citie and one of the ancient Senatours mooved the rest that both twaine should be banished out of the citie before there arose further mischiefe and lest the citie by occasion of their deadly fewd should be filled with parts taking of both sides and so be in danger of utter destruction which when he could not perswade and bring to passe the people grew into an open sedition and after many miserable calamities ruinated and overthrew a most excellent State government You haue heard I am sure of domesticall examples and namely the enmitie of Pardalus and Tyrrhenus who went within a verie little of overthrowing the citie of Sardis and upon small and private causes had brought the same into civill war and open rebellion by their factioins and particular quarrels And therefore a man of government ought alwaies to be watchfull and vigilant and not to neglect no more than in a bodie naturall the beginnings of maladies all little heart-burnings and offences that quickly passe from one to another but to stay their course and remedie the same with all convenient speed For by a heedfull eie and carefull prevention as Cato saith that which was at first great becommeth small and that which was small commeth to nothing Now to induce and perswade other men so to doe there is not a more artificiall device nor a better meanes than for a man of government to shew himselfe exorable inclined to pardon easie to be reconciled in like cases in principal matters of weight greatest importance resolute and constant without any rankor or malice and in none at all seeme to be selfe-willed peevish contentious cholerike or subject to any other passion which may breed a sharpnesse and bitternesse in necessarie controversies and doubtfull cases which can not be avoided For in those combats at buffets which champions performe for pleasure in manner of foiles the manner is to binde about their fists certaine round muffles like bals to the end that when they come to coping and to let drive one at another they might take no harme considering the knocks and thumps that they give are so soft and can not put them to any paine to speake of even so in the sutes processes and trials of law which passe betweene citizens of the same citie the best way is to argue and plead by laying downe their allegatiions and reasons simply and purely and not to sharpen or envenime their matters like darts and arrowes with poisoned taunts railing tearmes opprobrious speeches and spightfull threats and so to make deepe wounds and the same festured with venim whereby the controversies may grow incurable and augment still in such sort that in the end they touch the State He that can so cary himselfe in his owne affaires as to avoid these foresaid mischiefs and dangers shal be able to compasse others in the like and make them willing to be ruled by reason so that afterwards when once the particular occasions of priuie grudges be taken away the quarrels and discords which touch a common-wealth are sooner pacified and composed neither doe they ever bring any inconveniences hard to be cured or remedilesse WHETHER AN AGED MAN OUGHT TO MANAGE PUBLICKE AFFAIRES The Summarie THe title of this discour se discover eth sufficiently the intention of the Author but for that they who manage affaires of State and namely men in yeeres fall oftentimes into one of these two extremities as touching their duetie namely that they be either too slacke and remisse or else more stiffe and severe than they ought these precepts of Plutarch a man well conversed in high places and offices and who as we may gather by his words was well striken in age when he wrote this Treatise ought to be diligently read considered and practised by men of authoritie And albeit this booke containeth some advertisements in that behalfe which sort not wholy with the order of government put in practise in these our daies yet so it is that the fundamentall reasons are so well laid that any politician or States-man building therupon may assure himselfe that he shall raise edifie some good piece of worke Now he beginneth with the resutation of one common objection of certaine men who enjoine command elder folke to sit still and remaine quiet and he prooveth the contrarie namely that then it is meet that they should put themselves foorth more than ever before but he addeth this correction and caveat withall that they have beene a long time alreadie broken as it were to the world and beaten in publike affaires to the end that they be not taxed and noted for their slender carriage or light vanitie nor proove the cause of some great mischiefe medling as they do in that which they had not wel comprehended before After this he proposeth and laieth abroad the examples of men well qualified who have given good proofe of their sufficiencte in old age whereupon he inferreth that those be the persons indeed unto whom government doth appertaine and that to go about for to make such idle now in their latter daies were as absurde and as much injurie offeredunto them as to confine a prudent Prince and wise King to some house in the countrey and this he inforceth and verifieth by eloquent compcrisons and by the example of Pompeius Which done he setteth downe the causes which ought to put forward and moove a man well stept in yeeres to the government of a common-weale confuting those who are of the contrarie opinion and prooving that elderly persons are more fit therefore than yoonger because of the experience and aut boritte that age doth affoord them as also in regardof many other reasons then he returneth the objection upon them and sheweth that yoong folke are unmeet for publike charges unlesse they have beene the disciples of the aged or be directed and guided by them he resuteth those also who esteeme that such a vocation resembleth some particular trafficke or negotiation and when he hath so done he taketh in hand againe his principall point detecting and laying open the folly of those who would bereave old men of all administration of publike matters and then he exhorteth them to take heart and shunne idlenesse which he doth diffame wonderfully and setteth before their eles their duetie which he also considereth inparticular then he adviseth them not to take so much upon them not to accept any charge unworthie or not beseeming that gravitie which time and age hath given them but tooccupie and busie themselves with that which is honorable and of great consequence to endevour and strive for to serve their countrey and above all in matters of importance to use good discretion as well in the refusall as the acceptation of dignities and offfices carying themselves with such dexterity among yoong men that they may induct set them into the way of vertue And for a conclusion he teacheth all persons who deale in State affaires what resolution they should put
Pindarus also writeth as touching Agamedes Trophonius That after they had built the temple of Apollo in Delphos they demanded of that god their hire and reward who promised to pay them fully at the seven-nights end meane while he bade them be merie and make good cheere who did as he enjoined them so upon the seventh night following they tooke their sleepe but the next morning they were found dead in bed Moreover it is reported that when Pindarus himselfe gave order unto the commissioners that were sent from the State of Boeotia unto the oracle of Apollo for to demand what was best for man this answere was returned from the prophetisse That he who enjoined them that errand was not ignorant thereof in case the historie of Agamedes and Trophonius whereof he was author were true but if he were disposed to make further triall he should himselfe see shortly an evident proofe thereof Pindarus when he heard this answer began to thinke of death and to prepare himselfe to die and in trueth within a little while after changed his life The like narration is related of one Euthynous an Italian who was sonne to Elysius of Terinae for vertue wealth and reputation a principall man in that citie namely that he died suddenlie without any apparent cause that could be given thereof his father Elysius incontinently thereupon began to grow into some doubt as any other man besides would have done whether it might not be that he died of poison for that he was the onely childe he had and heire apparant to all his riches and not knowing otherwise how to sound the trueth hee sent out to a certeine oracle which used to give answere by the conjuration and calling forth of spirits or ghosts of men departed where after he had performed sacrifices and other ceremoniall devotions according as the law required he laied him downe to sleepe in the place where he dreamed and saw this vision There appeared unto him as he thought his owne father whom when he saw he discoursed unto him what had fortuned his sonne requesting and beseeching him to be assistant with him to finde out the trueth and the cause indeed of his so sudden death his father then should answere thus And even therefore am I come hither here therefore receive at this mans hands that certificate which I have brought unto thee for thereby shalt thou know all the cause of thy griefe and sorrow now the partie whom his father shewed and presented unto him was a yoong man that followed after him who for all the world in stature and yeeres resembled his sonne Euthynous who being demanded by him what he was made this answere I am the ghost or angell of your sonne and with that offered unto him a little scrowle or letter which when Elysius had unfolded he found written within it these three verses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which may be done into English thus Elysius thou foolish man aske living Sages read Euthynous by fatall course of 〈◊〉 is dead For longer life would neither him nor parents stand in stead And thus much may suffice you both as touching the ancient histories written of this matter and also of the second point of the foresaid question But to come unto the third branch of Socrates his conjecture admit it were true that death is the utter abolition and destruction aswell of soule as body yet even so it cannot be reckoned simply ill for by that reckoning there should follow a privation of all sense and a generall deliverance from paine anxietie and angush and like as there commeth no good thereby even so no harme at all can ensue upon it forasmuch as good and evill have no being but in that thing onely which hath essence and subsislence and the same reason there is of the one as of the other so as in that which is not but utterly becommeth void anulled and taken quite out of the world there can not be imagined either the one or the other Now this is certeine that by this reason the dead returne to the same estate and condition wherein they were before their nativitie like as therefore when we were unborne we had no sense at all of good or evill no more shall we have after our departure out of this life and as those things which preceded our time nothing concerned us so whatsoever hapneth after our death shall touch us as little No paine feele they that out of world be gone To die and not be borne I holde all one For the same state and condition is after death which was before birth And do you thinke that there is any difference betweene Never to have bene and To cease from being surely they differ no more than either an house or a garment in respect of us and our use thereof after the one is ruined or fallen downe and the other all rent and torne from that benefit which we had by them before they were begun to be built or made and if you say there is no difference in them in these regards as little there is be you sure between our estate after death and our condition before our nativitie a very pretie and elegant speech therefore it was of Arcesilaus the philosopher when he said This death quoth he which every man tearmeth evill hath one peculiar propertie by it selfe of all other things that be accounted ill in that when it is present it never harmeth any man onely whiles it is absent and in expectance it hurteth folke And in very truth many men through their folly and weakenesse and upon certaine slanderous calumniations and false surmises conceived against death suffer themselves to die because sorsooth they would not die Very well therefore and aptly wrot the poet Epicharmus in these words That which was knit and joined fast Is loosed and dissolv'd at last Each thing returnes into the same Earth into earth from whence it came The spirit up to heaven anon Wherefore what harme heerein just none And as for that which Cresphontes in one place of Euripides speaking of Hercules said If under globe of earth with those he dwell Who being none have left laid once in grave A man of him might say and that right well That puissance and strength he none can have By altering it a little in the end you may thus inferre If under globe of earth with those he dwell Who being none have left laid once in grave A man of him might say and that right well That sense at all of paine he can none have A generous and noble saying also was that of the Lacedaemonians Now are we in our gallant prime Before as others had their time And after us shall others floure But we shall never see that houre As also this Now dead are they who never thought That life or death were simply ought But all their care was for to dy And live as they should
us of this 〈◊〉 for there is no man but desireth to know the reason and cause why this oracle hath given over to make answer in verses and other speeches as it hath done Whereto Theon spake thus But now my sonne we may seeme to doe wrong and shamefull injurie unto our discoursers and directours heere these Historians in taking from them that which is their office and therefore let that be done first which belongeth to them and afterwards you may enquire and dispute at leasure of that which you desire Now by this time were we gon 〈◊〉 as farre as to the statue of king Hiero and the stranger albeit he knew well all the rest yet so courtious he was and of so good a nature that he gave eare withall patience to that which was related unto him but having heard that there stood sometime a certaine columne of the said Hiero all of brasse which fell downe of it selfe the very day whereon Hiero died at Saracose in Sicilie he wondred thereat and I thereupon recounted unto him other like examples as namely of Hiero the Spartan how the day before that he lost his life in the battellat Leuctres the eies of his statue fell out of the head also that the two starres which Lysander had dedicated after the navall battell at the river called Aigos-potamos were missing and not to be seene and his very statue of stone put forth of a sodden so much wilde weedes and greene grasse in so great quantity that it covered and hid the face thereof Moreover during the time of those wofull calamities which the Athenians sustained in 〈◊〉 not onely the golden dates of a palme tree sell downe but also the ravens came and pecked with their bils all about the scutcheon or sheeld of the image of Pallas The Cuidians coronet likewise which Philomelus the tyrant of the 〈◊〉 had given unto Pharsalia the fine dauncing wench was the cause of her death for when she had passed out of Greece into Italie one day as she plaied and daunced about the church of Apollo in Metapontine having the said coronet upon her head the yong men of the city came upon her for to have away the gold of that coronet and striving about her one with another who should have it tare the poore woman in peeces among them Aristotle was wont to say that Homer was the onely Poet who made and devised words that had motion so emphatical they were lively expressed but I for my part would say that the offrings dedicated in the city to neat statues jewels other ornaments mooved together with the divine providence do foresignifie future things neither are the same in any part vaine and void of sense but all replenished with a divine power Then Boethus I would not else quoth he for it is not sufficient belike to enclose God once in a moneth within a mortall bodie unlesse we thrust him also into every stone and peece of brasse as if fortune and chance were not sufficient of themselves to worke such feates and accidents What quoth I thinke you then that these things every one have any affinitie with fortune and chance and is it probable that your Atomes doe glide divide and decline neither before nor after but just at the very time as each one of them who made these offrings should fare better or worse And Epicurus belike as farre as I see serveth your turne now and is profitable unto you in those things which he hath said or written three hundred yeares past but this god Apollo unlesse he imprison and immure himselfe as it were and be mixed within every thing is not able in your opinion to give unto any thing in the world the beginning of motion nor the cause of any passion or accident whatsoever And this was the answere which I made unto Boethus for that point and in like maner spake I as touching the verses of Sibylla For when we were come as farre as to the rocke which joineth to the senate house of the city and there rested our selves upon which rocke by report the first Sibylla sat being new come out of Helicon where she had beene fostered by the Muses although others there be that say she arived at Maleon and was the daughter of Lamia who had Neptune for her father Serapion made mention of certaine verses of hers wherein she praised her selfe saying that she should never cease to prophesie and foretell future things no not after her death for that she her selfe should then goe about in the Moone and be that which is called the face therein appearing also that her breath and spirit mingled with the aire should passe to and fro continually in propheticall words and voices of oracles prognosticating and that of her bodie transmuted and converted into earth there should grow herbes shrubs and plants for the food and pasturage of sacred beasts appointed for sacrifices whereby they have all sorts of formes and qualities in their bowels and inwards and by the meanes whereof men may foreknow and foretell of future events Hereat Boethus made semblance to laugh more than before And when Zous alledged that howsoever these seemed to be fabulous matters and meere fables yet so it was that many subversions transmigrations of Greeke cities many expeditions also and voiages made against them of barbarous armies as also the overthrowes destructions of sundry kingdomes and dominious give testimonie in the behalfe of ancient prophesies and praedictions And as for these late and moderne accidents quoth he which hapned at Cumes and Dicaearchia long before chanted and foretolde by way of priophesie out of Sibyls books did not the time ensuing as a debt accomplish and pay the breakings forth and eruptions of fire out of a mountaine the strange ebullitions of the sea the casting up aloft into the aire of stones cinders by subterranean windes under the earth the ruine and devastiation of so many and those so great cities at one time and that so suddenly as they who came but the next morrow thither could not see where they stood or were built the place was so confused These strange events I say and occurrents as they be hardly beleeved to have hapned without the finger of God so much lesse credible it is that foreseene and foretolde they might be without some heavenly power and divinitie Then Boethus And what accident good sir quoth he can there be imagined that Time oweth not unto Nature and what is there so strange prodigious and unexpected aswell in the sea as upon the land either concerning whole cities or particular persons but if a man foretold of them in processe and tract of time the same may fall out accordingly And yet to speake properly this is not soretelling but simply telling or rather to cast forth and scatter at random in that infinity of the aire words having no originall nor foundation which wandering in this wise Fortune otherwhiles encountreth and concurreth with
to saie with eight and twentie bases likewise in pyramidals and cubes unlesse there had been some worke-man to limit ordeine and dispose every thing Geometrically thus a limit or terme being given unto that which was infinit all things in this universall world composed ordered and contempered accordingly in excellent manner were first and made and are made now every day notwithstanding the said matter striveth and laboureth daily to returne unto her infinit estate as very loth and refusing to be thus geometrized that is to say reduced to some finit and determinate limits whereas reason on the contrariside restreineth and comprehendeth her distributing her into divers Ideaes from which all things which are ingendred take their generation and constitution He had no sooner thus said but he requested me to contribute somewhat also of mine owne unto this discourse and question in hand but I for my part commended highly their opinions thus delivered as being naturally and directly devised by themselves and their owne proper inventions saying withall That they caried with them sufficient probabilitie But for that quoth I you should not be displeased and offended with your selves nor altogether have your eie abroad and looke unto others listen and heare what meaning and interpretation of the said sentence was most approoved unto our masters and teachers for there is among the propositions or positions rather and theoremes geometricall one above the rest to wit When two formes or figures are given and put downe to set a third thereto equall to the one and semblable to the other for the invention whereof it is said that Pythagoras sacrificed unto the gods for this Theoreon without all doubt is more gallant witty and learned than that by which he did demonstrate and proove that the slope line Hypotinusa availeth as much as the two laterales which make a right angle in a triangle Well said of you quoth Diogenianus but what serveth this for the matter now in question You shall understand soone quoth I in case you will call to memory that division in Timaeus whereas the philosopher made a tripartite distribution of those principles whereby the world had the beginning of generation of which the one he called by a most just name God the second Matter and the third Forme or Idea So the matter of all subject things is most disordinate the Idea of all mouldes and patterns most beautifull but God of all causes simply the best Thus would not he admit or leave any thing as farre foorth as possibly might otherwise be infinit and undeterminate but adorne nature with proportion measure and number making of all subjects one thing in quantity equall to the matter in quality semblable to the forme setting therefore before him this proposition having already twain a third to it he made doth make and preserve for ever equal to the matter semblable to the forme to wit the world which being alwaies in regard of that inbred necessitie of a bodie subject to generation alteration all kinds of passion is aided and succoured by the creatour and father thereof who determineth the substance by reason of just proportion according to the image of the patron whereby the pourprise and circuit of this universall world is more beautifull being thus vast and great than if it had beene lesse and competent THE THIRD QUESTION What is the reason that the night is more resonant or resounding than the day AS we sat at supper one evening in Athens with Ammonius we heard a great tumult noise which rang all the house over of people in the street without crying aloud Captaine captaine now was Ammonius then the third time praetor or captaine of the citie Hee sent foorth immediately some of his men about him to see what the matter was who presently appeased the hurry and dismissed those who had raised this outcry upon which occasion wee in the meane while entred into question Why those who are within house heare them very well that cry without but they that are abroad heare not so easily those within crying as loud Ammonius incontinently made answer and said that this question had already beene solved by Aristotle in this wise For that the voice of those within being once gotten foorth and flowen into a wide place of much aire vanisheth away and is dissipated immediately whereas the voice of them without when it is entred in doth not the like but is reteined and kept close and so by consequence more easie to be heard But there is another thing quoth hee which requireth rather to have a reason rendred thereof namely Why in the night season all voices doe resound greater than in the day time and besides the greatnesse are more cleere distinct articulate audible For mine owne part quoth he I am of this minde that the divine providence hath in great wisedome ordeined that our hearing should be more fresh and quicke when as our sight serveth us in little or no stead at all for seeing that the aire of the night which accorcording to Empedocles Wandreth alone and solitary And doth blind eies about her cary is obscure and darke looke how much defect it maketh in our sight so much it supplieth and requiteth in our eares but for that of things also which necessarily are done by nature the causes ought to be sought out and the proper peculiar office of a philosopher and naturalist is to busie himselfe in seeking after the materiall causes instrumentall principles which of all you will first come forth with some probable reason as touching this matter whereupon there being some pause silence for a time Boethus said thus When I was my selfe a yong man and a student I made use otherwhiles of those principles which are in Geometrie called Positions and certeine propositions I supposed as undoubted truthes without any need of demonstration but now will I use some of those which heeretofore have beene prooved by Epicurus as for example Those things which be are caried in that which is not nor hath any being for much vacuitie or voidnesse there is stored as it were and intermingled among those atomes or indivisible little bodies of the aire which when it is spred abroad in spacious capacitie and by reason of the raritie and thinnesse thereof runneth too and fro round about there be a number of small void and emptie places among those little motes or parcels scattered here and there and taking up the whole region but contrariwise when they are pent in and a restreint and compression made of them being thrust together into a little space these small bodies being hudled perforce one upon another leave a large voide space to vague and range abroad and this doth the night by reason of cold for heat doth loosen disgregate scatter and dissolve all thicke things which is the reason why those bodies which either boile thaw or melt occupie more roome contrariwise such which gather congeale and bee frozen come
a singular good grace his pregnant wit and quicke conceit ministreth unto him matter to contradict and to propose doubts howbeit the same is not bitter and odious in his propositions nor leavened with any overthwart frowardnesse and perverse stubburnesse in his answers in such sort as a man having beene but a little acquainted with him would soone say of him Certes a lewd man and a bad He never for his father had For you know well I suppose Diogenianus the best man one of them in the world BASILOCLES I know him not my selfe Philinus howbeit many there be who report as much of this yong man But upon what occasion or cause began your discourse and disputation PHILINUS Those who were our guides conversant and exercised in the reading of histories rehearsed and read from one end to the other all those compositions which they had written without any regard of that which we requested them namely to epitomize and abridge those narrations and most part of the Epigrams As for the stranger he tooke much pleasure to see and view those faire statues so many in number and so artificially wrought But he admired most of all the fresh brightnesse of the brasse being such as shewed no filth nor rust that it had gathered but caried the glosse and resplendent hew of azur so as he seemed to be ravished and astonied when he beheld the statues of the amirals and captaines at sea for at them he began as representing naturally in their tincture and colour as they stood sea men and sailers in the very maine deepe sea Whereupon Had the ancient workmen quoth he a certaine mixture by themselves and a temper of their brasse that might give such a tincture to their works for as touching the Corinthian brasse which is so much renowmed it is thought generally and so given out that it was by meere adventure and chaunce that it tooke this goodly colour and not by any art by occasion that the fire caught an house wherein there was laid up some little gold and silver but a great quantitie of brasse which mettals being melted together so confused one with another the whole masse thereof was stil called brasse because there was more thereof in it than of the other mettals Then Theon We have heard quoth he another reason more subtile than this namely that when a certeine brasse founder or coppersmith in Corinth had met with a casket or coffer wherein was good store of golde fearing lest hee should be discovered and this treasure found in his hands he clipped it by little and little melted and mixed it gently with his brasse which tooke thereupon such an excellent and woonderfull temperature that he solde the pieces of worke thereof made passing deere in regard of their dainty colour and lovely beauty which every man set much by and esteemed But both this and the other is but a lying tale for by all likelihood this Corinthian brasse was a certeine mixture and temperature of mettals so prepared by art like as at this day artisans by tempring gold and silver together make thereof a certeine singular and exquisite pale yellow by it selfe howbeit in mine eie the same is but a wanne and sickly colour and a corrupt hue without any beautie in the world What other cause then might there be quoth Diogenianus as you thinke that this brasse heere hath such a tincture To whom Theon made this answere Considering quoth he that of these primative elements and most naturall bodies that are and ever shall be to wit fire aire water and earth there is not one which approcheth or toucheth these brasse works but aire onely it must of necessitie be that it is the aire which doeth the deed and by reason of this aire lying alwaies close upon them and never parting therefro commeth this difference that they have from all others Or rather this is a thing notoriously knowen of old even before Theognis was borne as said the comicall Poet. But would you know by what speciall propertie and vertue the aire should by touching set such a colour upon brasse Yes very faine answered Diogenianus Certes so would I to my sonne quoth Theon let us therefore search into the thing both together in common and first of all if you please what is the cause that oile filleth it full of rust more than all other liquor whatsoever for surely it cannot be truely said that oile of it selfe setteth the said rust upon it considering it is pure and neat not polluted with any filth when it commeth to it No verily quoth the yoong man and there seemeth to be some other cause else beside the oile for the rust meeting with oile which is subtile pure and transparent appeareth most evidently whereas in all other liquors it maketh no shew nor is seene at all Well said my sonne quoth Theon and like a Philosopher but consider if you thinke so good of that reason which Aristotle alledgeth Mary that I will quoth he againe Why then I will tell it you quoth Theon Aristotle saith that the rust of brasse lighting upon other liquors pierceth insensibly and is dispersed through them being of a rare substance and unequall parts not abiding close together but by reason of the compact and fast soliditie of oile the said rust is kept in and abideth thrust and united together Now then if we also of our selves were able to presuppose such a thing we should not altogether want some meanes to charme as it were and allay somewhat this doubt of ours And when we had allowed very well of his speech and requested him to say on and prosecute the same he said That the aire in the citie of Delphos was thicke fast strong and vehement withall by reason of the reflexion and repercussion of the mountaines round about it and besides mordicative as witnesseth the speedie concoction of meat that it causeth Now this aire by reason of the subtilty and incisive qualitie thereof piercing into the brasse and cutting it forceth out of it a deale of rust and skaleth as it were much terrestrial substance from it the which it restreineth afterwards and keepeth in for that the densitie and thicknesse of the aire giveth it no issue thus this rust being staied remaining still gathering also a substance by occasion of the quantity thereof putteth foorth this floure as it were of colour and there within the superficies contracteth a resplendent and shining hew This reason of his we approoved very well but the stranger said that one of those suppositions alone was sufficient to make good the reason For that subtility quoth he seemeth to be somewhat contrary unto the spissitude and thicknesse supposed in the aire and therefore it is not necessarie to make any supposall thereof for brasse of it selfe as it waxeth old in tract of time exhaleth and putteth foorth this rust which the thicknesse of the aire comming upon keepeth in and doeth so incrassate as that through the
