we may passe vnder the North enioy the nauigation of all Tartarie Which should be no lesse profitable to â—ur commodities of cloth then these Spiceries to the Emperour and king of Portingal But it is a generall opinion of all Cosmographers that passing the seuenth clime the sea is all ice and the colde so much that none can suffer it And hitherto they had all the like opinion that vnder the line Equinoctiall for much heate the land was vnhabitable Yet since by experience is proued no land so much habitable nor more temperate And to conclude I thiuke the same should be found vnder the North if it were experimented For as all iudge Nihil fit vacuum in rerum natura So I iudge there is no land vnhabitable nor Sea innauigable If I should write the reason that presenteth this vnto me I should be too prolixe and it seemeth not requisite for this present matter God knoweth that though by it I should haue no great interest yet I haue had and still haue no litle mind of this businesse So that if I had facultie to my will it should be the first thing that I woulde vnderstand euen to attempt if our Seas Northward be nauigable to the Pole or no. I reason that as some sickenesses are hereditarious and come from the father to the sonne so this inclination or desire of this discouerie I inherited of my father which with another marchant of Bristow named Hugh Eliot were the discouerers of the New found lands of the which there is no doubt as nowe plainely appeareth if the mariners would then haue bene ruled and followed their Pilots minde the lands of the West Indies from whence all the gold commeth had bene ours For all is one coast as by the Carde appeareth and is aforesayd Also in this Carde by the coastes where you see C. your Lordship shall vnderstand it is set for Cape or headland where I. for Iland where P. for Port where R. for Riuer Also in all this little Carde I thinke nothing be erred touching the situation of the land saue onely in these Ilands of Spicerie which for that as afore is sayd eueryone setteth them after his minde there can be no certification how they stand I doe not denie that there lacke many things that a consummate Carde should haue or that a right good demonstration desireth For there should be expressed all the mountaines and Riuers that are principall of name in the earth with the names of Portes of the sea the names of all principall cities which all I might haue set but not in this Carde for the little space would not consent Your Lordship may see that setting the names almost of euery Region and yet not of all the roome is occupied Many Islands are also left out for the said lack of roome the names almost of all Portes put to silence with the roses of the windes or points of the compasse For that this is not for Pilots to sayle by but a summary declaration of that which your Lordship commanded And if by this your Lordship cannot wel perceiue the meaning of this Card of the which I would not marueile by reason of the rude composition of it will it please your Lordship to aduise mee to make a bigger and a better Mappe or els that I may cause one to be made For I know my selfe in this and all other nothing perfect but Licet semper discens nunquam tamen ad perfectam scientiam perueniens Also I know to set the forme Sphericall of the world in Plano after the true rule of Cosmographie it would haue bene made otherwise then this is howbeit the demonstration should not haue bene so plaine And also these degrees of longitude that I set in the lower part of this card should haue bin set along by the line Equinoctiall so then must be imagined For the degrees of longitude neere either of the poles are nothing equall in bignesse to them in the Equinoctiall But these are set so for that setting them along the Equinoctial it would haue made obscure a great part of the map Many other curiosities may be required which for the nonce I did not set downe as well for that the intent I had principally was to satisfie your doubt touching the spicerie as for that I lack leasure and time I trust your Lordship correcting that which is erred will accept my good will which is to doe any thing that I may in your Lordships seruice But from henceforth I knowe your Lordship will rather commaund me to keepe silence then to be large when you shall be wearied with the reading of this discourse Iesus prosper your estate and health Your Lordships Robert Thorne 1527. ALso this Carde and that which I write touching the variance betweene the Emperour and the king of Portingall is not to be shewed or communicated there with many of that court For though there is nothing in it preiudiciall to the Emperour yet it may be a cause of paine to the maker as well for that noue may make these Cardes but certaine appointed and allowed for masters as for that peraduenture it would not sound well to them that a stranger should know or discouer their secretes and would appeare worst of all if they vnderstand that I write touching the short way to the spicerie by our Seas Though peraduenture of troth it is not to be looked to as a thing that by all opinions is vnpossible and I thinke neuer will come to effect and therefore neither here nor else where is it to be spoken of For to moue it amongst wise men it should bee had in derision And therefore to none I would haue written nor spoken of such things but to your Lordship to whom boldly I commit in this all my foolish fantasie as to my self But if it please God that into England I may come with your Lordship I will shew some coniectures of reason though against the generall opinion of Cosmographers by which shall appeare this that I say not to lacke some foundation And till that time I beseeche your Lordship let it be put to silence and in the meane
shoulde be taken off but no worde I could heare when I should be deliuered out of captiuitie till it was Saint George his day on which day I was had before the Marshall who declared vnto me that the Kings Maiestie had shewed his mercie and goodnesse towardes mee for his pleasure was that I should be deliuered out of prison to depart into England but no way else So after I had giuen thankes for the Kings Maiesties goodnesse shewed vnto me I desired him that he woulde be a meane that I might haue the remaynder of such thinges as were taken from me restored vnto me againe Hee made me answere that I might thanke God that I escaped with my head and that if euer there came any more of vs through the land they should not so doe The weeke before Easter they deliuered mee my Corobia againe with all thinges that were therein They tooke from mee in money nine Hungers gylderns in golde fiue shillings foure pence in Lettoes money fourtie Altines in Russe money whereof twentie and more were for tokens halfe an angell and a quarter of Master Doctour Standishes with his golde ring Your two pieces of money Master Gray that you sent to your wife and daughter with my two pieces of Boghary money Of all this I had eight Hungers gilderns deliuered mee the thirde weeke of mine imprisonment to paye for my charges which stoode mee in a Doller a weeke So that at the day of my deliuerie I had but three gyldernes left me For the rest I made a supplication to the Captaine and had the like answere giuen mee as the Marshall gaue me So that all the rest of the thinges before written are lost and no recouerie to bee had which grieueth me more for the tokens â—akes then doeth mine eight weeks imprisonment They haue also my sword my bootes my bowe and arrowes that I bought at Smolensco which cost me foure marks my sled my felt the comhold a booke of the Flowres of godly prayers and my booke wherein my charges were written Of all these I can get nothing againe not so much as my two bookes After I had remayned there fiue and thirtie dayes I was had before the Captaine vp into a great chamber to bee examined for letters and of the cause of my comming through the Countrey In the Captaines companie was one of the Lordes of Danske They demaunded of mee where my letters were I declared vnto them that I had none your Officers sayd I tooke me when I was in my bedde they searched mee and tooke all that I had from mee if there be any they shall finde them among my stuffe which they haue They asked mee then for what cause I went home ouer lande I declared vnto them that the Winter beeing a warme season and hauing intelligence that The frozen Sea was not much frozen and supposing this Sommer it would be nauigable I was onely sent to prouide a Shippe to bee sent to passe the sayde Seas to discouer Cataia which if God graunted wee might doe it woulde not onely bee a commoditie to the Realme of Englande but vnto all Christian landes by the riches that might bee brought from thence if the histories bee true that are written thereof Much other communication I had with them concerning the same voyage Then he demaunded of mee what wares wee brought into Russia and what wee carried from thence I declared the same vnto them Then they burdened mee that wee brought thither thousandes of ordinance as also of harneis swordes with other munitions of warre artificers copper with many other things I made them answere that wee had brought thither about one hundred shirtes of mayle such olde thinges newe scowred as no man in Englande woulde weare Other talke they had with mee concerning the trade of Moscouia too long to commit to writing At my comming hither heere were Ambassadours from the townes of Danske Lubeck and Hamburgh as also out of Liefland to desire this king to bee their Captaine and head in their intended voyage which was to stoppe all such shippes as shoulde goe out of England for Moscouia Whereunto the King graunted and immediatly they departed to prepare their shippes So that I am afraide that either these our enemies or the great warres that we haue with France and Scotland will be an occasion that you shall haue no shippes at Colmogro this yeere To conclude although I haue no tokens to deliuer them that the tokens token from me were sent vnto yet I will declare vnto them that I had tokens for them with the mischance And thus I commit you to Amightie God with the rest of the companie who keepe you in health to his holy will and pleasure By yours to commaund THOMAS ALCOCKE A Letter of Master Anthonie Ienkinson vpon his returne from Boghar to the worshipful Master Henrie Lane Agent for the Moscouie companie resident in Vologda written in the Mosco the 18. of September 1559. VVOrshipfull Sir after my heartie commendations prâ—mised with most desire to God of your welfare and prosperous successe in all your affaires It may please you to bee aduertised that the fourth of this present I arriued with Richard Iohnson and Robert Iohnson all in health thankes bee to God Wee haue bene as farre as Boghar and had proceeded farther on our voyage toward the lande of Cathay had it not bene for the vncessant and continuall warres which are in all these brutall and wilde countreys that it is at this present impossible to passe neither went thâ—re any Carauan of people from Boghar that way these three yeeres And although our iourney hath bene so miserable dangerous and chargeable with losses charges and expenses as my penne is not able to expresse the same yet shall wee bee able to satisfie the woorshipfull Companies mindes as touching the discouerie of The Caspian Sea with the trade of merchandise to bee had in such landes and counteyes as bee thereabout adiacent and haue brought of the wares and commodities of those Countries able to answere the principall with profite wishing that there were vtterance for as great a quantitie of kersies and other wares as there is profite to bee had in the sales of a small quantitie all such euill fortunes beeing escaped as to vs haue chaunced this present voyage for then it woulde be a trade woorthie to bee followed Sir for that I trust you will be here shortly which I much desire I will deferre the discourse with you at large vntill your comming as well touching my trauel as of other things Sir Iohn Lucke departed from hence toward England the seuenth of this present and intendeth to passe by the way of Sweden by whom I sent a letter to the worshipfull Companie and haue written that I intend to come downe vnto Colmogro to be readie there at the next shipping to imbarke my selfe for England declaring that my seruice shal not be needfull here for that you
reason we doe perceiue by your letters that raw silke is as plentifull in Persia as flare is in Russia beside other commodities that may come from thence Wee vnderstand by your letters that you be at a point with the Russe for the Waxe Tallow and Traine oyles that he shipped the last yere for 311 robles 20 altines which is well although much be not gotten by it but because they should not vnderstand our reckonings We much maruel what you mean to buy Seale skins and canne them All that you haue sent in times past lie here vnsold and will yeelde no money If you send 100 of them tawed with the haire on they will bee solde or else not In our shippe we will send you such things as you write to haue for the ropers and wee would they should make more store of small cables and ropes as cables of 7,8,9,10,11,12 inches For these great cables be not for euery man and the greatest cables bee not best laded and likewise small ropes for shroudes sholes and other small tackeling and that you looke better to the spinning of their yarne that it be euen and well tarred The sables that you doe mind to send vs let them be principall and fayre and not past foure or fiue timbars For they will not be so commonly worne here as they haue bin with noble men and likewise of Luserns send fewe and principal good We mind to send you in our shippes 100 tunnes of salte And because we perceiue that balast is hardly to be had at our lading place there with you we would you should haue in a readinesse 100 tunnes of the white stones whereof you sent vs home an example two yeres past And likewise to haue in a readinesse mastes of all sortes for our shippes for we know not what neede wee shall haue of them The bringer hereof is Thomas Alcock he could not be suffered the the last yeare to passe through Poland And as we wrote vnto you in our shippes hee is our seruant for yeares And for that we know him to be honest true and painefull our mind is he shal be placed where he may do best seruice He doth know the commodities ond discommodities of all kinde of wares which you doe send vs. Therefore we would you should credite his sayings both in quantitie of wares and goodnes as also wherin is most our profit We see by your letters that your opinion is that the ropemakers should remaine there two yeres more and that you haue prouided great plentie of hempe which we are content withall But as yet we haue solde none of our cable nor halsers neither is the proofe of them knowen because the first you sent vs were made of flare which are worth no money for after they be once wet they will rotte and moulder away like mosse And those which you sent vs now last by misfortune there with you at the lading were wette and fretted in many places and haue lost their colour by meanes whereof they be not so vendible as if they had come well conditioned Of an hard beginning we trust God will send vs a good ending We hope in your next letters to heare good newes of the proceedings of Master Antonie Ienkinson We perceiue by his letters that Astracan is not so good a Mart towne as the fame hath gone of it and maruell much that round pewcer should be so good and good chepe there and from whence it should come And whereas you write that you wil come for England in our next shippes we would gladly haue you to remaine there vntill the next yere following for the better instruction of our seruants there who haue not had so long time of continuance for the language and knowledge of the people countrey and wares as you haue had Neuerthelesse if you will needs come away we haue no doubt but that you will leaue good order with our seruants there namely with Christopher Hodson and Thomas Glouer whom we appoint to remaine there as Agents in your roome till further order bee taken not doubting but that they will vse themselues so discreetely and wisely in all their doings as shall be to the worship and benefite of this company And as we haue a good hope in them that they will be carefull diligent and true in all their doings so haue we no lesse hope in all the rest of our seruants there that they will bee not onely obedient to them considering what roome they be in but also will be carefull paineful diligent and true euery one in his roome and place for the benefite and profite of the company That hereafter in the absence of others they may be called and placed in the like roome there or elsewhere And if you find any to be disobedient and stubborne and will not be ruled wee will you shall send him home in our shippes who shall find such small fauour and friendship during the time that he hath to serue as by his disobedience and euill seruice hee hath deserued And whereas Christopher Hodson hath written to come home as partly he hath good cause considering the death of his father and mother yet in regard that Sir George Barne and the Ladie his wife were his special friends in his absence we doubt not but that he wil remain in the roome which we haue appointed him if you doe not tarie and remaiue there till farther order be taken and for his seruice and paines hee shall be considered as reason is as friendly as if his friends were liuing Thus we trust you will take such order the one to remaine at the Mosco and the other at Colmogro or elsewhere as most neede is Thomas Alcocke is desirous to be in the Mosco neuerthelesse you shall find him reasonable to serue where he may doe most good The 62 robles which you receiued oâ— Iohn Boucher we haue payed him here and also the 8 robles which you receiued the yere before of Christopher Rose and the money which you receiued more of George Burton for the which we haue you our debtors Thus we rest referring that which is here omitted to the report of the bringer and so God haue you in his keeping Also we would that you should send vs in our shippes 200 horse-clothes more The things before written wee would that you should let our seruants see and reade to the intent they may perceiue our mindes Another letter to the foresaid parties 1560. THis letter before written is the copie of one sent you by Thomas Alcock trusting that hee was with you long since The 26 day of the last moneth we receiued a letter from him dated in Stockholme in Sweden the 14 day of Ianuary and we perceiue by his letter that hee had talked with a Dutch man that came lately from the Mosco who informed him that our friend Master Antony Ienkinson was returned to the Mosco in September last past but how farre he had
