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Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
cause_n	world_n	young_a	youth_n	71	3	8.0232	4	false

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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A02483	An ansvvere to a treatise vvritten by Dr. Carier, by way of a letter to his Maiestie vvherein he layeth downe sundry politike considerations; by which hee pretendeth himselfe was moued, and endeuoureth to moue others to be reconciled to the Church of Rome, and imbrace that religion, which he calleth catholike. By George Hakewil, Doctour of Diuinity, and chapleine to the Prince his Highnesse.	Hakewill, George, 1578-1649.; Carier, Benjamin, 1566-1614. Treatise written by Mr. Doctour Carier.; Carier, Benjamin, 1566-1614. Copy of a letter, written by M. Doctor Carier beyond seas, to some particular friends in England.	1616 (1616)	STC 12610; ESTC S103612	283,628	378

of the same Epistle he mentioneth Marlorates Commentary on that place which was compiled out of the Comments of diuers other learned men but specially out of Caluins besides Caluin died in the yeere 1564. as Beza witnesseth and Salmeron in the yeere 1595. as Ribadineira hath left it vpon record So that it might well be and I verily thinke it was so that Caluin was dead many yeeres before Salmeron set vpon this exposition of the Epistles specially of that to Titus which among his sixteene seuerall Tomes is ranged in the last saue one So that it seemes he wrote it not long before his death and consequently many yeeres after Caluin was dead Lastly the vniformity of the style and the tenour of writing plainely discouers that Caluin was the creditour and Salmeron the debtor or rather the thiefe which I the more marueile at considering in the Preface of his exposition vpon the Epistles he professeth his intent was chiefly to dispute against the heretikes of these times who called themselues Pa●ls Diuines and gloried in his doctrine And in the third part of his first booke next following proposeth diuers questions touching the Church and the gouernement against Luther and Caluin by name Now for Maldonate and Iansenius though they colour the matter more cunningly in the change of words yet are they nothing lesse beholding to Caluin in many places for the sence And thus we see how out of the mouthes and pennes of those who for reputation of learning were farre aboue and for bitternesse of malice were nothing inferiour to Dr. Carrier Caluins rare and singular gifts are truely acknowledged But he was neuer you say any good subiect or friend to Bishop Duke or King It was the same imputation which by the Iewes was cast vpon Christ and by the Pagans vpon the Christians in the Primitiue Church as may appeare in Tertullians apology for them deliuered by him to the Empero●rs Seuerus and Antoninus a great part whereof is spent in wiping off that aspersion and therefore Caluin may beare it at your hands with the greater patience Against the state of Bishops if he any where write otherwise then becomes him we may well impute it to his zeale against the great abuse of that order in the Romane hierarchie and his desire of establishing his owne discipline which though he did well to erect at Geneua as being a kinde of gouernment most fit for that city yet to shew that wee make him no god we professe he did ill in imposing it as necessary on all other Churches What friend hee was to Kings beside infinite other passages through his voluminous writings his onely Epistle to Francis the French king prefixed to his Institutions doth sufficiently declare which as Beza not without good reason thinketh if that king had but read it would haue occasioned the giuing of some deepe wound to the whore of Babylon hee being not of the humour of those kings that followed after him in the kingdome but a sharpe censurer of a deepe iudgement a great patrone of learning and of himselfe not auerse from that side and though in his Commentaries vpon Amos he seeme to mislike Henry the 8th his title of Supreame Head which by Stephen Gardiner and other sycophants of Court was then interpreted to spread as farre include as ample power as that he had taken from the Pope yet the lawfull Supremacie of kings he both alloweth and defendeth as his Maiesty truely witnesseth for him in his Catalogue of Tortus lies annexed to his Premonition and therein hee sheweth himselfe a better friend to kings then D. Carrier was when he thus passed his censure on him for though hee often dranke to his Maiesties health as he professeth in a letter which he thought worthy the imparting