The like and in a maner the same both did and suffered another named Theocritus the Sophister save that the punishment which he abid was much more grievous For when King Alexander the Great had by his letters missive given commandement that the Greekes should provide Robes of purple against his returne because upon his comming home he minded to celebrate a solemne sacrifice unto the Gods in token of thanksgiving for that he had atchieved a victorie over the Barbarians by reason of which commaundement the States and cities of Greece were enjoyned to contribute money by the poll Then this Theocritus I have ever to this day quoth he doubted what Homer meant by this word Purple death but now I know full well that this is the Purple death which he speaketh of By which words he incurred the high displeasure of King Alexander and made him his heavie friend ever after The same Theocritus another time procured to himselfe the deadly harted of Antigonus King of the Macedonians by reproching him in way of mockerie with his deformity and defect for that he had but one eie For the King having advaunced Eutropion his Master Cooke to aplace of high calling and commaund thought him a meete man to be sent unto Theocritus as well to give account unto him as also to take account of him reciprocally Eutropion gave him to understand so much from the King and about this businesse repaired often unto him In the end I know well quoth Theocritus thou wilt never have done untill thou have made a dish of meate of me and serve me up raw to the table before this Cyclops to be eaten twitting the King with his one eie and Eutropion with his cookerie But Eutropion came upon him againe presently and said Thou shalt be then without a head first For I will make thee pay for thy prating and foolish toong and with that he went immediately to the King and reported what he had said who made no more adoe but sent his writ and caused his head to be smitten off Over and besides all these precepts before rehearsed children ought to be inured from their very infancie in one thing which is most holy and beseeming religious education and that is to speake the truth For surely lying is a base and servile vice detestable and hatefull among all men and not pardonable so much as to meane slaves such as haue little or no good in them Now as touching all that which I have delivered and advised hitherto which concerneth the honest behaviour modestie and temperance of yoong children I have delivered the same franckly resolutely and making no doubt thereof Mary for one point which now I am to touch and handle I am not so well resolved but much distracted in my mind hanging to and fro as it were in aequall balance and know not which way to incline whether to the one side or to another Insomuch as I am in great perplexitie and feare neither wote I whether I were better to go forward and utter it or to turne backe and hold my peace And yet I will take heart and boldly declare what it is The question to be debated is this Whether we ought to permit those that love young boies to converse with them and haunt their companie or contrariwise keepe them away and debar them that they neither come neere nor have any speech with them For when I behold consider the austere nature severitie of some fathers who for feare that their sonnes should be abused wil in no wise abide that those who love them should in any sort keepe cōpanie or talke with them but thinke it intolerable I am affraid either to bring up such an order or to approove mainteine the same But when on the other side I propound before mine eies the examples of Socrates Plato Xenophon Aeschines Cebes and all the suit and sort of those woorthy men in times past who allowed the maner of loving yoong boies and by that meanes brought such youthes to learne good sciences to skill of government State matters and to frame their maners to the rule and square of vertue I am turned quite and altogither of another minde yea and inclined wholly to imitate and follow those great personages who have the testimonie of the Poet Euripides on their side saying in one place after this maner All loves do not the flesh grossly respect One love there is which doth the soule affect With justice bewtified and aequitie With innocence likewise and chastitie Neither ought we to overpasse one faying of Plato which he delivereth betweene mirth and good earnest in this wise Good reason it is quoth he that they who have done woorthy service and atchieved great prowesse and victory in a battaile be priviledged to kill whom it pleaseth them among their captives And for those who desire nothing but the bewty and fresh floure of the bodie mine opinion is they should be put backe kept away but such in one word as love of the bewrie of the minde are to be chosen admitted unto them Also I hold that such kind love is to be avoided and forbidden which they practise in Thebes and Elis as also that which in Candy they call Ravishment but that which is used in Athens and Lacedaemon we ought to receive and allow even in young and faire boies Howbeit concerning this matter every man may for me opine what he thinketh good and do as he seeth cause and can finde in his heart Moreover having sufficiently treated of the good nourture and modest behaviour of children I purpose to proceed unto the age of yoong men but first I will speake my mind 〈◊〉 once for all as touching one point For many a time I have complained of those who have brought up divers ill customes this above the rest namely to provide for their children whiles they be very yoong and little masters teachers and governors but after they are growen once to some yeeres they give them head and suffer them to be caried away with the violent heat of youth whereas contrariwise it were meet and needfull to have a more carefull eie unto them and to hold a streighter hand over them at that time than during their infancie and childhood For who knoweth not that the faults of yoong children are but small light and easie to be amended as for example some shrewdnesse and little disobedience to their tutors and governors or haply some negligence and default in not giving eare to their teachers and not doing as their Maisters appoint them But contrariwise the offences that yonkers commit are many times outragious and heinous as gourmandise and surfeting robbing of their fathers dice plaie in masks and mummeries excesse in feasting banqueting quaffing and carousing 〈◊〉 love of yoong maidens adulteries committed upon maried wives thereby the overthrow of houses and confusion of families In regard of which enormities it behooved parents to represse and bridle
the word but presently he ment To worthy Hector much disgrace whose body up he hent He stript and spoiled it full soone and then hard by the bed Of sir Patrochus he it laid and groveling there it spred He useth also fitly to the purpose pretie reprehensions after things be done delivering his own sentence as it were by way of a voice given touching that which was either done or said a little before As for example after the narration of the adultery betweene Mars and Venus he reporteth that the gods spake in this sort Lewd Acts do never better speed Lo how the slow and lame Can overtake him him who for strength and swiftnes hath the name And in another place upon the audatious presumption and proud vaunting of Hector thus he saith These words he spake in braverie and swelling pride of heart But Lady Iuno was displeas'd and tooke them in ill part Likewise as touching the arrow that Pandarus shot No sooner Pallas said the word but foolish minded man He was perswaded and therewith streight waies to shoote began And these be the sententious speeches opinions of Poets by them expresly uttered which any man may soone find easily discerme if he will but take heed give regard unto them But yet over besides these testimonies they furnish us also with other instructions by their owne deeds For thus it is reported of Euripides that when upō a time some reviled Ixion reproched him by the termes of Godlesse Wicked Accursed he answered True indeed quoth he and therefore I would not suffer him to be brought frō the Stage before I had set him fast upon the wheele broken both his armes legs True it is that this kinde of Doctrine in Homer is after a sort mute not delivered in plaine expresse termes but if a man will cōsider more neerely even those fables fictions in him which are most blamed found fault withall there may be found therein a profitable instruction covert speculation And yet some there be who wrest writhe forcibly the said fables another way by their Allegories for so they call in these daies those speeches wherein one thing is spoken another ment whereas in times past they were termed Hypponaeae for the hidden meaning couched under them whereby they would make us beleeve that the fiction as touching the adulterie of Mars Venus signifieth thus much That when the Planet of Mars is in conjunction with that of Venus in some Horoscopes and Nativities such persons then borne shall bee enclined to adulteries but if the Sun do then arise passe and overtake them then such adulteries are in danger to be discovered and the parties to be taken in the very act Now as touching Iuno how she embellisheth and adorneth herselfe before Iupiter as also the fiction and sorcerie about the needle worke girdle and Tissue which she borowed of Venus they would have it to signifie a certaine purging and cleering of the aire as it approcheth neere to the fire as if the Poet himselfe gave not the interpretation and exposition of such doubts For in the tale of the adulterie of Venus he meaneth nothing els but to teach them that gave eare thereto how wanton musicke lascivious songs and speeches grounded upon evill arguments and conteining naughtie matters corrupt our maners induce us to a luxurious loose and effeminate life and cause men to be subject unto pleasures delights sensualitie and lust and given over to the love of women as also To chaunge eft soones their beds of costly price Their rich array hote baines and ech device And therefore the same Homer bringeth in Vlysses commanding the Musician who sung to the Harpe in this wise Digresse good sir from such lewd songs and ballads vaine as these Sing rather of the Trojan horse you shall us therein please Giving us thereby a good instruction that Minstrels Musitians and Poets should receive the matter and argument of their compositions from wise men sober sage and vertuous And as touching that fable of Iuno he sheweth how the love favor and acquaintance which women win of men by charmes sorceries and enchantments with fraud and deceit is a thing not onely transitorie and of small continuance unsure and whereof a man hath soone enough and is quickly weary but also that which many times turneth to hatred anger and enmitie so soone as the present pleasure is once past For thus threatneth Iupiter and saith Thou shalt then know that wanton love and daliance in bed Whereby thou earst hast me deceived shall serve thee in small sted For the shew and representation of wicked deeds if there be propounded withall the shame and losse which befalleth unto them that have committed the same doth no hurt at all but rather much good unto the hearers As for Philosophers verily they use examples taken out of histories to admonish and instruct the readers even by such things as be at hand and either are or have beene really so but Poets do in deed the same and in effect howbeit they devise and invent matter of their owne heads they feigne fables I say fitting their purpose Certes like as Melanthius said betweene bord and good earnest that the citie of Athens stood upright on foote and was preserved by meanes of the division discorde and trouble which was among or atours and Politicians for that all the citizens leaned not altogither to a side nor bare levelly upon one and the same wall and so by reason of the variance which reigned among the States men there was evermore some one counterpoise or other weighing even against that which endamaged the common-weale even so the contradictions that are found in the writings of Poets which draw the assent and beleefe of the readers reciprocally to and fro and leave matters ambiguous and doubtfull are a cause that they be not of so great moment and weight as to endamage or endaunger much When as therefore we meet with such repugnant places among them which being laid neere togither do implie evident contrarieties we ought to encline to the safer side and favor the better part As namely in these verses The Gods in many things my sonne Have men decerved and them undone But contrariwise what saith the sonne againe Sir that 's soone said mens fautt ' excuse Nothing more ready than Gods t' accuse Likewise in one place In store of gold thou should'st have joy And count all knowledge but a toy But elsewhere Absurdit is in goods to flow And no good thing besides to know Moreover when we read How then should I die For Gods cause die We must be ready with this What else for love of God I judge We ought no service for to grudge These and such like diversities of doubtfull sentences are soone assoiled and dissolved in case as I have before said we direct the judgement of yoong men to adhere unto the better part But say we light upon
our neighbours eie so we ought by the forme maner of other mens orations to take the patterne and representation of our owne to the end that we be not too forward and bolde in despising others but may more carefully take heed to our selves when wee likewise come to speake To this purpose also it would dec very well to make a kinde of conference and comparison in this maner Namely to retire our selves apart when we have heard one make an oration and to take in hand some points which wee thinke had not beene well and sufficiently handled and then to assay either to supply that which was defective in some or to correct what was amisse in others or els to varie the same matter in other wordes or at leastwise to discourse altogether thereof with new reasons and arguments like as Plato himselfe did upon the oration of Lysias For I assure you no hard matter it is but very easie to contradict the oration and reason by another pronounced mary to set a better by it that is a piece of worke right hard and difficult Much like as when a certaine Lacedaemonian heard that Phlip king of Macedon had demolished and rased the city Olynthus Hath he so quoth he But is not able to set up such another Now when as we shall see that intreating of the same subject and argument there is no great differenece betweene our owne doings and other mens before us and that we have not farre excelled them we shall be reclaimed much from the contempt of others and quickly represse and stay our owne presumptuous pride and selfe love seeing it thus checked by this triall and comparison And verily to admire other mens doings as it is a thing adverse and opposite to despising so it is a signe of a milder nature and more enclined to indifferencie and equitie But even herein also there would be no lesse heed taken if not more than in the contempt beforesaid for as they which are so presumptious bolde and given so much to dispraise and despise others receive lesse good and smaller profit by hearing to the simple and harmelesse sort addicted overmuch to others and having them in admiration are more subject to take harme and hurt thereby verifying this sentence of Heraclîtus A foolish sot astonied is anone A shall he hear's or seeth done As for the praises therefore of him that speaketh we ought favorablie and of course without great affectation to passe them out of our mouthes in giving credite unto their reasons and arguments we are to be more warie and circumspect and as touching the phrase utterance and action of those that exercise to make speeches we must both see and heare the same with a single hart and a kind affection As for the utilite and truth of those matters which are delivered we should examine and weigh the same exactly with more severitie of judgement Thus we who be hearens shall avoid the suspitions of evill will and harted they againe that are speakers shall do usno harme For oftentimes it falleth out that upon a speciall faustine and good liking unto those that preach unto us we take lesse heed to our selves and by our credulitie admit embrace from their lips many false erroneous opinions The Lacedaemonian rulers Lords of the Counsel of estate upon a time liking wel of the good advise and opinion of a person who was an ill liver caused the same to be delivered openly by another of approoved life and good reputation wherein they did very wisely as prudent politicians to accustome the people for to affect the behavior and honest cariage of their counsellors rather than to respect their words onely But in Philosophie it is otherwise For we must lay aside the reputation of the man who hath in publike place spoken his minde and examine the matter apart by it selfe For that like as in warre we say there be many false ahrmes so also in an auditorie there passe as many vanities The goodly grey beard and hoafie hard of the speaker his solemne gesture and composing of his countenance his grave eie browes his glorious words in behalfe of himselfe but above all the acclamations the applause and clapping of hands the leaping and shouting of the standersby and those that are present in place are enough otherwhiles to trouble and astonish the spirits of a yoong hearer who is not well acquainted with such matters and carie him away perforce as it were with a streame Over and besides there is in the very style and speech it lelfe a secret power able to beguile and deceive a yoong novice namely if it runne round away smooth and pleasant and if withallthere be a certeine affected gravitie and artificiall port and loftinesse to set out and grace the matter And even as they that play upon the pipe be it corner recorder of fife fault many times in musioke and are not perceived by the hearers so a brave and elegant tongue a copious and gallant oration dazeleth the wits of the hearer so a she can not judge fourdly of the matter in hand Melanthus being demaunded upon a time what he thought of a Tragaedie of Diogenes Prould not see it quoth he for so many words where with it was choaked up But the Orations declamations for the most part of these Sophisters who make shew of their eloquence not onely have their sentences covered as it were with vailses and curtaines of words but that which more is they themselves do dulce their voice by the meanes of I wot not what devised notes soft sounds exquisite and musicall accents in their pronuntiation so as they ravish the wits of the hearers and transport them beside themselves leading and carying them which way they list and thus for a certeine little vaine pleasure that they give receive againe applause and glorie much more vaine Insomuch as that befalleth properly unto them which by report Dionysius answered upon a time who seemed to promise unto a famous minstrell for his oxcellent play in an open Theatre to reward him with great gifts gave him in the end just nothing but said he had recompensed him sufficiently already For looke quoth he how much pleasure I have received from thee by thy song and minstrelsy so much contentment and joy thou hast had from me by hoping for some great reward And verily such recompense as this have those Sophisters and great Orators at their hearers hands For admired they are so long as they sit in their chaire and give delight unto their auditorie No sooner is their speech ended but gone is the pleasure of the one and the glorie of the other Thus the Auditours spend their time and the speakers employ their whole life in vaine For this cause it behooveth a yoong hearer to sequester and set aside the ranke superfluitie of words and to seeke after the fruit it selfe and heerein not to imitate women that plait and make garlands
of flowres but to follow the Bees For those women laying for and choosing faire flowres and odoriferous herbes twist plat and compose them so as they make thereof a peece of worke I must needs say pleasant to the senses but fruitlesse altogether and not lasting above one day whereas the Bees flying oftentimes over over the medowes full of Violets Roses and Crowtoes light at length upon Thyme an herbe of a most strong sent and quicke taste and there settle Intending then great paines to take The yellow home for to make and when they have gathered from them some profitable juice or liquor to serve their turne they flie away unto their proper worke and businesse Semblably ought an auditour who is studious of skill and knowledge and hath his minde and understanding free from passions to let passe affected flourishing and superfluous words yea and such matters also as be fit for the Stage and Theatre reputing them to be food meet for drone Bees I meane Sophisters and nothing good for honie and rather with diligence and attentive heed to sound the very depth and profound intention of the speaker for or draw that which is good prositable remēbring eftsoons that he is not come thither as to a Theatre either to see sports pastimes or to heare musiscke and Pocticall fables but into a schoole auditorie for to learne how to amend and reforme his life by the rule of reason And therefore he must enter into his wone heart and examine himselfe when he is alone how he was mooved and affected with the Lecture of Sermon that he heard consider I say and reason he ought with himselfe whether he find any turbulent passions of his minde thereby dulced and appeased whether any griefe or heavinesse that trouble him be mitigated and asswaged whether his courage 2nd confidence of heart be more resolute and better confirmed and in one word whether he feele any instinct unto vertue and honestie to be more kindled and enflamed When we rise out of the Barbars chaire we thinke it meete presently to consult with a mirrour or looking glasse we stroke our head to see whether he hath polled and notted it well we consider and peruse our beard and every haire whether we have the right cut be trimmed as we ought a shame it were then to depart from a schole or a lecture and not immediately to retire apart and view our minde well whether it have laide away any foolish thought that troubled it whether it be eased of superfluous and wandring thoughts that clogged it and be thereby more lightsome and pleasant For neither a Baine and Striph as Ariston saith nor a sermon doth any good if the one do not scoure the skin and the other clense the heart A yoong man therefore is to take joy and delight if he have made profit by a lecture or be better edified by hearing a sermon And yet I write not this as if this pleasure should be the finall end that he proposeth to himselfe when he goeth to such a lecture or sermon neither would I have him thinke that he should depart out of the Philosophers schoole with a merie note singing jocundly or with a fresh and cheerefull countenance ne yet to use meanes to be perfumed with sweete odors and ointments whereas he hath more need of Embracations Fomentations and Cataplasmes but to take it well and be thankfull if haply by some sharpe words and cutting speeches any man hath cleansed and purified his heart full of cloudie mists and palpable darkenes like as men drive Bee-hives and rid away Bees with smoke For albeit he that preacheth unto others ought not to be altogether earelesse and negligent in his stile but that it may carrie with it some pleasure delectation and grace aswel as probabilitie and reason yet a yoong man when he commeth to heare should not stand so much thereupon but have least regard thereto especially at the first marrie afterwards I will not say but he may well ynough have an eie unto it also For like as those that drinke after they have once quenched their thirst engraven or imprinted upon them even so when a yong student or auditor is well replenished and furnished with doctrine after he hath breathed and paused a while may be permitted to consider farther of the speech namely what elegant and copious phrases it hath As for him who at the verie beginning attendeth not nor cleaveth unto the matter and substance but hunteth after the language onely desiring that it should be pure Atticke fine and smooth I can liken such a one to him who being empoisoned will not drinke any Antidore or counterpoison unlesse the pot or cup wherein it is be made of the Colian earth in Aitica or who in the cold of winter will not weare a garment except it were made of the wooll that came from the Attike sheepes backe but had rather sit still idle doing nothing and stirring not with some thin mantell and overworne gaberdine cast over him such as be the orations of Lystas his penning The errours committed in this kinde have beene the cause why there is found so little wit and understanding and contrariwise so much tongue and bibble-babble such vaine chattring about words in yoong men throughout the Schooles who never observe the life the deeds the carriage and demeanor in State government of a Philosopher but give all praise and commendation to his fine termes and elegant words onely setting out his eloquence action and readie deliverie of his oration but will not in any wise learne or enquire whether the matter so uttered be profitable or unprofitable necessarie or vaine and superfluous Next to these precepts how we should heare Philosopher to discourse at large and with a continued speech there followeth in good consequence a rule and advertisement as touching short questions and problemes A man that commeth as a bidden guest unto a great supper ought to be content with that which is set before him upon the table and neither to call for any viands else nor to finde fault with those that are present He also that is invited to a Philosophicall feast or banket as I may say of discourses in case they be matters and questions certaine and chosen long before for to be handled ought to do nothing else but heare with patience and silence him that speaketh for they that distract and hale him away to other theames interposing interrogations and demaunds or otherwise moove doubts or make oppositions as he speaketh are troublesome and unportunate hearers such as be unsociable and accord not with an auditorie who besides that they receive no profit themselves disturbe doth the speaker and the speech also But in case the partie that standeth ad oppositum doe of himselfe will and pray his auditors to aske him questions and to propose what they will then they ought to propound such demaunds as be either necessarie or profitable Vlisses verily in
in him somewhat better and somewhat worse And verily by that meanes he that hath the worse part obedient to the better hath powre over himselfe yea and better than himselfe whereas he that suffreth the brutish and unreasonable part of his soule to command and go before so as the better and more noble part doth follow and is serviceable unto it he no doubt is worse than himselfe he is I say incontinent or rather impotent and hath no power over himselfe but disposed contrary to nature For according to the course and ordinance of nature meet and fit it is that reason being divine and heavenly should command and rule that which is sensuall and voide of reason which as it doth arise and spring out of the very bodie so it resembleth it as participating the properties and passions thereof yea and naturally is full of them as being deepely concorporate and throughly mixed therewith As it may appeere by all the motions which it hath tending to no other things but those that be materiall and corporall as receiving their augmentations and diminutions from thence or to say more properly being stretched out and let slacke more or lesse according to the mutations of the body Which is the cause that young persons are quicke prompt and audacious rash also for that they be full of bloud and the same hot their lusts and appetites are likewise firy violent and furious whereas contrariwise in old folke because the source of concupiscence seated about the liver is after a sort quenched yea and become weake and feeble reason is more vigorous and predominant in them as much as the sensuall and passionate part doth languish and decay together with the body And verily this is that which doth frame and dispose the nature of wilde beasts to divers passions For it is not long of any opinions good or bad which arise in them that some of them are strong venterous and fearelesse yea and ready to withstand any perils presented before them others againe be so surprised with feare and fright that they dare not stirre or do any thing but the force and power which lieth in the bloud in the spirits and in the whole bodie is that which causeth this diversitie of passions by reason that the passible part growing out of the flesh as from a roote doeth bud soorth and bring with it a qualitie and pronenesse semblable But in man that there is a sympathie and fellow mooving of the body together with the motions of the passions may be prooved by the pale colour the red flushing of the face the trembling of the joints and panting and leaping of the heart in feare and anger And againe on the contrary side by the dilations of the arteries heart and colour in hope and expectation of some pleasures But when as the divine spirit and understanding of man doeth moove of it selfe alone without any passion then the body is at repose and remaineth quiet not communicating nor participating any whit with the operation of the minde and intendement no more than it being disposed to studie upon any Mathematicall proposition or other science speculative it calleth for the helpe and assistance of the unreasonable part By which it is manifest that there be two distinct parts in us different in facultie and power one from another In summe Go through the universall world althings as they themselves affirme and evident experience doth convince are governed and ordred some by a certeine habitude others by nature some by sensuall and unreasonable soule others by that which hath reason and understanding Of all which man hath his part at once yea and was borne naturally with these differences above said For conteined he is by an habitude nourished by nature reason understanding he useth he hath his portion likewise of that which is unreasonable and inbred there is together with him the source and primitive cause of passions as a thing necessarie for him neither doth it enter into him from without in which regard it ought not to be extirped utterly but hath neede onely of ordering and government whereupon Reason dealeth not after the Thracian maner nor like king Lycurgus who commanded all vines without exception to be cut downe because wine caused drunkennes it rooteth not out I say all affections indifferently one with another the profitable as well as the hurtfull but like unto the good gods 〈◊〉 and Hemorides who teach us to order plants that they may fructifie and to make them gentle which were savage to cut away that which groweth wilde and ranke to save all the rest and so to order and manage the same that it may serve for good use For neither do they shed and spill their wine upon the floure who are afraid to be drunke but delay the same with water nor those who feare the violence of a passion do take it quite away but rather temper and qualifie the same like as folke use to breake horses and oxen from their flinging out with their heeles their stiffenes curstnes of the head stubburnes in receiving the bridle or the yoke but do not restreine them of other motions in going about their worke and doing their deed And even so verily reason maketh good use of these passions when they be well tamed and brought as it were to hand without over weakning or rooting out cleane that part of the soule which is made for to second reason and do it good service For as Pindarus saith The horse doth serve in chariot at the thill The oxe at plough doth labour hardin field Who list in chase the wild Bore for to kill The hardy hound he must provide with skill And I assure you the entertainment of these passions and their breed serve in farre better stead when they doe assist reason and give an edge as it were and vigour unto vertues than the beasts above named in their kind Thus moderate ire doth second valour and fortitude hatred of wicked persons helpeth the execution of Iustice and indignation is just and due unto those who without any merit or desert enjoie the felicitie of this life who also for that their heart is puffed up with foolish arrogancie and enflamed with disdainfull pride and insolence in regard of their prosperitie have need to be taken downe and cooled Neither is a man able by any meanes would he never so faine to separate from true friendship naturall indulgence and kind affection nor from humanitie commiseration and pitie ne yet from perfect benevolence and good will the fellowiship in joy and sorrow Now if it be true as it is indeed that they do grossely erre who would abolish all love because of foolish and wanton love surely they do amisse who for covertousnes sake and greedines of money do blame and condemne quite all other appetites and desires They do I say asmuch as those who would sorbid running altogether because a man may stumble and catch a fall as he runneth