eight of May folowing Then I was sent for to come vnto his Maiestie to the said Staryts where I arriued the tenth of the same and the twelfth of the same I was appointed to come to the chiefe Secretary who at our meeting said vnto me these words Our Lord Emperor and great Duke hath not onely perused the Queene her highnes letters sent by you and thereby doeth perceiue her minde as well touching their princely affaires as also her earnest request in the merchants behalfe but also hath well pondered your words And therefore his Maiesties pleasure is that you let me vnderstand what sutes you haue to moue in the merchants behalfe or otherwise for that to morrowe you shall haue accesse againe vnto his highnes and shall haue full answere in all things with your dispatch away Then after long conference had with him of diuers matters I gaue him in writing certaine briefe articles of requests which I had drawen out ready as foloweth 1 First the Queenes Maiestie her request is that it would please the Emperors highnesse to let me know the iust cause of his great displeasure fallen vpon sir William Garrard his company who neuer deserued the same to their knowledge 2 Also that it would please his highnes not to giue credite vnto false and vntrue reports by such as seeke to sowe dissention and breake friendship betwixt the Queenes highnesse and his Maiestie 3 Also that it would please his Maiestie to receiue the said sir William Garrard with his company into his fauour againe and to restore them to their former priuiledges and liberties for free traffike in and through and out of al his Maiesties dominions in as ample maner as aforetime according to his princely letters of priuiledge and accustomed goodnes 4 Also it would please his highnes to graunt that the said company of merchants may haue iustice of all his subiects as well for money owing vnto them as other their griefes and iniuries throughout al his dominions suffred since the time of his displeasure during which time the merchants were forced by seuere iustice to answere to al mens demands but theirs could not be heard 5 Also that his Maiestie would vnderstand that much debts are owing to the said merchants by diuers of his Nobilitie whereof part are in durance and some executed and the said merchants know not home to be paide and answered the same except his highnes pitie their case and commaund some order to be taken therein 6 Also it would please his highnes to commaund that the saide merchants may be payde all such summe or summes of money as are owing and due vnto them by his Maiestie for wares as well English as Shamaki taken into his highnes treasury by his officers in sundry places the long forbearing whereof hath bene and is great hinderance to the said company of merchants 7 Also it would please his Maiestie to vnderstand that at this present time there are in Persia of English merchants Thomas Banister and Geffrey Ducket with their company goods ready to come into his Maiesties countrey of Astracan and would haue come the last yeere but that the ship with our merchants and mariners appointed to goe for them were stayed at Astracan by his highnes Captaine there to the great hinderance of the said merchants Wherefore it may now please his Maiestie to direct his princely letters vnto his Captaines and rulers both at Astracan and Cazan not onely to suffer our people as well merchants as marinâ—rs quietly anâ— freely to passe and repasse with their shippes barkes or other vessels downe the riuer Volga and ouer the Mare Caspium to fetch the sayd English merchants with their company and goods out of the sayd Persia into his Maiesties dominions but also that it would please his highnes streightly to command that when the sayd Thomas Banister and Geffrey Ducket with their charge shal arriue at the sayd Astracan his Maiesties Captaine there and in all other places vpon the riuer Volga shall so ayde and assist the sayd merchants as they may be safely conducted out of the danger of the Crimmes and other their enemies 8 Also it may please his highnes to vnderstand that lately our merchants comming from Shamaki haue bene ill vsed by his Maiesties Customers both at Astracan and Cazan at both which places they were forced to pay custome for their wares although they solde no part thereof but brought the same into his highnesse treasury at Sloboda and the sayd Customers did not only exact and take much more custome then was due by his Maiesties lawes but also for want of present money tooke wares much exceeding their exacted custome and doe keepe the same as a pawne It may therefore please his highnes to direct his princely letters to the said Customers to signifie vnto them his great goodnes againe restored vnto the said English merchants as also to command them to send the said mâ—rchants their said goods so detained vp to the Mosco they paying such custome for the same as shall be by his Maiestie appointed 9 Also that it would please his highnesse to grant that sir William Garrard with his companie may establish their trade for merchandise at Colmogro in Dwina and that such wares as shal be brought out of our Countrey fit for his treasurie might be looked vpon and receiued by his officers there and that his Maiesties people traffiking with our merchants may bring downe their commodities to the saide Colmogro by meanes whereof the saide English merchants auoyding great troubles and charges in transporting their goods so farre and into so many places of his dominions may sell the same better cheape to the benefite of his Maiesties subiects 10 Also if it seemed good to his highnes that the whole trade likewise from Persia Boghar and all other those Countreys beyond the Mare Caspium might be established at Astracan the ancient Marte towne in times past which would be both for the great honour and profite of his Maiesty and subiects as I am well able to prooue if it will please his highnesse to appoint any of his counsell to talke with me therein 11 Also forasmuch as it pleased his Maiestie immediatly after the burning of the Mosco to command that the said English merchants should giue in a note into his Treasury for their losses sustained by the said fire which was done by William Rowly then chiefe Agent for sir William Garrard and his company and the particulars in the same note consumed with the said fire did amount to the summe of 10000. rubbles and aboue It may please his highnes of his accustomed goodnes and great clemencie to consider of the same and to giue the said company so much as shal seeme good vnto his Maiestie towards their said losses 12 Also that it will please his highnesse to vnderstand that the Queenes most excellent Maiestie at the earnest sute and request of Andrea Sauin his Maiesties Ambassadour did not onely pardon
me the new letters of priuiledge as the comming of Rutter whom the Emperours maiestie himselfe commanded before my face should bee sent vnto me without faile and I did see the letters written to the chiefe officers at the Mosco for the same Neuerthelesse the said Rutter did not come neither could I heare of him after nor know the sudden cause of his stay contrary to the princes owne word and meaning as I suppose But I could not help the matter being farre from the prince neither could I tell how to haue redresse because by absence I could not complaine Notwithstanding I vsed my indeuour and sent a messenger Iohn Norton one of your seruants from Vologda to Nouogrod where the court then lay expressely with letters as well to aduertise his maiestie that the sayd Rutter was not sent vnto me according to his highnes commandement order as also about the dispatch of the said letters of priuiledge and receit of your money with straight charge that he should in any wise returne vnto me againe before the departing of the ships And the first day of Iune I departed from the said Vologda by water towards Colmogro where I arriued the 21 of Iune aforesaid and remained there vntill the 23 of Iuly looking for the said Iohn Norton to haue returned vnto me in al that time which had respite fully enough in that space both to go to the court to dispatch his busines and to haue returned againe vnto me but he came not for it was otherwise determined before his going as I did after vnderstand and can more at large by worde of mouth declare vnto your worships the occasion thereof Neuerthelesse I am well assured before this time your Agent hath receiued into his hands the sayd letters of priuiledges and shall haue dispatch with expedition in all things touching your affaires according to his maiesties grant by me obtained and as he hath written to the Queenes maiestie at this present wishing that as now by my going the Emperour hath withdrawen his grieuous displeasure from you and restored you againe into his fauour so your Agent and others your seruants there resident may behaue endeuour themselues to keepe augment the same whose euill doings haue bene the onely occasion of his indignation now remitted The names of such countries as I Anthony Ienkinson haue trauelled vnto from the second of October 1546 at which time I made my first voyage out of England vntill the yeere of our Lord 1572 when I returned last out of Russia First I passed into Flanders and trauelled through all the base countries and from thence through Germanie passing ouer the Alpes I trauelled into Italy and from thence made my iourney through Piemont into France throughout all which realme I haue throughly iournied I haue also trauelled through the kingdomes of Spaine and Portingal I haue sailed through the Leuant seas euery way haue bene in all the chiefe Islands within the same sea as Rhodes Malta Sicilia Cyprus Candie and diuers others I haue bene in many partes of Grecia Morea Achaia and where the olde citie of Corinth stoode I haue trauelled through a great part of Turkie Syria and diuers other countries in Asia minor I haue passed ouer the mountaines of Libanus to Damasco and trauelled through Samaria Galile Philistine or Palestine vnto Ierusalem and so through all the Holy land I haue bene in diuers places of Affrica as Algiers Cola Bona Tripolis the gollet within the gulfe of Tunis I haue sailed farre Northward within the Mare glaciale where we haue had continuall day and sight of the Sunne ten weekes together and that nauigation was in Norway Lapland Samogitia and other very strange places I haue trauelled through all the ample dominions of the Emperour of Russia and Moscouia which extende from the North sea and the confines of Norway and Lapland euen to the Mare Caspium I haue bene in diuers countries neere about the Caspian sea Gentiles and Mahomeans as Cazan Cremia Rezan Cheremisi Mordouiti Vachin Nagaia with diuers others of strange customes and religions I haue sailed ouer the Caspian sea discouered all the regions thereabout adiacent as Chircassi Comul Shascal Shiruan with many others I haue trauelled 40 daies iourney beyond the said sea towards the Oriental India and Cathaia through diuers deserts and wildernesses and passed through 5 kingdomes of the Tartars and all the land of Turkeman and Zagatay and so to the great citie of Boghar in Bactria not without great perils and dangers sundry times After all this in An. 1562 I passed againe ouer the Caspian sea another way and landed in Armenia at a citie called Derbent built by Alexander the great from thence trauelled through Media Parthia Hircania into Persia to the court of the great Sophie called Shaw Tamasso vnto whom I deliuered letters from the Queenes maiestie and remained in his court 8 moneths and returning homeward passed through diuers other countries Finally I made two voyages more after that out of England into Russia the one in the yeere 1566 and the other in the yeere 1571. And thus being weary and growing old I am content to take my rest in mine owne house chiefly comforting my selfe in that my seruice hath bene honourably accepted and rewarded of her maiestie and the rest by whom I haue bene imploied A letter of Iames Alday to the Worshipfull M. Michael Lock Agent in London for the Moscouie company touching a trade to be established in Lappia written 1575. I Haue in remembrance worshipful Sir the talke we had when I was with you as touching the trade in Lappia And certeinly I haue something marueiled that in all this time the right wor. your societie haue not giuen order that some little conference by you or with some other might haue bin had with me touching those parts considering they know as I thinke that I remained there one whole yere more by which meanes reason would that I should haue learned something But the cause why they haue not desired to conferre with me as I iudge resteth only in one of these 4 cases that is to say either they thinke themselues so throughly certified of that trade as more neede not be spoken therof or that they haue no lust more to deale that waies or that they hold mee so vntrusty to them that they dare not open their minds for feare or doubt I should beare more affectiō to others then to them so discouer their secrets or els they think me of so simple vnderstanding that I am not worthy to be spoken with in these matters To which 4 cases I answere as followeth First if they think themselues so throughly certified as more need not to be spoken certeinly I something maruel by whom it should be for in y e winter past there lay but 5 English persons there vz. Christopher Colt Roger Leche Adam Tunstal cooper one lad I for Henry Cocknedge was the
disturbance of our brotherly league and the impeaching of the entercourse And whereas most louing and dearest brother one William Turnebull a subiect of oursis lately deceased in your kingdome one with whom our merchants haue had much controuersie for great summes of money due vnto them by him while he was their Agent in their affayres of merchandises which differences by arbitrable order were reduced to the summe of 3000 rubbles and so much should haue beene payed by hâ—â— as may appeare by your Maiesties councell or magistrates of iustice by very credible information and testimony and whereas also the sayd Turnbull was further indebted by billes of his own hand to diuers of our subiects amounting in the whole to the summe of 1326 pounds which billes are exemplified vnder our great seale of England and to be sent ouer with this bearer of which summes he hath often promised payment it may please your most excellent Maiestie in your approoued loue to iustice to giue order to your fauourable councell and magistrates that those seuerall debts may be satisfied to our merchants and subiects out of the goods merchandise and debts which are due to the state of the sayd Turnbull whereof your Maiesties councell shal be informed by the Agent of our merchants We trust we shall not need to make any new request by motion to your Maiesty that some order might be taken for the finding out of the rest of our merchants goods seised to your maiesties vse in the hands and possession of Iohn Chappel their seruant being a thing granted and no doubt already performed by your Maiesties order We therfore intreat your Maiesty that as conueniently as may be satisfaction or recompense be giuen to our said merchants towards the repairing of their sundry great losses aswell therein as otherwise by them of late sundry wayes sustained And lastly our most deare and louing brother as nothing in all these our occasions is to be preferred before our entire league and amitie descending vpon vs as an inheritance in succession from both our ancestours and noble progenitours so let vs be carefull on both sides by all good meanes to holde and continue the same to our posterity for euer And if any mistaking or errour of either side do rise in not accoÌ„plishing of circumstances agreeable to the fashion of either of our countreys and kingdomes let the same vpon our enterchangeable letters be reconciled that our league and amitie be no way impeached for any particular occasion whatsoeuer And thus we recommend your Maiesty to the tuition of the most High From our royall Palace of Whitehall the 14 of Ianuary anno Domini 1591. The Queenes Maiesties letters to the Lord Boris Pheodorowich ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defendour of the faith c. to the right honourable and noble Prince Lord Boris Pheodorowich Godonoua Master of the horses to the great and mightie Emperour of Russia his Highnesse lieutenant of Cazan and Astracan our most deare and louing cousin greeting Right honourable it hath appeared vnto vs vpon the reading and perusing of the Letters lately sent vnto our Highnesse from our deare and louing brother the Emperour in what part his Maiestie tooke the late imployment of our messenger Ierome Horsey in our affaires into Russia wherein we doe also finde the honourable endeuour vsed by your Lordship to appease his Highnesse mislike and exception taken aswell to the person of our Messâ—nger as to our princely letters sent by him both of which points we haue answered in our letters sent by this bearer directed to our sayd louing brother the Emperour vpon perusing whereof we doubt not but his Maiestie will be well satisfied touching our sayd Messenger and former letters And for the honourable course holden by your Lordship in the interposing of your opinion and fauourable construction in a thing which might grow to the offence of the league and amitie standing betweene your Soueraigne Lord and vs wherein your Lordship performed the office of an honourable and graue Counsellour we take our selfe beholding to your Lordship for your readinesse in that behalfe and doe assure our selfe that the same did proceed of the especiall loue and kinde affection that your Lordship hath euer borne and continued towards vs whereof our princely nature will neuer be vnmindfull We haue bene also from time to time made acquainted by our chiefe and principall Counsellour William Lord Burghley Lord high Treasurour of our Highnesse Realme of England of your letters which haue passed betweene your Lordship and him concerning the entercourse of our Merchants trafficke in your Countreys and of the honourable offices done by your Lordship with the Emperour in fauour of our sayd Marchants And lastly which wee take a most assured argument of your vndoubted loue and affection towards vs that your Lordship hath vouchsafed and of purpose taken into your hands the protection of our sayd Merchants and the heaâ—ing and determining of all their causes and occasions whatsoeuer which shall concerne them or their trade All which wee conceiue to be done for our sake and therefore do acknowledge our selues to be and still will continue beholding vnto you for the same And whereas we haue made mention in our sayd letters written to our louing brother the Emperour of certeine debts due aswell to our merchants as to other of our subiects by one William Turnebull a subiect of ours late deceased in Russia wee pray you to be referred to the sayd letter And forasmuch as the sayd cause will fall vnder your Lordships iurisdiction by reason of your acceptation of all their causes into your patronage and protection we are so well assured of your honourable inclination to iustice and your good affection towards our merchants for our sake that we shall not need to intreat your honourable furtherance either of iustice or expedition in the sayd cause And lastly considering that your noble linage together with your great wisedome and desert hath made you a principall Counsellour and directour of the state of so great a Monarchie whereby your aduice and direction is followed in all things that doe concerne the same we haue giuen order to our sayd principall Counsellour William Lord Burghley treasurour of our Realme of England that as any occasion shall arise to the hinderance of the entercourse betweene these Countreyes or of the priuiledges graunted by his Maiestie to our merchants that he may by aduertisement treat with your Lordshippe thereupon which we by reason of our great princely affayres can not so conueniently at all times doe with such â—â—pâ—â—itâ—on as the cause may require And thus with our princely commendations we bidde you farewell From our royall Pallace of Whitehall the foureteenth day of Ianuariee Anno Domini 1591. To the right honourable my very good Lord the Lord Boris Pheodorowich Master of the horses to the great and mighty Emperour of Russia his Highnesse Lieutenant of Cazan and