to all well minded Catholikes yet withall hee laboured by might and maine to readuance and reestablish his authority amongst vs who hath professedly crossed and dashed the taking of that oath by which is onely testified that naturall allegiance which we owe his Maiestie Now for his comming to Geneua and the founding of that gouernment discipline there which continues in force amongst thē with no ill successe at this day whereas you tell vs that being a very yong man of some 26. or 27. yeres old at the most yet he thought good vpon the opportunity to giue the venture and step in himselfe For his age I will not much striue with you but onely desire you to remember that some of your Popes but many of your Bishops and Archbishops and Cardinals haue bin thrust or at least haue thrust themselues into places of greater charge before they arriued to those yeres and perchance before they saw one halfe or a quarter so many Yet it cannot bee denyed but it pleaseth God sometimes to raise vp the Spirit of a yong Daniel or a yong Samuel or a yong Timothie for the effecting of that which an old Ely is vnfit for yong men for the most being most zealous and aduenturous but with all more inconsiderate and old men more cold and remisse but withall more wary and circumspect according to that of S. Ierome in one of his Epistles to S Augustine Bos lassus fortius figit pedem The aduice of an old man is commōly best but the execution of young The former haue alwayes beene accounted fitter for setled businesse but the latter for new enterprises in as much as men of age commonly obiect too much consult too long aduenture too little repent too soone and seldome driue businesse home to the full periode but content themselues with a mediocritie of successe as louing to sleepe in whole skinne I am not of that Rabbyes mind who because in Scripture Yong men are sayed to see visions and old men to dreame dreames thereupon inferreth that young men are admitted neerer to God then olde because vision is a clearer reuelation then a dreame But yet experience teacheth vs and a noble Gentleman before named hath rightly obserued it that the more a man drinketh of the world the more it intoxicateth and age doth profit rather in the powers of vnderstanding then in the vertues of the will and affections So that Caluin though hee had beene younger when he came to Geneua then you make him yet had his youth bin no sufficient cause to despise him considering as the Lawyers for the punishing of a malefactor vnder age are wont to say malitia supplet aetatem so may I much rather for a iust defence scientia or prudentia supplet aetatem which shewes it selfe in this that before his comming thither he had written his excellent Commentarie vpon Seneca de Clementia and at Orleans had beene offered the degree of Doctorship in the lawes without paying so much as the ordinary fees by the generall consent of all the publike professours of that facultie whereas their common determination is now sayd to bee Accipiamus pecuniam dimittamus asinum in

first on God and then on the Soueraigne Magistrate his annointed and vicegerent on earth In regard of externall coactiue iurisdiction with Saint Augustine wee distinguish betweene the eternall God and the temporall Lord yet wee obey the temporall Lord for his sake that is the eternall God But where Caluinisme preuaileth three or foure stipendary Ministers you say that must preach as it shall please Mr. Maior and his brethren may serue for a whole Citie where by Caluinisme you vnderstand not the discipline or forme of Church gouernment conceiued by Caluin but Doctrinall pointes maintained by him or at leastwise by you imposed on him I say imposed on him in as much as the greatest part of those positions is certainly no part of his Doctrine and for the rest malice and preiudice set aside they might suffer as fauourable a construction in Caluin as in Saint Augustin or in Bellarmine and other Iesuits and schoolemen neither is all that Caluin hath written without exception maintained by those in England who otherwise imbrace and reuerence his paines as of a chiefe Captaine in the Lords battailes your positions I will examine as they lie in order whereof the first is That God hath predestinated a certaine number to bee saued without any condition at all of their being in the visible Church by faith or their perseuering therein by good workes To which I answere that if wee consider Predestination before the fall it can haue no reference to Faith or good workes flowing from thence in as much as if Adam had stood in his originall integritie wee should not haue