upon a waspes nest of enimies where there is a great ods and difference even in this that the revenging remembrance of an enimie for wrong done over-weigheth much the thankfull memorie of a friend for a benefit received and whether this be true or no confider in what maner Alexander the great entreated the friends of Philotas and parmenio how Dionysius the tyrant used the familiars of Dion after what sort Nero the emperor dealt by the acquaintance of Plautus or Tiberius Caesar by the wel-willers of Sejanus whom they caufed all to be racked tortured and put to death in the end Andlike as the costly jewels of golde and the rich apparell of king Creons daughter served him in no stead at all but the fire that tooke holde thereof flaming light out suddenly burned him when he ran unto her to take her in his armes and so consumed father and daughter together even so you shall have some who having never received any benefit at all by the prosperitie of their friends are entangled notwithstanding in their calamities and perish together with them for companie a thing that ordinarily and most of all they are subject unto who be men of profession great clearks and honourable personages Thus Theseus when Perithous his friend was punifhed and lay bound in prifon With fetters sure to him tied was Farre stronger than of yron or brasse Thucydides alfo writeth That in the great pestilence at Athens the best men and such as made greatest profession of vertue were they who did most with their friends that lay sicke of the plague for that they never spared themselves but went to visit and looke to all thofe whom they loved were familiarly acquainted with And therfore it is not meet to meet to make fo littleregard and reckoning of vertue as to hang and fasten it upon others without respect and as they say hand over head but to reserve the c̄omunication thereof to be who be worthy that is to say unto such who are able to love reciprocally and know how to impart the like againe And verily this is the greatest contrariety and opposition which crosseth pluralitie of friends in that amitie in deed is bred by similitude and conformitie for considering that the very brute beasts not endued with reafon if a man would have to ingender with those that are of divers kinds are brought to it by force and thereto compelled insomuch as they shrinke they couch downe upon their knees and be ready to flee one from another whereas contrariwise they take pleasure and delight to be coupled with their like and of the same kinde receiving willingly and enterteining their companie in the act of generation with gentlenesse and good contentment how is it possible that any found and perfect friendship fhould grow betweene those who are in behaviour quite different in affections divers in conditions opposite and whose course of life tendeth to contrary or sundry ends True it is that the harmonie of musicke whether it be in song or instrument hath symphony by antiphony that is to say the accord ariseth from discord and of contrarie notes is composed a sweet tune so as the treble and the base concurre after a sort I wot not how meet together bringing forth by their agreement that sound which pleaseth the eare but in this consonance and harmonie of friendfhip there ought to be no part unlike or unequall nothing obscure and doubtfull but the same should be compofed of all things agreeable to wit the same will the same opinion the same counsell the same affection as if one soule were parted into many bodies And what man is he so laborious so mutable so variable and apt to take every fashion form who is able to frame unto all patterns and accommodate himselfe to so many natures and will not rather be ready to laugh at the Poet Theognis who giveth this lesson Put on a minde I thee do wish As variable as Polype fish Who ay resemble will the roch To which he neerely doth approch and yet this change and transmutation of the said polype or pourcuttle fish entreth not deeply in but appeareth superficially in the skin which by the closenesse or laxitie thereof as he drawes it in or lets it out receiveth the defluctions of the colours from those bodies that are neere unto it whereas amities do require that the maners natures passions speeches studies desires and inclinations may be comformable for otherwise to doe were the propertie of a Proteus who was neither fortunate nor yet verie good and honest but who by enchantment and sorcerie could eftsoones transforme himselfe from one shape to another in one and the same instant and even so he that enterteineth many friends must of necessitie be conformable to them all namely with the learned and studious to be ever reading with professours of wrestling to bestrew his bodie with dust as they doe for to wrestle with hunters to hunt with drunkards to quaffe and carouse with ambitious citizens to sue and manage for offices without any setled mansion as it were of his owne nature for his conditions to make abode in And like as naturall Philosophers do holde That the substance or matter that hath neither forme nor any colour which they call Materia prima is a subject capable of all formes and of the owne nature so apt to alter and change that sometimes it is ardent and burning otherwhiles it is liquid and moist now rare and of an airie substance and afterwards againe grosse and thicke resembling the nature of earth even so must the minde applied to this multiplicitie of friends bee subject to many passions sundry conditions divers affections pliable variable and apt to change from one fashion to another Contrariwise simple friendship and amitie betweene twaine requireth a staied minde a firme and constant nature permanent and abiding alwaies in one place and reteining stil the same fashions which is the reason that a fast and assured friend is very geason and hard to be found OF FORTVNE The Summarie LOng time hath this Proverbe beene currant That there is nothing in this world but good fortune and misfortune Some have expounded and taken it thus as if all things were carried by meere chance and aventure or mooved and driven by inconstant fortune an idole forged in their braine for that they were ignorant in the providence of the True God who conducteth or dinarily all things in this world by second causes and subalterne meanes yea the verie motion will and workes of men for the execution of his ordinance and purpose Now Plutarch not able to arise and reach up to this divine and heavenly wisedome hidden from his knowledge staieth below and yet poore Pagan and Ethnike though he were he consuteth that dangerous opinion of Fortune shewing that it taketh away all distinction of good and evill quencheth and putteth out the light of mans life blending and confounding vice and vertue together Afterwards he prooveth
no person so much as to him who would blame and finde fault with another for feare lest such men in speaking to others what they would heare that againe which they would not For it happeneth ordinarily as Sophocles saith That such an one Who lets his tongue runne foolishly In noting others bitterly Shall heare himselfe unwillingly The words he gave so wilfully Lo what commoditie and profit ensueth upon reproching an enemie Neither commeth there lesse good and aduantage unto a man by being reproched by another and hearing himselfe reviled by his enemies and therefore it was well and truely saide of Antisthenes that such men as would be saved and become honest another day ought of necessitie to have either good friends or most spitefull and bitter enemies for as they with their kind remonstrances and admonitions so these with their reprochfull tearmes were like to reforme their sinfull life But forasmuch as amity and friendship now adaies speaketh with a small and low voice when faults should freely be reprooved and is very audible and full of words in flattering altogether mute and dumbe in rebukes and chastisements but what temaineth now but that we should heare the truth from the mouth of our enemies much like unto Telephus who for default of a physician that was a friend to cure him was forced to commit his wound or ulcer to the iron head of his enemies speare for to be healed and even so those that have no well willers that dare freely reprove their faults must perforce endure with patience the stinging tongue of their enemie and evill willer in chastising and rebuking their vices not regarding so much the intent and meaning of the ill speaker as the thing it selfe and the matter that helpeaketh and looke how he who enterprised the killing of Prometheus the Thessallan ran him so deepe with his sword into the impostume or swelling botch which he had about him that he let foorth the corruption and saved his life by the breaking and issue thereof even so for all the world it falleth out many times that a reprochfull speech delivered in anger or upon evill will is the cause of healing some maladie of the soule either hidden or unknowne altogether or else neglected but the most part of those who are in this maner reproched never consider whether the vice wherewith they are touched be in them or no but they looke rather if they can finde some other vice to object unto him who hath thus chalenged them and much like unto wrestlers they never wipe away their owne dust that is to say the reproches that be fastned upon themselves and wherewith they be defamed but they bestrew one another with dust and afterwards trip up one anothers heeles and tumble downe one upon another wekering in the same and soiling one another therewith whereas indeed it behooved rather that a man when he findeth himselfe tainted by his enemie to endevour for to do away that vice wherewith he is noted and defamed much rather than to fetch out any spot or steine out of his garment which hath beene shewed him and although there be charged upon us some slanderous imputation that is not true yet neverthelesse we are to search into the occasion whereupon such an opprobrious speech might arise and proceed yea and take heed we must and feare lest ere we be aware we commit the like or come neere unto that which hath beene objected unto us Thus for example sake Lacydes king of the Argives for that hee did weare his haire curiously set in maner of a perruke and because his gate or maner of going seemed more delicate and nice than ordinary grew into an ill name and obloquy of effeminate wantomesse And Pompetus the great could not avoid the like suspicion because he used otherwhiles to scratch his head with one finger onely and yet otherwise he was so farre from feminine wantonnesse and incontinence as any man in the world Crassus was accused for to have had carnall companie with one of the religious nuns or votaries of Vesta for that being desirous to purchase of her a faire peece of land and house of pleasure which she had he resorted oftentimes privately unto her spake with her apart and perhaps made court unto her for to have her good wil in that respect onely Posthumia likewise another vestall virgin for that she was given much to laugh upon a small occasion and withall would not sticke to enterteine talke with men more boldly peradventure than became a maiden of her profession was so deepely suspected of incontinence that she was brought judicially into question about it howbe it found unguilty and acquit she was but when Spurius Minutius the high-priest for the time being assoiled her and pronounced the sentence of her absolution minding to dismisse her of the court he gave her a gentle admonition by the way that from thence forward she should forbeare to use any words lesse modest chaste then the cariage of her life was Themistocles likewise notwithstanding he was most innocent indeed was called into question for treason because he interteined amitie with Pausanias sent and wrote oftentimes unto him and so by that meanes gave suspicion that he minded to betray all Greece When as therefore thou art charged with a false crimination by thine enemie thou must not neglect it and make smal account thereof because it is not true but rather looke about thee and examine what hath beene done or said either by thee or anie one of those who affect and love thee or converse with thee sounding and tending any way to that imputation which might give occasion or likelihood thereof and carefully to beware and avoid the same for if by adverse and heavy fortune whereunto others have inconsiderately fallen they are deerely taught what is good for them as Merope saith in one tragedie Fortune hath taken for her salarie My deerest goods of which I am berest But me she taught by that great miserie For to be wise and so she hath me left What should let or hinder us but that we may learne by a master that costeth us nought not taketh nothing for his teaching even our enemie to profit and learne somewhat that we knew not before for an enemie perceiveth and findeth in us many things more than a friend by reason that as Plato saith That which loveth is alwaies blinde in the thing that is loved whereas he who hateth us besides that he is very curious and inquisitive into our imperfections he is not meale mouthed as they say nor will spare to speake but is ready enough to divulge and blase all abroad King Hiero chanced upon a time being at words with one of his enemies to be tolde in reprochfull maner by him of his stinking breath whereupon being somewhat dismaied in himselfe he was no sooner returned home to his owne house but be chid his wife How comes this to passe quoth he what say you to it how
wives and children For the goddesse Diana in Ephesus yeelded sanctuarie franchise and savegard unto all debters against their creditours who fled for succour into her temple But the sanctuarie indeed of parsimonie frugalitie and moderate expense into which no usurers can make entrie for to hale and pull out of it any debter prisoner standeth alwaies open for those that are wise and affoordeth unto them a large space of joious and honorable repose For like as that Prophetesse which gave oracles in the temple of Pythius Apollo about the time of the Medians warre made answere unto the Athenian Embassadors That God gave vnto them for their safetie a wall of wood whereupon they leaving their lands and possessions abandoning their citie and forsaking their houses and all the goods therein had recourse unto their ships for to save their libertie even so God giveth unto us woodden tables earthen vessels and garments of course cloth if we would live in freedome Set not thy minde upon steeds of great price And chariots brave in silver harnesse dight With claspes with hookes and studs by fine device Ywrought in race to shew a goodly sight for how swift soever they be these usurers will soone overtake them and run beyong But rather get upon the next asse thou meetest with or the first pack-horse that commeth in thy way to flie from the usurer a cruell enemie and meere tyrant who demaundeth not at thy hands fire and water as sometimes did that barbarous King of Media but that which woorse is toucheth thy libertie woundeth thine honor and credit by proscriptions writs and open proclamations If thou pay him not to his conteut he is ready to trouble thee if thou have wherewith to satisfie him he wil not receive thy payment unlosse he list if thou prize and sell thy goods he will have them under their worth art thou not disposed to make a sale of them hee will force thee to it doest thou sue him for his extreame dealing he will seeme to offer parley of agreement if thou sweare unto him that thou wilt make paiment he will impose upon thee hard conditions and have thee at command if thou goe to his house for to speake and conferre with him hee will locke the gates against thee and if thou stay at home and keepe house thou shalt have him rapping at thy doore he will not away but take up his lodging there with thee For in what stead served the law of Solon in Athens wherein it was ordained that among the Athenians mens bodies should not be obliged for any civill debt considering that they be in bondage and slaverie to all banquers and usurers who force men to keepe in their heads and that which more is not to them alone for that were not such a great matter but even to their verie slaves being proud insolent barbarous and outrageous such as Plato describeth the divels and fiery executioners in hel to be who torment the soules of wicked and godlesse persons For surely these cursed usurers make thy hall and judiciall place of justice no better than a very hell and place of torment to their poore debters where after the manner of greedie geirs and hungrie griffons they flay mangle and eate them to the verie bones And of their beaks and talons keene The markes within their flesh be seene And some of them they stand continually over not suffring them to touch and taste their owne proper goods when they have done their vintage and gathered in their corne other fruits of the earth making them fast pine away like unto Tantalus And like as king Darius sent against the citie of Athens his lieutenants generall Datis and Artaphernes with chaines cordes and halters in their hands therewith to binde the prisoners which they should take semblablie these usurers bring into Greece with them their boxes and caskets full of schedules bils hand-writings and contracts obligatorie which be as good as so many irons and fetters to hang upon their poore debters and thus they go up and downe leaping from citie to citie where they sow not as they passe along good and profitable seede as Triptolemus did in old time but plant their rootes of debts which bring foorth infinite troubles and intolerable usuries whereof there is no end which eating as they goe and spreading their spaunes round about in the end cause whole cities to stoupe and stinke yea and be ready to suffocate and strangle them It is reported of hares that at one time they suckle young leverets and be ready to kinnule others that be in their bellies and withall to conceive a fresh but the debts of these barbarous wicked and cruell usurers do bring foorth before they conceive For in putting out their money they redemand it presently in laying it downe they take it up they deliver that againe for interest which they received and tooke in consideration of lone and use It is said of the Messenians citie Gate after gate a man shall here find And yet one gate ther 's alwaies behind But it may better be said of usurers Usurte here upon usurie doth grow And end thereof you never shall know and here withall in some sort they laugh at natural philosophers who holde this Axiome That of nothing can be engendred nothing for with them usurie is bred of that which neither is not ever was of that I say which never had subsistence nor being Howbeit these men thinke it a shame reproch to be a publicane and take to farme for a rent the publike revenewes notwithstanding the lawes do permit and allow that calling whereas themselves against all the lawes of the world exact a rent and custome for that which they put foorth to usurie or rather to speake a truth in lending their money they defraude their debtors as bankrupts do their creditors For the poore debter who receiveth lesse than he hath set downe in his obligation is most falsely coufened deceived and cut short of that which he ought to have And verily the Persians repute lying to be a sinne but in a second degree for in the first place they reckon to owe money and be indebted in as much as leasing followeth commonly those that be in debt But yet usurers ly more than they neither are there any that practise more falshood and deceit in their day debt bookes wherein they write that to such a one they have delivered so much whereas indeed it is farre lesse and so the motive of their lying is faire avarice neither indigence nor poverty but even a miserable covetousnes and desire ever to have more and more the end whereof turneth neither to pleasure nor profit unto themselves but to the losse and ruine of those whom they wring and wrong for neither till they those grounds which they take away from their debters nor dwell in the houses out of which they turne them nor their meat upon those tables which they have from them ne
which followeth in your letters missive and make use of these personages heere assembled whiles they bee all in place together Now truely quoth Niloxenus in my conceit that demaund of the Aethiopian a man may well and properly say to bee nothing else but if I may use the wordes of Archilochus a tewed or bruised whip but King Amasis your host in proposing of such questions is more gentle and civil for hee propounded unto him these demands to bee answered What thing in the whole world is eldest or most ancient What is the fairest What the greatest What most wise What most common Over and besides What most profitable What is most hurtfull What most puissant and What most easie What quoth Periander did the Aethiopian prince answere to these demands assoile them all Will you see quoth Niloxenus then what answers he made and after you have heard his answers be you judge whether he satisfied them or no for the king my master hath proceeded therin so sincerely that he would not for any thing in the world be justly thought to cavill and carpe like a sycophant at the answers of another and yet his care and endevour is not to faile in reprooving that wherein one hath erred and is deceived but I will from point to point recite unto you his answers What is most ancient Time quoth he What most wise Trueth What most beautifull The light What most common Death What most profitable God What most hurtfull The Divell What most mightie Fortune What most easie The thing that pleaseth When these answers were read ô Nicharchus they all remained silent for a time and then Thales asked of Niloxenus whether King Amasis approoved these solutions or no Niloxenus answered that some of them he allowed but with others of them he rested not well contented And yet quoth Thales againe there is not one of them all but deserveth great reprehension for they doe everie one bewray much error and grosse ignorance and to begin withall How can it be held and maintained that Time should be the eldest thing that is considering that one part thereof is passed already another present and a third yet to come for the future time which is to follow us can not choose but by all reason be esteemed yoonger than all men or all things which are present Againe to thinke that veritie were wisedome in my judgement is as much as if a man should say that the eie and the light is all one Furthermore if he reputed the light to be a faire thing as no doubt it is how happeneth it that he forgat the sunne Moreover as touching his answers of God and the devils they are verie audacious and dangerous But concerning Fortune there is no probalitie or likelihood of trueth therein for if she were so powerfull and puissant as he saith how commeth it about that she turneth and changeth so easily as she doth Neither is death the commonest thing in the world for common it is not to the living But because it shall not be thought that we can skill of naught but reprooving and correcting others let us conferre a little our particular opinions and sentences in this behalfe with his and if Niloxenus thinke so good I am content to offer my selfe first to answere unto these demaunds beforesaid one after another Now will I therfore declare unto you Nicharchus in order the interrogatories and answers according as they were propounded and delivered What is most ancient God quoth Thales for he never had beginning nor nativitie What is greatest Place for as the world containeth all things else so place containeth it What is fairest The world And why because whatsoever is disposed in lively order is a part thereof What is wisest Time for it hath found all things alreadie devised and will finde out all inventions hereafter What is most common Hope for it remaineth still with them who have nothing else What most profitable Vertue in that it maketh all things commodious according as they be used What is most hurtfull Vice for it marreth all good things besides wheresoever it is What is most mightie Necessitie for that onely is invincible What is most easie That which agreeth to nature for even pleasures many times we do abandon and forsake Now when all the companie had approoved and commended highly the answers of Thales These be questions in deed quoth Cleodemus unto Niloxenus meet for kings and princes both to propose and also to assoile as for that barbarous king of Aethiopia who enjoined king Amasis to drinke up the sea deserveth as short an answere as that was which Pittacus made to king Alyattes who when he demaunded somwhat of the Lesbians by his arrogant and proud letters had no other answere returned him from Pittacus but this That he should eate oinions and hot bread upon which words Periander inferred and said I assure you Cleodemus it hath bene the maner in old time among the ancient Greeks to propose one unto another such questions as these For we have heard by report that in times past the most skilfull and excellent Poets which were in those daies met at the funerals and obsequies of Amphidamas within the citie of Cholcis Now had this Amphidamus beene a man of great honour in government of the common-weale in his country who having put the Eretrians to much trouble in those wars which they waged against those of Cholcis in the quarrell of Lilantes hapned to leese his life at the last in a battell And for that the curious verses which the said poets provided and brought to be scanned of were intricate and hard to be judged of by those who were chosen as judges of the doubtfull victorie and besides the glorie of two renowmed concurrents Homer and Hesiodus held the judges in great perplexitie and shame to give their sentences as touching two so famous personages they grewe to suchas these questions in the end and propounded one unto another as Lesches saith after this maner Now helpe me Muse for to endite what things have never beene Nor hencefoorth whiles the world endures for ever shall be seene unto which demand Hesiodus answered readily and extempore in this wise When steeds to win the prize with sound of feet shall runne amaine And at the tombe of Jupiter their chariots breake in twaine For which cause especially it is reported he was so highly admired that thereby he 〈◊〉 the tre-feet of gold And what difference quoth Cleodemus is there betweene these questions and the riddles put foorth by Eumetis which haply are no more unseemely for her to devise in sport and mirth and when she hath as it were twisted them to propose unto 〈◊〉 like herselfe than for other women to delight for their pastime to busie their heads in and working girdles of tissue or knitting net-worke coifes and cawles but certeinly that men of wisedome and understanding should make any account thereof were very ridiculous and a meere mockerie At
our paramours and concubines and not unto such great captaines as your selfe But Cato after a more surly and boislerous sort in the like case answered unto Catulus one of his inward and most familiar friends This Catulus being Censour mooved Cato who then was but Questour or Treasurer that for his sake he would dismisse and set free one of his clerks of the Finances under him against whom he had commensed sute and entred processe in law That were a great shame in deed quoth he for you who are the Censour that is to say the corrector and reformer of our maners and who ought to schoole and instruct us that be of the yonger sort thus to be put out of your course by our under officers and ministers for he might well enough have denied to condescend unto his request in deed and effect without such sharpe and biting words and namely by giving him to understand that this displeasure that he did him in refusing to doe the thing was against his will and that he could neither will nor chuse being forced thereto by justice and the law Over and besides a man in government hath good meanes with honesty and honor to helpe his poore friends that they may advantage themselves and reape benefit by him from the common-wealth Thus did Themistocles after the battell at Marathon for seeing one of them that lay dead in the field to have hanging at his necke chaines and collars with other bracelets of gold about his armes passed by and would not seeme for his owne part to meddle with them but turning backe to a familiar friend of his one of his folowers Here quoth he off with these ornaments and take them to your selfe for you are not yet come to be such an one as Themistocles Moreover the affaires and occurrences daily incident in the world doe present vnto a magistrate and great ruler such like occasions whereby he may be able to benefit and entich his friends for all men cannot be wealthy nor like to you ô Menemachus Give then unto one friend a good and just cause to plead unto and defend which he may gaine well by and fill his purse unto another recommend the affaires and businesse of some great and rich personage who hath neede of a man that knoweth how to manage and order the same better than himselfe for another harken out where there is a good bargaine to be made as namely in the undertaking of some publicke worke or helpe him to the taking of a good farme at a reasonable rent whereby he may be a gainer Epaminondas would do more than thus for upon a time he sent one of his friends who was but poore unto a rich burgesse of Thebes to demaund a whole talent of money freely to be given unto him and to say that Epammondas commanded him to deliver so much The burgesse woondring at such a message came unto Epaminondas to know the cause why hee should part with a talent of silver unto him mary quoth he this is the reason The man whom I sent is honest but poore and you by robbing the common-wealth are become rich And by report of Xenophon Agesilaus tooke no smal joy glory in this that he had enriched his friends whiles himselfe made no account at all of money But forasmuch according to the saying of Simonides as all larks ought to have a cap or crest upon the head so every government of State bringeth with it enmities envies and litigious jealousies this is a point wherein a man of estate and affaires ought to be well enformed and instructed To begin therefore to treat of this argument many there be who highly praise Themistocles and Aristides for that whensoever they were to goe out of the territorie of Attica either in embassage or to manage warres together they had no sooner their charge and commission but they presently laid downe all the quarrels and enmitie betweene even in the very confines and frontiers of their countrey and afterwards when they were returned tooke up and enterteined them againe Some also there are who be wonderfull well pleased with the practise and fashion of Cretinas the Magnesian This Cretinas had for his concurrent an adversary in the government of State a noble man of the same citie named Hermias who although he were not very rich yet ambitious he was and caried a brave and hautie minde Cretinas in the time of the warre that Mithridates made for the conquest of Asia seeing the citie in danger went unto the said Hermias and made an offer unto him to take the charge of captaine generall for the defence of the citie and in the meane while himselfe would go foorth to retire to some other place or otherwise if he thought better that himselfe should take upon him the charge of the warre then he would depart out of the citie into the countrey for the time for feare lest if they taried both behinde and hindered one another as they were woont to doe by their ambitious minds they should vndoo the state of the citie This motion liked Hermias very well who confessing that Cretinas was a more expert warrior than himselfe departed with his wife and children out of the citie Now Cretinas made meanes to send him out before with a convoy putting into his hands his owne money as being more profitable to them who were without their houses and fled abroad than to such as lay besieged within the citie which being at the point to be lost was by this meanes preserved beyond al hope and expectation for if this be a noble and generous speech proceeding from a magnanimous hart to say thus with a loud voice My children well I loue but of my hart My native soile by farre hath greater part Why should not they have this speech readier in their mouthes to say unto every one I hate this or that man and willing I would be to doe him a displeasure but my native countrey I love so much the more For not to desire to be at variance and debate still with an enimie in such causes as for which we ought to abandon and cast off our friend were the part of a most fell savage and barbarous nature yet did Phocion and Cato better in mine opinion who enterteined not any enmitie with their citizens in regard of difference and variance betweene them about bearing rule and government but became implacable and irreconcilable onely in publike causes when question was of abandoning or hurting the weale publike for otherwise in private matters they caried themselves kindly enough without any ranckor or malice even toward them against whom they had contested in open place as touching the State for we ought not to esteeme or repute any citizen an enimie unlesse such an one be bred amongst them as Aristion or Nabis or Catiline who are to be reckoned botches rather and pestilent maladies of a citie than citizens for all others if haply they be at a jarre