authoritie For the second point when it pleased your Honour in sommer was two yeeres to haue some conference with me and to demaund mine opinion touching the state of the Country of Guiana and whether it were fit to be planted by the English I then to my no small ioy did admire the exact knowledge which you had gotten of those matters of Indian Nauigations and how carefull you were not to be ouertaken with any partiall affection to the Action appeared also by the sound arguments which you made pro contra of the likelihood and reason of good or ill successe of the same before the State and common wealth wherein you haue an extraordinarie voyce should be farther engaged In consideration whereof I thinke my selfe thrise happie to haue these my trauailes censured by your Honours so well approued iudgement Touching the third and last motiue I cannot but acknowledge my selfe much indebted for your fauourable letters heretofore written in my behalfe in mine honest causes Whereunto I may adde that when this worke was to passe vnto the presse your Honour did not onely intreate a worthy knight a person of speciall experience as in many others so in marine causes to ouersee and peruse the same but also vpon his good report with your most fauourable letters did warrant and with extraordinarie commendation did approue and allow my labours and desire to publish the same Wherefore to conclude seeing they take their life and light from the most cheerefull and benigne aspect of your fauour I thinke it my bounden dutie in all humilitie and with much bashfulnesse to recommend my selfe and them vnto your right Honorable and fauourable protection and your Honour to the mercifull tuition of the most High From London this 24. of October 1599. Your Honors most humble to be commanded Richard Hakluyt preacher ¶ A Catalogue of the English Voyages made by and within the Streight of Gibraltar to the South and Southeast quarters of the world conteined in the first part of this second volume Voyages before the Conquest 1 THe voyage of Helena the Empresse daughter of Coelus king of Britain and mother of Constantine the Great to Ierusalem An. 337. pag. 1.2 2 The voyage of Constantine the Great Emperour and king of Britaine to Greece AEgypt Persia and Asia Anno 339. pag. 2.3 3 The voyage of Pelagius Cambrensis vnder Maximus king of the Britaines into AEgypt and Syria Anno 390. pag. 4 4 The voyage of certaine Englishmen sent by the French king to Constantinople vnto Iustinian the Emperour about the yeere of our Lord 500. pag. 4 5 The memorable voyage of Sighelmus bishop of Shirburne sent by king Alphred vnto S. Thomas of India An. 883. confirmed by two testimonies pag. 5 6 The voyage of Iohn Erigen vnder king Alphred to Athens in the yeere of our Lorde 885. pag. 5.6 7 The voyage of Andrew Whiteman aliâs Leucander vnder Canutus the Dane to Palastina Anno 1020. pag. 6 8 The voyage of Swanus one of the sonnes of Earle Godwin vnto Ierusalem Anno 1052. pag. 6 9 A voyage of three Ambassadours sent in the time of king Edward the Confessor vnto Constantinople and from thence vnto Ephesus Anno 1056. pag. 7 10 The voyage of Alured bishop of Worcester vnto Ierusalem Anno 1058. pag. 8 11 The voyage of Ingulphus afterward Abbat of Croiland vnto Ierusalem An. 1064. pag. 8.9 Voyages since the Conquest 12 A Voyage made by diuerse of the honourable family of the Beauchamps with Robert Curtois the sonne of William the Conquerour to Ierusalem Anno 1096. pag. 10 13 The voyage of Gutuere an English Lady married vnto Baldwine brother of Godfrey duke of Bouillon toward Ierusalem An. 1097. 10.11 14 The voyage of Edgar the sonne of Edward which was the sonne of Edmund surnamed Ironside brother vnto king Edward the Confessor being accompanied with valiant Robert the sonne of Godwine to Ierusalem Anno 1102. 11 15 The voyage of Godericus a valiant Englishman who trauailed with his ships in an expedition vnto the holy land Anno 3. Hen. 1. 12 16 The voyage of Hardine an Englishman and one of the principall commaunders of 200 sayles of Christians ships which arriued at Ioppa Anno 1102 12. 13 17 A voyage by sea of Englishmen Danes and Flemings who arriued at Ioppa in the holy land the seuenth yeere of Baldwine the second king of Ierusalem and in the 8. yeere of Henry the first king of England pag. 13,14 15 18 The voyage of Athelard of Bathe to AEgypt and Arabia in the yeere of our Lord 1130 pag. 15. 16 19 The voyage of William Archbishop of Tyre to Ierusalem and to the citie of Tyre in Phoenicia Anno 1130. 16 20 The voyage of Robert Ketenensis vnder king Stephen to Dalmatia Greece and Asia Anno 1143. 16 21 A voyage of certaine Englishmen vnder the conduct of Lewis the French king vnto the holy land Anno 1147. 17 22 The voyage of Iohn Lacy to Ierusalem Anno 1173 17 23 The voyage of William Mandeuile Erle of Essex to Ierusalem Anno 1177. 17 24 The famous voyage of Richard the first king of England into Asia for the recouering of Ierusalem out of the hands of the Saracens Anno 1190. 20 25 The voyage of Baldwine Archbishop of Canterbury vnto Syria and Palaestina in the yeere 1190. 28 26 The voyage of Richard Surnamed Canonicus vnder king Richard the first into Syria and Palaestina Anno 1190. 30 27 The voyage of Gulielmus Peregrinus vnder king Richard the first to Palaestina Anno 1190. 30 28 The voyage of Hubert Walter bishop of Salisbury vnder king Richard also vnto Syria Anno 1190. 31 29 The voyage of Robert Curson a nobleman of England and a Cardinall vnder Hen. the third to Damiata in AEgypt Anno 1218. 31. 32 30 The voyage of Rainulph Earle of Chester of Saer Quincy Earle of Winchester of William de Albanie Earle of Arundel c. to the holy land Anno 1218. 32 31 The voyage of Henry Bohun and Saer Quincy to the holy land in the yeere of our Lord 1222. 32 32 The voyage of Rainulph Glanuile Earle of Chester to the holy land and to Damiata in AEgypt 32 33 The voyage of Petrus de Rupibus bishop of Winchester to Ierusalem Anno 1231. 33 34 The honourable voyage of Richard Earle of Cornwall brother to king Hen. the third accompanied with William Long-espee Earle of Salisburie and diuerse other noblemen into Syria Anno 1240. 33 35 The voyage of William Long-espee or Long-sword Erle of Salisburie into AEgypt with Lewis the French king Anno 1248. 33 36 The voyage of prince Edward the sonne of king Henry the third into Syria An. 1270. 36 37 The voyage of Robert Turneham vnder the said prince Edward into Syria in the yeere of our Lord 1270 38.39 38 The voyage of Frier Beatus Odoricus to Asia minor Armenia Chaldaea Persia India China and other remote parts c. 39.53 39 The voyage of Matthew Gurney an
they sayd to our men it was for no hurt but that the Viceroy of the Iland would come aboord to see the shippe But they presently sent the Purser to the Towne of Maiorca where he was examined by the Viceroy very straightly what their shippe and captaine were and what voyage they intended but he confessed nothing at all In the meane time they in the Towne were likewise straightly examined by a Priest and other officers vpon their othes who for their othes sake declared the whole estate of their voyage The Ambassadours man was a French man and therefore was suffered to goe to the shippe on a message but he could tell the Ambassadour none other newes but that the Viceroy would come aboord the shippe and that our men should come with him but they had another meaning For the Marseilian Marchants were stayed in like maner in the Towne onely to make a better shew vnto vs. But in the meane time being there three of foure dayes there came men vnto vs euery day more or lesse but one day especially there came two men on horsebacke whom we tooke to be officers being lusly men and very well horsed These men desired to speake with our Captaine for all things that passed there were done in the name of our Captaine Iohn Gray for it was sayd by vs there that he was Captaine of one of her Maiesties shippes wherefore all things passed in his name and the Ambassadour not seene in any thing but rather concealed and yet did all because of his tongue and good inditing in that language For he himselfe went on land clothed in Ueluet and talked with these men and with him ten or twelue lusly fellowes well weaponed ech one hauing a Boatespeare or a Caliuer the Captaine Iohn Gray being one of them and our boat lying by very warely kept and ready For then wee began to suspect because the place was more frequented with men then it was woont The men on horsebacke were in doubt to come neere because hee came so well weaponed But they bade him welcome and gaue him great salutations in words as their maner is and demanded why he came so strong for they sayd he needed not to feare any man in the Iland Answere was made that it was the maner of English Captaines to goe with their guard in strange places Then they tolde our Ambassador thinking him to be the Captaine that they were sent from the Viceroy to know what they did lacke for they promised him beefe or mutton or any thing that was in the Iland to be had but their purpose was to haue gotten more of our men if they could and they sayde that wee should haue our men againe the next day with such prety delusions they fed vs still Then our Ambassadour did write a letter to the Viceroy in her Maiesties name and in our Captaine Iohn Grayes name and not in his owne and sent it by them desiring him to send his men and not to trouble him in his voyage for he had giuen him no such cause nor any of his So these men departed with great courtesie in words on both parts And in all this time we did see men on horsebacke and on foot in the woods and trees more then they were accustomed to be but we could perceiue nothing thereby The next day or the second came either foure or sixe of the best of them as wee thought the Viceroy excepted and very many men besides in the fieldes both on foot and on horse but came not neere the water side And those in like order desired to speake with the Captaine and that when he came on land the trumpets might sound but then the Ambassadour whom they thought to be Captaine would not goe nor suffer the trumpets to be sounded for that he thought it was a trappe to take himselfe and more of his company But did send one of the principall of the Marchants to talke with them And the Captaine Iohn Gray went also with him not being knowen of the Spaniards for he went as a souldiour Thus they receiued of those men the like wordes as they had of the other before mentioned who sayd we should haue our men againe for they meant vs no hurt Then our Ambassadour did write another letter and sent it by them to the Viceroy in like order as he did before but he receiued no answere of any of them In all this time they had priuily gathered together the principall men of the Iland and had laboured day and night to bring downe ordinance not making any shew of their trecherie towards vs. But the same night following we saw very many lights passe in the woods among the trees And in the morning when the watch was broken vp being Saturday the ninth of Februarie at faire day light one of our men looked foorth and saw standing on land the cariage of a piece then was one commanded to goe into the toppe and there he did deserie two or three pieces and also many men on the shoare with diuers weapons that they brought Then they suddenly tooke foure or fiue brasse pieces and placed them on either side of the harborough where we should go out and hid them with stones and bushes that we should not see them Now I thinke the harborough not to be aboue the eight part of a mile ouer Thus perceiuing their meaning which was most plaine wee agreed to take vp our anker and goe out and leaue our men there hauing none other way to take Then our Ambassadour intreated the Master of the Marseilian his friend to goe on land with his boat and to know the trueth who satisfied his request And at his returne he tolde vs that it was very true that they would lay holde of vs if they could Then we weighed our ankers but hauing little winde we towed the shippe forward with the boat The Viceroy himselfe was at the water side with more then fiue hundred men on both sides of the harbour as we thought And when we came out with our shippe as far as their ordinance our Ambassadour and the Captaine being in their armour the Master commanding of the company and trimming of the sailes the Pilot standing on the poope attending to his charge with other very well furnished and euery man in order about their businesse very ready they on land on the contrary part hauing a very faire piece mounted on the North side openly in all our sights as the shippe passed by they trauersed that piece right with the maine mast or after-quarter of the shippe and a Gunner standing by with a lintstorke in his hand about foureteene or fifteene foot long being as we thought ready to giue fire Our whole noise of trumpets were sounding on the poope with drumme and flute and a Minion of brasse on the summer decke with two or three other pieces alwayes by our Gunners trauersed mouth to mouth with theirs on
round about the fornace throw after her into the caue great pieces of wood so by this meanes with the fire and with the blowes that she hath with the wood throwen after her she is quickly dead and after this there groweth such sorrow and such lamentation among the people that all their mirth is turned into howling and weeping in such wise that a man could scarse beare the hearing of it I haue seene many burnt in this maner because my house was neere to the gate where they goe out to the place of burning and when there dieth any great man his wife with all his slaues with whom hee hath had carnall copulation burne themselues together with him Also in this kingdome I haue seene amongst the base sort of people this vse and order that the man being dead hee is carried to the place where they will make his sepulchre and setting him as it were vpright then commeth his wife before him on her knees casting her armes about his necke with imbracing and clasping him vntill such time as the Masons haue made a wall round about them and when the wall is as high as their neckes there commeth a man behinde the woman and strangleth her then when she is dead the workemen finish the wall ouer their heads and so they lie buried both together Besides these there are an infinite number of beastly qualities amongst them of which I haue no desire to write I was desirous to know the cause why these women would so wilfully burne themselues against nature and law and it was tolde mee that this law was of an ancient time to make prouision against the slaughters which women made of their husbands For in those dayes before this law was made the women for euery little displeasure that their husbands had done vnto them would presently poison their husbands and take other men and now by reason of this law thâ—y are more faithfull vnto their husbands and count their liues as deare as their owne because that after his death her owne followeth presently In the yeere of our Lord God 1567 for the ill successe that the people of Bezeneger had in that their City was sacked by the foure kings the king with his Court went to dwell in a castle eight dayes iourney vp in the land from Bezeneger called Penegonde Also sixe dayes iourney from Bezeneger is the place where they get Diamants I was not there but it was tolde me that it is a grâ—at place compassed with a wall and that they sâ—ll the earth within the wall for so much a squadron and the limits are set how deepe or how low they shall digge Those Diamants that are of a certeine sise and bigger then that sise are all for the king it is many yeeres agone since they got any there for the troubles that haue beene in that kingdome The first cause of this trouble was because the sonne of this Temeragio had put to death the lawfull king which he had in prison for which cause the Barons and Noblemen in that kingdome would not acknowledge him to be their King and by this meanes there are many kings and great diuision in that kingdome and the city of Bezeneger is not altogether destroyed yet the houses stand still but empty and there is dwelling in them nothing as is reported but Tygers and other wilde beasts The circuit of this city is foure twentie miles about and within the walles are certeine mountaines The houses stand walled with earth and plaine all sauing the three palaces of the three tyrant brethren and the Pagodes which are idole houses these are made with lime and fine marble I haue seene many kings Courts and yet haue I seene none in greatnesse like to this of Bezeneger I say for the order of his palace for it hath nine gates or ports First when you goe into the place where the king did lodge there are fiue great ports or gates these are kept with Captaines and souldiers then within these there are foure lesser gates which are kept with Porters Without the first gate there is a little porch where there is a Captaine with fiue and twenty souldiers that keepeth watch and ward night and day and within that another with the like guard where thorow they come to a very faire Court and at the end of that Court there is another porch as the first with the like guard and within that another Court And in this wise are the first fiue gates guarded and kept with those Captaines and then the lesser gates within are kept with a guard of Porters which gates stand open the greatest part of the night because the custome of the Gentiles is to doe their businesse and make their feasts in the night rather then by day The city is very safe from theeues for the Portugall merchants sleepe in the streets or vnder porches for the great heat which is there and yet they neuer had any harme in the night At the end of two moneths I determined to go for Goa in the company of two other Portugall Marchants which were making ready to depart with two palanchines or little litters which are very commodious for the way with eight Falchines which are men hired to cary the palanchines eight for a palanchine foure at a time they carry them as we vse to carry barrowes And I bought me two bullocks one of them to ride on and the other to carry my victuals and prouision for in that countrey they ride on bullocks with pannels as we terme them girts and bridles and they haue a very good commodious pace From Bezeneger to Goa in Summer it is eight dayes iourney but we went in the midst of Winter in the moneth of Iuly and were fifteene dayes comming to Ancola on the sea coast so in eight dayes I had lost my two bullocks for he that carried my victuals was weake and could not goe the other when I came vnto a riuer where was a little bridge to passe ouer I put my bullocke to swimming and in the middest of the riuer there was a little Iland vnto the which my bullocke went and finding pasture there he remained still and in no wise we could come to him and so perforce I was forced to leaue him and at that time there was much raine and I was forced to go seuen dayes a foot with great paines and by great chance I met with Falchines by the way whom I hired to carry my clothes and victuals We had great trouble in our iourney for that euery day wee were taken prisoners by reason of the great dissension in that kingdome and euery morning at our departure we must pay rescat foure or fiue pagies a man And another trouble wee had as bad as this that when as wee came into a new gouernours countrey as euery day we did although they were al tributary to the king of Bezeneger yet euery one of them stamped a seueral