needed the comming of CHRIST for our saluation and consequently neither faith in him nor those workes which are the necessarie fruits and effects of that faith but if after the fall then are they both required not as impulsiue and meritorious causes but as markes and effects infallible of our Predestination and withall as the ordinary conditions and meanes of our saluation This I take to bee Caluins opinion in the third booke and 22. chap. of his Institutions and not Caluins onely but Martyrs in his Commentary on the 8th to the Romanes and Zanchies in his 5. booke of the nature of God and second chapter and Bezaes in the acts of the conference at Montpelgard and generally of our owne Writers that haue touched this point and if wee erre herein wee erre with St. Augustine who in his 87. tract vpon Iohn thus speaks Hic certe vacillat eorū ratiocinatio qui praescientiam Dei defendunt contra gratiā Dei ideo dicunt nos electos ante mundi constitutionem quia praesciuit nos Deus futuros bonos non seipsum nos facturū bonos Non hoc dicit qui dicit non vos me elegistis quoniam si propterea nos elegisset quia bonos futuros ●sse nos praesciuerat simul etiam praescisset quòd eum nos fuissemus prius electuri Heere falleth to the ground their vaine manner of reasoning who defend the foresight of God against the grace of God affirming that wee were therefore chosen before the foundation of the world because God foresaw wee would bee good not that himselfe would make vs good But hee sayes not so who sayes you haue not chosen mee for had hee chosen vs because hee foresaw wee would bee good hee should also haue foreseene that we would first haue chosen him To the same purpose doth hee speake in the 98. Chapter of his Manuel to Laurence and in his 105. Epistle neither doeth the Master of sentences dis●ent from him herein in his first Booke and 41. distinction Opinati sunt quidam sayeth he Deum ideo elegisse Iacob quia talem futurum praesciuit qui in eum crederet ei seruiret Some saith he haue beene of opinion that God chose Iacob because hee knew hee would beleeue on him and serue him which Saint Augustin in his Retractions confesseth that himselfe sometimes held where hee plainely prooueth that had hee bin chosen for any merit to come that election had not proceeded from grace The same is also the opinion of Scotus of Aquinas and Bellarmin himselfe so that to say God hath predestinated a certaine number without any condition of faith or workes as the impulsiue or meritorious cause of our predestination is not Caluins opinion alone neither was he the first broacher of it And to say that hee predestinated a certaine number without any condition of Faith and workes as the markes and effects of our Predestination and the means of our saluation is not Caluins opinion at all but thrust vpon him by Mr. Doctor He hath chosen vs sayeth the Apostle before the foundation of the world that wee should bee holy making holinesse the finall but not the efficient cause with which distinction doeth Sixtus Senensis shut vp the matter in the sixth Booke of his Library where hauing at large alleaged the sayings of Origen Chrysostome Ambrose Hierome c. who seeme to hold that the Prescience of workes is the cause of diuine Predestination quae quidem sententia sayeth he in Pelagio damnata est which opinion was cōdemned in Pelagius he addeth that Augustin hauing sometime held the same vpon better aduice retracted it almost in innumerable places and at length concluds Ne● dubium est c. Neither is there any doubt to bee made but that some of those foresayd Fathers in pronouncing our workes foreseene to bee the cause of Gods Predestination vnderstood it of the finall cause and not of the meritorious The second point which you call Caluini●me is that God hath Reprobated the greatest part of the world without any respect at all of their infidelitie heresie or wicked life to which I answere that this point of Doctrine being rightly vnderstood is not Caluins alone but Martyrs Zanchies Bezaes in the places before alleaged and generally of our owne diuines nay of Sa●nt Augustin of Lombard of Scotus of Thomas and of Bellarmine himselfe who in the place aboue quoted distinguisheth Reprobation into a negatiue and a positiue acte the negatiue is Gods will of not sauing men the positiue his will of damning men of the former of these sayeth hee no cause can bee assigned in regard of vs as neither of our Predestination but of the lattter the cause is the foresight of sinne Now the former of these two acts is that by which men are properly sayd to bee reprobated as by the latter to bee damned so that to say God hath reprobated the greatest part of the world without respect of any thing in themselues is no more Caluinisme then Be●●arminisme Catherinus indeed enueighs bitterly against those who affirme that God reprobats some not because hee foresees their wicked life but because his pleasure is to exclude them from Eternall life and this opinion hee ascribes to Luther calling it impious and intolerable but Pererius somewhat sharper sighted takes vp the blundring olde man for it putting him