enterprise and travel which is either too greevous or unbeseeming considering that in the universall government of the common-weale there be many parts befitting well enough and agreeable to that age whereunto both you and I at this present be arrived For like as if of dutie we were commanded to continue singing all our life long we are not bound after that we be growen to great age for to reach unto the highest lowdest and most shrill notes considering that there be in musicke many divers tunes and different intensions of the voice which the musicians call harmonies but reason would that we make choise of that which is easiest for our yeeres and most sutable to our nature and disposition even so since that to speake and manage affaires is to men more naturall during their whose life than singing to swannes even unto their houre of death we mustnot abandon that affection of saying and doing as if we should fling away an harpe too high set but we ought to let the same downe by little and little taking in hand those charges and offices which be lesse painfull more moderate and better according with the strength and manners of old folke for even our verie bodies we that are aged doe not suffer to rest still without all exercise and allow them no motion at all because we can no more handle the spade to dig the ground nor weld the plummets of leade in the exercise of dauncing nor pitch the barre fling the hammer cast the coit or throw a stone farre from us or fight and skirmish in our armour or handle sword and buckler as we could have done in those daies yet we can abide to swing and hang at a rope for to stretch our limmes we can away with shaking of our bodies moderately in a pendant ship coach or easie horse-litter we like well enough of walking gently and devising one with another upon the way and mainteining pleasant discourses wakening and reviving our vitall spirits and blowing as it were the coles to kindle our naturall heat and therefore let us not suffer our selves to grow over colde nor stiffe and starke as if we were frozen and congealed through our sloth and idlenesse neither on the other side overcharge our selves with all offices nor be readie to lay our hand to all ministeries and functions nor enforce our old age convinced of impotencie to come at length to these or such like words Ah good right hand how gladly wouldst thou take The launce to couch and pike in skirmish shake But now alas this forward will to fight Thy feeblenesse doth checke and worke thee spight For neither is the man himselfe who is able enough and in the floure of his yeres commended if he should undergo and lay upon his shoulders all the affaires of the common-weale and not suffer any man else with him to take some part like as the Stoicks affirme that Jupiter is content to do but engaging himselfe in all things and medling in every matter either upon an unsatiable desire of glorie or for envie that he beareth to those who in some measure would have their part of honour and authoritie in the common-weale But unto an auncient person I assure you although you should ease him of infamie in this behalfe yet it were a painfull ambition and a most laborious desire of rule to be present personally at all elections of magistrates yea and a miserable curiositie to wait and attend every houre of judgement in court and all meetings and assemblies in counsell also an intollerable humour of vaine-glorie to stand at receit and catch every occasion of embassage or know every verduict of our grand-jurie or undertake the patronage of all publike causes whatsoever and say that all this might be performed with the favour and love of every man yet greevous it is and above the ordinarie strength of that age But what will you say if they meet with the cleane contrarie for to yoong men they be odious because they let nothing passe their owne hands but intercept from them all occasion and meanes of action not giving them leave to arise and put themselves foorth as for their equals this covetous desire of theirs to hold the highest place in all things and to have the sole authoritie every where is no lesse hated of them accounted infamous than either avarice or loose life and voluptuousnesse in other old folke And therefore like as by report king Alexander the great not willing to overcharge his horse Bucephalus when he grew in age used to mount other coursers before the fight began for to ride up and downe to review his armie and all the quarters and regiments thereof but after he had ranged it in array set his squadrons and companies in ordinance of battell and given the signall he would alight and get upon his backe againe as he was woont and presently march directly affront his enemies give the charge and hazard the fortune of the field even so a politike man of State if he be wise and of sound judgement will favour his strength a little when he feeleth himselfe aged as he holdeth the reines in his owne hand he will forbeare to deale in those charges which are not altogether so necessarie and suffer younger men to manage matters of lesse importance but in weightie affaires of great consequence he will lay to both his owne hands in good earnest contrary unto the practise of the champions in publike games and combats of prise who carefully looke unto their bodies without touching at all any necessary works and all to employ and use them in needlesse unprofitable and superfluous feats but we contrariwise letting passe by the petie and sleight charges are to reserve our selves whole and entire unto those that be serious and of moment indeed for a yoong man as Homer saith all things beseeme indifferently alike all the world smileth on him every body loveth him if he enterprise small matters and many in number they say he is a good common-wealths man he is popular he is laborious if he undertake great works and honorable actions he hath the name of generous noble magnanimous yea and divers occurrences there be wherein rashnesse it selfe and a contentious humour of emulation have a kinde of grace and become gaily well such as be fresh and gallant youthes but for a man of yeeres who during the administration of the common-weale undertaketh these and such like ministeries and commissions namely the letting to ferme the customes revenues of the citie the charge of mainteining an haven or keeping of the market place and common hall in order and reparation over and besides the embassies and voiages in forren parts to princes and potentates or the riding in poste thither to treat about no matter of necessitie nor weighty affaires of any importance but onely to salute them or make court unto them or performe some offices of course and courtesie In my conceit and
lawyer although he had no law in the world in him and was besides a man of very grosse capacity this man was served with a writ to appeare in the court for to beare witnesse of a trueth touching a certeine fact in question but he answered That he knew nothing at all True quoth Cicero for peradventure you meane of the law and thinke that you are asked the question of it Hortensius the orator who pleaded the cause of Verres had received of him for a fee or a gentle reward a jewel with the portraiture of Sphinx in silver it fell out so that Cicero chanced to give out a certeine darke and ambiguous speech As for mee quoth Hortensius I can not tell what to make of your words for I am not one that useth to solve riddles and aenigmaticall speeches Why man quoth Cicero and yet you have Sphinx in your house He met upon a time with Voconius and his three daughters the foulest that ever looked out of a paire of eies at which object he spake softly to his friends about him This man I weene his children hath begot In spight of Phoebus and when he would it not Faustus the sonne of Sylla was in the end so farre endebted that he exposed his goods to be sold in open sale and caused billes to be set up on posts in every quarrefour to notisie the same Yea mary quoth Cicero I like these billes and proscriptions better than those that his father published before him When Caesar and Pompeius were entred into open warre one against another I know full well quoth Cicero whom to flie but I wot not unto whom to flie He found great fault with Pompeius in that he left the citie of Rome and that he chose rather in this case to imitate the policy of Themistocles than of Pericles saying That the present state of the world resembled rather the time of Pericles than of Themistocles Hee drew at first to Pompeius side and being with him repented thereof When Pompey asked him where he had left Piso his son-in-law he answered readily Even with your good father-in-law meaning Caesar. There was one who departed out of Caesars campe unto Pompey and said That he had made such haste that hee left his horse behinde him Thou canst skill I perceive better to save thy horses life than thine owne Unto another who brought word that the friends of Caesar looked soure and unpleasant Thou saiest quoth he as much as if they thought not well of his proceedings After the battell of Pharsalia was lost and that Pompeius was already fled there was one Nonius who came unto him and willed him not to despaire but be of good cheere for that they had yet seven eagles left which were the standerds of the legions Seven eagles quoth he that were somewhat indeed if we had to warre against jaies jackdawes After that Caesar upon his victorie being lord of all had caused the statues of Pompey which were cast done to be set up againe with honor Cicero said of Caesar In setting up these statues of Pompey he hath pitched his owne more surely He so highly esteemed the gift of eloquence and grace of well speaking yea and he tooke so great paines with ardent affection for to performe the thing that having to plead a cause onely before the Centumvirs or hundred judges and the day set downe being neere at hand for the hearing and triall thereof when one of his servants Eros brought him word that the cause was put off to the next day he was so well contented and pleased therewith that incontinently he gave him his freedome for that newes CAIUS CAESAR at what time as he being yet a yoong man fled and avoided the furie of Sylla fell into the hands of certeine pirats or rovers who at the first demanded of him no great summe of money for his ransome whereat hee mocked and laughed at them as not knowing what maner of person they had gotten and so of himselfe promised to pay them twise as much as they asked and being by them guarded and attended upon very diligently all the while that he sent for to gather the said summe of money which he was to deliver them he willed them to keepe silence and make no noise that he might sleepe and take his repose during which time that he was in their custodie he exercised himselfe in writing aswell verse as prose and read the same to them when they were composed and if hee saw that they would not praise and commend those poemes and orations sufficiently to his contentment he would call them senselesse fots and barbarous yea and after a laughing maner threaten to hang them and to say a truth within a while after he did as much for them for when his ransome was come and he delivered once out of their hands he levied together a power of men and ships from out of the coasts of Asia set upon the said rovers spoiled them and crucified them Being returned to Rome and having enterprised a sute for the soveraign Sacerdotall dignitie against Catulus who was then a principall man at Rome whenas his mother accompanied him as farre as to the utmost gates of his house when he went into Mars field where the election was held he took his leave of her and said Mother you shall have this day your sonne to be chiefe Pontifice and high priest or else banished from the citie of Rome He put away his wife Pompeia upon an ill name that went of her as if she had beene naught with Clodius whereupon when Clodius afterwards was called into question judicially for the fact and Caesar likewise convented into the court peremptorily for to beare witnesse of the truth being examined upon his oath he sware that he never knew any ill at all by his wife and when he was urged and replied upon againe wherefore he had put her away he answered That the wife of Caesar ought not onely to be innocent and cleere of crime but also of all suspicion of crime In reading the noble acts of Alexander the great the teares trickled downe his cheeks and when his friends desired to know the reason why he wept At my age quoth he Alexander had vanquished subdued Darius and I have yet done nothing As he passed along through a little poore towne situate within the Alpes his familiar friends about him merrily asked one another whether there were any factions and contentions in that burrough about superioritie and namely who should be the chiefe whereupon he staid suddenly and after he had studied and mused a while within himselfe I had rather quoth he be the first here than the second in Rome As for hautie adventerous enterprises he was wont to say They should be executed not consulted upon and verily when he passed over the river Rubicon which divideth the province of Gaul from Italy for to leade his power against Pompeius Let the Die
the quarrell of delivering the Greeks out of servitude who inhabit in Thracia the embassdodrs which were sent from those parts to give thankes unto the Lacedaemonians went to visit his mother Argileonis of whom she demaunded first whether her sonne Brasidas died manfully or no And when the Thracian embassadors highly praised him insomuch as they said that he had not left his fellow behinde him Oh quoth shee you are much deceived my friends Brasidas was in deed a valiant and hardie man but there be in Sparta many more farre better than he DAMONIDAS hapned to be placed last in the dance by him who was the master chorister whereat hee was no otherwise displeased but said thus unto him Well done for thou hast found the meanes to make this place honourable which heeretofore was but base and infamous DAMIS when letters had beene written unto him as touching Alexander the Great namely how Alexander by their suffrages was declared a god wrote backe in this wise We grant that Alexander should be called a god since he will needs have it so DAMINDAS when King Philip was entred with a maine armie unto Peloponnesus whereupon one said unto him The Lacedaemonians are in danger to suffer many calamities unlesse they can make meanes to agree and compound with him Thou womanish-man quoth hee how can hee bring us to suffer any miseries considering that we make no reckoning at all of death DERCILLIDAS was sent embassador unto King Pyrrhus what time as he had his armie emeamped upon the verie confines of Sparta and Pyrrhus enjoined the Lacedaemonians to receive againe their king Cleonimus whom they had banished or else he would make them to understand that they were no more valiant than other men upon whom Dercyllidas thus replied If you be a god we fear you not because we have no way offended you but if you be a man know you that you are no whit better than we DEMARATUS talked and communed one day with Orontes who gave him blunt speeches and hard words and when one who heard their talke said afterwards Orontes verie bold with you and useth you but homely ô Demaratus Nay quoth he he hath nothing faulted to me-ward for those who glose and flatter in all their speech be they who doe most harme and not such as speake upon ill will and malice One seemed to demaund of him wherefore at Sparta those were noted with infamie who in a discomfiture threw away their bucklers and not they who cast from them their morrions cuiraces or breast-plates Because quoth he these armors and head-pieces serve onely for those who weare them but their shields bucklers have their use also for the common strength of the whole battailon When he heard a certaine musician sing Beleeve me quoth hee the fellow plaies the foole verie well He was upon a time in a great companie assembly where he continued a long while and spake never a word by occasion whereof one said unto him Is it for folly and want of matter to talke of that you are so silent How can it be folly quoth he for a foole can never hold his peace One asked of him what was the cause why he was banished out of Sparta being king thereof Because quoth hee the lawes there be mistresses and command all A certaine Persian by continuall gifts had inveagled and gotten from him in the end a yoong boy whom hee loved and afterwards in manner of a skorne said unto him I have so well hunted that at last I have caught your love Not so quoth he I sweare by the but rather you have bought it A certaine gentleman of Persia there was who had rebelled against the king of Persia but Demaratus by reasons and remonstrances so wrought with him that he perswaded him to yeeld and returne againe to his allegeance the king incontinently minded to put this Persian to death but Demaratus diverted him and said Sir this were an utter shame for you if when you could not punish him for rebellion being your enemie you should proceed to his execution now when he is become againe your servitor and friend There was a certaine jester and parasite who used to play his part at the kings table and gave unto Demaratus eftsoones biting quips and taunts by way of reproch for his exile but hee answered him and said Good fellow I am not disposed to fight with thee now this time being put as I am out of my biace and the raunge of my life and having lost my standing EMEREPES the Ephorus cut two strings of the nine with an hatchet in Phrynis his harpe saying withall Then marre not musicke EPAENETUS was woont to say That liers were the cause of all the offences and crimes in world EUBOIDAS hearing some to praise another mans wife reprooved them for it said That strangers who were not of the house ought not in any respect to speake of the behaviour and manners of any dame EUDAMIDAS hearing some to praise another mans wife reprooved them for it said That strangers who were not of the house ought not in any respect to speake of the behaviour and manners of any dame EUDAMIDAS the sonne of Archidamus and brother to Agis having espied Xenocrates a man well striken in yeeres studying philosophie hard with other yoong schollers in the Academie demaunded what old man that might be one standing by answered that he was a wise man and a great clearke one of those who sought after vertue If he be still seeking of it quoth hee when will he use and practise it Having heard a Philosopher dispute and discourse upon this paradox That there was no good captaine in warre but the great clerke and learned Sage onely This is quoth he a strange proposition and woonderfull but the best is he that mainteineth it is in no wise to be credited for his eares were never yet acquainted so much as with the sound of a trumpet He came one day into the open schoole or auditorie to heare Xenocrates discourse at large upon some question but it fell out so that he had new done when hee entred into the place then one of his companie began to say Surely so soone as we were present he became silent He did well quoth Eudamidas if he had made an end of that which he had to say but when the other replied It were not amisse yet that we heard him and that he would set to it againe if we quoth Eudamidas should goe to visita a man in his house who had supped already before we came were it well done of us to pray him to goe to a new supper for the love of us It was once demaunded of him why he alone would seeme to approove rest quietnesse and peace considering that all his fellow-citizens with one consent were of opinion to take armes and make warre upon the Macedonians It is quoth he because I neither need nor am desirous to convince them of their errour
your anguish mitigate your pensivenesse and stay your needlesse mourning and bootlesse lamentation for why If minde be sicke what physicke then But reasons fit for ech disease A wise man knowes the season when To use those meanes the heart to ease And according as the wise Poet Euripides saith Ech griefe of minde ech maladie Doth crave a severall remedie If restlesse sorow the heart torment Kind words of friends worke much content Where folly swaies in every action Great need there is of sharpe correction For verily among so many passions and infirmities incident to the soule of man dolor and heavinesse be most irkesome and goe neerest into it By occasion of anguish many a one they say hath run mad and fallen into maladies incurable yea and for thought and hearts-griefe some have bene driven to make away themselves Now to sorow and be touched to the quicke for the losse of a sonne is a passion that ariseth from a naturall cause and it is not in our power to avoid which being so I cannot for my part holde with them who so highly praise and extoll I wot not what brutish hard and blockish indolence and stupiditie which if it were possible for a man to enterteine is not any way commodious and available Certes the same would bereave vs of that mutuall benevolence and sweet comfort which we finde in the reciprocall interchange of loving others and being loved againe which of all earthly blessings we had most need to preserve and mainteine Yet do I not allow that a man should suffer himselfe to be transported and caried away beyond all compasse measure making no end of sorow for even that also is likewise unnaturall and proceedeth from a corrupt and erronious opinion that we have and therefore as we ought to abandon this excesse as simply naught hurtfull and not beseeming vertuous and honest minded men so in no wise must we disallow that meane and moderation in our passions following in this point sage Crantor the Academick Philosopher I could wish quoth he that we might be never sicke howbeit if we chance to fall into some disease God send us yet some sense and feeling in case any part of our bodie be either cut plucked away or dismembred in the cure And I assure you that senselesse impassibilitie is never incident unto a man without some great mischiefe and inconvenience ensuing for lightly it falleth out that when the bodie is in this case without feeling the soule soone after will become as insensible reason would therefore that wise men in these and such like crosses cary themselves neither void of affections altogether nor yet out of measure passionate for as the one bewraieth a fell and hard heart resembling a cruell beast so the other discovereth a soft and effeminate nature beseeming a tender woman but best advised is he who knoweth to keepe a meane and being guided by the rule of reason hath the gift to beare wisely and indifferently aswell the flattering favours as the scowling srownes of fortune which are so ordinarily occurrent in this life having this forecast with himselfe That like as in a free State and popular government of a common wealth where the election of sovereigne magistrates passeth by lots the one whose hap is to be chosen must be a ruler and commander but the other who misseth ought patiently to take his fortune and beare the repulse even so in the disposition and course of all our wordly affaires we are to be content with our portion allotted unto us and without grudging and complaint gently to yeeld our selves obedient for surely they that can not so doe would never be able with wisedome and moderation to weld any great prosperitie for of many wise speeches and well said sawes this sentence may go for one How ever fortune smile and looke full faire Be thou not proud nor beare a loftie mind Ne yet cast downe and plung'd in deepe ae spaire If that she frowne or shew herselfe unkind But alwaies one and same let men thee find Constant and firme reteine thy nature still As gold in fire which alter never will For this is the propertie of a wise man and wel brought up both for any apparent shew of prosperitie to be no changling but to beare himselfe alwaies in one sort also in adversitie with a generous and noble mind to mainteine that which is decent beseeming his own person for the office of true wisdome considerate discretion is either to prevent avoid a mischiefe cōming or to correct and reduce it to the least narrowest compasse when it is once come or els to be prepared and ready to beare the same manfully and with all magnanimitie For prudence as touching that which we call good is seene and emploied foure maner of waies to wit in getting in keeping in augmenting or in well and right using the same these be the rules as well of prudence as of other vertues which we are to make use and benefit of in both fortunes as well the one as the other for according to the old proverb No man there is on earth alive In every thing who ay doth thrive And verily By course of nature unneth it wrought may be That ought should check fatall necessitie And as it falleth out in trees and other plants that some yeeres they beare their burden and yeeld great store of frute whereas in others they bring foorth none at all also living creatures one whiles be frutefull and breed many yoong otherwhiles againe they be as barren for it and in the sea it is now tempest and then calme semblably in this life there happen many circumstances and accidents which winde and turne us into the chaunces of contrarie fortunes in regard of which varietie a man may by good right and reason say thus O Agamemnon thy father Atreus hee Alwaies to prosper hath not begotten thee For in this life thou must have one day joy Another griefe and wealth mixt with annoy And why thou art by mort all nature fraile Thy will against this course cannot prevaile For so it is the pleasure of the gods To make this change and worke in man such ods As also that which to the same effect the poet Menander wrote in this wise Sir Trophimus if you the onely wight Of women borne were brought into this light With priviledge to have the world at will To taste no woe but prosper alwaies still Or if some god had made you such behest To live in joy in solace and in rest You had just cause to fare thus as you doe And chafe for that he from his word doth goe And hath done what he can not justifie But if so be as truth will testifie Under one law this publike vitall aire You draw with us your breath for to repaire I say to you gravely in tragick stile You ought to be more patient the while To take all this in better woorth I say Let
reason rule and stand for finall pay And to knit up in few words Trophimus Of this discourse the summe I reason thus A man you are that is as much to say A creature more prompt and subject ay To sudden change and from the pitch of blis To lie in pit where bale and sorow is Than others all and not unwoorthily For why most weake by his owne nature he Will needs himselfe in highest matters wrap Above his reach secure of after-clap And then anon he falling from on high Beares downe with him all good things that were nigh But as for you the goods which heere to fore O Trophimus you lost exceeded not no more Than those mishaps which you this day susteane Excessive be but keepe with in a meane Hence foorth therefore you ought to beare the rest Indifferently and you shall finde it best Howbeit although the condition and estate of mens affaires stand in these tearmes yet some there be who for want of sound judgement and good discretion are growen to that blockish stupiditie or vaine overweening of themselves that after they be once a little raised up and advanced either in regard of excessive wealth and store of gold and silver under their hands or by reason of some great offer or for other presidence and preeminence of high place which they hold in the common-weale or else by occasion of honours and glorious titles which they have acquired doe menace wrong and insult over their inferiors never considering the uncertaintie and inconstance of mutable fortune nor how quickly that which was aloft may be flung downe and contrariwise how soone that which lieth below on the ground may be extolled and lifted up on high by the sudden mutations and changes of fortune to seeke for any certaintie therefore in that which is by nature uncertaine and variable is the part of those that judge not aright of things For as the wheele doth turne one part we see Of folly high and low in course to bee But to attaine unto this tranquillitie of spirit void of all griefe and anguish the most soveraigne powerfull and effectuall medicine is reason and by the meanes thereof a prepared estate and resolution against all the changes and alterations of this life neither is it sufficient for a man onely to acknowledge himselfe to be by nature borne mortall but also that he is allotted unto a mortall and transitorie life and tied as it were unto such affaires as soone doe change from their present estate unto the contrarie for this also is most certaine that as mens bodies be mortall and fraile so their fortunes also their passions and affections be flitting and momentanie yea and in one word all that belongeth unto them is transitorie which it is not possible for him to avoid and escape who is himselfe by nature mortall but as Pindarus said With massie weights of strong necessitie Of hell so darke to bottome forc'd are we Verie well therefore said Demetrius Phalereus whereas Euripides the Poet wrote thus No worldly wealth is firme and sure But for a day it doth endure Also How small things may our state quite overthrow It falleth out as every man doth know That even one day is able downe to cast Some things from height and others raise as fast All the rest quoth he was excellently by him written but farre better it had bene if he had named not one day but the minute moment and very point of an houre For earthly fruits and mortall mens estate Turne round about in one and selfe same rate Some live waxe strong and prosper day by day Whiles others are cast downe and fade away And Pindarus in another place What is it for to be but one Nay what is it to be just none And verily a man is made To be the dreame even of a shade hath declared the vanitie of mans life by using an Hyperbole or excessive maner of an over-reaching speech both passing-wittily and also to the purpose most significantly For what is there more weake feeble than a shadow but to come in with the fantasticall dreame of a shadow surely it is not possible that any other man should expresse the thing that he meant more lively in fitter tearmes And verily Crantor in good correspondence hereunto when he comforteth Hippocles for the untimely death of his children useth these words among the rest These are the rules quoth he that all the schoole thorowout of ancient Philosophie doth deliver and teach wherein if there be any point besides that we can not admit and approove yet this at leastwise is most undoubted true that mans life is exceeding laborious and painfull for say that in the owne nature it be not such so it is that by our owne selves it is brought to that corruption besides this uncerteine fortune haunteth and attendeth upon us afarre off and even from our very cradle and swadling bands yea and ever since our first entrance into this life accompanieth us for no good in the world To say nothing how in all things whatsoever that breed and budde there is evermore some portion more or lesse of naughtinesse inbred and mingled therewith for the very naturall seed which at the first when it is at best is mortall doth participate this primitive cause whereupon proceed the untoward inclination and disposition of the minde maladies cares and sorrowes and from thence there creepe and grow upon us all those fatall calamities that befall to mortall men But what is the reason that we are digressed hitherto forsooth to this end that we may know that it is no newes for any man to taste of miseries and calamities but rather that we are all subject to the same for as Theophrastus saith fortune never aimeth or levelleth at any certeine marke but shooteth at randon taking much pleasure and being very powerfull to turne a man out of that which he hath painfully gotten before and to overthrow a supposed and reputed felicity with all regard of any fore-set and prefixed time to worke this 〈◊〉 These reasons and many other such like every one of us may easily consider and ponder within himselfe yea besides lay thereto the sage speeches which he is ay to heare and learne of ancient and wise men among whom the chiefe and principall is that heavenly and divine Poet Homer who saith thus More weake than man there is no creature That from the earth receiveth nouriture So long as limmes with strength he can advance And whiles the gods do lend him puissance He thinks no harme will ever him befall He casts no doubt but hopes to outgoe all But let them once from heaven some sorrowes send Maugre the smart he heares unto the end Also Such minds have men who here on earth do live As Jupiter from heaven doth daily give And in another place Why aske you of my bloud and parentage Sir Tydeus sonne a knight magnanimous To leaves of trees much like is mans linage