and onely libertie vse and priuiledge of trading and traffiking and vsing feate of marchandise by and through the Leuant seas otherwise called the Mediterran seas into and from the sayd dominions of the Grand Signor and dominions of the state of Venice and by and through the sayd Grand Signiors dominions to and from such other places in the East Indies discouered as aforesayd And that they the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of the Leuant and euery particular and seuerall person of that companie their and euery one of their seruants factors and deputies shall haue full and free authoritie libertie facultie licence and power to trade and trafficke by and through the sayd Leuant seas into and from all and euery the sayd dominions of the sayde Grand Signor and the dominions of the state of Venice and the sayde Indies and into and from all places where by occasion of the sayd trade they shall happen to arriue or come whither they be Christians Turkes Gentiles or others And by and through the sayd Leuant seas into and from all other seas riuers portes regions territories dominions coastes and places with their ships barkes pinases and other vessels and with such mariners and men as they will leade or haue with them or sende for the sayde trade as they shall thinke good at their owne proper costes and expenses And for that the shippes sayling into the sayde Countreyes must take their due and proper times to proceede in these voyages which otherwise as wee well perceiue can not be performed in the rest of the yeere following Therefore we of our speciall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion for vs our heyres and successors doe graunt to and with the sayd Gouernour and companie of Marchantes of the Leuant that foure good shippes well furnished with ordinance and other munition for their defence and two hundred marriners English men to guide and sayle in the same foure shippes at all times during the sayde twelue yeeres shall quietly bee permitted and suffered to depart and goe in the sayde voyages according to the purport of these presents without any stay or contradiction by vs our heyres and successors or by the Lorde high Admirall or any other officer or subiect of vs our heires or successours in any wise Any restraint lawe statuâ—e vsage or matter whatsoeuer to the contrarie notwithstanding Prouided neuerthelesse that if wee shall at any time within the sayde twelue yeeres haue iust cause to arme our Nauie in warrelike manner in defence of our Realme or for offence of our enemies and that it shall be founde needefull and conuenient for vs to ioyne to our Nauie the shippes of our subiects to be also armed for warres to such number as cannot bee supplied if the sayd foure shippes should be permitted to depart as aboue is mentioned then vpon knowledge giuen by vs or our Admirall to the sayde Gouernour or companie about the fifteenth day of the moneth of March or three monethes before the saide companie shall beginne to make readie the same foure shippes that we may not spare the sayd foure ships and the marriners requisite for them to be out of our Realme during the time that our Nauie shall be vpon the seas that then the sayde compâ—nie shall forbeare to send such foure shippes for their trade of marchandise vntill that we shall retake our sayd Nauie from the sayd seruice And further our will and pleasure is and wee doe by these presentes graunt that it shall be lawfull to and for the sayd Gouernour and companie of Marchantes of the Leuant to haue and vse in and about the affaires of the sayde companie a common seale for matters concerning the sayde companie and trade And that also it shall be lawfull for the Marchants Mariners and Sea-men which shall be vsed and imployed in the sayde trade and voyage to set and place in the toppes of their ships or other vessels the Armes of England with the redde-crosse in white ouer the same as heretofore they haue vsed And we of our further Royall fauour and of our especiall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion haue graunted and by these presents for vs our heyres and successors doe graunt to the sayd Gouernour and companie of Marchants of the Leuant that the sayde landes territories and dominions of the sayde Grand Signor or the dominions of the Signiorie of Venice or any of them within the sayde Leuant or Mediterran seas shall not be visited frequented or haunted by the sayde Leuant sea by way of marchandize by any other our subiects during the saide terme of twelue yeeres contrarie to the true meaning of these presentes And by vertue of our prerogatiue Royall which wee will not in that behalfe haue argued or brought in question wee straightly charge commaunde and prohibite for vs our heyres and successours all our subiects of what degree or qualitie soeuer they bee that none of them directly or indirectly doe visite haunt frequent trade trafike or aduenture by way of marchandise into or from any of the sayd dominions of the sayd Grand Signor or the dominions of the saide Segniorie of Venice by or through the sayde Leuant sea other then the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of the Leuant and such particular persons as be or shall be of that companie their factors agents seruants and assignes And further for that wee plainely vnderstande that the States and Gouernours of the citie and Segniorie of Venice haue of late time set and raysed a newe impost and charge ouer and besides their auncient impost custome and charge of and vpou all manner of marchandize of our Realme brought into their dominions and also of and vpon all marchandise caried or laden from their sayd Countrey or dominions by our subiects or in the ships or bottoms of any of our subiectes to the great and intollerable charge and hinderance of our sayd subiects trading thither wee therefore minding the redresse thereof doe also by these presents for vs our heires and successors further straightly prohibite and forbid not onely the subiects of the sayde State and Segniorie of Venice but also of all other Nations or Countries whatsoeuer other then the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of the Leuant and such onely as be or shall be of that companie their factors agents seruantes and assignes That they or any of them during the sayde terme of twelue yeeres shall bring or cause to be brought into this our Realme of Englande or any part thereof anie manner of small fruites called corrants being the raysins of Corinth or wine of Candie vnlesse it be by and with the licence consent and agreement of the sayde Gouernour and companie in writing vnder their sayd common seale first had and obteyned vpon paine vnto euery such person and persons that shall trade and traffike into any the sayde dominions of the State and Segniorie of Venice by sea or that shall bring or cause to be brought into our saide
contemners of other nations and most constant obseruers of their owne lawes and customes in all which respects it came to passe that there was woonderfull labour and diligence employed aboue thirty yeeres together onely to get an entrance vntill in the yeere one thousand fiue hundred fourescore and three two fathers of the foresayd society that had pretty skill in the letters and language of China vtterly despairing of mans helpe and depending vpon the prouidence of almighty God obtained licence of the Tutan or Uice-roy to build them an house and a Church in the City of Xaâ—quin which by reason of the commodiousnesse thereof is the seat of the Uice-roy himselfe This worke being begunne the sayd fathers of the society for the nouelty thereof were a few yeeres right well entreated by the Magistrates insomuch that two others out of India had free and easie accesse vnto them one couple remaining still in their foresayd house at Xauquin and the other two taking their iourney for the inner prouinces to conuert more people vnto the faith who notwithstanding afterward other Magistrates not approouing of their attempts were constrained to retire Nowe all the time wherein the foresayd fathers abode at Xauquin being more then fiue yeeres certaine of the common people were restrained from false superstition to Christian religion and seuenty persons were baptized But the enemy of mankinde who omitteth none opportunity for the hinderance of Christian religion suggested into the mindes of the Chinians being as I sayd of their owne nature a people estranged from the traffique and acquaintance of other nations and alwayes being too too suspicious of strangers that they should exhibite letters of supplication vnto the Caien and the Tutan their principall Magistrates to haue the fathers expelled out of Xauquin which Magistrates repairing vnto their foresayd house and Church entered consultation how they might bannish them out of the sayd City of Xauquin in which thing verily they vsed great moderation not any way offending or exasperating the mindes of the fathers but onely signifying that they had regard vnto the estate of their Common-wealth For the Tutan or Uice-roy calling the fathers vnto him and to let passe other accidents vsing courteous and familiar conference with them declared by many arguments that their habitation in the City of Xauquin was not conuenient especially sithens so many Magistrates resorted vnto that City who would take great offence at the presence of strangers For the which cause he perswaded them to accept some part of the money which they had bestowed in the building of their house and so to returne either home into their owne countrey or vnto the port of Macao Howbeit such was the instant supplication of the fathers and so woorthy of compassion that the Tutan or Uice-roy in the extreame and mediterrane borders of the prouince of Coantum assigned vnto them a new habitation at the city called Xaucheo commending them also to a certaine Magistrate who was come from the same place to salute him Thither therefore the sayd fathers not without great sorrow and griefe of the Christians hied themselues and as we are informed by their last letters they haue euen now layed the foundation of their first building and haue also written that they are like to liue much more peaceably and conueniently for the propagating of Christian religion These be the first beginnings of Christianity in China where euen as in other places of the Christian Common-wealth the seed is to be sowen with great labour and teares that acceptable fruits may be reaped with gladnesse Leo. It is euen as you haue sayd Michael and nowe for this your pleasant and eloquent discourse we do acknowledge ourselues much bounden vnto you A Letter written from Goa the principall City of all the East Indies by one Thomas Steuens an English man and sent to his father M. Thomas Steuens Anno 1579. AFter most humble commendations These shall be to craue your dayly blessing with like commendations vnto my mother and withall to certifie you of my being according to your will and my duety I wrote vnto you taking my iourney from Italy to Portugall which letters I thinke are come to your hands so that presuming thereupon I thinke I haue the lesse need at this time to tell you the cause of my departing which neuerthelesse in one word I may conclude if I do but name obedience I came to Lisbon toward the end of March eight dayes before the departure of the shippes so late that if they had not bene stayed about some weighty matters they had bene long gone before our comming insomuch that there were others ordained to goe in our places that the kings prouision and ours also might not be in vaine Neuerthelesse our sudden comming tooke place and the fourth of Aprill fiue ships departed for Goa wherein besides shipmen and souldiers there were a great number of children which in the seas beare out better their men and no maruell when that many women also passe very well The setting foorth from the port I need not to tell how solemne it is with trumpets and shooting of ordinance you may easily imagine it considering that they go in the maner of warre The tenth of the foresayd moneth we came to the sight of Porto Santo neere vnto Madera where an English shippe set vpon ours which was then also alone with a few shots which did no harme but after that our ship had layed out her greatest ordinance they straight departed as they came The English shippe was very faire and great which I was sory to see so ill occupied for she went rouing about so that we saw her againe at the Canarian Iles vnto the which we came the thirteenth of the sayd moneth and good leisure we had to woonder at the high mountaine of the Iland Tenerif for we wandred betweene that and great Canaria foure dayes by reason of contrary windes and briefly such euill weather we had vntill the foureteenth of May that they despaired to compasse the Cape of Good hope that yeere Neuerthelesse taking our voyage betweene Guinea and the Ilands of Capo Verde without seeing of any land at all we arriued at length vnto the coast of Guinie which the Portugals so call chiefly that part of the burning zone which is from the sixt degree vnto the Equinoctiall in which parts they suffered so many inconueniences of heats and lacke of windes that they thinke themselues happy when they haue passed it for sometimes the ship standeth there almost by the space of many dayes sometime she goeth but in such order that it were almost as good to stand still And the greatest part of this coast not cleare but thicke and cloudy full of thunder and lightening and raine so vnholesome that if the water stand a little while all is full of wormes and falling on the meat which is hanged vp it maketh it straight full of wormes Along all that coast we often times saw a thing
or so short a time may be supposed albeit true in euery particularitie as partly by the former relation may be collected and some I suppressed with silence for their sakes liuing it pleased God to support this company of which onely one man died of a maladie inueterate and long infested the rest kept together in reasonable contentment and concord beginning continuing and ending the voyage which none els did accomplish either not pleased with the action or impatient of wants or preuented by death Thus haue I deliuered the contents of the enterprise and last action of sir Humfrey Gilbert knight faithfully for so much as I thought meete to be published wherein may alwaies appeare though he be extinguished some sparkes of his vertues he remaining firme and resolute in a purpose by all pretence honest and godly as was this to discouer possesse and to reduce vnto the seruice of God and Christian pietie those remote and heathen Countreys of America not actually possessed by Christians and most rightly appertaining vnto the Crowne of England vnto the which as his zeale deserueth high commendation euen so he may iustly be taxed of temeritie and presumption rather in two respects First when yet there was onely probabilitie not a certaine determinate place of habitation selected neither any demonstration of commoditie there in esse to induce his followers neuertheles he both was too prodigall of his owne patrimony and too careles of other mens expences to imploy both his and their substance vpon a ground imagined good The which felling very like his associates were promised and made it their best reckoning to bee salued some other way which pleased not God to prosper in his first and great preparation Secondly when by his former preparation he was enfeebled of abilitie and credit to performe his designements as it were impatient to abide in expectation better opportunitie and meanes which God might raise he thrust himselfe againe into the action for which he was not sit presuming the cause pretended on Gods behalfe would carie him to the desired ende Into which hauing thus made reentrie he could not yeeld againe to withdraw though hee sawe no encouragement to proceed left his credite foyled in his first attempt in a second should vtterly be disgraced Betweene extremities hee made a right aduenture putting all to God and good fortune and which was worst refused not to entertaine euery person and meanes whatsoeuer to furnish out this expedition the successe whereof hath bene declared But such is the infinite bountie of God who from euery euill deriueth good For besides that fruite may growe in time of our trauelling into those Northwest lands the crosses turmoiles and afflictions both in the preparation and execution of this voyage did correct the intemperate humors which before we noted to bee in this Gentleman and made vnsauorie and lesse delightfull his other manifold vertues Then as he was refined and made neerer drawing vnto the image of God so it pleased the diuine will to resume him vnto himselfe whither both his and euery other high and noble minde haue alwayes aspired Ornatissimo viro Magistro Richardo Hakluyto Oxonij in Collegio aedis Christi Artium Philosophiae Magistro amico fratri suo SNon statueram ad tescribere cùm in mentem veniret promissum literarum tuarum Putabaste superiore iam Iunio nos subsecuturum Iraque de meo statu ex doctore Humfredo certiorem te fieri iusseram Verùm sic tibi non esset satisfactum Itaque scribam ad teijsdem ferè verbis quia noua meditari 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mihi hoc tempore non vacat Vndecimo Iunij ex Anglia reuera tandem feriò soluimus portu terra apud Plemuthum simul relictis Classis quinque nauibus constabat maxima quam frater Amiâ—alij accommodauerat ignotum quo coÌ„silio statim tertio die à nobis se subduxit Reliqui perpetuò coniunctim nauigauimus ad 23. Iulij quo tempore magnis nebulis intercepto aspectu alij aliam viam tenuimus nobis seorsim prima terra apparuit ad Calendas Augusti ad gradum circiter 50. cùm vltrà 41. paucis ante diebus descendissemus spe Australium ventorum qui tamen nobis suo tempore nunquam spirauêre Insula est ea quam vestri Penguin vocant ab auium eiusdem nominis multitudine Nos tamen nec aues vidimus nec insulam accessimus ventis alio vocantibus Caeterùm conuenimus omnes in éundem locum paulò ante portum in quem communiconsilio omnibus veniendum erat idque intra duas horas magna Dei benignitate nostro gaudio Locus situs est in Newfoundlandia inter 47. 48. gradum Diuum Ioannem vocant Ipse Admiralius propter multitudinem hominum angustiam nauis paulò afflictiorem comitatum habuit iam duos dysentericis doloribus amisie de caeteris bona spes est Ex nostris nam ego me Mauricio Browno verè generoso iuuenime coniunxeram duo etiam casu quodam submersi sunt Caeteri salui longè firmiores Ego nunquam sanior In hunc locum terâ—io Augusti appulimus quinto autem ipse Admiralius has regiones in suam regni Angliae possessionem potestatemque vendicauit latis quibusdam legibus de religione obsequio Reginae Angliae Reâ—icimur hoc tempore paulò hilariùs lautiùs Certè enim qualibus ventis vsi simus quà m fessi esse potuerimus tam longi temporis ratio docuerit proinde nihil nobis deerit Nam extra Anglos 20 circiter naues Lusitanicas Hispanicas nacti in hoc loco sumus â—ae nobis impares non patientur nos esurire Angli etsi satis firmi à nobis tuti authoritate regij diplomatis omni obse quio humanitate prosequunturâ— Nunc narrandi erant mores regiones populi Caeterùm quid narrem mi Hakluyte quando praeter solitudinem nihil video Piscium inexhausta copia inde huc commeantibus magnus quaestus Vix hamus sundum attigit illicò insignialiquo onustus est Terra vniuersa montana syluestris arbores vt plurimùm pinus cae partim consenuêre partim nunc adolescunt magna pars vetustate collapsa aspectum terrae iter euntium ita impedit vt nusquam progredi liceat Herbae omnes procerae sed rarò à nostris diuerse Natura videtur velle niti etiam ad generandum frumentum Inueni enim gramina spicas in similitudinem secales facilè cultura satione in vsum humanum assucfieri posse videntur Rubi in syluìs vel potiùs fraga arborescentia magna suauitate Visi circa tuguria non-nunquam apparent conficluntur sed albi sunt vt mihi ex pellibus coniicere licuit minores quà m nostri Populus an vllus sic in hac regione incertum est Nec vllum vidi qui testari posset