alterum diem Deo volente Qui te seruet Illustrissime Domine Londini VIII Eid Sept. MDCXIII Tuae Reuerentiae obseruantiss cultor IS CASAVBONVS Right Reuerend my Gracious Lord I Send vnto your Grace the Letter whereof you haue heard The Letter was sent me with intent it should be communicated vnto the King but I thought it fitter to bee suppressed and to be shewed vnto none For I cannot approue the drift of that learned man who wr●te the Letter Wherefore I answered him for●●with and with many words aduised him to desist from that purpose I brought him many reasons why I certainely beleeued it was folly or rather frensie to hope for any good from the Romish Phalaris for that very terme I vsed who laughs at our euils if there be any amongst vs. I laid before his eyes how auerse the Peeres of the Romish Church are from all equitie specially Bellarmine of whose impiety I wrote at large vnto him I set before his eyes with how great danger to himselfe he seemed to become the Popes Patron I alledged testimonies of Matthew Paris of the great misery of England when it was vnder the Popes obedience I added the example of that Narbonois who of late sent vnto the Kings MAIESTY a booke of the like argument that being commanded by the KING to say my mind I professed my detestation thereof and that it was his MAIESTIES will to haue some animaduersions set in the margent of the booke After which what became of Carier I know not This I thought good to signifie vnto your Grace but I expected vntill you were returned vnto the Citie for the publishing of my booke stayes meat home I haue other weighty matters whereof to aduise with your Grace within this day or two God willing who preserue you my gracious Lord. London Sept. 6. 1613. Your Graces most respectiue Obseruer ISA. CASAVBON B. C. 17. There is a statute in England made by King Henry the VIII to make him supreame head of the Church in spirituall and Ecclesiasticall causes which Statute enioynes all the subiects of England on paine of death to beleeue and to sweare they doe beleeue that it is true and yet all the world knowes if King Henry the VIII could haue gotten the Pope to diuorce Queene Katherine that he might marrie Anne Bullen that Statute had neuer been made by him and if that title had not enabled the King to pull downe Abbeys and religious houses and giue them to Lay men the Lords and Commons of that time would neuer haue suffered such a Statute to be made This Statute was continued by Queene Elizabeth to serue her owne turne and it is confirmed by your Maiestie to satisfie other men and yet your Maiestie yeeldeth the Church of Rome to be the mother Church and the Bishop of Rome to bee the chiefe Bishop or Primate of all the Westerne Churches which I doe also verely beleeue and therfore I doe verely thinke he hath or ought to haue some spirituall iurisdiction in England and although in mine yonger dayes the fashion of the world made me sweare as other did for which I pray God forgiue mee yet I euer doubted and I am now resolued that no Christian man can take that oath with a safe conscience neither will I euer take it to gaine the greatest preferment in the world G. H. 17. The Statute here intended can be none other then the S●tute 26. of H. VIII Cap. 1. for that is the first Statute that medleth with the Supremacie which Statute is as the Common Lawyers terme it Statutum declaratiuum not introductiuum noui iuris as doth clearely appeare by the Preamble which hath these words Albeit the Kings Maiestie iustly and rightfully is and ought to bee taken and accepted supreame head of the Church of England and so is recognized by the Clergie in their Conuocation yet neuerthelesse for corroboration and confirmation thereof Be it enacted that the King shall bee taken and accepted Supreme head c. So that the Doctor is fowly mistaken to say that there was a Statute made by K. Henry the VIII to make him Supreme head for it was his ancient right that made him so and it was his Clergie that had acknowledged him to be so before the making of this Stat●te nay the very phrase and letter of this Statute it selfe doeth