contentment when they be asked questions of that which they have an insight in and knowing so much by themselves as they doe loth they bee to have their cunning hidden and to be thought of others ignorant therein therefore those who have beene great travellers and sailed in many voiages cannot be better pleased than when others enquire of them as touching farre countries strange seas the manners fashions and customes of barbarous nations and you bring them to bedde as they say when you put them to discourse of such matters as being most willing to describe and draw upon a table the coasts places straigths and gulfes by which and through which they have passed reputing it to be no small frute of all their travels and an easement of the paines which they have endured in one word looke whatsoever we of our selves are woont without the demaund and intreatie of others to recount and relate willingly the same are we desirous that men should aske us questions of and howsoever we seeme to doe pleasure unto the company yet indeed we have much adoe to hold and with great paine forbeare to utter the same This is a very maladie incident to sailers and sea-men above all other As for those that be of a more modest and civill nature they are desirous to be asked those things which they are willing enough to utter but that they be abashed and in reverent regard of them that be present passe over in silence those exploits which they have performed happily and with great honour and therefore good olde Nestor in Homer did very wisely who knowing well the ambitious humour and desire of glory which was in Ulysses spake unto him Ulysses flower of noble chivalrie Renowmed knight and all the Greeks glorie To tell us now I pray good sir begin How ye both twaine did those great horses win For unwilling men are to heare those who praise themselves or recount their owne worthy acts if there be not one or other of the company that is urgent with them so to do or unlesse they be in maner forced unto it and therefore they are glad when they be asked concerning the ambassages wherein they have beene imploied of their acts during the time of their government of State especially if they have performed some great and honourable service therein and withall perceive that it is not for envie nor malice that such demands be made for otherwise such as be envious or malicious weepe at those reports and be ready to put them by not willing to give place unto any narrations nor to minister occasion or matter of talke that may turne to the honor and commendation of him that delivereth the same Moreover this is another meanes to gratifie those who are to answere namely to move question of such things as they wot well enough that their enemies and ill-willers are loth to heare And verily Ulysses said to Alcinous in this wise A minde you have to heare me tell my wofull miserie That I might still sigh groane and waile for my hard destinie Even so Oedipus in Sophocles answered thus to the company of the Chorus Awoe it is my friend to raise and wake A griefe that long hath slept and rest doth take But contrariwise Euripides wrote after this sort How sweet is it to one for to remember The paine now past which sometime he did suffer True it is but not to those who still wander and being tossed in troublesome seas do yet meet with new misfortunes and calamities But to returne againe to our former purpose we ought to beware how wee demand ill newes for men are grieved at the heart to make report either how they have bene cast condemned in any sute or that that they have buried their children as also how infortunate they have bene in their traffique either by sea or land contrariwise they are well pleased to rehearse and repeat often times if they be asked the question how they have had good audience given them from the publike place of making orations and obteined whatsoever they there demaunded how they have beene saluted and honourably entreated by some king and potentate and how when other passengers and travellers with them have beene plunged into dangers of tempest or theeves they onely escaped the perill and for that in the bare relation they seeme as it were to enjoy the thing it selfe they can not be satisfied with the discourse and remembrance thereof Also men rejoice and take delight when they be asked as touching their friends who are fortunate and doe prosper in the world or of their owne children that profit well in learning and good literature or have sped well in pleading causes or otherwise are of credit in the court and with princes semblably they be very well content and pleased to be moved for to relate and so are more willing to make report of the losses or shamefull disgraces of their enemies and ill-willers whom either they have overthrowen at the barre and caused to be condemned or who otherwise are fallen into any disastrous calamity for of themselves loth they are unlesse they be required thereto to recount such things lest they might be reputed malicious and glad to heare of other mens harmes A hunter loveth very well to have speech and question mooved unto him as touching hounds so doth a champion and one that delighteth in bodily exercises to be trained to talke of gymnasticall pastimes and seats of activitie like as an amorous lover of such persons as be faire and beautifull a devout and religious man discourseth ordinarily of dreames and visions that hee seeth and what good successe he hath had in his affaires by observing the direction of oracles the presages of augurie and osses by doing sacrifice and generally by the grace and especiall favour of the gods and such be well pleased for to be asked questions as concerning these matters As for old folke you shall do them a high pleasure if you put them to it for to make any discourse whatsoever for although the narration concerne them nothing at all nor be to any purpose yet if one aske them questions he tickleth them in the right veine and scratcheth them as they say where it itcheth This appeareth by these verses out of Homer O Nestor sonne of Neleus tell me in veritie How Agamemnon elder sonne of Atreus did die Where was his yoonger brother then sir Menelaus hight Lives he or no in Achaea at Argos citie bright Here you see Telemachus asketh him many questions at once giving him occasion and matter of much speech not as some do who restreining olde folke to answere to the point only which is necessarie and driving them within a narrow compasse bereave them of that which is their greatest pleasure In sum they that would rather please and delight than displease and trouble propose such questions the answeres whereunto draw with them not the blame and reproofe but the praise and commendation
pores be open for that the spirit hath forsaken and abandoned them which is the cause likewise that voices odors and savours passe through them unheard and unsmelled for why that which should resist and in resistance suffer and take impression meeteth not with those objects that are presented unto it and least of all when they pierce with such swiftnesse and subtilitie as the fire of lightning doth for that which of it selfe is lesse firme strong for to resist offensive things nature doth desend fortifie and furnish with remedies against that which offendeth by putting before them hard and solide munitions but looke what things bee of incomparable force and invincible they lesse offend and hurt that which yeeldeth than that which maketh head and resistance adde moreover heereunto that they who lie a sleepe are lesse affraid affrighted or astonied by occasion whereof and of nothing else many have died onely I say for feare of death without any harme at all done unto them and this is the very cause that shepheards teach their sheepe to runne and gather round together into a troupe when it thundreth for that they which are dispersed and scattered a sunder for very feare take harme and cast their yoong ones in time of thunder yea and an infinit number have beene knowen to lie dead on the ground by reason of thunder without any marke or stroke wound scorch or burne seene upon them whose life and soule for very feare hath flowen out of their bodies like a birde out of a cage for according as Euripides saith The very blast of some great thunder-clap Hath many a one strucke stone-dead with a flap And forasmuch as otherwise the sense of hearing is of all others most subject to suffer violent passions and the fearefull frights occasioned by sounds and noises worke greatest troubles in the minde against it the privation of sense is a sure bulwarke and rampar to a man that lieth asleepe where as they who are awake be many times killed with feare of the thing before it commeth for a fright to say a trueth knitting closing and compressing the body fast giveth more strength a great deale to the stroake when it comes for that it findeth more resistance THE THIRD QUESTION Why at a wedding or bride-supper men use to invite more guests than at other times AT the wedding of my sonne Autobulus ô Sossius Senecio one who came frō Chaeronea was with us to solemnize the feast a great nūber there were besides of other honorable personages which gave unto him occasion for to demand this question What the cause might be that ordinarily we invite more guests to such a marriage supper than to any other feast considering that even those law-givers who impugned most the superfluitie and riot of feasts have precisely expresly set downe the number of those persons whom they would have to be bidden guests to a wedding For of the ancient philosophers quoth he the man that treated of this argument and the cause thereof to wit Hecataeus of Abdera hath written nothing in my judgement worth ought not to the purpose for thus he saith That they who marry wives bid many persons to their wedding to the end that many may take knowledge and beare witnesse that being free borne and of free condition they take wives likewise of like free birth and condition For the comicall poets cleane contrary mocke and laugh at those who make proud and sumptuous feasts at their marriage setting out the same with great pompe and magnificence as if that were no sure bond nor linke to be trusted unto wherewith they would seeme to knit wedlocke like as Menander said to one who willed the bridegrome to make a strong rempar all about of pots pannes and platters When that is done on every side What is all this to your new bride But lest we might not seeme to finde fault with others at our pleasure for that we have nothing of our owne to say which is the easiest matter in the world I shewed first and formost that there was no occasion of feasting so publike nor so much divulged and celebrated as marriage for say that we sacrifice unto the gods or feast a friend for his farewell when he is to goe a long voiage or enterteine a traveller and stranger that passeth by our house or commeth of purpose to visit us we may do all without the privitie of kinsefolke friends but a nuptiall feast where the wedding-song and caroll of 〈◊〉 is chanted aloud where the torches are to be seene lightburning where the hautboies and pipes play merrily and resound where as Homer saith the very women and maidens stand woondering at their doores to see and heare is notoriously knowen and proclaimed to the whole world in regard whereof because there is none ignorant of these espousals and festivall solemnities men being ashamed to leave out any invite generally all their kinsefolke familiar friends and acquaintance as whom in some sort it doth concerne and who have an interest in the thing When we all had approoved this Theon taking in hand the question Surely all this quoth he may goe for currant for it carrieth great probabilitie therewith but you may adde moreover if you please thus much That these marriage feasts are not onely for friends but also for kinsefolke and allies for that a whole kindred race and generation come to have another new alliance to be incorporated into them and that which more is when two houses in this wise be joined together both he who receiveth the woman thinketh that hee ought to enterteine and feast the kindred and friends of him that giveth her and he who giveth her likewise taketh himselfe bound to doe as much reciprocally by the knisefolke and friends of the receiver whereby the feast and number of them who are bidden groweth double Now forasmuch as many marriage complements and to say a trueth the most part in maner all are performed at weddings by women surely where the goodwives be great reason there is that of necessitie their husbands also should be welcome for their sakes and so thereby the companie still doth increase THE FOURTH QUESTION Whether the viands which the sea affoordeth be more delicate than those of the land GAlepsus a town in Euboea where there be baths naturally of hot waters is a proper seat and place fitted by nature for sundry honest pleasures beautified with many faire houses and lodgings in such sort as it is reputed the publike hostelrie of all Greece and albeit there be great game there of hunting and hawking and woonderfull plentie aswell of fowle as other venison yet is the market no lesse served from the sea nor their tables lesse furnished 〈◊〉 daintie fish for that indeed along the coast the sea is very deepe and the water faire nourishing an infinit number of excellent fishes This towne flourisheth more in the mids of Spring than at any other season of the yeere for much concourse
ancient interpreters gave the solution and exposition onely as if covertly it implied thus much that we should avoid the companie of secret whisperers backbiters and slanderers Lucius himselfe approoved not thereof for the swallow whispereth not at all it chattereth in deed and talketh as one would say loud enough and yet not more than pies partridges and hennes But what thinke you by this quoth Sylla that in regard of the tale that goes of Progne who killed-her yoong soone Itys they hate swallowes for that abominable act and therefore would seeme to cause us for to detest a farre off such infamous cases for which they say both Tereus and the women partly did perpetrate in part suffered horrible and unlawfull things whereupon to this very day these birds be called Daulides But Gorgtas the sophisier by occasion that a swallow mewted over his head and squirted her dung upon him looking up unto her These be no faire casts quoth he Philomela or is this also common to the rest for the Pythagoreans doe not exclude or banish out of house the nightingale which bearetha part in the same tragedies and is faultie with the rest Peradventure quoth I then there is as much reason in the one as the other ô Sylla but consider and see whether the swallow be not odious and infamous with them for the same cause that they reject and wil not enterteine those creatures which have hooked tallons for she likewise feedeth upon flesh and besides killeth and devoureth especially grashoppers which are sacred and musicall moreover she flieth close by the ground hunting and catching little sillie creatures as Aristotle saith furthermore she is the onely creature of all the other that be under the same roufe with us which lodgeth there of free cost living without contributing ought or paying any rent yet the storke which hath no covert by our house nor warmth by our fire ne yet enjoieth any benefit pleasure or helpe at all by our meanes giveth us otherwhiles some tribute and custome as it were for marching onely upon the ground for up and downe she goes killing toades and serpents mortall enemies to mankind and lying in wait for our lives whereas the swallow having all those commodities at our hands no sooner hath nourished her yoong ones and brought them to some perfection but away she goes and is no more to beseene so disloial and unthankfull she is and that which of all others is worst the flie and the swallow bee the onely creatures haunting our houses as they doe that never will be tamed nor suffer a man to touch and handle them nay they will not admit any fellowship societie or communion with him either in worke or play the flie indeed hath some reason to be afraid of us for that she sustaineth harme by us and is chased and driven away so often but the swallow hateth man naturally she will not trust him but remaineth alwaies suspicious and untamed now if wee are to take these and such like speeches not directly according to the litterall sense and as the words onely doe implie but rather by way of an oblique reflexion as the resemblances of things appearing in others certes Pythagoras proposeth unto us heerein the very pattern of an unthankfull and faithlesse person admonishing us not to receive unto our familiar acquaintance and amitie those who for the time and to serve their owne turne draw neere unto us and retire themselves under the roufe of our house and that we ought not to make them inward with us communicating with them our house our domesticall altar and those things which are in stead of most sacred obligations When I had thus said it seemed that I had given the companie encouragement and assurance to speake for they began boldly to apply unto the other symbolicall precepts their morall expositions And Philinus for his part said that in commaunding to confound the forme of the pot or cauldron imprinted in the ashes they taught us this lesson not to leave any marke or apparent impression of anger but after it hath once done boiling what it will and is setled and cooled againe to ridde away all ranckor and malice yea and to burie all in perpetuall oblivion As for the shuffling of the bed clothes together when we are newly risen some thought there was no hidden matter meant thereby but signified onely that it was not seemely or honest that the marke or print in the bed should remaine as an expresse image to be seene of the place wherein man and wife had lien together But Sylla guessed otherwise and conjectured that heerein was conteined a dehortation to divert us from sleeping on bed in the day time when as even in the very morning the preparation and meanes to sleepe was so immediately taken away for that we ought to take our rest and repose in the night but in the day time to be stirring and about our businesse not suffring to remaine in our beds so much as the tract of our bodie for a man lying asleepe is good for nothing no more than when he is dead and heereto seemeth to allude and accord another precept of the Pythagoreans which they give unto their friends forbidding them not to ease any man of his burden but rather to lay on more and seeme to surcharge him still as not approoving any sloth or idlenesse whatsoever now for that during these discourses Lucius neither approoved nor disprooved ought that was said but sat still heard all said nothing and pondered every thing in himselfe Empedocles calling unto Sylla by name said as followeth THE EIGHTH QUESTION Why the Pythagoreans among all other living creatures absteine most from eating fish IF Lucius our friend quoth he be offended or take no pleasure in our sayings it is high time that we should give over and make an end but if these things fall within the compasse of their precept for silence yet this I thinke ought not to be concealed but may well be revealed and communicated unto others namely What the reason is that the Pythagoreans absteined principally from eating fish for so much we finde written of the auncient Pythagoreans and I my selfe have fallen into the company and conference of certeine disciples of Alexicrates a man of our time who fedde a little sometimes of other living creatures yea and sacrificed them unto the gods but for no good in the world would they so much as taste of a fish not as I take u for that cause which Tyndares the Lacedaemonian alledged who thought that this was done for the honour they had to silence in regard whereof the philosopher Empedocles whose name I beare who was the first that ceased to teach Pythagorically that is to say to give rules and precepts of hidden wisedome calleth fishes Ellopas as having 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say their voice tied and shut up within but for they thought taciturnitie to be a singular and divine thing and
is tossed within a round compasse for neither the setled constitution of a disease is without some cause bringing into the world irregularly and against all law of nature a generation and power from that which hath no being at all nor an easie matter is it for a man to finde out a new cause unlesse withall he do set downe a new aire strange water and such meats as our forefathers never tasted of imagining that they are run hither to us now and never before out of I wot not what other worlds or imaginarie inter-worlds and spaces betweene for sicke wee fall by meanes of the same things whereof we live and no peculiar and proper seeds there be of diseases but the naughtinesse and corruption of such things whereby wee live in regard of us and our owne faults and errours besides about them are they which trouble and offend nature these troubles have perpetually the same differences though the same many times take new names for these names are according to the ordinance and custome of men but the maladies themselves are the affections of nature and so those diseases of themselves finite being varied diversified by these names infinite have deceived and beguiled us and as there is not lightly and upon a sudden committed in the Grammaticall parts of speech or in the Syntaxis and construction thereof any new barbarisme solaecisme or incongruitie even so the temperatures of mens bodies have their falles errours and transgressions which be certeine and determinate considering that in some sort even those things which are against nature be comprised and included in nature and this is it that the wittie inventers and devisers of fables would signifie in saying That when the giants made warre against the gods there were ingendred certeine strange and monstrous creatures every way at what time as the moone was turned cleane contrary and arose not as she was wont and verily their meaning was that nature produced new maladies like unto monsters but withall imagine and devise a cause of such change and alteration that is neither probable nor yet incredible but pronouncing and affirming that the augmentation more or lesse of some diseases causeth that newnesse and diversitie in them which is not well done of them my good friend Philo for this intention and augmentation may well adde thereto frequencie and greatnesse but surely it transporteth not the subject thing out of the first and primitive kinde and thus I suppose the leprosie or Elepantiasis to be nothing els but the vehemencie of these scurvie and scabbie infections as also the Hydrophobie or vaine feare of water no other but an augmentation of the passions of stomacke or melancholie and verily a woonder it were that we should not know how Homer was not ignorant hereof for this is certeine that he called a dogge 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of this raging accident whereto he is subject and hereupon men also when they are in a rage be said likewise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 When Diogenianus had thus discoursed Philo himselfe both seemed somewhat to answere and refute his reasons and also requested me to speake in the behalfe of the ancient physicians who were thus challenged and condemned for their ignorance or negligence in these principall matters in case it were true that these maladies were not of a later breed and more moderne than their age First therefore it seemed unto me that Diogenianus put not this well downe for a good supposall that tensions and relaxations according to more or lesse make no differences nor remove the subject matters out of their kinde for by this meanes we should likewise say that vineger differed not from wine that is souring nor bitternesse from styplicitie or sourenesse nor 〈◊〉 from wheat ne yet garden mints from the wilde mint but evident it is that these do degenerate yea and become altered in their very qualities partly by relaxations as the things doe languish and lose their heart and in part by tension as they be reenforced and take vigor for otherwise we must be forced to say that the flame differeth not from a white or cleere winde nor a light from a flame nor frost from dew nor haile from raine but that all these be but the inforcements onely and tensions of the same things and so constantly we shall be driven to affirme that blindnesse and dimme sight differ not and inordinate passion of vomiting called Cholera is nothing different from a keckish stomacke and a desire to cast but onely according to augmentation and diminution more or lesse and all this is nothing to the purpose for if they admit and say that this very tension and augmentation in vehemencie came but now of late as if this noveltie were occasioned by the quantitie and not the qualitie yet the absurditie of the paradox remaineth neverthelesse moreover seeing that Sophocles speaking of those things which because they had not bene in times past men would not beleeve to be at this present said very well in this wise All kind of things both good and bad Once at the first their being had This also seemeth very probable and to stand with great reason that maladies ran not forth all at once as if the barriers had bene set open for the race and they let out together but some came alwaies successively behinde at the taile of others and each one tooke the first begining at a certaine time And a man may well conjecture and guesse quoth I that such as arose of want and indigence as also those that came of heat and colde were the first that assailed our bodies but repletions gluttonies and delicate pleasures came afterwards together with sloth and idlenesse which by reason of abundance of victuals caused great store of superfluities and excrements from whence proceeded sundry sorts of maladies the complication whereof and intermixture one with another bringeth evermore some new thing or other for every naturall thing is orderly and limited because that nature is nothing els but order it selfe or at leastwise the worke of order whereas disoreder like to the same that Pindarus speaketh of is infinit and can not be comprised within any certeine number so that whatsoever is unnaturall the same immediatly is unlimited and infinit for the trueth we can not deliver but one way marie to lie a man may finde an infinit number of meanes by occasion of innumerable occurrents also accords musicall and harmonies stand upon their certeine proportions but the errours that men commit in playing upon the harpe or other instrument in song and in dauncing who is able to comprehend although Phrynichus the tragedian poet said of himselfe thus In daunce I finde as many sorts And formes of gestures and disports As waves in sea and billowes strong Arise by tempest all night long And Chrysippus writeth that the divers complications often prositions which they call Axioms and no more surmount the number of ten hundred thousand but Hipparchus reprooved this
thereof untill such time as we come to quench and allay the same thus inflamed and boiling as they doe There is no need therefore ô Diogenianus quoth I offorren and farre fetched causes from without neither of those new worlds and intervals betweene for to goe no further than to our selves the very change onely of the fashion of our diet is a sufficient meanes both to breed and also to abolish and cause to ease any maladie in us THE TENTH QUESTIOIN What is the reason that we take least heed of dreames in the end of Autumne and give small credit unto them FLorus lighting upon physicall problemes or naturall questions of Aristotle which were brought to Thermopylae for to passe the time away filled both himselfe with many doubts as ordinarily men do who are by nature studious and also put as many into the heads of others giving testimony heerein to Aristotle who saith That much knowledge breedeth many occasions of doubt as for other questions they afforded unto us no unpleasant pastime and recreation in the day time as we walked in the galleries abroad but that probleme concerning dreams namely that they be uncertein lying false especially during those moneths whē trees shed their leaves was set on foot again I wot no thow after supper by Phavorinus when he had done with other discourses As for your familiar companions my children they were of opinion that Aristotle himselfe had sufficiently solved the question there needed no farther enquirie into the matter nor any speech more to be made thereof but even to attribute the cause as he did to the new gathered fruits of that season for being as they were fresh and greene still in their strength and full of vigour they engendred in our bodies many ventosities and bred much trouble and agitation in the humours for likely it is not that new wine alone doth worke boile and chaufe nor that oile onely being new drawen and pressed yeeldeth a noise as it burneth in lampes by occasion that the heat causeth the windinesse and spirit thereof to evaporate and walme out but we see that corne also newly inned all fruits of trees presently upon their gathering are plumpe full and swelled againe untill such time as they have exhaled foorth all that is flatuous and breathed out the crudities thereof now that there be certeine meates that cause troublesome dreames and engender turbulent visions and fansies in our sleepe they brought in and alledged for their testimony the instance of beanes and the head of the pulpe or pour-cuttle fish which they are bidden to absteine from who would divine and foreshew things that come by dreames As for Phavorinus howsoever he was himselfe at all times wonderfully affected addicted to Aristotle and one who attributed unto the Peripateticks schole this singular commendation that their doctrine caried more probabilitie and resemblance of the truth than other philosophers whatsoever yet at this present he came out with an old rustie reason of Democritus taken out of the smoake where it had gathered a deale of thicke soot for to furbish scoure and make it bright againe for this was the vulgar opinion which Democritus put downe for a supposition That certeine images doe enter and pierce deepe into our bodies thorough the pores which as they rise againe from the bottome cause those visions which appeare unto us as we sleepe that these came out of al parts wandering as presented from utensils habillements plants but principally from living creatures for that they moove stir much and besides are hot having not onely the expresse similitudes and sundry formes of bodies imprinted in them as Epicurus thinketh who thus farre foorth followeth Democritus and leaveth him there but also drawing therewith the apparences of the motions of the minde of counsel of usuall milde affections as also of vehement passions wherewith they entring in doe speake as if they were living things and distinctly carie unto those that receive the same the opinions the words the discourses and affections of such as transmit the same if in their entrance they reteine still the expresse figures and nothing confused which they doe especially all while that their way and passage thorough the aire cleere and united is speedy quicke and not empeached by any hinderance considering than that the aire of the Autumnall quarter in the end when as trees doe cast their leaves hath much asperitie and inequalitie it turneth aside and putteth by diversly those images causing their evidence to be feeble and transitorie as being darkened by the tardity and slownesse of their pace in the way whereas contrariwise when they runne foorth in great number and swiftly out of those things that swell with fulnesse and burne as it were with desire to be delivered of them then as they passe they yeeld their resemblances all fresh and very significant After this casting his eie upon Autohulus and smiling withall Me thinks quoth he that I perceive you and those about you to addresse your selves alredy for to maintaine a kinde of fight against these images that you meane to fasten with your hands and catch hold of this old opinion as if it were some rotten picture to doe it some violence Goe to quoth Autobulus will you never leave these fashions to play with us in this manner for wee know well enough iwis that you hold and approove the opinion of Aristotle and that for to give a lustre thereunto you have set this of Democritus by it as a shadow and foile that conceit therefore of Democritus we will turne over and put by and take in hand for to impugne this reason of Aristotles which imputeth all to these new fruits and unjustly without al all reason blaming discrediting that which we all love so well for both Summer Autumne will beare witnesse that when we eat these fruits more fresh and greene even at such time as they are most succulent and verdant as Antimachus said our dreames are lesse lying and deceitfull but these moneths which we name the Fall of the leafe pitching their tents as it were and taking up their standings close to the Winter have reduced already both corne of the field and also the fruits of trees which remaine uneaten by their perfect concoction to this passe that they looke slender and in some sort riveled as having lost by this time that violent heady and furious force which was in them As touching new wine they that drinke it soonest doe it in the moneth Anthisteron that is to say Februarie presently after winter and that day upon which they begin to taste it we in our countrey call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say the day of good fortune but the Athenians name it of opening their tunnes or wine vessels Pithaegia but so long as the Must or new wine is working still and in the heat we see that all men even the very artificers and labourers are affraid to taste