they many moe that they should but receiue this onely benefit of Christianity they were more then fully recompenced But heereunto it may bee obiected that the Gospel must bee freely preached â—or such was the example of the Apostles vnto whom although the authorities and examples before alledged of Emperors Kings and Princes aswel before Christs time as since might sufficiently satisfie yet for further answere we may say with S. Paul If wee haue sowen vnto you heauenly things doe you thinke it much that we should reape your carnall things And withall The workman is worthy of his hire These heauenly tidings which those labourers our countreymen as messengers of Gods great goodnesse and mercy will voluntarily present vnto them doe farre exceed their earthly riches Moreouer if the other inferiour worldly and temporall things which they shall receiue from vs be weighed in equall ballance I assure my selfe that by equal iudgement of any indifferent person the benefits which they then receiue shall farre surmount those which they shall depart withall vnto vs. And admit that they had as they haue not the knowledge to put their land to some vse yet being brought from brutish ignorance to ciuilitie and knowledge and made then to vnderstand how the tenth part of their Land may be so manured and employed as it may yeeld more commodities to the necessary vse of mans life then the whole now doeth What iust cause of complaint may they haue And in my priuate opinion I do verily thinke that God did create land to the end that it should by culture and husbandry yeeld things necessary for mans life But this is not all the benefit which they shall receiue by the Christians for euer and beside the knowledge how to till and dresse their grounds they shal be reduced from vnseemely customes to honest maners from disordered riotous routs and companyes to a well gouerned common wealth and withall shal be taught mechanicall occupations arts and liberall sciences and which standeth them most vpon they shal be defended from the cruelty of their tyrannicall and blood sucking neighbors the Canibals whereby infinite number of their liues shal be preâ—erued And lastly by this meanes many of their poore innocent children shall be preserued from the bloody knife of the sacrificer a most horrible and detestable custome in the sight of God and man now and euer heretofore vsed amongst them Many other things could I heere alledge to this purpose were it not that I doe feare lest I haue already more then halfe tired the reader The seuenth Chapter sheweth that the planting there is not a matter of such charge or difficultie as many would make it seeme to be NOw therefore for proofe that the planting in these parts is a thing that may be done without the ayde of the Princes power and purse contrary to the allegation of many malicious persons who wâ—l neither be actors in any good action themselues nor so much as afoord a good word to the setting forward thereof and that worse is they will take vpon them to make moâ—e hilles seeme mountaines and flies elephants to the end they may discourage others that be very well or iudifferently affected to the matter being like vnto Esops dogge which neither would eate Hay himselfe nor suffer the poore hungry asse to feeds thereou I say and affirme that God hath prouided such meanes for the furtherance of this enterprise as doe stand vs in stead of great treasure for first by reason that it hath pleased God of his great goodnesse of long time to hold his merciful hand ouer this realme in preseruing the people of the same bath from slaughter by the sword and great death by plague pestilence or otherwise there are at this day great numbers God he knoweth which liue in such penurie want as they could be contented to hazard their liues and to serue one yeere for meat drinke aud apparell only without wages in hope thereby to amend their estates which is a matter in such like iourneyes of no small charge to the prince Moreouer things in the like iournyes of greatest price and cost as victuall whereof there is great plentie to be had in that countrey without money and powder great artillery or corselets are not needefull iu so plentifull and chargeable maner as the shew of such a iourney may present for a small quantitie of all these to furnish the Fort only will suffice vntill such time as diuers commodities may be found out in those parts which may be thought well worthy a greater charge Also the peculiar benefit of archers which God hath blessed this land withall before all other nations will stand vs in great stead amongst those naked people Another helpe we haue also which in such like cases is a matter of marueilous cost and will be in this iourney procured very easily that is to say To transport yeerely aswell our people as all other necessaries needfull for them into those parts by the fleet of merchants that yeerely venture for fish in Newfound land being not farre distant from the countrey meant to be inhabited who commonly goe with emptie vessels in effect sauing some litle fraight with salt And thus it appeareth that the souldiers wages and the transportation may be defrayed for farre lesse summes of money then the detractors of this enterprise haue giuen out Againe this intended voyage for conquest hath in like maner many other singular priuiledges wherewith God hath as it were with his holy hand blessed the same before all others For after once we are departed the coast of England wee may passe straightway thither without danger of being driuen into any the countries of our enemies or doubtfull friends for commonly one winde serueth to bring vs thither which seldome faileth from the middle of Ianuarie to the middle of May a benefite which the mariners make great account of for it is a pleasure that they haue in few or none of other iourneyes Also the passage is short for we may goe thither in thirtie or fortie dayes at the most hauing but au indifferent winde and returne continually in twenty or foure and twentie dayes at the most And in the same our iourney by reason it is in the Ocean and quite out of the way from the intercourse of other countreyes we may safely trade and traffique without peril of piracy neither shall one ships people or goods there be subiect to arrest or molestation of any Pagan potentateâ— Turkish tyrant yea or Christian prince which heretofore sometimes vpon slender occasion in other parts haue stayed our ships and merchandizes whereby great numbers of our countreymen haue bene vtterly vndone diuers put to ransome yea and some lost their liues a thing so fresh in memorie as it needeth no proofe and is well worthy of consideration Besides in this voyage we doe not crosse the burnt line whereby commonly both beuerage and victuall are corrupted and mens health very much
beginning of this bruite I returned which when hee sawe contrary to his expectation and the aduertisement that hee had receiued that not onely my selfe and my company were all saâ—e but also by report of his owne 3. Sauages which had bene with mee besides Manteo in that voyage that is to say Tetepano his sisters husband Eracano and Cossine that the Chanoists and Mangoaks whose name and multitude besides their valour is terrible to all the rest of the prouinces durst not for the most part of them abide vs and that those that did abide vs were killed and that we had taken Menatonon prisoner and brought his sonne that he best loued to Roanoak with mee it did not a little asswage all deuises against vs on the other side it made Ensenores opinions to bee receiued againe with greater respects For he had often before tolde them and then renewed those his former speeches both to the king and the rest that wee were the seruants of God and that wee were not subiect to bee destroyed by them but contrarywise that they amongst them that sought our destruction should finde their owne and not bee able to worke ours and that we being dead men were able to doe them more hurt then now we could do being aliue an opinion very confidently at this day holden by the wisest amongst them and of their old men as also that they haue bene in the night being 100. miles from any of vs in the aire shot at and stroken by some men of ours that by sicknesse had died among them and many of them holde opinion that we be dead men returned into the world againe and that wee doe not remaine dead but for a certaine time and that then we returne againe All these speeches then againe grewe in ful credite with them the King and all touching vs when hee sawe the small troupe returned againe and in that sort from those whose very names were terrible vnto them But that which made vp the matter on our side for that time was an accident yea rather as all the rest was the good prouidence of the Almightie for the sauing of vs which was this Within certaine dayes after my returne from the sayd iourney Menatonon sent a messenger to visite his sonne the prisoner with me and sent me certaine pearle for a present or rather as Pemisapan tolde mee for the ransome of his sonne and therefore I refused them but the greatest cause of his sending then was to signifie vnto mee that hee had commaunded Okisko King of Weopomiok to yeelde himselfe seruant and homager to the great Weroanza of England and after her to Sir Walter Raleigh to perfourme which commandement receiued from Menatonon the sayde Okisko ioyntly with this Menatonons messenger sent foure and twentie of his principallest men to Roanoak to Pemisapan to signifie that they were ready to perfourme the same and so had sent those his men to let mee knowe that from that time forwarde hee and his successours were to acknowledge her Maiestie their onely Soueraigne and next vnto her as is aforesayd All which being done and acknowledged by them all in the presence of Pemisapan his father and all his Sauages in counsell then with him it did for the time thorowly as it seemed change him in disposition toward vs Insomuch as foorthwith Ensenore wanne this resolution of him that out of hand he should goe about and withall to cause his men to set vp weares foorthwith for vs both which he at that present went in hande withall and did so labour the expedition of it that in the end of April he had sowed a good quantitie of ground so much as had bene sufficient to haue fed our whole company God blessing the grouth and that by the belly for a whole yere besides that he gaue vs a certaine plot of ground for our selues to sowe All which put vs in marueilous comfort if we could paise from Aprill vntill the beginning of Iuly which was to haue bene the beginning of their haruest that then a newe supply out of England or els our owne sâ—ore would well ynough maintaine vs All our feare was of the two moneths betwixt in which meane space if the Sauages should not helpe vs with Cassaui and Chyna and that our weares should faile vs as often they did we might very well statue notwithstanding the growing corne like the staruing horse in the stable with the growing grasse as the prouerbe is which wee very hardly had escaped but onely by the hand of God as it pleased him to try vs. For within few dayes after as before is saide Ensenore our friend died who was no sooner dead but certaine of our great enemies about Pemisapan as Osacan a Weroance Tanaquiny and Wanchese most principally were in hand againe to put their old practises in vre against vs which were readily imbraced and all their former deuises against vs renued and new brought in question But that of staruing vs by their forbearing to sow was broken by Ensenore in his life by hauing made the King all at one instant to sow his ground not onely in the Iland but also at Dasamonquepeio in the maine within two leagues ouer against vs. Neuerthelesse there wanted no store of mischieuous practises among them and of all they resolued principally of this following First that Okisko king of Weopomeiok with the Mandoages should bee mooued and with great quantitie of copper intertained to the number of 7. or 8. hundreth bowes to enterprise the matter thus to be ordered They of Weopomeiok should be inuited to a certaine kind of moneths minde which they doe vse to solemnise in their Sauage maner for any great personage dead and should haue bene for Ensenore At this instant also should the Mandoaks who were a great people with the Chesepians their friends to the number of 700. of them be armed at a day appointed to the maine of Dasamonquepeio and there lying close at the signe of fiers which should interchangeably be made on both sides when Pemisapan with his troupe aboue named should haue executed me and some of our Weroances as they called all our principall officers the maine forces of the rest should haue come ouer into the Iland where they ment to haue dispatched the rest of the company whom they did imagine to finde both dismayed and dispersed abroad in the Island seeking of crabs and fish to liue withall The maner of their enterprise was this Tarraquine and Andacon two principall men about Pemisapan and very lustie fellowes with twentie more appointed to them had the charge of my person to see an order taken for the same which they ment should in this sort haue bene executed In the dead time of the night they would haue beset my house and put fire in the reedes that the same was couered with meaning as it was likely that my selfe would haue come running out of a sudden amazed in my shirt without armes
which is the maistresse of all sciences taught them the way to build it After that it was finished they thought of nothing else sauing how to furnish it with all things necessarie to vndertake the voyage But they wanted those things that of all other were most needefull as cordage and sayles without which the enterprise coulde not come to effect Hauing no meanes to recouer these things they were in worse case then at the first and almost ready to fall into despayre But that good God which neuer forsaketh the aflicted did succour them in their necessitie As they were in these perplexities king Audusta and Maccou came to them accompained with two hundred Indians at the least whom our Frenchmen went forth to meete withall and shewed the king in what neede of cordage they stood who promised them to returne within two dayes and to bring so much as should suffice to furnish the Pinnesse with tackling Our men being pleased with these good newes promises bestowed vpon them certaine cutting hookes and shirtes After their departure our men sought all meanes to recouer rosen in the woodes wherin they cut the Pine trees round about out of which they drew sufficient reasonable quantitie to bray the vessell Also they gathered a kind of mosse which groweth on the trees of this countrey to serue to calke the same withall There now wanted nothing but sayles which they made of their owne shirtes aud of their sheetes Within few dayes after the Iudian kings returned to Charles forewith so good store of cordage that there was found sufficient for tackling of the small Pinnesse Our men as glad as might be vsed great liberalitie towards them and at their leauing of the countrey left them all the marchandise that remained leauing them thereby so fully satisfied that they departed from them with all the contentation of the worlde They went forward therefore to finish the Brigandine vsed so speedie diligence that within a short time afterward they made it ready furnished with all things In the meane season the winde came so fit for their purpose that it seemed to invite them to put to the Sea which they did without delay after they had set all their things in order But before they departed they embarked their artillerie their forge and other munitions of warre which Captaine Ribault had left them and then as much mill as they could gather together But being drunken with the too excessiue ioy which they had conceiued for their returning into France or rather depriued of all foresight consideration without regarding the inconstancie of the winds which change in a moment they put themselues to sea and with so slender victuals that the end of their interprise became vnluckly and vnfortunate For after they had sayled the third part of their way they were surprized with calmes which did so much hinder them that in three weekes they sailed not aboue fiue and twentie leagues During this time their victuals consumed and became so short that euery man was constrained to eate not past twelue graines of mill by the day which may be in value as much as twelue peason Yea and this felicitie lasted not long for their victuals failed them altogether at once and they had nothing for their more assured refuge but their shooes and leather ierkins which they did eat Touching their beuerage some of them dranke the sea water others did drink their owne vrine and they remained in such desperate necessitie a very long space during the which part of them died for hunger Beside this extreme famine which did so grieuously oppresse them they fell euery minute of an houre out of all hope euer to see France againe insomuch that they were constrained to cast the water continually out that on alsides entred into their Barke And euery day they fared worse and worse for after they had eaten vp their shooes and their leather ierkins there arose so boystrous a winde and so contrary to their course that in the turning of a hande the waues filled their vessell halfe full of water and brused it vpon the one side Being now more out of hope theÌ„ euer to escape out of this extreme peril they cared not for casting out of the water which now was almost ready to drowne them And as men resolued to die euery one fell downe backewarde and gaue themselues ouer altogether vnto the will of the waues When as one of them a little hauing taken heart vnto him declared vnto them how litle way they had to sayle assuring them that if the winde held they should see land within three dayes This man did so incourage them that after they had throwne the water out of the Pinnesse they remained three dayes without eating or drinking except it were of the sea water When the time of his promise was expired they were more troubled then they were before seeing they could not discry any land Wherefore in this extreme despaire certaine among them made this motion that it was better that one man should dye then that so many men should perish they agreed therefore that one should die to sustaine the others Which thing was executed in the person of La Chere of whom we haue spoken heretofore whose flesh was deuided equally among his fellowes a thing so pitifull to recite that my pen is loth to write it After so long time and tedious trauels God of his goodnesse vsing his accustomed fauour changed their sorow into ioy and shewed vnto them the sight of land Whereof they were so exceeding glad that the pleasure caused them to remaine a long time as men without sence whereby they let the Pinnesse flote this and that way without holding any right way or course But a small English barke boarded the vessell in the which there was a Frenchman which had bene in the first voyage into Florida who easily knew them and spake vnto them and afterward gaue them meat and drinke Incontinently they recouered their naturall courages and declared vnto him at large all their nauigation The Englishmen consulted a long while what were best to be done and in fiâ—e they resolued to put on land those that were most feeble and to cary the rest vnto the Queene of England which purposed at that time to send into Florida Thus you see in briefe that which happened to them which Captaine Iohn Ribault had left in Florida And now will I go forward with the discourse of mine owne voyage The second voyage vnto Florida made and written by Captaine Laudonniere which fortified and inhabited there two Summers and one whole Winter AFter our arriuall at Diepe at our comming home from our first voyage which was the twentieth of Iuly 1562 we found the ciuil warres begun which was in part the cause why our men were not succoured as Captaine Iohn Ribault had promised them whereof it followed that Captaine Albert was killed by his