purposely renounce the power of making and assumes onely the authority of confirming Whereby it is cleare that Henrie VIII made not a statute to make himselfe Supreme in Ecclesiasticall causes as Mr. Doctor affirmeth but to confirme those Statutes and Rights which his noble Progenitors as iu●tly challenged to belong to their Crown as the Bishops of Rome vniustly pretended to be annexed to their Myter And where he sayes that the Statute which according to his vnderstanding made him Supreme head did also enioyne the Subiect to beleeue and sweare it t● bee true it is manifest that there is not any mention at all of any oath in that Statute but it is true indeede that in the 28. of Henry VIII chap. 10. there is an oath of Supremacie ordeined the refusall whereof by some certaine persons enioyned by that Act to take it was made high Treason And herein againe is the Doctour deceiued nay which is worse seeketh to deceiue others for onely some certaine persons were bound by that Statute to take the oath and not all the Subiects of England as he falsely surmiseth Anno 35. Henry VIII cap. 1. the oath of Supremacie ordeined by 28. was repealed and a new forme of oath prescribed and extended to more persons but neuer to all in generall The same Parliament Cap. 3. enioyneth that the stile of Supreme head be receiued and vsed and this was all that was done by Henry VIII in the point of Supremacie by way of Statute So that to say as Master Doctor doth that all the Subiects in England are bound vpon paine of death to beleeue the Supremacie is a malicious fiction in two respects First touching the persons enioyned to take the oath and lyable to the punishment and then againe as touching the offence for that beliefe alone which is a secret inclination of the minde knowne onely to God the searcher of the heart and not issuable nor tryable by any Law humane should be made an offence punishable by death is in it selfe so absurde as it cannot but appeare to bee a false imputation to charge our Law-makers therewithall Lastly whereas hee sayes that Henry the VIII would neuer haue made that Statute if he could haue gotten the Pope to haue diuorced Queene Katherine that he might haue married Anne Boleine it is cleare and all the world may know that if King Henry would haue ioyned with Francis the French King in the warre of Naples against Charles the Emperour the Pope would not haue stucke to haue giuen way to that diuorce for the better procuring of which Combination hee did not onely

referre this Matrimoniall cause to the hearing and determining of his Legates but gaue Campeius a secret Bull in his bosom as witnesseth Francis Guicciardin in the 19th Booke of his Historie a Catholike in his profession no man more a reporter of things hee sawe no man truer and a creature of the Popes imployed in honourable charges the Copie of it is to be seene in Anti-Sanders dated in the yeere 1527. the 17th of December and the fifth yeere of Clement the seuenths Popedome wherein hee infringeth the former dispensatiō affirming that the King could not continue in such Matrimonie without sinne whereupon hee decreed that after the delaration of the nullitie of the former mariage and the Kings absolution it should bee lawfull for him to marrie another This Bull he forbad him to shew to any saue onely to the King and Cardinall Wolsey his fellow Commissioner in that businesse and though openly he commanded him to handle the cause with all expedition yet secretly hee willed him to protract the time promising that himselfe would watch an opportunitie to publish the Decree so the King and Queene were cited to appeare before them in May following at which time after some debating of the cause they protracted the sentence till the beginning of August and after many delayes finding that King Henry could not by hope of the diuorce bee drawen to side with the French the Pope commanded Campeius to burne his Bull and to returne home whereby it appeares that King Henry might easily haue had the nullitie of his mariage with Queene Katherine ratified at Rome without taking the title of Supreme head if hee would haue yeelded to the Popes conditions But the Lords you say and Commons would neuer haue suffered such a Stat●te to bee made had not that title inabled the King to pull downe Abbeys and Religious houses and giue them to Lay men I would faine know then what mooued the Bishops to giue way to it who had no share in that diuision yet had they with the consent of the Clergie passed it in Conuocation before it was so much as proposed in Parliament and for the Commons a very little share fell out to