cleaped her Olympias For the like faults and errours are committed at dauncing in the foresaid shewes if they carry not a probable likelihood and a grace with them and the same accompanied with decencie and an unaffected simplicitie in one word we may fitly transferre the Apophthegme of Simonides from painting unto dauncing and say thus That a daunce is a mute poesie and poesie a speaking daunce insomuch quoth hee as neither painting dependeth upon poesie nor poesie of painting as having no need at all one of the other whereas betweene dauncing and poetrie all things are common are participating one with another in every thing and representing both of them one and the same thing especially in those songs to daunce which they call Hyporchemata wherein is performed the most effectuall and lively resemblance of the one by gesture and of the other by words and names so that poëmes seeme aptly to be compared unto the lines and pourfling in a picture by which the formes of visages are drawen insomuch as hee who hath proceeded well in those Hyporchemata and is become excellent in that feat sheweth plainly that these two arts necessarily have need the one of the other for he who chaunteth out this song 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. That is to say I play the horse of Thessaly Or els the hound of Amycly following and pursuing with his foot the measures and expressing the winding and turning sound of the voice or this other song 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. declareth thereby that poëmes doe in maner provoke the disposition and gesture of dauncing drawing with the sound of verses as it were with certeine cords both hands feet or the whole bodie rather stretching out every member thereof in such sort as when they be pronounced and chanted forth there is not one of them that can rest in quiet by occasion whereof the partie who singeth such songs is not abashed to praise himselfe no lesse for his sufficiencie in the art of dauncing than his accomplished skill in poesie and as if he were rapt with some divine instinct breaketh out into this note How olde soever that I be I can yet foot it merrily And this maner of dauncing to the measures they call the Candiot daunce howbeit now a daies there is nothing so ill taught so badly practised and so much depraved and corrupted as is this feat of dauncing and therefore that is befallen unto it which 〈◊〉 the poet fearing wrote of himselfe in these verses For honour lost among the gods I 〈◊〉 With men alone I shall be honoured For having associated her selfe to I wot not what trivial and vulgar poesie being fallen from that which was ancient divine and heavenly she ruleth and beareth sway onely in foolish and amased theaters where like a tyrannesse she hath in subjection a small deale of musicke God wot good enough to please and content the vulgar sort but among wise men and divine indeed it hath to say a trueth lost all honour and reputation These were in maner the last philosophicall discourses Ô 〈◊〉 Senecio which were held at that time in good 〈◊〉 his house during the festivall solemnitie of the Muses THE OPINIONS OF PHILOSOPHERS The Summarie FOrasmuch as in the Preface to the second tome conteining the Miscellanes or mixt works of Plutarch he spake of these gatherings out of naturall philosophie and of the fruit that may be reaped thereout by discerning true opinions from false we will not rehearse againe here that which was delivered in that place but propose onely to the eies of the reader the bare titles of every chapter thorowout these five books which the authour hath joined together for to shew the opinions of the ancient philosophers as touching the exposition of the principall points of naturall philosophie Chapters of the first Booke 1 What is Nature 2 What difference there is betweene a principle and an element 3 As touching Principles what they be 4 How the world was composed 5 Whether All be One. 6 How it commeth that men have a notion of God 7 What is God 8 Of heavenly intelligences or powers called Daemons and of Demi-gods 9 Of the first Matter 10 Of the Forme called Idea 11 Of Causes 12 Of Bodies 13 Of the least indivisible bodies or Atomes 14 Of Figures 15 Of Colours 16 Of the section of bodies 17 Of Mixture and Temperature 18 Of Voidnesse 19 Of Place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 20 Of Space 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 21 Of Time 22 Of the essence of Time 23 Of Motion 24 Of Generation and Corruption 25 Of Necessitie 26 Of the essence of Necessitie 27 Of 〈◊〉 28 Of the substance of Destinie 29 Of Fortune 30 Of 〈◊〉 Chapters of the second Booke 1 Of the world 2 Of the figure of the world 3 Whether the world be endued with soule and governed by providence 4 Whether the world be incorruptible 5 Whereof the world is nourished 6 With what element God began to frame the world 7 The order of the worlds fabricke 8 For what cause the world bendeth or copeth 9 Whether there be any voidnesse without the world 10 Which is the right side of the world and which is the left 11 Of heaven and what is the substance 〈◊〉 12 The division of heaven and how many 〈◊〉 it is divided into 13 What is the substance of the starres and how they be composed 14 The figure of the starres 15 The order and situation of the starres 16 The lation or motion of the starres 17 Whence the starres have their light 18 Of the starres called Dioscuri that is to say Castor and Pollux 19 The signifiance of starres how commeth winter and summer 20 The substance of the sunne 21 The greatnesse of the sunne 22 The forme of the sunne 23 The 〈◊〉 or sunne-steads or the conversions of the sunne 24 The ecclypse of the sunne 25 The substance of the moone 26 The bignesse of the moone 27 The forme of the moone 28 The illumination of the moone 29 The eclipse of the moone 30 The face or apparence of the moone and why she seemeth earthly 31 The distance that is betweene sunne and moone 32 Of the yeere and how much is the great 〈◊〉 the revolution of each planet Chapters of the third Booke 1 Of the circle Galaxia or the milke way 2 Of comets or blasing starres of starres that seeme to shoot or fall as also of the fire-lights or meteores called beames 3 Of thunders lightnings flashings of the 〈◊〉 winds called Presteres and Typhons 4 Of clouds raine snowe and haile 5 Of the rainbowe 6 Of rods or strakes in the skie 7 Of windes 8 Of winter and summer 9 Of the earth what is the substance thereof and how bigge it is 10 The forme of the earth 11 The positure or situation of the earth 12 The bending of the earth 13 The motion of the earth 14 The
most strictly happen many of them to encounter one another and meet together in which regard they differ in figures and magnitudes now when they are thus gathered and heaped up together in one the greater sort of them and such as were most ponderous settled altogether downeward as many of them as were small round even smooth and slipperie those being beaten upon by the encounter of these weightie bodies were repulsed driven backe and forced upward but when that force which drave them aloft began to faile and gave over once to send them up higher not being able to fall downward againe for that they were empeached they were of necessitie enforced to retire into those places which were able to receive them to wit such as were round about them unto which a mightie number of bodies being wound together in an heape and by meanes of the repercussion enterlaced one within another they engendred and brought forth the heaven and afterwards others of the same nature yet of divers formes as hath been said before being likewise driven up aloft accomplished the nature of Stars Moreover the multitude of those bodies yeelding a vapour and exhalation did beat forward and drive the aire which by stirring and motion being converted into wind and comprising therewith the Starres turned them about with it and so maintaine unto this day that revolution which they have aloft Of those bodies then which setled below was made the earth and of such as mounted on high the heaven the fire and the aire but round about the earth by occasion that there was much matter yet left and the same incrassate and thickned by the forcible driving of the winds and the breathing of the starres all that part thereof which was more subtile and of a thinner forme and consistance gathered round together and engendred the element of water which being of a liquid and flowing nature ran downward to holow places lying low which were able to receive and hold them or else the water of it selfe where it staied and rested made concavities and hollow places underneath Thus you see after what manner the principall parts of the world were first engendred and made CHAP. V. Whether All be one THe STOIKE Philosophers held opinion that the world was one which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is to say All and the same of corporall substance EMPEDOCLES affirmed that the world indeed was one but All and the world were not both one for the world quoth he is but a small portion of All and as for the rest beside it is but an idle and dull matter PLATO proveth his opinion that the world is but one by conjecture and guesseth All to be one by three presumptions or probable arguments First for that otherwise the world were not perfect and accomplished if it comprised not All within it selfe Secondly it should not be like unto the pattern if it were not one and uniforme Thirdly it would not be incorruptible in case there were any thing without it But wee are to answere Plato and say against him that the world is perfect although it comprehend not all things for man is perfect enough and yet all things be not comprised in him Moreover there be many examples drawn from one pattern as we may see in statues houses and pictures and how is it perfect if any thing may turne without it Finally incorruptible neither is it nor can it be considering it had a beginning and a kind of Nativitie METRODORUS saith That as it were an absurd and impertinent speech to say that in a great field there grew but one eare of corne so it were as strange a matter that in this infinitie there should be but one world and that there be in number infinite it appeareth by this that there be causes infinite for if the world were finite and all the causes infinite whereof it is made it cannot chuse but of necessitie there should be likewise infinite for where all the causes be there must needs the effects follow now the causes of the world be either these Atomes or the Elements CHAP. VI. From whence it came that Men had the notion of God THe Stoicke Philosophers define the Essence of God in this wise namely To be a spirit full of intelligence and of a fiery nature having no forme but transforming himselfe into whatsoever he will and resembling all things The notion and apprehension men had of him first by conceiving the beautic of those things which are object to their eies for no beautifull thing hath beene made by chaunce and at adventure but composed framed by some ingenious and operative Art now that the heaven is beautifull it appeareth by the forme colour and bignesse thereof by the varietie also of the starres disposed therein moreover the world is round in manner of a Ball which figure of all other is principall and most perfect for it alone resembleth all the parts for being round it selfe it hath the parts likewise round For this cause Plato said That our mind and reason the most divine part of man is lodged and seated in the head which commeth neere unto a round figure as for the colour it is faire and lovely for it standeth upon the azure or blew which being more darke than purple hath notwithstanding a bright and resplendent qualitie in such sort as by the exceeding strength of that lightsome hew it cutteth and pierceth thorow so great an intervall and spaciousnesse of the aire as it may be evidently seene in so mightie a distance in regard also of the greatnesse thereof it is right beautifull for of all things that be of one and the same kinde that which invironeth and conteineth the rest is ever fairest as we may see in a living creature and a tree besides to consummate and accomplish the beautie of the world there be the celestiall signes which appeare unto our eie for the oblique circle of the Zodiake is embelished with twelve divers and sundry images Wherein the CRAB is to be seene the LION after it The VIRGIN and two forked CLEES the SCORPION with his bit The ARCHER and the CAPRICORNE upon which horned GOAT There follow with the WATER-MAN two FISHES all afloat And after these ensue in course the RAM and sturdy Bull But last of all the double TWINNES make up the douzen full Besides an innumerable sort of other configurations of starres which God hath made in the like arches and rotundities of the world whereupon Euripides wrote thus The starrie splendour of the skie which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some do call The woondrous worke of that most wise Creatour Lord of all Thus then we apprehended heereby the notion of God for the sunne the moone and other starres after they have performed the course of their revolutions under the earth come to rise againe all like in colour equall in bignesse and reteining alwaies still the same places and times whereupon they who deliver unto us the
speake of necessity either was not before the creation of the world at what time as those first bodies lay still unmoveable or stirred confusedly or else if he were before he either slept or watched or did neither the one nor the other but as the former of these we may not admit for that God is eternall so the latter we cannot 〈◊〉 for if God slept from all eternity and time out of minde he was no better than dead for what is eternal sleep other than death but surely God is not subject to death for the immortallity of God and this vicinity to death are much distant asunder and cannot stand both together but if wee say that God was awake all that while either he was defectuous in his blessed state of felicity or els he enjoyed the same complet but in the first condition God is not happy for whatsoever wanteth ought of felitity cannot be happy and verily in the second state he is not better for if he were defective in nothing before to what purpose busied he himselfe in such vaine enterprises moreover if there be a God and that by his prudent care mens affaires be governed how commeth it to passe that wicked men prosper in the world and finde fortune their 〈◊〉 mother but the good and honest suffer the contrary and feele her to be a curst stepdame for king Agamemnon as the poet faith Aprince right good and gracious A knight with all most 〈◊〉 was by an adulterer and adulteresse surprised and murdered trecherously and Hercules one of his race and kinred after he had ridde and purged the life of man from so many monsters that troubled his reposewas poisoned by Deianeira and so by indirect meanes lost his life THALES saith that God is the soule of the world ANAXIMANDER is of opinion that the starres be celestiall gods DEMOCRITUS is perswaded that God is a minde of a fierie nature and the soule of the world PYTHAGORAS affirmeth that of the two first principles Unitie was God and the soveraigne good which is the very nature of one and is Understanding it selfe but the indefinite binarie is the divell and evill about which is the multitude materiall and the visible world SOCRATES and PLATO doe hold that he is one and of a simple nature begotten and borne of himselfe alone truly good All which tearmes and attributes tend unto a Minde so that this minde is God a forme separate apart that is to say neither mingled with any matter nor entangled and joined with any thing passible whatsoever ARISTOTLE supposeth that this supreme God is an abstract forme setled upon the round sphaere of the universall world which is an heavenly and celestiall body and therefore tearmed by him the fifth body or quinta essentia which celestial body being divided into many sphaeres coherent by nature but separate and distinct by reason and understanding hee thinketh each of these sphaeres to be a kinde of animall composed of body and soule of which twaine the bodie is celestiall mooving circularly and the soule reason unmooveable in it selfe but the cause in effect of motion The Stoicks teach after a more generall manner and define God to be a working and artificiall fire proceeding methodically and in order to the generation of the world which comprehendeth in itselfe all the spermaticall proportions and reasons of seed according to which every thing by fatall destinie is produced and commeth foorth also to be a spirit piercing and spreading through the whole world howbeit changing his denomination throughout the whole matter as it passeth by transition from the one to the other Semblably that the world is God the starres likewise and the earth yea and the supreme minde above in heaven Finally Epicurus conceiveth thus of the gods that they all have the forme of man and yet be perceptable onely by reason and cogitation in regard of the subtile parts and fine nature of their imaginative figures he also affirmeth that those other foure natures in generall be incorruptible to wit the atomes vacuitie infinitie and resemblances which also be called semblable parcels and elements CHAP. VIII Of Daemons and demy-gods otherwise named Heroes TO this treatise of the gods meet it is to adjoine a discourse as touching the nature of Daemones and Heroes THALES PYTHAGORAS PLATO and the STOICKS hold that these Daemons be spirituall substances and the Heroes soule separate from their bodies of which sort there be good and bad the good Heroes are the good soules and the bad Heroes the bad soules but EPICURUS admitteth none of all this CHAP. IX Of Matter MAtter is the first and principall subject exposed to generation corruption and other mutations The Sectaries of THALES and PYTHAGORAS together with the Stoicks doe say that this Matter is variable mutable alterable and fluxible all wholly thorow the universall world The disciples and followers of DEMOCRITUS are of opinion that the first principles be impassible to wit the small indivisible bodie Atomos Voidnesse and Incorporall ARISTOTLE and PLATO doe holde that Matter is corporall without forme shape figure and qualitie in the owne nature and propertie but when it hath received formes once it becommeth as it were a nurse a molde pattern and a mother They who set downe for this Matter water earth fire or aire do not say that now it is without forme but that it is a very bodie but such as affirme that these Atomes and indivisible bodies be the said Matter make it altogether formelesse CHAP. X. Of Idea IDea is a bodilesse substance which of it selfe hath no subsistence but giveth figure and forme unto shapelesse matters and becommeth the very cause that bringeth them into shew and evidence SOCRATES and PLATO suppose that these Ideae bee substances separate and distinct from Matter howbeit subsisting in the thoughts and imaginations of God that is to say of Minde and Understanding ARISTOTLE admitteth verily these formes and Ideae howbeit not separate from matter as being the patterns of all that which God hath made The STOICKS such as were the scholars of Zeno have delivered that our thoughts and conceits were the Ideae CHAP. XI Of Causes A Cause is that whereupon dependeth or followeth an effect or by which any thing hapneth PLATO hath set downe three kinds of Causes and those are distinguished by these tearmes By which Of which and For which but he taketh the most principall to be that By which that is to say the efficient cause which is the minde or understanding PYTHAGORAS and ARISTOTLE do hold that the principall Causes be incorporall and as for other Causes either by participation or by accident they are of a corporal substance and so the world is a bodie But the STOICKS are of opinion that all Causes are corporall inasmuch as they be spirits CHAP. XII Of Bodies A Bodie is measurable and hath three dimensions length bredth and depth or thicknesse Or thus A Bodie is a masse that resisteth touching naturally of it selfe
and DEMOCRITUS were of opinion that all things were made by Necessitie and that destinie justice providence and the Creatour of the world were all one CHAP. XXVI Of the Essence of Necessitie PLATO referreth some events to providence and others he attributeth to Necessitie EMPEDOCLES saith that the Essence of Necessitie is a cause apt to make use of the principles and elements DEMOCRITUS affirmeth it to be the resistance the lation motion and permission of the matter PLATO holdeth it to be one while matter it selfe and another while the habitude of that which is agent to the matter CHAP. XXVII Of Destinie HERACLITUS affirmeth that all things were done by fatall Destinie and that it and Necessitie be both one PLATO admitteth willingly this Destinie in the soules lives and actions of men but hee inferreth withall a cause proceeding from our selves The STOICKES likewise according with the opinion of Plato do hold that Necessitie is a cause invincible most violent and inforcing all things also that Destinie is a connexion of causes interlaced linked orderly in which concatenation or chaine is therein comprised also that cause which proceedeth from us in such sort as some events are destined and others not CHAP. XXVIII Of the substance of 〈◊〉 HERACLITUS saith that the substance of Destinie is the reason that pierceth throughout the substance of the universall world PLATO affirmeth it to be an eternall reason and a perpetuall law of the nature of the whole world CHRYSIPPUS holdeth it to be a certaine puissance spirituall which by order governeth and administreth all things And againe in his booke of definitions hee writeth thus Destinie is the reason of the world or rather the law of all things in the world administred and governed by providence or else the reason whereby things past have beene things present are and future things shall be The STOICKES are of opinion that it is the chaine of causes that is to say an order and connexion which cannot be surmounted and transgressed POSIDONIUS supposeth it to be the third after Jupiter for that Jupiter is in the first degree Nature in the second and fatall Destinie in the third CHAP. XXIX Of Fortune PLATO defineth Fortune to be in things proceeding from mans counsell and election a cause by accident and a verie casuall consequence ARISTOTLE holdeth it to be an accidentall cause in those things which from some deliberate purpose and impulsion tend to a certaine end which cause is not apparent but hidden and uncertaine And he putteth a difference between Fortune and rash adventure for that all Fortune in the affaires and actions of this world is adventurous but everie adventure is not by and by Fortune for that it consisteth in things without action againe Fortune is properly in actions of reasonable creatures but adventure indifferently in creatures as well unreasonable as reasonable yea and in those bodies which have neither life nor soule EPICURUS saith that Fortune is a cause which will not stand and accord with persons times and manners ANAXAGORAS and the STOICKS affirme it to be a cause unknowne and hidden to humane reason for that some things come by necessitie others by fatall destinie some by deliberate counsell others by Fortune and some againe by casualitie or adventure CHAP. XXX Of Nature 〈◊〉 holdeth that Nature is nothing only that there is a mixture and divulsion or separation of Elements for in this manner writeth he in the first booke of his Phisicks This one thing more I will yet say of things that be humane And Mortall mature none there is and deaths end is but vaine Amixture and divulsion of Elements and of all Onely there is and this is that which men do Nature call Semblably ANAXAGORAS saith that Nature is nothing else but a concretion and dissipation that is to say generation and corruption THE SECOND BOOKE OF Philosophers opinions The Prooeme HAving now finished the Treatise of PRINCIPLES ELEMENTS and such other matters linked and concurring with them I will turne my pen unto the discourse as touching their effects and works composed of them beginning first at that which is most spatious and capable of all things CHAP. I. Of the World PYTHAGORAS was the first who called the Roundle that containeth and comprehendeth all to wit the World 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the orderly digestion observed therein THALES and his disciples held that there is but one World DEMOCRITUS EPICURUS and their scholler METRODORUS affirme that there be innumerable Worlds in an infinite space according to all dimensions and circumstances EMPEDOCLES saith that the course and race of the Sunne is the verie circumscription of the bounds and limits of the World and that it is the verie confinement thereof SELEUCUS held the World to be infinite DIOGENES affirmed the universalitie to be infinite but the world finite and determinate The STOICKS put a difference betweene universall and whole for they say that the universall together with voidnesse is infinite and that the whole without voidnes is the World so as these termes the Whole and the World be not both one CHAP. II. Of the figure and forme of the World THe STOICKS affirme the World to be round some say it is pointed or pyramidal others that it is fashioned in manner of an egge but EPICURUS holdeth that his Worlds may be round and it may be that they are apt besides to receive other formes CHAP. III. Whether the World be animate or endued with a soule ALL other Philosophers agree that the World is animate governed by providence but DEMOCRITUS EPICURUS and as many as maintaine ATOMES and with all bring in VACUITY that it is neither animate nor governed by providence but by a certaine nature void of reason ARISTOTLE holdeth that it is not animate wholy and throughout all parts nor sensitive nor reasonable nor yet intellectuall or directed by providence True it is quoth he that celestiall bodies be capable of all these qualities as being compassed about with sphaeres both animate and vitall whereas bodies terrestriall and approching neere unto the earth are endued with none of them and as for the order and decent composition therein it came by accident and not by prepensed reason and counsell CHAP. IIII. Whether the World be incorruptible and eternall PYTHAGORAS and PLATO affirme that the world was ingendred and made by God and of the owne nature being corruptible shall perish for sensible it is and therefore corporall howbeit in regard of the divine providence which preserveth and mainteineth it perish it shall never EPICURUS saith that it is corruptible for that it is engendred like as a living creature or a plant XENOPHANES holdeth the world to be eternall ingenerable uncreated and incorruptible ARISTOTLE is of opinion that the part of the world under the moone is passible wherein the bodies also adjacent to the earth be subject to corruption CHAP. V. Whereof the World is nourished ARISTOTLE saith that if the World be nourished it is
side it lieth lowest of all things in the world and by occasion thereof resteth unmooveable hauing no cause why it should encline more to one part than to another but yet some places of her because of their raritie do jogge and shake EPICURUS keepeth his old tune saying it may well be that the earth being shogged and as it were rocked and beaten by the aire underneath which is grosse and of the nature of water therefore mooveth and quaketh As also it may be quoth he that being holow and full of holes in the parts below it is forced to tremble and shake by the aire that is gotten within the caves and concavities and there enclosed CHAP. XVI Of the Sea how it was made and commeth to be bitter ANAXIMANDER affirmeth that the Sea is a residue remaining of the primitive humidity whereof the Sunne hauing burnt up and consumed a great part the rest behind he altered and turned from the naturall kind by his excessive ardent heat ANAXAGORAS is of opinion that the said first humiditie being diffused and spred abroad in manner of a poole or great meere was burnt by the motion of the sunne about it and when the oileous substance thereof was exhaled and consumed the rest setled below and turned into a brackish and bitter-saltnesse which is the Sea EMPEDOCLES saith that the Sea is the sweat of the earth enchafed by the sunne being bathed and washed all over aloft ANTISTON thinketh it to be the sweat of heat the moisture whereof which was within being by much seething and boiling sent out becommeth salt a thing ordinary in all sweats METRODORUS supposeth the Sea to be that moisture which running thorough the earth reteined some part of the densitie thereof like as that which passeth through ashes The disciples of PLATO imagine that so much of the elementarie water which is congealed of the aire by refrigeration is sweet and fresh but whatsoever did evaporate by burning and inflammation became salt CHAP. XVII Of the Tides to wit the ebbing and flowing of the sea what is the cause thereof ARISTOTLE and HERACLITUS affirme that it is the sunne which doth it as who stirreth raiseth and carieth about with him the most part of the windes which comming to blow upon the Ocean cause the Atlanticke sea to swell and so make the flux or high water but when the same are allaied and cleane downe the sea falleth low and so causeth a reflux and ebbe or low water PYTHEAS of Marseils referreth the cause of Flowing to the full moone and of Ebbing to the moone in the wane PLATO attributeth all to a certeine rising of the waters saying There is such an elevation that through the mouth of a cave carieth the Ebbe and Flow to and fro by the meanes whereof the seas doe rise and flow contrarily TIMAEUS alledgeth the cause hereof to be the rivers which falling from the mountaines in Gaule enter into the Atlantique sea which by their violent corruptions driving before them the water of the sea cause the Flow and by their ceasing and returne backe by times the Ebbe SELEUCUS the Mathematician who affirmed also that the earth mooved saith that the motion thereof is opposit and contrary to that of the moone also that the winde being driven to and fro by these two contrary revolutions bloweth and beateth upon the Atlanticke ocean troubleth the sea also and no marvell according as it is disquieted it selfe CHAP. XVIII Of the round circle called Halo THis Halo is made after this manner betweene the body of the moone or any other starre and our eie-sight there gathereth a grosse and mistie aire by which aire anon our sight commeth to be reflected and diffused and afterwards the same incurreth upon the said starre according to the exterior circumference thereof and thereupon appeereth a circle round about the starre which being there seene is called Halo for that it seemeth that the apparent impression is close unto that upon which our sight so enlarged as is before said doth fall THE FOURTH BOOKE OF Philosophers opinions The Prooeme HAving runne through the generall parts of the world I will now passe unto the particulars CHAP. I. Of the rising and inundation of Nilus THALES thinketh that the anniversarie windes called Etcsiae blowing directly against Aegypt cause the water of Nilus to swell for that the sea being driven by these windes entreth within the mouth of the said river and hindereth it that it cannot discharge it selfe freely into the sea but is repulsed backward EUTHYMENES of Marseils supposeth that this river is filled with the water of the ocean and the great sea lying without the continent which he imagineth to be fresh and sweet ANAXAGORAS saith that this hapneth by the snowe in Aethiopia which melteth in summer and is congealed and frozen in winter DEMOCRITUS is of opinion that it is long of the snowe in the north parts which about the aestival solstice and returne of the sunne being dissolved and dilated breedeth vapors and of them be engendred clouds which being driven by the Etesian windes into Aethiopia and Aegypt toward the south cause great and violent raines wherewith both lakes and the river also Nilus be filled HERODOTUS the Historian writeth that this river hath as much water from his sources and springs in winter as in summer but to us it seemeth lesse in winter because the sunne being then neerer unto Aegypt causeth the said water to evaporate EPHORUS the Historiographer reporteth that all Aegypt doth resolve and runne at it were wholly into swet in summer time whereunto Arabia and Libya doe conferre and contribute also their waters for that the earth there is light and sandy EUDOXUS saith that the priests of Aegypt assigne the cause hereof to the great raines and the Antiperistasis or contrarie occurse of seasons for that when it is Summer with us who inhabit within the Zone toward the Summer Tropicke it is Winter with those who dwell in the opposit Zone under the Winter Tropicke whereupon saith he proceedeth this great inundation of waters breaking downe unto the river Nilus CHAP. II. Of the Soule THALES was the first that defined the Soule to be a nature moving alwaies or having motion of it selfe PYTHAGORAS saith it is a certeine number moving it selfe and this number he taketh for intelligence or understanding PLATO supposeth it to be an intellectuall substance mooving it selfe and that according to harmonicall number ARISTOTLE is of opinion that it is the first Entelechia or primitive act of a naturall and organicall bodie having life potentially DICEARCHUS thinketh it to be the harmonie and concordance of the foure elements ASCLEPIADES the Physician defineth it to be an exercise in common of all the senses together CHAP. III. Whether the Soule be a body and what is the substance of it ALl these Philsosophers before rehearsed suppose that the Soule is incorporall that of the owne nature it mooveth and is a spirituall substance and the action of a