the landing place being but one and that vnder the fâ—uour of many platformes well furnished with great ordinance to depart with the receit of many their Canon-shot some into our ships and some besides some of them being in very deede full Canon high But the only or chiefe mischiefe was the dangerous sea-surge which at shore all alongst plainly thrâ—atned the ouerthrow of as many pinnesses and boates as for that time should haue attempted any landing at all Now seeing the expectation of this attempt frustrated by the causes aforesaid we thought it meeter to fall with the Isle Hierro to see if we could find any better fâ—rtune and comming to the Island we landed a thousand men in a valley vnder a high mountaine where we stayed some two or three houres in which time the inhabitants accompanied with a yong fellow borne in England who dwelt there with them came vnto vs shewing their state to be so poore that they were all ready to starue which was not vntrue and therefore without any thing gotten we were all commanded presently to imbarke so as that night wee put off to sea Southsoutheast along towards the coast of Barbary Upon Saturday in the morning being the 13. of Nouember we fell with Cape Blanke which is a low land and shallow water where we catched store of fish and doubling the Cape â—e put into the Bay where we found certaine French ships of warre whom wee entertained with great courtesie and there left them This afternoone the whole fleet assembled which was a little scattered about their fishing and put from thence to the Isles of Cape Verde sailing till the 16. of the same moneth in the morning on which day we discried the Island of S. Iago and in the euening we ankered the fleet between the towne called the Playa or Praya and S. Iago where we put on shore 1000. men or more vnder the leading of M. Christopher Carleil Lieutenant general who directed the seruice most like a wise commander The place where we had first to march did affourd no good order for the ground was mountainous full of dales being a very stony and troublesome passage but such was his industrious disposition as he would neuer leaue vntill wee had gotteÌ„ vp to a faire plain where we made stand for the assembling of the army And when we were al gathered together vpon the plaine some 2 miles from the town the liâ—utenant general thought good not to make atteÌ„pt til daylight because there was not one that could serue for guid or giuing knowledge at al of y e place And therfore after hauing wel rested euen halfe an houre before day he commanded the army to be diuided into 3 speciall parts such as he appointed wheras before we had marched by seueral coÌ„panies being therunto forced by the badnesse of the way as is aforesaidâ— Now by the time wee were thus ranged into a very braue order daylight began to appearâ— and being aduanced hard to the wall we saw no enemie to resist whereupon the Lieutenant generall appointed Captaine Sampson with thirtie shot and Captaine Barton with other thirtie to goe downe into the towne which stood in the valley vnder vs and might very plainely bee viewed all ouer from that place where the whole Army was now arriued and presently after these Capâ—aines was sent the great ensigne which had nothing in it but the plaine English crosse to be placed towardes the Sea that our Fleet might see Saint Georges crosse storish in the enemies fortresse Order was giuen that all the ordinance throughout the towne and vpon all the platformes which were aboue fiftie pieces all ready charged should be shot off in honour of the Queenes Maiesties coronation day being the seuenteenth of Nouember after the yeerely custome of England which was so answered againe by the ordinance out of all the ships in the fleete which now was come neere as it was strange to heare such a thundering noyse last so long together In this meane while the Lieutenant generall held still the most part of his force on the hill top till such time as the towne was quartered out for the lodging of the whole Armie which being done euery captaine tooke his owne quarter and in the euâ—ning was placed such a sufficient gard vpon euery part of the towne that we had no cause to feare any present enemie Thus we continued in the citie the space of 14. dayes taking such spoiles as the place yeelded which were for the most part wine oyle meale and some such like things for victuall as vineger oliues and some such other trash as merchandise for their Indians trades But there was not found any treasure at all or any thing else of worth besides The situation of S. Iago is somewhat strange in forme like a triangle hauing on the East and West sides two mountaines of rocke and cliffe as it were hanging ouer it vpon the top of which two mountaines were builded certaine fortifications to preserue the towne from any harme that might bee offered as in a plot is plainely shewed From thence on the South side of the towne is the maine sea and on the North side the valley lying betweene the foresayd mountaines wherein the towne standeth the said valley towne both do grow very narrow insomuch that the space betweene the two cliffes of this end of the towne is estimated not to be aboue 10. or 12. score ouer In the middest of the valley commeth downe a riueret rill or brooke of fresh water which hard by the sea side maketh a pond or poole whereout our ships were watered with very great ease and pleasure Somewhat aboue the towne on the North side betweene the two mountains the valley wareth somewhat larger then at the townes end which valley is wholly conuerted into gardens and orchards well replenished with diuers sorts of fruites herbes and trees as lymmons orenges sugar-canes cochars or cochos nuts plantans potato-rootes cucumbers small and round onions garlicke and some other things not now remembred amongst which the cochos nuts and plantans are very pleasant fruites the saide cochos hath a hard shell and a greene huske ouer it as hath our walnut but it farre exceedeth in greatnesse for this cochos in his greene huske is bigger then any mans two sistes of the hard shell many drinking cups are made here in England and set in siluer as I haue often seene Next within this hard shell is a white rine resembling in shewe very much euen as any thing may do to the white of an egge when it is hard boyled And within this white of the nut lyeth a water which is whitish and very cleere to the quantitie of halfe a pynt or thereaboutes which water and white rine before spoken of are both of a very coole fresh tast and as pleasing as any thing may be I haue heard some hold opinion that it is very restoratiue The plantan groweth in cods somewhat like
their example against any other time of like occasion But because it may bee supposed that heerein wee forgette not the priuate benefite of our selues and are thereby the rather mooued to incline our selues to this composition wee doe therefore thinke good for the clearing of our selues of all such suspition to declare heereby that what part or portion soeuer it bee of this ransome or composition for Cartagena which should come vnto vs wee doe freely giue and bestowe the same wholy vpon the poore men who haue remayned with vs in the Uoyage meaning as well the Sayler as the Souldier wishing with all our hearts it were such or so much as might seeme a sufficient rewarde for their painefull indeuour And for the firme confirmation thereof we haue thought meete to subsigne these presents with our owne hands in the place and time aforesayd Captaine Christopher Carliell Lieutenant Generall Captaine Goring Captaine Sampson Captaine Powell c. But while wee were yet there it happened one day that our watch called the Centinell vpon the Church-steeple had discouered in the Sea a couple of small Barkes or Boates making in with the Harbour of Cartagena whereupon Captaine Moone and Captaine Varney with Iohn Grant the Master of the Tyger and some other Sea-men embarked themselues in a couple of small Pinnesses to take them before they should come nigh the shore at the mouth of the Harbour left by some stragling Spanyardes from the Lande they might bee warned by signes from comming in which sell out accordingly notwithstanding all the diligence that our men could vse for the Spanish Boates vpon the sight of our Pinnesses comming towardes them ranne themselues ashore and so their men presently hidde themselues in bushes hard by the Sea side amongst some others that had called them by signes thither Our men presently without any due regard had to the qualitie of the place and seeing no man of the Spanyards to shew themselues aboorded the Spanish Barkes or Boates and so standing all open in them were suddenly shotte at by a troope of Spanyardes out of the bushes by which volley of shotte there were slaine Captaine Varney which dyed presently and Captaine Moone who dyed some fewe dayes after besides some foure or fiue others that were hurt and so our folkes returned without their purpose not hauing any sufficient number of souldiers with them to fight on shore For those men they caryed were all Mariners to rowe few of them armed because they made account with their ordinance to haue taken the Barkes well enough at sea which they might full easily haue done without any losse at all if they had come in time to the harbour mouth before the Spaniards boates had gotten so neere the shore During our abode in this place as also at S. Domingo there passed diuers courtesies betweene vs and the Spaniards as feasting and vsing them with all kindnesse and fauour so as amongst others there came to see the Generall the Gouernour of Cartagena with the Bishop of the same and diuers other Gentlemen of the better sort This towne of Cartagena we touched in the out parts consumed much with fire as we had done S. Domingo vpon discontentments and for want of agreeing with vs in their first â—reaties touching their ransome which at the last was concluded between vs should be 100 and 10000 Ducats for that which was yet standing the Ducat valued at fiue shillings sixe pence sterling This towne though not halfe so bigge as S. Domingo giues as yon see a farre greater ransome being in very deede of farre more importance by reason of the excellencie of the Harbour and the situation thereof to serue the trade of Nombre de Dios and other places and is inhabited with farre more richer Merchants The other is chiefly inhabited with Lawyers and braue Gentlemen being the chiefe or highest appeale of their suites in law of all the Islands about it and of the maine land coast next vnto it And it is of no such accompt as Cartagena for these and some other like reasons which I could giue you ouer long to be now written The warning which this towne receiued of our comming towards them from S. Domingo by the space of twentie dayes before our arriuall here was cause that they had both fortified and euery way prepared for their best defence As also that they had caried and conueyed away all their treasure and principall substance The ransome of an hundred ten thousand Ducats thus concluded on as is aforesaid the same being written and expressing for nothing more then the towne of Cartagena vpon the payment of the sayd ransome we felt the said towne and drewe some part of our souldiers into the Priorie or Abbey standing a quarter of an English mile belowe the towne vpon the harbour water-side the same being walled with a wall of stone which we told the Spaniards was yet ours and not redeemed by their composition whereupon they finding the defect of their contract were contented to enter into another ransome for all places but specially for the sayde house as also the Blocke house or Castle which is vpon the mouth of the inner harbour And when wee asked as much for the one as for the other they yeelded to giue a thousand Crownes for the Abbey leauing vs to take our pleasure vpon the Blockehouse which they sayd they were not able to ransome hauing stretched themselues to the vttermost of their powers and therefore the sayd Blockehouse was by vs vndermined and so with gunne powder blowen vp in pieces While this latter contract was in making our whole Fleete of ships fell downe towards the harbour mouth where they anchored the third time and imployed their men in fetching of fresh water aboord the ships for our voyage homewards which water was had in a great wâ—ll that is in the Island by the harbour mouth which Island is a very pleasant place as hath bene seene hauing in it many sorts of goodly and very pleasant fruites as the Orâ—nge trees and others being set orderly in walkes of great length together Insomuch as the whole Island being some two or three miles about is cast into grounds of gardening and orchards After sixe weekes abode in this place we put to sea the last of March where after two or three dayes a great ship which we had taken at S. Domingo and thereupon was called The new yeeres gift fell into a great leake being laden with ordinance hides and other spoyles and in the night she lost the company of our Fleete which being missed the next morning by the Generall hee cast about with the whole Fleete fearing some great mischance to bee happened vnto her as in very deede it so fell out for her leake was so great that her men were all tyred with pumping But at the last hauing found her the Barke Talbot in her company which stayed by great hap with her they were ready to take their men out
her selfe on her owne force and powerfulnesse The reasons that might bee inferred to prooue this neede no rationall discourse they are all intimated in the onely example of Spaine it selfe which without the Indies is but a purse without money or a painted sheath without a dagger In summe it seemeth vnto me that whereas the difficultie of performing this enterprise hath bene produced for a discouragement it were a dull conceite of strange weakenes in our selues to distrust our own power so much or at least our owne hearts and courages as valewing the Spanish nation to be omnipotent or yeelding that the poore Portugal hath that mastering spirit and conquering industrie aboue vs as to bee able to seate himselfe amongst the many mightie princes of the East Indies to frontire China to holde in subiection The Philippinas Zeilan Calecut Goa Ormus Mozambique and the rest the nauigation being so tedious and full of perill to suffer our selues to bee put backe for worthlesse cyphers out of place without account All which Regions being nowe also by the late conquest of Portugall entituled to the Spanish king to whom the Colonies of those parts doe yet generally refuse to sweare fraltie and allegiance and the care depending on him not onely in gouerning them in the East â—o farre off but also of ordering and strengthening of those disunited scattered ill guarded empires and prouinces in the West It might very well bee alleaged to the sayde Spanish king that it were more wisedome for him to assure and fortifie some part of those already gotten then to begin the conquest of Guiana so farre separate srom the rest of his Indies in which hee hath had so many misfortunes and against whom the naturall people are so impetuously bent and opposed were it not that it exceedeth all the rest in abundance of gold and other riches The case then so standing is it not meer â—wretchednesse in vs to spend our time breake our sleepe and waste our braines in contriuing a cauilling false title to defraude a neighbour of halfe an acre of lande whereas here whole shires of fruitfull rich grounds lying now waste for want of people do prostitute themselues vnto vs like a faire and beautifull woman in the pride and flâ—ure of desired yeeres If wee doe but consider howe vnhappily Berreo his affaires with his assistants haue of late yeeres in our owne knowledge succeeded who can say if the hand of the Almighty be not against them and that hee hath a worke in this place in stead of Papistrie to make the sincere light of his Gospell to shine on this people The effecting whereof shall bee a royall crowne of euerlasting remembrance to all other blessings that from the beginning the Lorde hath plentifully powred on our dread Soueraigne in an eminent and supreme degree of all perfection If the Castilians pretending a religions care of planting Christianitie in those partes haue in their doings preached nought els but auarice rapine blood death and destruction to those naked sheeplike creatures of God erecting statues and trophees of victorie vnto themselues in the slaughters of millions of innocents doeth not the crie of the poore succourlesse ascend vnto the heauens Hath God forgotten to bee gracious to the workemanship of his owne hands Or shall not his iudgements in a day of visitation by the ministerie of his chosen seruant come on these blood thirstie butchers like raine into a fleete of wooll Aliquando manifesta aliquando occulta semper iusta sunt Dei indicia To leaue this digression It is fit onely for a prince to begin and ende this worke the maintenance and ordering thereof requireth soueraigne power authoritie and commaundement The riuer of Raleana giueth open and free passage any prouision that the Spaniard can make to the contrary notwithstanding for once yeerely the landes neere the riuer be all drowned to conuey men horse munition and victuall for any power of men that shall be sent thither I doe speake it on my soules health as the best testimonie that I can in any cause yeelde to aâ—erre a trueth that hauing nowe the second time beene in this countrey and with the helpes of time and leisure well aduised my selfe vpon all circumstances to bee thought on I can discerne no suffcient impediment to the contrary but that with a competent number of men her Maiestie may to her and her successours enioy this rich and great empire and hauing once planted there may for euer by the fauour of God holde and keepe it Contra Iudaeos Gentes Subiects I doubt not may through her Maiesties gracious sufferance ioyning their strength together inuade spoyle and ouerrcome it returning with golde and great riches But what good of perpetuitie can followe thereof Or who can hope that they will take any other course then such as tendeth to a priuate and present benefite considering that an Empire once obtained is of congruitie howe and wheresoeuer the charge shall growe to bee annexed vnto the crowne The riches of this place are not fit for any priuate estate no question they will rather prooue sufficient to crosse and couteruaile the Spaniard his proceedings in all partes of Christendome where his money maketh way to his ambition If the necessitie of following this enterprise doth nothing vrge vs because in some cafe better a mischiefe then an inconuenience let the conueniencie thereof somewat mooue vs in respect both of so many Gentlemen souldiers and younger brothers who if for want of employment they doe not die like cloyed cattell in ranke easefulnesse are enforced for maintenance sake â—ometimes to take shamefull and vnlawfull courses and in respect of so many handycraftsmen hauing able bodies that doe liue in cleannesse of teeth and pouertie To sacrifice the children of Beliaâ— vnto the common weale is not to defile the lande with blood because the lowe of God doeth not prohibite it and the execution of iustice requireth it to bee so but yet if the waterboughes that sucke and feede on the iuice and nourishment that the fruitefull branches should liue by are to bee cut downe from the tree and not regarded luckie and prosperous bee that right hande that shall plant and possesse a soyle where â—hey may srucâ—ifie increase and growe to good thrise honourable and blessed bee the memorie of so charitable a deede from one generation to another To conclude your lordship hath payd for the discouerie and search both in your owne person and since by mee You haue framed it and moulded it readie for her Maiestie to set on her seale If either enuie or ignorance or other deuise frustrate the rest the good which shall growe to our enemies and the losse which will come to her Maiestie and this kingdome will after a fewe yeeres shewe it selfe Wee haue more people more shippes and better meanes and yet doe nothing The Spanish king hath had so sweete a taste of the riches thereof as notwithstanding that hee is lorde