their parts And if ●he assuming of that title were indeed so needfull as you pretend for the supressing of those houses by what authoritie did Cardinall Wolsey dissolue some and the King by his example more before that title was by him publikely assumed Now for Queene Elizabeth it is true that she reuiued those Statutes of Supremacie enacted by her father and repealed by her sister but not without diuers exceptions as may appeare by the bookes in so much as a new forme of Oath was established by her which is the Oath at this day in force the refusall of which vpon a second offering by such as stand conuicted of a former refusall is by the Statute of 5● Eliz. cap. 1. made high Treason and it is none otherwise Nay further by an expresse prouiso in that Statute none are compellable to take the Oath the second time but Ecclesiasticall persons and some few others especially named in that Statute neither doth shee take to her in that or any other Statute the title of Supreme head but of Gouernour by which what shee vnderstood herselfe expressed in her Iniunctions and her Clergie in their 37. Article confirmed in two seuerall Conuocations where they thus speake Where wee attribute to the Queenes Maiestie the chiefe Gouernment by which title we vnderstand the mindes of some slanderous folkes to be offended wee giue not to our Princes the ministring either of Gods word or of the Sacraments the which thing the Iniunctions also lately set foorth by Elizabeth our Queene doe most plainely testifie but that onely prerogatiue which we see to haue beene giuen alwayes to all godly Princes in holy Scripture by God himselfe that is th●t they should rule all estates and degrees committed to their charge by God whether they be Ecclesiasticall or Temporall and restraine with the ciuill sword the stubburne and euill doers neither doe I see how Osorius in his Epistle to her can be interpreted to affoord her lesse where he professeth that all Kings are Pro parte suaiuris diuini Vicarij Vicars of Gods Law in their places From Queene Elizabeth you passe to his Maiestie and tell him that he confirmed the same Statute to satisfie other men arguing therein his Maiestie of great weakenesse either as being not able to iudge what he did or as being caried by others against his owne iudgement But that his MAIESTIE did it aduisedly and rather to satiffie himsel●e then others appeares by this that hee was inuested with the same power which that Statute giues him before his receauing of the Crowne of England and since himselfe with his owne penne hath thus both iustified and explained it if these examples saith he sentences title and prerogatiues and innumerable other in the olde and new Testament doe not warrant Christian Kings within their owne dominions to gouerne their Church aswell as the rest of their people in being Custodes vtriusque tabulae not by making new Articles of Faith which is the Popes office as I said before but by commaunding obedience to bee giuen to the word of God by reforming the Religion acc●rding to his prescribed will by assisting the Spirituall power with the Temporall sword by reforming of corruptions by procuring due obedience to the Church by iudging and cutting off all friuolous questions and Schismes as Constantine did and finally by making decorum to be obserued in euery thing and establishing orders to be obserued in all indifferent things for that purpose which is the onely intent of the Oath of Supremacie if this office of a King I say doe not agree with the power giuen him by Gods word l●t any indifferent man void of passion iudge But yet his Maiestie you say yeeldeth the Church of Rome to be the Mother Church and the Bishop of Rome to bee the chiefe Bishop or Primate of the Westerne Churches Indeed his Maiesty in his first speech in his first Parliament called after his entr●nce to this Kingdome is pleased to acknowledge the Romane Church to be our Mother Church this M. Doctour is content to vrge but to conceale that which he addeth defiled with infirmities and corruptions as the Iewes were when they crucified Christ and as I am none enemy saith he to the life of a sicke man because I would haue his body purged of ill humours no more am I an enemy to their Church because I would haue them reforme their errours not wishing their throwing out of the Temple but that it might be purged and clensed from corruption otherwise how can they wish vs to enter if their house bee not first made cleane Herein Mr Doctour dealing with his Maiesty as the deuill did with our Sauiour hee pressed that out of the Psalme which made for himselfe Hee will giue