and there likewise in old time her slippers her distaffe and spindels laid up for to bee seene the one to signifie that she kept the house well and went not ordinarily abroad the other to shew how she busied her selfe at home 31 How commeth it that they use to chaunt ordinarily at weddings this word so much divulged Talassio IS it not of Talasia the Greeke word which signifieth yarne for the basket wherein women use to put in their rolles of carded wooll they name Talasos in Greeke and Calathus in Latine Certes they that lead the bride home cause her to sit upon a fliece of wooll then bringeth she foorth a distaffe and a spindle and with wooll all to hangeth and decketh the dore of her husbands house Or rather if it be true which historians report There was sometime a certeine yoong gentleman very valiant and active in feats of armes and otherwise of excellent parts and singular wel conditioned whose name was Talasius and when they ravished and caried away the daughters of the Sabines who were come to Rome for to behold the solemnitie of their festivall games and plaies certaine meane persons such yet as belonged to the traine retinue of Talasius aforesaid had chosen foorth were carying away one damosel above the rest most beautiful of visage and for their safety and securitie as they passed along the streets cried out aloud Talasio Talasio that is to say for Talasius for Talasius to the end that no man should be so hardy as to approch neere unto them nor attempt to have away the maiden from them giving it out that they caried her for to be the wife of Talasius and others meeting them upon the way joined with them in company for the honour of Talasius and as they followed after highly praised their good choice which they had made praying the gods to give both him and her joy of their marriage and contentment to their hearts desire Now for that this marriage prooved happy and blessed they were woont ever after in their wedding songs to rechant and resound this name Talasius like as the maner is among the Greeks to sing in such carrols Hymenaeus 32 What is the reason that in the moneth of May they use at Rome to cast over their woodden bridge into the river certaine images of men which they call Argeos IS it in memoriall of the Barbarians who sometimes inhabited these parts and did so by the Greeks murdering them in that maner as many of them as they could take But Hercules who was highly esteemed among them for his vertue abolished this cruell fashion of killing of strangers and taught them this custome to counterfet their auncient superstitions and to fling these images in stead of them now in old time our ancestors used to name all Greeks of what countrey so ever they were Argeos unlesse haply a man would say that the Arcadians reputing the Argives to be their enemies for that they were their neighbour borderers such as fled with Evander out of Arcadia and came to inhabit these quarters reteined still the old hatred and ranckor which time out of minde had taken root and beene setled in their hearts against the said Argives 33 What is the cause that the Romans in old time never went foorth out of their houses to supper but they caried with them their yoong sonnes even when they were but in their very infancie and childhood WAs not this for the very same reason that Lycurgus instituted and ordeined that yoong children should ordinarily be brought into their halles where they used to eat in publicke called Phiditia to the end that they might be inured and acquainted betimes 〈◊〉 to use the pleasures of eating and drinking immoderately as brutish and ravenous beasts are wont to doe considering that they had their elders to oversee them yea and to controll their demeanour and in this regard haply also that their fathers themselves should in their cariage be more sober honest and frugall in the presence of their children for looke where old folke are shamelesse there it can not chuse but as Plato saith children and youth will be most gracelesse and impudent 34 What might the reason be that where as all other Romans made their offrings ceremonies and sacrifices for the dead in the moneth of February Decimus Brutus as Cicero saith was went to doe the same in the moneth of December now this Brutus was he who first invaded the countrey of Portugall and with an armie passedover the river of Lethe that is to say oblivion MAy it not be that as the most part of men used not to performe any such services for the dead but toward the end of the moneth and a little before the shutting in of the evening even so it seemeth to carie good reason to honour the dead at the end of the yeere and you wot well that December was the the last moneth of all the yeere Or rather it is because this was an honour exhibited to the deities terrestriall and it seemeth that the proper season to reverence and worship these earthly gods is when the fruits of the earth be fully gathered and laid up Or haply for that the husband men began at this time to breake up their grounds against their seednesse it was meet and requisite to have in remembrance those gods which are under the ground Or haply because this moneth is dedicate and consecrated by the Romans to Saturne for they counted Saturne one of the gods beneath and none of them above and withall considering the greatest and most solemne feast which they call Saturnalia is holden in this moneth at what time as they seeme to have their most frequent meeting and make best cheere he thought it meet and reasonable that the dead also should enjoy some little portion thereof Or it may be said that it is altogether untrue that Decimus Brutus alone sacrificed for the dead in this moneth for certeine it is that there was a certeine divine service performed to Acca Larentia and solemne effusions and libaments of wine and milke were powred upon her sepulchre in the moneth of December 35 Why honoured the Romans this Acca Larentia so highly considering she was no better than a strumpet or courtisan FOr you must thinke that the histories make mention of another Acca Larentia the nurse of Romulus unto whom they do honour in the moneth of Aprill As for this courtizan Larentia she was as men say surnamed Fabula and came to be so famous and renowmed by such an occasion as this A certeine sexton of Hercules his temple having little els to doe and living at ease as commonly such fellowes doe used for the most part to spend all the day in playing at dice and with cokall bones and one day above the rest it fortuned that meeting with none of his mates and play-fellowes who were woont to beare him company at such games and not knowing what to do nor how to
was thought a great sinne and exceeding irreverence for a man to turne himselfe out of his apparrell naked in any church chappell or religious and sacred place 〈◊〉 so they carried a great respect unto the aire and open skie as being full of gods demi-gods and saints And this is the verie cause why we do many of our necessarie businesses within 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and covered with the 〈◊〉 of our houses and so remooved from the eies as it were of the deitie 〈◊〉 somethings there be that by law are commaunded and enjoined unto the priest onely and others againe unto all men by the priest as for example heere with us in 〈◊〉 to be crowned with chaplets of flowers upon the head to let the haire grow long to weare a sword and not to set foot within the limits of Phocis pertaine all to the office and dutie of the captaine generall and chiefe ruler but to tast of no new fruits before the Autumnall Aequinox be past nor to cut and prune a vine but before the Acquinox of the Spring be intimated and declared unto all by the said ruler or captaine generall for those be the verie seasons to do both the one the other In like case it should seeme in my judgement that among the Romans it properly belonged to the priest not to mount on horseback not to be above three nights out of the citie not to put off his cap wherupon he was called in the Roman language Flamen But there be many other offices and duties notified and declared unto all men by the priest among which this is one not to be enhuiled or anointed abroad in the open aire For this maner of anointing drie without the bath the Romans mightily suspected and were afraid of and even at this day they are of opinion that there was no such cause in the world that brought the Greeks under the yoke of servitude and bondage and made them so tender and effeminate as their halles and publike places where their yong men wrestled exercised their bodies naked as being the meanes that brought into their cities much losse of time engendred idlenesse bred lazie slouth and ministred occasion opportunity of lewdnesse and vilany as namely to make love unto faire boies and to spoile and marre the bodies of young men with sleeping with walking at a certaine measure with stirring according to motions keeping artificiall compasse and with observing rules of exquisit diet Through which fashions they see not how ere they be aware they befallen from exercises of armes and have cleane forgotten all militarie discipline loving rather to be held and esteemed good wrestlers fine dauncers conceited pleasants and faire minions than hardic footmen or valiant men of armes And verely it is an hard matter to avoid and decline these inconveniences for them that use to discover their bodies naked before all the world in the broad aire but those who annoint themselves closely within doores and looke to their bodies at home are neither faultie nor offensive 41 What is the reason that the auncient coine and mony in old time caried the stampe of one side of Ianus with two faces and on the other side the prow or the poope of a boat engraved 〈◊〉 WAs it not as many men do say for to honour the memorie of Saturne who passed into Italy by water in such a vessell But a man may say thus much as well of many 〈◊〉 for Janus Evander and Aeneas came thither likewise by sea and therefore a man may peradventure gesse with better reason that whereas some things serve as goodly ornaments for cities others as necessarie implements among those which are decent and seemely ornaments the principall is good government and discipline and among such as be necessary is reckoned plentie and abundance of victuals now for that Janus instituted good government in 〈◊〉 holsome lawes and reducing their manner of life to civilitie which before was rude and brutish and for that the river being navigable furnished them with store of all neceslary commodities whereby some were brought thither by sea others from the land the coine caried for the marke of a law-giver the head with two faces like as we have already said because of that change of life which he brought in and of the river a ferrie boate or barge and yet there was another kinde of money currant among them which had the figure portraied upon it of a beefe of a sheepe and of a swine for that their riches they raised especially from such cattle and all their wealth and substance consisted in them And heereupon it commeth that many of their auncient names were Ovilij Bubulci and 〈◊〉 that is to say Sheepe-reeves and Neat-herds and Swineherds according as Fenestella doth report 42 What is the cause that they make the temple of Saturne the chamber of the 〈◊〉 for to keepe therein the publicke treasure of gold and silver as also their arches for the custodic of all their writings rolles contracts and evidences whatsoever IS it by occasion of that opinion so commonly received and the speech so universally currant in every mans mouth that during the raigne of Saturne there was no avarice nor injustice in the world but loialtie truth faith and righteousnesse caried the whole sway among men Or for that he was the god who found out fruits brought in agriculture and taught husbandry first for the hooke or sickle in his hand signifieth so much and not as Antimachus wrote following therein and beleeving Hesiodus Rough Saturne with his hairy skinne against all law and right Of Aemons sonne sir Ouranus or Coelus sometime hight Those privy members which him gat with hooke a-slant off-cut And then anon in fathers place of reigne himselfe did put Now the abundance of the fruits which the earth yeeldeth and the vent or disposition of them is the very mother that bringeth foorth plentie of monie and therefore it is that this same god they make the author and mainteiner of their felicitie in testimonie whereof those assemblies which are holden every ninth day in the comon place of the city called Nundinae that is to say Faires or markets they esteeme consecrated to Saturne for the store foison of fruits is that which openeth the trade comerce of buying and selling Or because these reasons seeme to be very antique what and if we say that the first man who made of Saturns temple at Rome the treasurie or chamber of the citie was Valerius Poplicola after that the kings were driven out of Rome and it seemeth to stand to good reason that he made choise thereof because he thought it a safe and secure place eminent and conspicuous in all mens eies and by consequence hard to be surprised and forced 43 What is the cause that those who come as embassadours to Rome from any parts whatsoever go first into the temple of Saturne and there before the Questors or Treasurers of the citie enter their names in
outward reputation but by their wounds and searres to be seene upon their bodies To the end therefore that such scarres might be better exposed to their sight whom they met or talked withall they went in this maner downe to the place of election without inward coats in their plaine gownes Or haply because they would seeme by this nuditie and nakednesse of theirs in humilitie to debase themselves the sooner thereby to curry favor and win the good grace of the commons even aswell as by taking them by the right hand by suppliant craving and by humble submission on their very knees 50 What is the cause that the Flamen or priest of Jupiter when his wife was once dead used to give up his Priesthood or Sacer dot all dignitie according as Ateius hath recorded in his historie WAs it for that he who once had wedded a wife and afterwards buried her was more infortunate than he who never had any for the house of him who hath maried a wife is entire and perfect but his house who once had one and now hath none is not onely unperfect but also maimed and lame Or might it not bee that the priests wife was consecrated also to divine service together with her husband for many rites and ceremonies there were which he alone could not performe if his wife were not present and to espouse a new wife immediately upon the decease of the other were not peradventure possible nor otherwise would well stand with decent and civill honesty wherupon neither in times past was it lawful for him nor at this day as it should seem is he permitted to put away his wife and yet in our age Domitian at the request of one gave licence so to doe at this dissolution and breach of wedlocke other priests were present and assistant where there passed among them many strange hideous horrible and monstrous ceremonies But haply a man would lesse wonder at this if ever he knew and understood before that when one of the Censors died the other of necessity must likewise quit resigne up his office Howbeit when Livius Drusus was departed this life his companion in office Aemylius Scaurus would not give over and renounce his place untill such time as certeine Tribunes of the people for his contumacie commanded that he should be had away to prison 51 What was the reason that the idols Lares which otherwise properly be called Praestites had the images of a dogge standing hard by them and the Lares themselves were portrated cladin dogges skinnes IS it because this word Praestites signifieth as much as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say Presidents or standing before as keepers and verily such Presidents ought to be good house-keepers and terrible unto all stangers like as a dogge is but gentle and loving to those of the house Or rather that which some of the Romans write is true like as Chrysippus also the philosopher is of opinion namely that there be certeine evill spirits which goe about walking up and downe in the world and these be the butchers and tormentors that the gods imploy to punish unjust and wicked men and even so these Lares are held to be maligne spirits no better than divels spying into mens lives and prying into their families which is the cause that they now be arraied in such skinnes and a dogge they have sitting hard by them whereby thus much in effect is given to understand that quicke sented they are and of great power both to hunt out and also to chastice leud persons 52 What is the cause that the Romans sacrifice a dogge unto the goddesse called Genita-Mana and withall make one prater unto her that none borne in the house might ever come to good IS it for that this Genita-Mana is counted a Daemon or goddesse that hath the procuration and charge both of the generation and also of the birth of things corruptible for surely the word implieth as much as a certeine fluxion and generation or rather a generation fluent or fluxible and like as the Greeks sacrificed unto Proserpina a dog so do the Romans unto that Genta for those who are borne in the house Socrates also saith that the Argives sacrificed a dogge unto Ilithya for the more easie and safe deliverance of child-birth Furthermore as touching that Praier that nothing borne within the house might ever proove good it is not haply meant of any persons man or woman but of dogges rather which were whelped there which ought to be not kinde and gentle but curst and terrible Or peradventure for that they that die after an elegant maner of speech be named Good or quiet under these words they covertly pray that none borne in the house might die And this need not to seeme a strange kinde of speech for Aristotle writeth that in a certeine treatie of peace betweene the Arcadians Lacedēmonians this article was comprised in the capitulations That they should make none of the Tegeates Good for the aid they sent or favour that they bare unto the Lacedaemonians by which was meant that they should put none of them to death 53 What is the reason that in a solemne procession exhibited at the Capitoline plaies they proclame even at this day by the voice of an herald port-sāle of the Sardians and before all this solemnitie and pompe there is by way of mockerie and to make a laughing stocke an olde man led in a shew with a jewell or brooch pendant about his necke such as noble mens children are woont to weare and which they call Bulla IS it for that the Veientians who in times past being a puissant State in Tuscane made warre a long time with Romulus whose citie being the last that he woonne by force he made sale of many prisoners and captives together with their king mocking him for his stupiditie and grosse follie Now for that the Tuscans in ancient time were descended from the Lydians and the capitall citie of Lydia is Sardis therefore they proclamed the sale of the Veientian prisoners under the name of the Sardians and even to this day in scorne and mockerie they reteine still the same custome 54 Whence came it that they call the shambles or butcherie at Rome where flesh is to be solde Macellum IS it for that this word Macellum by corruption of language is derived of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that in the Greeke tongue signifieth a cooke like as many other words by usage and custome are come to be received for the letter C. hath great affinitie with G. in the Romane tongue and long it was ere they had the use of G. which letter Spurius Carbtlius first invented Moreover they that maffle and stammer in their speech pronounce ordinarily L. in stead of R. Or this question may be resolved better by the knowledge of the Romane historie for we reade therein that there was sometime a violent person and a notorious thiefe at Rome named
first borne IS it for that as some say Servius being by chance borne of a maid-servant and a captive had Fortune so favourable unto him that he reigned nobly and gloriously king at Rome For most Romans are of this opinion Or rather because Fortune gave unto the city of Rome her first originall and beginning of so mightie an empire Or lieth not herein some deeper cause which we are to fetch out of the secrets of Nature and Philosophie namely that Fortune is the principle of all things insomuch as Nature consisteth by Fortune namely when to some things concurring casually and by chance there is some order and dispose adjoined 107 What is the reason that the Romans call those who act comedies and other theatricall plaies Histriones IS it for that cause which as Claudius Rufus hath left in writing for he reporteth that many yeeres ago and namely in those daies when Cajus Sulpitius and Licinius Stolo were Consuls there raigned a great pestilence at Rome such a mortalitie as consumed all the stage plaiers indifferently one with another Whereupon at their instant praier and request there repaired out of Tuscane to Rome many excellent and singular actours in this kinde among whom he who was of greatest reputation and had caried the name longest in all theaters for his rare gift and dexteritie that way was called Hister of whose name all other afterwards were tearmed Histriones 108 Why espoused not the Romans in mariage those women who were neere of kin unto them WAs it because they were desirous to amplifie and encrease their alliances and acquire more kinsfolke by giving their daughters in mariage to others and by taking to wife others than their owne kinred Or for that they feared in such wedlock the jarres and quarrels of those who be of kin which are able to extinguish and abolish even the verie lawes and rights of nature Or else seeing as they did how women by reason of their weaknesse and infirmitie stand in need of many helpers they would not have men to contract mariage nor dwell in one house with those who were neere in blood to them to the end that if the husband should offer wrong and injurie to his wife her kinsfolke might succour and assist her 109 Why is it not lawfull for Jupiters priest whom they name Flamen Dialis to handle or once touch meale or leaven FOr meale is it not be because it is an unperfect and raw kind of nourishment for neither continueth it the same that it was to wit wheat c. nor is that yet which it should be namely bread but hath lost that nature which it had before of seed and withall hath not gotten the use of food and nourishment And hereupon it is that the poet calleth meale by a Metaphor or borrowed speech Mylephaton which is as much to say as killed and marred by the mill in grinding and as for leaven both it selfe is engendred of a 〈◊〉 corruption of meale and also corrupteth in a maner the whole lumpe of dough wherin it is mixed for the said dough becommeth lesse firme and fast than it was before it hangeth not together and in one word the leaven of the paste seemeth to be a verie putrifaction and tottennesse thereof And verely if there be too much of the leaven put to the dough it maketh it so sharpe and soure that it cannot be eaten and in verie truth spoileth the meale quite 110 Wherefore is the said priest likewise forbidden to touch raw flesh IS it by this custome to withdraw him farre from eating of raw things Or is it for the same cause that he abhorreth and detesteth meale for neither is it any more a living animall nor come yet to be meat for by boiling and rosting it groweth to such an alteration as changeth the verie forme thereof whereas raw flesh and newly killed is neither pure and impolluted to the eie but hideous to see to and besides it hath I wot not what resemblance to an ougly sore or filthie ulcer 111 What is the reason that the Romans have expresly commaunded the same priest or Flamen of Jupiter not onely to touch a dogge or a goat but not so much as to name either of them TO speake of the Goat first is it not for detestation of his excessive lust and lecherie and besides for his ranke and filthie savour or because they are afraid of him as of a diseased creature and subject to maladies for surely there seemeth not to be a beast in the world so much given to the falling sicknesse as it is nor infecteth so soone those that either eate of the flesh or once touch it when it is surprised with this evill The cause whereof some say to be the streightnesse of those conduits and passages by which the spirits go and come which oftentimes happen to be intercepted and stopped And this they conjecture by the small and slender voice that this beast hath the better to confirme the same we do see ordinarily that men likewise who be subject to this malady grow in the end to have such a voice as in some fort resembleth the 〈◊〉 of goats Now for the Dog true it is haply that he is not so lecherous nor smelleth altogether so strong and so ranke as doth the Goat and yet some there be who say that a Dog might not be permitted to come within the castle of Athens nor to enter into the Isle of Delos because forsooth he lineth bitches openly in the sight of everie man as if bulls boares and stalions had their secret chambers to do their kind with females and did not leape and cover them in the broad field and open yard without being abashed at the matter But ignorant they are of the true cause indeed which is for that a Dog is by nature fell and 〈◊〉 given to arre and warre upon a verie small occasion in which respect men banish them from sanctuaries holy churches and priviledged places giving thereby unto poore afflicted suppliants free accesse unto them for their safe and sure refuge And even so verie probable it is that this Flamen or priest of Jupiter whom they would have to be as an holy sacred and living image for to flie unto should be accessible and easie to be approched unto by humble futers and such as stand in need of him without any thing in the way to empeach to put backe or to 〈◊〉 them which was the cause that he had a little bed or pallet made for him in the verie porch or entrie of his house and that servant or slave who could find meanes to come and fall downe at his feet and lay hold on his knees was for that day freed from the whip and past danger of all other punishment say he were a prisoner with irons and bolts at his feet that could make shift to approch neere unto this priest he was let loose and his gives and fetters were throwen out of the house not
hath recorded in the third booke of his monuments But his sepulchre at this day is quite demolished and no token remaineth thereof to be seene He had a singular name above all other oratours for speaking before the people insomuch as some have ranged him even above Demosthenes There go in his name three score and seventeene orations of which two and fitie are truely attributed unto him and no more Given he was exceeding much to the love of women which was the cause that he drave his owne sonne out of his house and brought in thither Myrrhina the most sumptuous and costly courtisan in those daies and yet in Pyreaeum he kept Aristagora and at Eleusin where his lands and possessions lay he had another at command namely Philte a Thebane borne who cost him twentie pounds weight of silver His ordinarie walke was every day thorow the fish market And when the famous courtisan Phryne whom he loved also was called into question for Atheisme and impietie inquisition was made after him likewise and so he was troubled with her and for her sake as it should seeme for so much he declareth imselfe in the beginning of his oration now when she was at the very point to be condemned he brought the woman foorth in open court before the judges rent her clothes and shewed unto them her bare brest which the judges seeing to be so white and faire in regard of her very beautie absolved and dismissed her He had very closely and secretly framed certeine accusatorie declarations against Demosthenes yet so as they came to light in this maner for when Hyperides lay sicke it fortuned that Demosthenes came one day to his house for to visit him where he found a booke drawen full of articles against him whereat when he was much offended and tooke it in great indignation Hyperides made him this answere So long as you are my friend this shall never hurt you but if you become mine enemie this shall be a curbe to restreine you from enterprising any thing prejudiciall unto me He put up a bill unto the people that certeine honours should be done unto Jolas who gave unto Alexander the cuppe of poison Hee sided with Demosthenes and joined in the raising of the Lamiacke warre and made an admirable oration at the funerals of those who lost their lives therein When king Philip was ready to embark passe over into the isle Eubaea whereupon the Athenians were in great feare and perplexitie he gathered together in a small time a fleete of fortie saile by voluntarie contribution and was the first man who for himselfe and his sonne rigged and set foorth two gallies of warre When there was a controversie in law betweene the Athenians and Delians to be decided unto whether of them apperteined by right the superintendance of the temple at Delos and that Aeschynes was chosen to plead the cause the counsell of Areopagus elected Hyperides and his oration as touching this matter is at this day extant entituled The Deliaque oration Moreover he went in embassage to Rhodes where there arrived other embassadours in the behalfe of Antipater whom they highly praised as a good milde and gracious prince True it is quoth Hyperides unto them again I know well that he is good and gracious but we have no need of him to be our lord and master how good and gracious soever he be It is said that in his orations he shewed no action nor gesture at all his maner was onely to set downe the case and lay open the matter plainely and simply without troubling the judges any otherwise than with a naked narration Sent hee was likewise unto the Elians for to defend the cause of Calippus one of the champions at the sacred games unto whom this imputation was laid that by corruption he had caried away the prize and indirectly obteined the victorie He opposed himselfe also against the gift which was ordeined in the honour of Phocion at the instant sute of Midias of Anagyrra the sonne of Midias the yeere wherein Xenius was provost the 27. day of the moneth of May and in this cause he was cast and had the overthrow DINARCHUS X. DInarchus the sonne of Socrates or Sostratus borne as some thinke in the countrey of Attica or as others would have him in Corinth came to Athens very yoong at what time as king Alexander the Great passed with his armie into Asia where he dwelt and frequented the lecture of Theophrastus who succeeded Aristotle in the Peripateticke schoole he conversed also with Demetrius the Phalerian and tooke his time especially to enter into the administration of State affaires after the death of Antipater when the great oratours and states-men were some dead and made away others banished and driven out of the citie and being besides friended and countenanced by Cassander he grew in short time to be exceeding rich exacting and taking money for his orations of those at whose request he composed them Hee banded against the most renowmed oratours in his time not by putting himselfe foorth to come in open place to speake before the people for no gift nor grace he had therein but by penning orations for those who made head against them And namely when Harpalus had broken prison and was fled he composed divers accusatorie declarations against all such as were suspected to have takē money of him and those he delivered into the hands of their accusers to be pronounced accordingly Long time after being accused himselfe to have communicated conferred and practised with Antipater and Cassander about the time that the haven Munichia was surprised by Antigonus and Demetrius who placed there a garrison in that yeare when Anaxicrates was provost of the city he sold most part of his goods and made money and when hee had done fled out of the way to Chalcis where he lived as it were in exile the space well neere of 15. yeeres during which time he gathered great riches and became very wealthy and so returned againe to Athens by the meanes of Theophrastus who procured both him and other banished persons to be recalled and restored he abode then in the house of one Proxenus his familiar friend where being now very aged and besides weake-sighted he lost his gold that he had gotten together and when Proxenus his host would have given information thereof and seemed to make inquisition Dinarchus called him into question judicially for it and this was the first time that ever he was knowen to speake plead personally at the barre This oration of his is now extant and there are besides in mens hands threescore and foure more acknowledged all to be his and yet some of these are to be excepted as namely that against Aristogiton He did imitate Hyperides or as some thinke Demosthenes in regard of that patheticall spirit in mooving affections and the emphaticall force which appeereth in his stile Certeinly in his figures and exornations he followeth him very evidently DECREES
stale Or haply this carieth more shew and probabilitie with it than trueth for certeine it is that the water of fountaines brookes and rivers come as new and fresh as they for as Heraclitus saith It is impossible for a man to enter into one and the same river twice because new water commeth still and runneth away continually and yet these nourish lesse than raine waters Is this therefore the reason because the water from heaven is light subtile aireous and mixed with a kinde of spirit which by that subtilitie entreth soone and is easily caried to the root of plants and heereupon in the fall it raiseth little bubbles because of the aire and spirit enclosed within Or doth raine water nourish more in this regard that it is sooner altered and overcome by that which it nourisheth for this is it that we call concoction properly contrariwise cruditie and indigestion when things are so strong and hard that they will not suffer for such as be thinne simple and unsavory are most easily and soonest altered of which kinde is raine water for being engendred as it is in the aire and the winde it falleth pure and cleane whereas springing waters are like to the earth out of which they issue or the places through which they 〈◊〉 gathering thereby many qualities which cause them unwilling to be digested and more slow to be reduced by concoction into the substance of that which is to be nourished thereby on the other side that raine waters be easie to be changed and transmuted it appeereth by this that more subject they are to corruption and putrefaction than those either of rivers or of pittes and welles and concoction seemeth to be a kinde of putrefaction as Empedocles beareth witnesse saying When in vine-wood the water putrifies It turnes to wine whiles under barke it lies Or rather the truest and readlest reason that can be alledged is the sweetnesse and holsomnesse of raine waters falling as they doe so presently so soone as the winde sends them downe and heereupon it is that beasts desire to drinke thereof before any other yea and the frogges and paddocks expecting a raine for joy sing more shrill and merily ready to receive and enterteine that which will season the dead and dormant waters of standing lakes as being the very seed of all their sweetnesse for Aratus reckoneth this also for one of the signes of a showre toward writing thus When wretched brood The adders food from out of standing lake The tad-pole sires Imeane desires fresh raine and loud doth coake 3 What might be the cause that shepherds and other herdmen give salt unto their sheepe and cattell which they feed IS it as most men doe thinke to the end that they should fall the better to their meat and so consequently feed fatte the sooner because the acrimony of salt provoketh appetite and opening the pores maketh way unto the nourishment for to be digested and distributed more casily throughout the whole body in regard whereof the physician Apollonius the sonne of Herophilus gave counsell and prescribed leane folke and such as thrived not in their flesh not 〈◊〉 sweet wine thicke gruell and frumentie but salt fish out of the pickle anchoves powdred meats and such as were condite in brine the subtile acrimonie whereof might in maner of setting a peruke for want of haire serve to apply nutriment through the pores of the body into those parts that need it Or rather may it not be for health-sake in which regard they use their cattell to little salt thereby to take downe their ranke feeding and restreine their grossenesse and corpulencie for such as grow exceeding fatte are subject to breed diseases but salt consumeth and dispatcheth this fatte and by this meanes also when they be killed they are sooner and with greater expedition flaied because the fatte which knit and bound the skinne fast to the flesh is now become more thinne gentle and pliable through the acrimony of the salt besides the bloud also of such as be ever licking of salt becommeth more liquid and nothing there is within that will gather and grow together in case there be salt mingled therewith It may be moreover that they doe it for to make them more fruitfull and apter for generation for we see that salt bitches which have beene fed with salt meats are more hot apter to goe proud and sooner with whelpe And for this cause those keeles and barges that transport salt breed greater store of mice for that they engender the oftener 4 How commeth it to passe that of raine waters such as fall with thunder and lightning which thereupon be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are better for to water seeds or yong plants than any other MAy it not be because they be full of winde and ventositie by reason of the trouble and confused agitation of the aire And the nature of wind and spirit is to stirre the humiditie and by that meanes doth send it forth and distribute it the better Or is it not rather that heat fighting against colde is the cause of thunder and lightning in the aire which is the reason that seldome there is any thunder in winter but contrariwise very often in the Spring and Autumne for the inconstant and unequall distemperature of the 〈◊〉 which being supposed the heat concocting the humiditie causeth it to be more pleasant and profitable unto the plants of the earth Or why may it not be because it thundreth and lightneth especially and more often in the Spring than in any other season of the yeere for the reason before alledged now the Spring showers and raines are most necessarie for seeds and herbs against the Summer time whereupon those countries wherein there be many good ground showers in the Spring as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bring forth plentie of good fruits 5 How is it that there being eight kind of savours there is no more but onely one of them to wit saltish that can not be found naturally in fruits For as touching the buter savour the olive hath it at first and the grape is soure at the beginning but as these fruits begin to change and grow to their ripenesse the bitternesse of the olive turneth into a 〈◊〉 and unctuous savour and the sharpe verdure of the grape into a smacke of wine semblably the harshnesse in the unripe dates as also the austere and unpleasant sharpnesse in pomgranats changeth into sweetnesse As for pomgranats some there be as also other apples which are 〈◊〉 soure and never have other taste And as for the sharpe and 〈◊〉 savour it is ordinarie in many roots and seeds IS it for that the salt savor is not primitive not engendred originally but is rather the corruption of other primitive savors and in that regard can not serve to nourish any creature living with grasse or graine but it is to some in stead of a sauce because it is a meanes that they should not upon fulnesse either lothe