prouince of Iapan called Zuegara situate thirtie dayes iourney from Miacó which argueth the Isle of Iapan to be of greater extension Northward then it is ordinarily described in maps or supposed to be together with mention of a certaine nation of Tartars called Iezi inhabiting on the maine to the North of China neuer heard of in these parts before taken out of an Epistle written 1596 from Iapan by Fryer Luis Frois vnto Claudius Aquauiâ—a c. Printed in Latine at Mentz in Germanie 1599. NOt many dayes ago was baptized a certaine honourable personage called Iohn Vongui the sonne of Taigarandono who is gouernour of a certaine princedome situate on the borders of Iapan towardes the North being distant from Miacó thirtie dayes iourney And after a fewe lines it followeth This Taigorandono being the most Northerly gouernour in all Iapan hath traffique with the Iezi who are a nation of Tartars which from the maine continent resort vnto the Isle of Mateâ—mai being about twelue or fifteene leagues distant from the foresayd Northerly princedome of Zuegara where they sell fishes the skinnes of beasts and certaine heâ—bes of the sea vsed by â—he Iaponians for foode with other such like commodities On the other side the said Iezi Tartari buy of the Iaponians cloth to make them gaâ—mâ—nts with weâ—pons and other instruments These Tartars they say are a most barbarous kinde of people of a browne colour with long haire on their heads and beardes like the Moscouites they liuâ— by hunting and fishing and neglâ—ct husbandry This Norâ—herly princedome of Zuegata as the sayd gouernour reported to our Fathâ—rs aboundeth with excellent grapes both black and white which without the labour of man grow naturally in all places and he promisâ—d the Fathâ—rs to bring sâ—me of these viâ—es to Miacó that they might be plaâ—ted there Aduertisements touching the shippes that goe from Siuil to the Indies of Spaine together with some notes of the Contractation house in Siuil YOur Pilot must be examined in the Contractation house and allowed by such as be appointed for the examination of Pilots that hee be a sufficient man to take the charge iâ— hand and that which belongeth thereunto and to gouerne and lead the same ship directly by his onely commandement to such ports as are conuenient for the voyage that hee taketh in hand You must haue a Master that must giue in sureties to the value of 6000 dukats and such as be his surâ—ties must be landed men and their lands worth to the value of that summe aforesayd if the sayd ship be betweene three or foure hundred tunnes And if shee be more or lesse of burthen then he must giuâ— sureties of a greater summe or lesse according to the proportion of her burden He shall in all his voyage giue a iust and true accompt of all such goods and marchandizes as shall in all that voyage come into the ship as also of such place and money as shal be registred in the Kings Register appertayning to the King or any other particuler marchant and if any default be hee or his sureties are to pay all such losses as thereof shall growe as also to see the mariners payed well and truely the third part of all such fraights as the sayde shippe shall get going and comming The ship being fraighted by her merchants the Master shall take order that there be sufficient mariners abourd her to take in such lading from time to time as the marchant shall send to her And also the Purser must be a man sufficient of abilitie to take to giue account of all such goods marchandize siluer and golde as shall come in and out of the sayd shippe that present voyage as also giue sureties of 1500 dukats at the least to come backe from the Indies in the said shippe and not to â—arrie there if hee liue The Master must prouide a perfect mariner called a Romager to raunge and bestow all marchandize in such place as is conuenient and that it be not put in place where it may perish â—or lack that it be not fast sure and drie according to the qualitie and forme of the sayd marchandize When it is all bestowed and the shippe able to beare no more then a mariner called the Countermaster or Masters mate hath chaâ—ge to locke fast the hatches that none of the marchants wines or oyles or any other kind of marchandize be robbed or spoyled by the mariners And if it fortune that any bee so spoyled then the mariners are to pay for it out of the third part of all â—he whole fraight of the shippe that doth appertaine to the sayd marchants The shippâ— being laden goeth to the port wherehence she sailâ—th to goe towards the Indies called S. Lucar and there one of the chiefe Iudges of the Contractation house commeth downe to dispatch the shippes that goe together in that fleete And that Iudge goeth abourd euery ship and with him hee doth carrie an expert mariner or two called Uisitors of the shippes to know whether the sayd shippe or ships be well tackled whether they haue men sufficient and in euery ship euery mans name is taken and if he haue any marke in the face or hand or aâ—me it is written by a Notarie as well as his name appertaining to the Contractation house appointed for these causes Also the Master is bound to bring backe euery mariner againe and to leaue none behinde him there vpon great paines vnlesse he be a passenger appointed by the King at the court and bringeth his licence from thence for the same purpose The ship must be well appointed with ordinance of braâ—se and yron according to The orders of their house of that there must want nothing and euery ship is appointed according to her burthen in all kinde of artillerie as peeces of brasse and yron hand-guns crosbowes pikes swords daggers targets and for all ordinance double shot with powder with new cables and ankers sufficient for the voyage And moreouer it is ordeined that the shippes haue double sailes that is that they bee thorowly sayled and moreouer all newe sayles of fore-sayle and maine-sayle of coarse and bonneâ— newe made and kept in some driefat or chest in the same ship that if the weather take the one from them the other may be in râ—adines Euery shâ—p must haue their master sworne before the sayd Iudge of the Contratacion that all this is in a readinesse in the shippe as also so many newe pipes of fresh water so many buttes of good rackâ— wine so mâ—ny kintals of bread so many iarres of oyle so many iarres or Botijas of vineger so much flesh so much fish and such quantitie of euery kinde of victuall as the burthen of the shippe requireth whâ—rein euery shippe according to her greatnesse is appointed by The ordinances of the house Also so many gunners so many maâ—inâ—rs so many groâ—â—ettes so many pages and â—o many souldiers
Brasill Hogs grease instead of oile Silks of sundry sorts Horses Mules Iennets Maiz grainâ— for man and beast eaten in cakes An Hanege is a bushel and an halfe Salomons Ilands sought and â—ound in the South sea 1568. China found by the West * This is to be vnderstood of the time where this discourse was written Anno 1572. China ships with one saile Chamoice Spanish leather India Rauens not killed to deuoure carcion Wrongs done to the Indians punished Iustice cause of ciuilism The apparel of the Indians The houses of the Indians Fire rubbed out of two stickes Diuers speeches Mutezuma and his riches The Indians wash themselues euery day Canaybal Islands of salâ—â— Alume Cassia fistula Salsa Perilla Florida This Fleete consisted of 6. ships I. The Iesus 2 The Mynion 3 The William and Iohn 4 The Iudith 5 The Angel 6 The Swallow The William and Iohn separated and neuer after met with the fleeteâ— Mexico 60. leaâ—â—â—s froâ— S. Iuan de Vlluâ— It is put downe 6. millions in Sir Iohn Hawkins his relations 4 Articles concluded vpon betwixt the English the Spaniards although the treacherous Spaniards kept none of them A faire castle and bulwarke diuided vpon the yland of San Iuan de Vllua The vaine of a Spanish uiceroy his faith The villanous treacherie of the Spaniards and their crueltie Copstow◠〈◊〉 of M. Hawkins men returned from Nueua Espanna Theâ— were put on land 2â— leagues Northward of Panuco the 8 of October 1568. Capule a kind of stone fruit Chichiâ—â—ci a warlike and cruel people Our men assailed by the Chichemiâ—â— Eight of our men slaine Anthony Godard Dauid Ingram The riuer oâ— Panuco The Salines of Panuco Nuestra Sennorâ— Certaine Englishmen taken prisoners at the fight at Sant Iuan de Vllua Robeâ—t Sweeting an EnglishmaÌ„ English geÌ„tlemen hostages Almost an huÌ„dred Englishmen prisoners in Mexicoâ— Our men are truelly rackt The cruell iudgements of the Spanish Inquisitors vpoÌ„ our poorâ— countreâ—men Tuatepâ—c Washaca Tepiaca Pueblo de los Angeles Stapâ—lapa The Spanish Uiceroy prophecied buâ— falsely Vera Cruz distant 5 leagues from S. Iuan dâ— Vlluaâ— Miles Philips his last wonderâ—ull escape Guatimala on the South sea Puerto de Cauallos Don Pedro de Guzman He commetâ— home in an English ship from Maiorca A remedie against poysoned arrowes The riuer of Calousa The riuer of Taggarin 500 Negroes taken Rio grande Doâ—iâ—â—â—â— Margarita Burboroata Placencia in the maine Rio dela Hachâ— taken Santa Martha Cartagenâ—â— Campeche Don Martin de Henriquez thâ— trecherous Uice-roy Augustine de villa nueua a most thankelesse traytour The Spanish â—ice-admirall fiâ—iâ—d One of those three was Iob Hortop They sunke the Generals the reporter hereof Foure Spanish ships sunke About an hundred Englishmen landed Iohn Cornisâ— slaine Anthony Goddard A riuer Iames Collier 8. Englishmen slaine Another riueâ— Seuen dayes trauell to Pâ—nucoâ— The manifold vâ—e of Magueâ— Mexico A descripâ—ioâ— of ginger 157â— Haâ—â—â—â— A sea-monster in the shape of a man Robert Barret whom two familiars of the Inquisition and Iohn Gilbert burned Iob Hortop his condemnation 1590 1590 The Port of Tecuanapa The Bishopricks of Guaxacan Tlarcali Cuahintla Tulaningo a small lake Quacapotla The riuer of Ometepec Nicaraguâ— Xicaiâ—â— Aioanapa â—â—chistlahuaca 〈◊〉 â—hualapa 〈◊〉 Pio a frontier towne against the Mexicans Huehuatlan Cuahucapotla Cacatepec The riuer of Tlacamama Atoiaque â—icaian â—â—notespanâ— The towne of Tlacamama A lake hauing hard salt growing vnder the water Quesalâ— Cuahâ—ntâ—an del Rey. Huatulco or Guatulco in 15. deg and 50. minutes The riuer â—â— Tlacolula Azoyoque The prouinces of Tututepec and Tlapa Tecuanapa â— most fit harborough to builâ— ships for the South â—â—a This sir Tho. Pert was Uiceadmirall of England and dwelt in Poplar at Blackmall Note An English great shippe at Brasill 1517â— San Iuan de puerto Rico. M. Thomas Hampton â—â—â—rra Leona â—alled Tagâ—rin The Iles of Caycus October 1â—â— The Minion the Iohn Baptist and the Merlin bound for Guinea Good 〈…〉 a long day A dreadfull mischance by fire The I le of Palmes Gomera and Teneriffe Santa Cruz. A briefe description of the commodities of the Canaâ—ie Ilands 〈◊〉 Trees dropping water in Guinie The pike of Teneriffe Cape de las Barbas Cape Blanco Cape Verde in 14 degrees Leophares Ieloffes The trafficke of the Frenchmen at Cape Verde Alcatraâ—ses or Ganets The Sapieâ— Rio grande The Idols The Island called Sambula The Samboses â—apies The Samboses man-eaters The Sapies burie their dead with golde The Canoas of Aâ—trica The forme of their townes The Consultation house or towne-howâ—e Palmito is a â—â—lde datâ— A venemous Cucumber Idoles like deuils The extreme negligence of one of the companie The riuer Calowsa The Towne of Bimba Portugals nâ—â— to be trusted Want of circumspecâ— in ouâ— M. Field Captaine of the Salomon slaine Taggarin The riuer of Casterroes A new assault on the slegroo Great townes â—erâ— great Canoas The contagion of the countrey of Sierra Leona Tangomangos Dominica Island Canybals execeeding cruell and to be auoybed The Testigos Island Margarita Island Cumana Santa Fe. The description of the Indians of Terra â—â—â— The vse of Sorrell Memour of quilted canuas two ynches thicke The making of their poison The maners of the yong women The Isle of Tortuga The crueltie of the Caribes Burboroata An hundreth Englishmen in Aâ—â—â—ous The reports of the mishaps of the Minion in Guinie May. Horses kept ready sadled Exceeding plentie of â—aâ—tell in Curazâ—â— Great numbers of wilde dogs Aruba La Rancheria Rio de la Hacha M. Hawkins his letter to the Treasurer of Rio de la Hacha The authour of this storie Iune The deceitfull foâ—ce of the current Two hundred ylands for the most part not inhabited The Cape of S. Anthony in Cuba Florida The Isles of â—ortugaâ— Great store of birds A hill called the Table The port oâ— Hauana The sâ—ate oâ— the current of Florida M. Hawkins ranged all the coast of Florida The riuer of May. Florida found to be cut into Islands Sorell The commodities of Florida The houses of Florida The maner of kindling of fire in Florida The French fort Monsieur Laudonniere Bread made of â—cornâ— The occasion of the falling out with the Floridians The French greatly recieued by M. Hawkins Twentie hogsheads of wine made in Florida like to the wine of Orleans Labourers necessary to inhabit new countreys Tobacco the great vertue thereof The variety of commodities in Florida Colours Golde and siluer Two Spanyards liued log among y e Floridians Pieces of gold grauen among y e Floridians Florida esteemed an Island This copper was sound perfect golde called vp the Sauages Sye roa phyre Pearles Vnicornes hornes which y e inhabitants call Sonamamma Beasts Faulcons in Florida Serpents Flying fishes Dolphins Flemingo The egript The pellicane Meanes to reape a sufficient profit in Florida and Virginia These arriuall in Padstow in the moneth of September 1565. A storm Gomerâ— Enâ—enomeâ— arrowes A towne of 3000 Negros
and the Turke is growen mighty whereby our ships doe not trade as they were woont I finde that the Uenetians doe bring those commodities hither and doe sell them for double the value that we our selues were accustomed to fetch them Wherefore as I am informed by the aboue named men that there is none so fit to furnish this voyage as your selfe my request is that there may be a shippe of conuenient burthen prepared for this voyage and then I will satisfie you at large what is to be done therein And because the Turke as I sayd before is waxen strong and hath put out the Christian rulers and placed his owne subiects we may doubt whether we may so peacealy trade thither as we were woont therefore I dare vndertake to obtaine a safeconduct if my charges may be borne to goe and come Of the way how this may be done M. Locke can satisfie you at large Moreouer I can informe you more of the trade of that countrey then any other for that I haue bene in those parts these thirty yeeres and haue bene married in the very towne of Chio full foure and twenty yeres Furthermore when one of our ships commeth thither they bring at the least sixe or eight thousand carsies so that the custome thereof is profitable for the prince and the returne of them is profitable to the common people for in barter of our wares we tooke the commodities which the poore of that towne made in their houses so that one of our shippes brought the prince and countrey more gaines then sixe ships of other nations The want of this our trade thither was the onely cause why the Christian rulers were displaced for when they payd not their yerely tribute they were put out by force Touching the ship that must go she must obserue this order she must be a ship of countenance and she must not touch in any part of Spaine for the times are dangerous nor take in any lading there but she must lade in England either goods of our owne or els of strangers and go to Genoa or Legorno where we may be wel intreated and from thence she must make her money to buy wines by exchange to Candia for there both custome exchange are reasonable and not do as the Math. Gonson other ships did in time past who made sale of their wares at Messina for the lading of their wines and payed for turning their white money into golde after foure and fiue in the hundreth and also did hazzard the losse of shippe and goods by carying away their money Thus by the aforesayd course we shall trade quietly and not be subiect to these dangers Also from Legorno to Castilla de la mar which is but 16 miles from Naples and the ready way to Candia you may lade hoopes which will cost carolins of Naples 27 and a halfe the thousand which is ducats two and a halfe of Spaine And in Candia for euery thousand of hoops you shall haue a but of Malmesey cleare of all charges Insomuch that a ship of the burden of the Mathew Gonson will cary foure hundreth thousand hoops so that one thousand ducats will lade her and this is an vsual trade to Candia as M. Michael Locke can testifie Furthermore it is not vnknowen to you that the oiles which we do spend in England for our cloth are brought out of Spaine and that very deare and in England we cannot sell them vnder 28 pound and 30 pound the tunne I say we may haue good oile and better cheape in diuers places within the streights Wherefore if you thinke good to take this voyage in hand I will informe you more particularly when you please In the meane time I rest your worships to command Yours at your pleasure Iasper Campion The true report of the siege and taking of Famagusta of the antique writers called Tamassus a city in Cyprus 1571. In the which the whole order of all the skirmishes batteries mines and assaults giuen to the sayd fortresse may plainly appeare Englished out of Italian by William Malim To the right honourable and his singular good Lord and onely Patron the Earle of Leicester Baron of Denbigh Knight of the honourable order of the Garter one of the Queenes Maiesties most honourable priuy Councell c. William Malim wisheth long health with increase of honour IT hath bene a naturall instinct right honourable and mine especiall good lord ingraffed in noble personages hearts much approued and confirmed also by custome for them to seeke from time to time by some meanes in their life by the which they after their death might deliuer ouer their name to their posteritie least otherwise with their body their fame also altogether might perchance be buried Vpon the which consideration we reade many notable and famous things to haue bene erected in time past of noble personages hauing had wealth at will in such sort that not onely certaine ruines of the same sumptuous works builded so many hundred yeres past do still remaine but also the most part of those princes the authours of them do continually by them dwell in our memories As the Pyramides made at Memphis or neere the famous riuer of Nilus by the great expenses of the kings of Egypt the tower called Pharia made in the Iland of Pharos by king Ptolomee the walles of Babylon made or at the least reedified by queene Semiramis Dianas church at Ephesus builded by all the noble persons of Asia Mausolus toome or sepulchre made by his wife queene of Caria Colossus Solis placed at Rhodes I remember not by what Princes charge but made by the hands of Cares Lindius scholar to Lysippus and the image of Iupiter made of Yuory by the hands of the skilfull workman Phydias The which monuments made of barbarous and heathen Princes to redeeme themselues from obliuion deserued both for the magnificence and perfect workmanship of the same to be accounted in those dayes as the seuen woonders of the world Since the which time an easier readier and lighâ—er way being also of more continuance then the former hath bene found out namely Letters which were first inuented by the Caldies and Egyptians as we reade and augmented since by others to our great benefit and now last of all no long time past the same to haue bene committed to Printers presses to the greatest perfection of the same men being first inforced to write their actes and monuments in beasts skinnes dried in barkes of trees or otherwise perchance as vnreadily By the which benefit of letters now reduced into print we see how easie a thing it is and hath bene for noble persons to liue foreuer by the helpe of learned men For the memory of those two woorthy and valiant captaines Scipio and Hannibal had bene long before this present quite forgotten except Titus Liuiâ—s or â—ome such learned Historiographer had written of them in time And Alexander Magnus himselfe that great conquerour had nothing
beene spoken of had not Q. Curtius or some other like by his learned stile reuiued the remembrance of him and called backe againe his doings to his posteritie For the which cause we see commonly in all ages learned men to be much made of by noble personages as that rare paterne of learning Aristotle to haue bene greatly honoured of that former renowmed Monarch Alexander who affirmed openly that he was more bound to his Master Aristotle then to king Philip his father because the one had well framed his minde the other onely his body Many other like examples I could alledge at this present if I knew not vnto whom I now wrote or in what for your honour being skilfull in hiâ—tories and so familiarly acquainted with the matter it selfe that is in still entertaining learned men with all curtesie I should seeme to light a candle at noone tide to put you in remembrance of the one or to exhort you to doe the other dayly being accustomed to performe the same Crassus sayth in Tullies first booke De Oratore that a Lawyers house is the oracle of the whole citie But I can iustly witnesse that for these fiue yeeres last past since my returne from my trauell beyond the seas that your lodging in the Court where I through your vndeserued goodnesse to my great comfort do dayly frequent hath bene a continuall receptacle or harbour for all learned men comming from both the eyes of the realme Cambridge and Oxford of the which Vniuersity your lordship is Chanceller to their great satisfaction of minde and ready dispatch of their sutes Especially for Preachers and Ministers of true religion of the which you haue beene from time to time not onely a great fauourer but an earnest furtherer and protectour so that these two nurseries of learning in one of the which I haue before this spent part of my time that I may speake boldly what I thinke should wrong your honour greatly and much forget themselues if by all meanes possible they should not heerafter as at this present to their smal powers many well learned gentlemen of them do labour and trauell in shewing of themselues thankefull to reuerence and honour your lordship and honest their owne names whose studies certeinly would suddenly decay and fall flat if they were not held vp by such noble pâ—oppes and had not some sure ankerholds in their distresse to leane vnto How ready dayly your trauell is and hath long beene besides to benefit all other persons in whom any sparke of vertue or honesty remaineth I need not labour to expresse the world knowing already the same But whosoeuer they be that in all their life time haue an especiall care by all meanes to profit as many as they be able and hurt none do not onely a laudable act but leade a perfect and very godly life Whereupon Strabo affirmeth this most truely to be spoken of them Mortales tum demum Deum imitari cum benefici fuerint That is Mortall men then specially to follow the nature of God when they are beneficiall and bountifull to others Great commendation vndoubtedly it bringeth to any noble personage that as the Moone that light and brightnesse which she receiueth of the Sun is wont presently to spread abroad vpon the face of the earth to the refreshing and comforting of all inferiour and naturall things bearing life so for him to bestow all that fauour and credit which he hath gotten at the princes handes to the helpe and reliefe of the woorthy and needy Great is the force my right honourable lord of true vertue which causeth men as Tully writeth in his booke De Amicitia to be loued honored oft of those persons which neuer saw them Whereof I neuer had better proofe I take God mine one conscience to witnesse the which I declared also to certaine of my friends assoone as I returned then at my last being at Constantinople in the yere of our Lord 1564 whereas I oft resorting as occasion serued to the right honorable Christian ambassadors while I made my abode there namely vnto Monsieur Antonio Petrimol lieger there for the French king Sig. M. Victor Bragadino for the segniory of Venice Sig. Lorenzo Giustiniano for the state of Scio or Chios and Sig. Albertacio delli Alberti for the duke of Florence heard them often report and speake very honorably of your lordship partly for your other good inclinations of nature but especially for your liberality courteous intreating of diuers of their friends countrymen which vpon sundry occasions had bene here in this our realme So that to conclude all men iustly fauour your honourable dealings and deserts and I for my part haue reuerenced and honoured the same euermore both here at home and elswhere abroad wishing often to haue had some iust occasion to pay part of that in good will which my slender abilitie will neuer suffer me fully to discharge For vnto whom should I sooner present anything any way especially concerning matters done abroad then vnto your lordship by whom I was much cherished abroad in my trauell and mainteined since my returne here at home For the which cause I haue enterprised hoping greatly of your lordships fauour herein to clothe and set forth a few Italian newes in our English attire being first mooued thereunto by the right worshipfull M. D. Wilson Master of her Maieâ—ties Requeâ—ts your honouâ—s aâ—â—ured trusty friend a great painfull furtherer of learning whom I and many other for diuers respects ought to reuerence who remembring that I had bene at Cyprus was willing that my pen should trauell about the Christian and Turkish affaires which there lately haue happened perswading himselfe that somewhat thereby I might benefit this our natiue countrey Against whose reasonable motion I could not greatly wrestle hazzarding rather my slender skill in attempting and performing this his requested taske then he through my refusall should seeme to want any iot of my good will In offering vp the which newes although I shall present no new thing to your honour because you are so well acquainted with the Italian copy as I know yet I trust your lordship will not mislike that the same which is both pleasant to reade and so necessary to be knowen for diuers of our captaines and other our countreymen which are ignorant in the Italian tongue may thus now shew it selfe abroad couered vnder the wing of your lordships protection Certeinly it mooueth me much to remember the losse of those three notable Ilands to the great discomfort of all Chistendome to those hellish Turkes horseleeches of Christian blood namely Rhodes besieged on S. Iohn Baptists day and taken on Iohns day the Euangelist being the 27 of December 1522. Scio or Chios being lost since my being there taken of Piali Basha with 80 gallies the 17 of April 1566. And now last of all not only Famagusta the chiefe holde fortresse in Cyprus to haue bene
times with all their ships yet would they not set againe vpon vs and those of our men which were farthest off cryâ—d to them â—maine being both within shot of artillerie muskets and caliuers whereby they receiued euident hurt by vs They plyed their great ordinance according to their manner and especially their Uâ—ceadmirall and seeing our resolution how sharpe we were bent towards them they with all expedition and speedâ— possible prepared to flieâ— way hoysing sailes and leâ—uing their boates for haite in the sea but I followed them with nine ships all the night following and with foure more the next day till I made thâ—m double the Cape of S. Antonie and to take the course towards the Câ—anell of Bahama according to the instructions from his Maiestie It little auailed vs to be seene with lesse number of ships neither yet all the diligence we could vse could câ—use them to stay or come neere vs nor to shoot off one harquebuze or peece of artillerie for they fled away as fast as they could and their shippes wâ—re halfe diminished and that the best part of them the cost they repaired in Puerto Bello whereas they were about fortie dayes and so by that meanes they were all wâ—ll repayred and our shippes were very soule because the time would not peâ—mit vs to â—rim them I haue sayled 2 moneths and a halfe in the Admirall since we departed from Cartagena we haue not repaired their pumpes nor clensed them and the same day I departed tâ—enâ—e there câ—me vnto me a small Pinnesse in the like distresse our Uiceadmirall and the rest of our ships haue the like impediment but no great hinderance vnto vs for ought I could perceiue by our enemies It is manifest what aduantage they had of vs and by no meanes was it possible for vs to take them vnlesseâ— we could haue come to haue found them at an anker Neuerthelesse they left vs one good shippe behinde for our share well manned which tolde me that Drake died in Nombre de Dios and that they haue made for Generall of the English fleete the Colonel Quebraran and also by meanes of the small time being straightly followed by vs they had no opportunitie to take either water wood or flesh and they are also in such bad case that I know not how they will be able to arriue in England The number of men we haue taken are about an hundred and fortie and fifteene noble captaines of their best sort and some of them rich as well may appeare by their behauiour I haue no other thing to write at this time Our Lord keepe you who best can and as I desire From Hauaua the 30 of March 1596. DON BERNALDINO DELGADILLO DE AVELLANEDA THe Licenciat Don Iohn Bermudes of Figueroa Lieutenant of the Assistants of the citie of Siuill and the Prouince thereof who doth supply the office of the Assistant in the absence of the Right honourable the Earle of Priego giueth licence to Roderigo de Cabriera to imprint the Relation of the death of Francis Drake which onely he may do for two moneths and no other to imprint the same within the said terme vpon paine of tenne thousand Marauedis for his Maiesties chamber Giuen in Siuill the 15 of May 1596. The Licenciat Don Iohn Bermudes of Figueroa By his Assigne Gregorie Gutierez Notarie THis letter of the Generall Don Bernaldino sent into Spaine declaring the death of Sir Francis Drake and their supposed victorie was altogether receiued for an vndoubted trueth and so pleasing was this newes vnto the Spaniarde that there was present commandement giuen to publish the letter in print that all the people of Spaine might be pertakers of this common ioy the which letter printed in Siuill bearing date the 15 of May 1596 came to the hands of Henrie Sauile Esquire who being employed in that seruice for the West Indies and Captaine of her Maiesties good shippe the Aduenture vnder the conduct of sir Francis Drake and sir Iohn Hawkins hath caused the said printed letter to be translated into English And that the impudencie of the Spanish Generall may the more plainely appeare the sayde Henrie Sauile doth answere particularly to euery vntrueth in the same letter contayned as hereafter followeth The answere to the Spanish letter First the Generall doth say that Francis Drake died at Nombre de Dios as he had intelligence by an Indian THe Generall sent this newes into his countrey confirmed with his hand and seale of Armes It is the first newes in his letter and it was the best newes that he could send into Spaine For it did ease the stomackes of the timorous Spaniards greatly to heare of the death of him whose life was a scourge and continuall plague vnto them But it was a point of great simplicitie and scarcely befeeming a Generall to tie the credite of his report locally to any place vpon the report of a silly Indian slaue For it had bene sufficient to haue sayd that Francis Drake was certainly dead without publishing the lie in print by naming Nombre de Dios for it is most certaine sir Francis Drake died twixt the Iland of Escudo and Puerto Bello but the Generall being rauished with the suddaine ioy of this report as a man that hath escaped a great danger of the enemie doth breake out into an insolent kinde of bragging of his valour at Sea and heaping one lie vpon another doth not cease vntill he hath drawen them into sequences and so doth commende them vnto Peter the Doctor as censor of his learned worke Secondly The Generall doth write vnto the Doctor that Francis Drake died for very griefe that he had lost so many barkes and men A Thing very strange that the Generall or the Indian whom hee doth vouch for his lie should haue such speculation in the bodie of him whom they neuer saw as to deliuer for truth vnto his countrie the very cause or disease whereof hee died and this second report of his is more grosse then the first For admit the mistaking of the place might be tollerable notwithstanding this precise affirming the cause of his death doth manifestly prooue that the Generall doth make no conscience to lie And as concerning the losse of any Barkes or men in our Nauie by the valour of the Spaniard before Sir Francis Drake his death we had none one small Pinnesse excepted which we assuredly know was taken by chance falling single into a fleete of fiue Frigates of which was Generall Don Pedro Telio neere vnto the Iland of Dominica and not by the valour Don Bernaldino the which fiue Frigates of the kings afterwardes had but ill successe for one of them we burnt in the harbour of S. Iuan de Puerto rico and one other was sunke in the same harbour and the other three were burnt amongst many other shippes at the taking of Cadiz This I thinke in wise mens iudgements will seeme a silly cause to make
a man sorrowe to death For true it is sir Francis Drake died of the fluxe which hee had growen vpon him eight dayes before his death and yeelded vp his spirit like a Christian to his creatour quietly in his cabbin And when the Generall shall suruey his losse he shall finde it more then the losse of the English and the most of his destroyed by the bullet but the death of Sir Francis Drake was of so great comfort vnto the Spaniard that it was thought to be a sufficient amendes although their whole fleete had beene vtterly lost Thirdly the Generall doth say of his owne credite and not by intelligence from any Indian or other that on the eleuenth of March last he met the English fleete at the I le of Pinos being fourteene good shippes who although they had the winde of him yet he set vpon them three times with all their shippes but the English fleete fled and refused to fight shooting now and then a shot but especially the Viceadmirall THis third lie of the Generall Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda whose name for the proliritie thereof may be drawen somewhat neere the length of a cable hath no colour of protection but it hath a iust proportion in measure to the lies of olde Bernardino de Mendoça his countreyman concerning the ouerthrowe of hir Maiesties Nauie in the yeere one thousand fiue hundred eightie and eight For except Don Bernaldino the Generall did purpose to winne the wheâ—stone from Don Bernardino de Mendoça the olde Spanish lyer I cannot coâ—iecture why he should write to his countrey for a truth that he chased the English Nauie with nine shippes and did three seuerall times giue the onset to the English fleete who being fourteene good shippes as he saith did flie and refuse to fight considering that the Spanish Uiceadmirall if he be liuing and many other can witnesse the contrarie who fighting like a true valiant man departed from the fight with a torne and battered shippe to saue her from sinking Neither can I imagine that there is any one in the Spanish fleete Don Bernaldino excepted that will say they were lesse then twentie sayle of shippes when they met the English fleete and the Spanish Nauie can witnesse that they receiued such store of bullets from the English fleete that they were glad to depart and in despight of them the English nauie did holde their determined course And taking a viewe of the Spanish fleete the next day their number was not aboue thirteene ships which did argue that they were either sunke or fled to harbour to saue themselues Fourthly the General saith that the English fleete fled away and left their oares for haft behind them in the sea IT was strange that they should leaue behinde them oares in the sea suhence there was not in the English fleete either Galley or Galliasse which required the vse of oares as for the oares of their ship-boates and other such small vessels they had slowed them aboord their shippes and were no impediment vnto them but most necessarie for them to vse and therefore not likely they would cast them ouerboord But it is more likely that the Generall fell into some pleasant dreanie at Sea wherein he did see a false apparition of victorie against the English and for lacke of matter did set this downe in his letter for newes of his countrey It is sinne to belie the Deuill and therefore the Generall shall haue his right the letter is so well contriued and yet with no great eloquence but with such art that there are not many more lines then there are lies which shewed that there are wonderfull and extraordinarie gifts in the Generall but I am perswaded if Don Bernaldino had thought that his letter should haue beene printed he would haue omitted many things conteined in the letter for the Doctor did vse him somewhat hardly in the wing the letter openly and more in suffering it to bee printed for friendes may like good fellowes send lies one to the other for recreation and feed their friends with some small taste thereof so it be kept close without danger to incurre the title of a lying Generall But as the matter is now handled through the simplicitie of the Doctor I cannot see but the Generall Don Bernaldino is like to carrie the title equally twixt both his shoulders Fiftly the Generall doth say in his printed letter that notwithstanding all the diligence he could vse he could not cause the English fleete to stay nor come neere them nor discharge one harquebuze or peece of artillerie but fled away as fast as they could ANd this lie also he doth not receiue by intelligence from any other but himselfe was an eye-witnesse in the action which made him bold to sende this with the rest into his countrey for current newes but herein Don Bernaldino was more bolde then wise for the torne and battered sides of his Galeons being compared with her Maiesties shippes and others that serued in that fight doe declare that his ships receiued at least two bullets for one Neither can it be concealed but his owne countreymen if any do fauour truth may easily see the losse and late reparations done vnto the kings fleete sithence they did encounter with the English Nauie whensoeuer they that remaine shall arriue in Spaine But the Generall seemeth to be a very good proficient in his profession and wareth somewhat bold treading the true steps of olde Bernardino de Mendoça and yet Mendoça was somewhat more warie in his lies for he had sometime the colour of intelligence to shadowe them but the Generall growing from boldnesse to impudencie maketh no scruple to say that the English Nauie fled as fast as they could without discharging any harquebuze or peece of artillerie when as the battered sides of his ships doe returne the lie to his face For in this conflict Don Bernaldino did behaue himselfe so valiantly that he was alwayes farthest off in the fight and had so great care of his owne person that he stoode cleare from the danger of musket or any small shot and durst not approch whereas our Generall was the foremost and so helde his place vntill by order of fight other shippes were to haue their turnes according to his former direction who wisely and politikely had so ordered his vangarde and rereward that as the manner of it was altogether strange to the Spaniarde so might they haue bene without all hope of victorie if their Generall had bene a man of any iudgement in sea-fights I knowe no reason why the English Nauie should flie from him for the Spaniarde may put all the gaine in his eye that euer he did winne from the English Peraduenture some silly nouice of our countrey meeting the Generall in Spaine and hearing a repetition of so many sillables in one name as Don Bernaldino Delgadillo de Auellaneda might thinke them to be wordes of