or distaste that which they feed upon Or because that like as they who boile sea water rid it from that salt brackish and biting qualitie that it hath so in those that are hot by nature the salt savour is dulled and mortified by heat Or rather for that a savour or smacke according as Plato saith is a water or juice passing thorow the stem or stalke of a plant but we see that the sea water rūning as thorow a streiner loseth the saltnesse being the terrestriall and grossest part that is in it And hereupon it is that when as men digge along by the sea side they meet with springs of fresh and potable water And many there be who draw out of the very sea fresh water and good to be drunke namely when it hath 〈◊〉 thorow certeine vessels of wax by reason that the terrestriall and saltish parts thereof be streined out In one word cley or marle also yea and the carrying of sea water in long conduct pipes causeth the same when it is so streined to be potable for that there are kept still in them the terrestriall parts and are not suffered to passe thorow Which being so very probable it is that plants neither receive from without forth any salt savour nor if haply any such qualitie breed in them doe they transfuse the same into their fruits for that the conducts of their pores being very small and streight there can not be transmitted thorow them any grosse or terrestriall substance Or els we must say that saltnesse is in some sort a kinde of bitternesse according as Homer signifieth in these verses Bitter salt-water at mouth he cast againe And all therewith his head did drop amaine And Plato affirmeth that both the one and the other savour is abstersive and liquefactive but the saltish lesse of the twaine as that which is not rough and so it will seeme that bitter differeth from salt in excesse of drinesse for that the salt savour is also a great drier 6 What is the cause that if folke use ordinarily and continually to goe among yong trees or shrubs full of deaw those parts of their bodies which do touch the twigs of the said plants are wont to have a scurfe or mange rise upon their skin IS it as Laet us saith for that the deaw by the subtiltie thereof doth fret and pierce the skin Or rather because like as the blast and mil-deaw is incident to those 〈◊〉 or plants that take wet and be drenched even so when the smoothe and tender superficiall parts of the skinne be fretted scarified and dissolved a little with the deaw there ariseth a certeine humour and filleth the fretted place with a smart and angry scurfe for lighting upon those parts which have but little bloud such as be the smalles of the legs and the feet it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the superficies of them Now that there is in deaw a certeine inordinate qualitie it appeareth by this that it maketh those who are grosse and corpulent to be leaner and more spare of bodie witnesse our women who are given to be fat and would be fine who gather deaw with linnen clothes or els with locks or fleeces of wooll thinking therewith to take downe and spend their fogginesse and make themselves more gant and slender 7 What is the cause that barges and other vessels in Winter time go more slowly upon the rivers than at other seasons but they do not so upon the sea WHat say you to this May it not be for that the aire of rivers being alwaies grosse and heavy in Winter is more inspissate by reason of the circumstant cold and so is an hindrance to the course of ships Or haply this accident is to be imputed to the water of rivers rather than to the aire about them for colde driving in and restraining the water maketh it more heavy and grosse as we may perceive in water houre-glasses for the water runneth out of them more leasurely and slowly in winter then in summer And Theophrastus writeth that in Thracia neere unto the mount called Pangaeon there is a fountaine the water whereof is twice as much heavie in winter than it is in summer waigh it in one the same vessell full That the thicknesse of water maketh a vessell to passe more sluggishly it may appeare by this that the barges of the river carry greater fraights by farre in winter than in summer because the water being thicke is stronger and able to beare more As for the sea water it cannot be made more thicke in winter by reason of the owne heat which is the cause that it congealeth not and if it gather any thickening it seemeth to be very slender and little 8 What is the reason that we observe all other waters if they be mooved and troubled are the colder but the sea the more surging and waving the hotter it is IS it because if there be any heat in other waters the same is a stranger unto it and comming from without and so the motion and agitation thereof doth dissipate and drive the same forth againe but that heat of the sea which is proper and naturall to it the windes doe stirre up and augment That the sea is naturally hot may evidently be proved by this that it is so transparent and shining as also for that it is not ordinarily frozen heavy though it be and terrestriall 9 What should be the cause that in winter the sea water is lesse bitter and brackish in taste FOr so by report writeth Dionysus the great convaier of conduicts who in a treatise of that argument saith that the bitternesse of the sea water is not without some sweetnesse seeing that the sea receiveth so many and so great rivers for admit that the sunne doe draw up that which is fresh and potable out of it because it is light and subtill that is but from the upper part onely and withall it doth more in Summer than in any other season by reason that in Winter his beames are not so strong to strike for that his heat likewise is but saint and feeble and so a good portion of the sweetnesse remaining behinde doth delay that excessive bitternesse and brackishnesse like a medicine that it hath And the same befalleth unto river waters and all other that be potable for even such in Summer time become worse and more offensive to the raste than in Winter by how much the heat of the sunne doth resolve and dissipate the light and sweet parts thereof but in Winter it runneth alwaies new and fresh whereof the sea cannot chuse but have a good part as well because it is evermore in motion as also for that the rivers running into it be great and impart their fresh water unto it 10 What is the reason that men are wont to powre sea water into their wine vessels among the wine And the common report goeth that there were sometime certeine mariners and fisher-men who brought with them
either by experience or some casuall occasion IS it then the smel that mooveth them to seeke these remedies and like as the hony combes by the odor stirre up the bee and the flesh of dead carions the vultures drawing and alluring them a farre of so the craifishes invite unto them swine origan the tortoise and pismires the beare by certaine sents and fluxions which are accommodate and familiar unto them without any sense leading them thereto by discourse of reason and teaching them what is good and profitable Or rather be they the temperatures of the bodies disposed unto sicknesse that bring unto these creatures such appetites engendring divers ceremonies sweetnesses or other strange unusuall qualities as we 〈◊〉 it ordinary in great bellied women who during the time that they go with childe fall to eat grit earth with greedinesse in so much as expert phisitians fore-know by the sundry appetites of their patients whether they shall live or die for so 〈◊〉 the phisitian doth report that in the beginning of the Pneumonie or inflamation of the lungs one patient of his longing for to eate onions escaped that maladie and another whose appetite stood to figgs died for it of the same disease for that the appetites follow the temperatures and the temperatures are proportionate to the diseases It standeth therefore to great reason that beasts likewise such as are not surprised with mortall 〈◊〉 nor sicke to death have that disposition and temperature whereby their appetites doe moove and provoke each one to that which is good and holsome yea and expedient to the cure of their sicknesse 27 What is the cause that must or new wine cotinueth sweet a long time in case the vessell wherein it is kept be colde round about it IS it because the alteration of this sweet savour into the naturall taste of wine is the very concoction of the wine and colde hindereth the said concoction which proceedeth from heat Or contrariwise because the proper joice and naturall savour of the grape is sweet for we say that then the grape beginneth to ripen when it waxeth sweet Now colde not suffring new wine to exhale but keeping the kinde heat thereof within preserveth the said sweetnesse still And this is the very cause that those who make their vintage in a rainy constitution of the weather doe finde that their new wine wil not worke so wel in the vault because that such ebullition proceedeth of heat and the colde doth restraine and refresh the said heat 28 What is the cause that of all savage beasts the beare doth never lightly gnaw the net and toile with her teeth whereas wolves and foxes use ordinarily to eate the same IS it for that her teeth grow farre within her mouth in such sort that she cannot get within the cords of the nets having besides so great and thicke lippes betweene that they hinder her for catching hold with her said fangs Or rather because she having more force in her fore-feet which she useth in stead of hands therewith she doth teare and breake the cords or else having use both of her pawes and also of her month she imploieth those to the bursting of the nets and with her teeth fighteth and maketh her part good against the hunters Besides the tumbling and rolling of her body that she doth practise serveth her in as good stead as any thing else And therefore seeing her selfe in danger to be taken within the 〈◊〉 many times casteth her selfe round upon her head and indevoureth that way to escape rather than either by pawes or fangs to burst the toile 29 What is the reason that we woonder not to see any sources or springs of colde water like as we doe of hot notwithstanding it is evident that as heat is the cause of these so is colde of the other FOr we must not say as some holde opinion that heat indeed is an habitude of it selfe but colde nothing else but the privation of heat for it were in truth more woonderfull how that which hath no subsistance should be the cause of that which hath a beeing But it seemeth that nature would have us to woonder heereat onely for the rare sight heereof and because it is not often seene therefore we should enquire for some secret cause and demand how that may be which is but seldome observed But seest thou this starry firmament So high above and in 〈◊〉 vast In bosom moist of water element The earth beneath how it encloseth fast How many strange and woonderfull sights doth it represent unto us in the night season and what beauty sheweth it unto us in the day time and the common people woonder at the nature of these things ** As also at the rainebowes and the divers tinctures formes and pictures of the clouds appeering by day and how they be adorned with sundry shapes breaking out of them in maner of bubbles 30 What is the cause that when vines or other yoong plants which be ranke of leaves and otherwise fruitlesse are said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 IS it because that goats in Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which are exceding fat be lesse apt to engender and hardly for their fatnesse can leape the females For generative seed is the superfluous excrement of that nourishment which is conglutinate to the substantiall parts of the body Now when as any living creature or plant is in very good plight and growen grosse it is an evident signe that the nouriture is imploied and spent altogether in the maintenance of it selfe leaving no excrement at all or the same very small and not good for generation 31 What is the reason that if a vine be sprinkled and drenched with wine especially that which came of the owne grape it drieth and withereth away IS there not the same reason heereof as of the baldnesse in great drinkers when as the wine by meanes of heat causeth the moisture to evaporate which should feed the haire of their head Or is it not rather because the very liquor of wine commeth in some sort of putrefaction according to the verses of Empedocles When in vine-wood the water 〈◊〉 It turnes to wine whiles under barke it lies When as then a vine commeth to be wet with wine outwardly it is as much as if fire were put into it which doth corrupt the naturall temperature of that humour which should nourish it Or rather pure wine being of an astringent nature soketh and 〈◊〉 to the very root where shutting up and enclosing the pores it empeacheth the entrance of that sap by vertue whereof the vine is woont to bud burgen and flourish that it can not runne to the stocke Or may it not be it is cleane contrary to the nature of a vine that the liquor which once went out of it should returne againe into it for a liquor or humour whiles it is within the plant in the nature of a sap may well have power to feed the same but that being
be so that the trueth may be knowen and that there be but one truth he who learned it of him that found it not out hath no lesse than the inventer himselfe yea better receiveth it he who is not perswaded that he hath it nay he receiveth that which is simply best of all much like as hee who having no naturall children of his owne body begotten taketh the best that he can chuse for to make his adopted childe But consider heere with me whether other kinds of learning deserve not haply to have much study imploied in them as namely Poetry Mathematicks the art of Eloquence and the opinions of Sophisters and great clerks Therefore God of that divine power whatsoever forbad Socrates to engender them but as touching that which Socrates esteemed to be the onely wisedome to wit the knowledge of God and spirituall things which hee himselfe calleth the amorous science there be no men that beget or invent it but call the same onely to remembrance whereupon Socrates himsele never taught any thing but proposing onely unto yoong men certeine beginning of difficulties and doubts as it were the fore throwes of child-birth stirred up awakened and drew foorth their owne naturall wits and inbred intelligences and this was it that he called the midwives art which brought nothing into them from without as others would make them beleeve who conferred with them that they infused reason and understanding but shewed onely and taught them that they had already within themselves a minde and understanding of their owne and the same sufficient to nourish though it were confused and unperfect 2 What is the reason that in some places he called the soveraigne God father and maker of all things WAs it for that he is in trueth the father of gods such as were ingendred and also of men as Homer calleth him like as the maker of those creatures which have neither reason nor soule for according as Chryisppus saith we use not to cal him the father of the secondine wherein the infant is inwrapped within the wombe who conserred genetall seed although the said secondine be made of the seed Or useth he not a metaphor as his maner is when figuratively he tearmeth him Father of the world who is the efficient cause according to his usuall maner of speaking as namely in the Dialogue entituled Symposium where he maketh Phaedrus the father of amatorious discourses for that he it was who proposed and set abroad the same like as he named Callipedas in a dialogue bearing his name The father of philosophicall discourses for that there passed many beautifull speeches in philosophy whereof he ministred the occasion and beginning Or rather was it not because there is a difference betweene father and maker as also betweene generation and creation for whatsoever is ingendred is made but not è conversò whatsoever is made is likewise ingendred semblably who hath begotten hath also made for generation is the making of a living creature but if we consider a workeman to wit either a mason or carpenter a weaver a lute maker or imager certes the worke is distinct and separate from the maker whereas the mooving principle and the puissance of him who begetteth is infused into that which is begotten it conteineth his nature being as it were a parcell distracted from the very substance of him who ingendred it Forasmuch then as the world doth not resemble a conjunction of many pieces set joined fastened and glued together but hath in it a great portion of the animall life yea and of divinity which God hath infused and mingled in the matter as derived from his owne nature and substance good reason it is therefore that he should be surnamed both the father and maker of the world being a living creature as it is These points being very conformable and proportionate to the opinion of Plato consider withall a little if this also which I shall deliver be not likewise accordant thereunto namely that the world being composed of two parts to wit of body and of soule the one which is the body God hath not ingendred but having the matter thereof exhibited unto him he hath formed shaped and fitted it binding and limiting it according to the infinitie thereof with termes bounds and figures proper thereto but the soule having a portion of understanding discourse of reason order and harmonie is not onely the worke but also a part of God not by him but even of him and issuing from his owne proper substance In his booke therefore of Politiques or Common wealth having divided the whole world as it were a line into two segments or sections unequall he subdivideth either section into other twaine after the same proportion for two generall kinds he maketh of all things the one sensible and visible the other intelligible unto the intelligible kinde he attributeth in the first degree the primitive formes and Ideae in the second degree the Mathematicks and as for the sensible kinde he attributeth thereto in the first ranke all solide bodies and in the second place the images and figures of them Also to every one of these foure members of his said division he giveth his owne proper judge to the first of Idaees understanding to the Mathematicks imagination to the solide bodies faith and beleefe to the images and figures conjecture To what end then and upon what intention hath he divided the whole world into two sections and the same unequall and of those two sections whether is the greater that of sensible objects or that of intelligible As for himselfe he hath not shewed and declared it but presently it wil appeare that the portion of sensible things is the greater for the indivisible substance is of things intellectuall being evermore of one sort and resting upon the same subject in one state and reduced to very short and narrow roome and the same pure and neat whereas the other being spread and wandering upon bodies is that section of sensible things Moreover the propertie of that which is incorporall is to be definite and determinate And a bodie as touching the matter thereof is indefinite and undeterminate becomming sensible when by participation of the intelligible it is made finite and limitable Over and besides like as every sensible thing hath many images many shadowes and many figures and generally out of one onely patterne there may be drawen many copies and examples imitated as well by art as by nature so it can not chuse but the things that here be sensible should be more in nūber than they above which are intelligible according to the opinion of Plato supposing this that things sensible be as it were the images and examples of the originall patterns to wit the intelligible Ideae Furthermore the intelligence of these Idaees and formes by substraction deduction and division of bodies is ranged answerable to the order of the Mathematicks arising frō Arithmeticke which is the science of Numbers into Geometry to
as touching the generation or creation of the world and of the soule thereof as if the same had not bene from all eternity nor had time out of minde their essence whereof we have particularly spoken a part else where and for this present suffice it shall to say by the way that the arguing and contestation which Plato confesseth himselfe to have used with more vehemencie than his age would well beare against Atheists the same I say they confound and shufflle up or to speake more truely abolish altogether For if it be so that the world be eternall and was never created the reason of Plato falleth to the ground namely that the soule being more ancient than the bodie and the cause and principall author of all motion and mutation the chiefe governour also and head Architect as he himselfe hath said is placed and bestowed therein But what and where of the soule is and how it is said and to be understood that it is more ancient than the body and before it in time the progresse of our discourse hereafter shall declare for this point being either unknowen or not well understood brings great difficulty as I thinke in the well conceiving and hinderance in beleeving the opinion of the trueth In the first place therefore I will shew what mine owne conceit is proving and fortifying my sentence and withall mollifying the same because at the first sight it seemeth a strange paradox with as probable reasons as I can devise which done both this interpretation and proofe also of mine I will lay unto the words of the text out of Plato and reconcile the one unto the other For thus in mine opinion stands the case This world quoth Heraclitus there was never any god or man that made as if in so saying he feared that if we disavow God for creatour we must of necessitie confesse that man was the architect and maker thereof But much better it were therefore that we subscribe unto Plato and both say and sing aloud that the world was created by God for as the one is the goodliest piece of worke that ever was made so the other the most excellent workman and greatest cause that is Now the substance and matter whereof it was created was never made or engendred but was for ever time out of minde and from all eternitie subject unto the workman for to dispose and order it yea and to make as like as possible was to himselfe For of nothing and that which had no being there could not possibly be made ought but of that which was notwell made nor as it ought to bee there may be made somewhat that is good to wit an house a garment or an image and statue But before the creation of the world there was nothing but a chaos that is to say all things in confusion and disorder and yet was not the same without a bodie without motion or without soule howbeit that bodie which it had was without forme and consistence and that mooving that it had was altogether rash without reason and understanding which was no other but a disorder of the soule not guided by reason For God created not that bodie which was incorporall nor a soule which was inanimate like as we say that the musician maketh not a voice nor the dancer motion but the one maketh the voice sweet accordant and harmonious and the other the motion to keepe measure time and compasse with a good grace And even so God created not that palpable soliditie of a bodie nor that moving and imaginative puissance of the soule but finding these two principles the one darke and obscure the other turbulent foolish and senselesse both imperfect disordered and indeterminate he so digested and disposed them that he composed of them the most goodly beautifull and absolute living creature that is The substance then of the bodie which is a certeine nature that he calleth susceptible of all things the very seat the nourse also of all things engendred is no other thing than this But as touching the substance of the soule he tearmeth it in his booke entituled Philebus Infinitie that is to say the privation of all number and proportion having in it neither end limit nor measure neither excesse nor defect neither similitude nor dissimilitude And that which hee delivereth in Timaeus namely that it is mingled with the indivisible nature is become divisible in bodies we must not understand this to be either multitude in unities or length and breadth in points or pricks which things agree unto bodies and belong rather to bodies than to soules but that mooving principle disordinate indefinite and mooving of it selfe which hee calleth in manie places Necessitie the same in his books of lawes hee tearmeth directly a disorderly soule wicked and evill doing This is the soule simply and of it selfe it is so called which afterwards was made to participate understanding and discourse of reason yea wife proportion to the end that it might become the soule of the world Semblably this materiall principle capable of all had in it a certeine magnitude distance and place beauty forme proportionate figure and measure it had none but all these it gat afterwards to the end that being thus digested and brought into decent order it might affoord the bodies and organs of the earth the sea the heavens the starres the plants and living creatures of all sorts But as for them who attribute give that which he calleth in Timaeus necessitie and in his treatise Philebus infinity and immensity of excesse defect of too much and too little unto matter and not unto the soule how are they able to maintaine that it is the cause of evill considering that he supposeth alwaies that the said matter is without forme or figure whatsoever destitute of all qualities and faculties proper unto it comparing it unto those oiles which having no smell of their owne perfumers use in the composition of their odors and precious ointments for impossible it is that Plato should suppose the thing which of it selfe is idle without active qualitie without mooving and inclination to any thing to be the cause and beginning of evill or name it an infinity wicked evill doing not likewise a necessitie which in many things repugneth against God as being rebellious and refusing to obey him for as touching that necessitie which overthroweth heaven as he saith in his Politiques and turneth it cleane contrary that inbred concupiscence and confusion of the first and auncient nature wherein there was no order at all before it was ranged to that beautifull disposition of the world as now it is how came it among things if the subject which is matter was without all qualities and void of that efficacie which is in causes and considering that the Creatour himselfe being of his owne nature all good desired as much as might be to make all things like unto himselfe for a third besides these two principles there is
none And if we will bring evill into the world without a precedent cause principle to beget it we shall run and fall into the difficult perplexities of the Stoicks for of those two principles which are it cannot be that either the good or that which is altogether without forme and quality whatsoever should give being or beginning to that which is naught Neither hath Plato done as some that came after him who for want of seeing and understanding a third principle and cause betweene God and matter have runne on end and tumbled into the most absurd and falsest reasons that is devising forsooth I wot not how that the nature of evill should come without forth casually and by accident or rather of the owne accord forasmuch as they will not graunt unto Epicurus that the least atome that is should turne never so little or decline a side saying that he bringeth in a rash and inconsiderate motion without any cause precedent whereas they themselves the meane-while affirme that sin vice wickednesse and ten thousand other deformities and imperfections of the body come by consequence without any cause efficient in the principles But Plato saith not so for he ridding matter from al different quality and remooving farre from God all cause of evill thus hath hee written as touching the world in his Politiques The world quoth he received al good things from the first author who created it but what evill thing soever there is what wickednesse what injustice in heaven the same it selfe hath from the exterior habitude which was before and the same it doth transmit give to the creatures beneath And a little after he proceedeth thus In tract of time quoth he as oblivion tooke holde and set sure footing the passion and imperfection of the old disorder came in place and got the upper hand more and more and great danger there is least growing to dissolution it be plunged againe into the vast gulfe and bottomlesse pit of confused dissimilitude But dissimilitude there can be none in matter by reason that it is without qualitie and void of all difference whereof Eudemus among others being ignorant mocked Plato for not putting that to be the cause source and first originall of evill things which in many places he calleth mother and nurse for Plato indeed tearmeth matter mother and nurse but he saith likewise That the cause of evill is the motive puissance resiant in the said matter which is in bodies become divisible to wit a reasonlesse and disorderly motion howbeit for all that not without soule which plainly and expresly in his books of lawes he tearmeth a soule contrary and repugnant to that which is the cause of all good for that the soule may well be the cause and principle of motion but understanding is the cause of order and harmony in motion for God made not the matter idle but hath kept it from being any any more 〈◊〉 troubled with a foolish and rash cause neither hath he given unto nature the beginnings and principles of mutations and passions but being as it was enwrapped and enfolded with all sorts of passions and inordinate mutations hee cleered it of all enormities disorders and errors whatsoever using as proper instruments to bring about all this numbers measures and proportions the effect whereof is not to give unto things by mooving and mutation the passions and differences of the other and of diversitie but rather to make them infallible firme and stable yea and like unto those things which are alwaies of one sort and evermore resemble themselves This is in my judgement the minde and sentence of Plato whereof my principall proofe and argument is this that by this interpretation is salved that contrariety which men say and seemeth indeed to be in his writings for a man would not attribute unto a drunken sophister much lesse than unto Plato so great unconstance and repugnance of words as to affirme one and the same nature to be created and uncreated and namely in his booke entituled Phaedrus that the soule is eternall and uncreated but in Timaeus that it was created and engendied Now as touching those words of his in the treatise Phaedrus they are well neere in every mans mouth verie rife whereby he prooveth that the soule can not perish because it was never engendred and semblably he prooveth that generation it had none because it mooveth it selfe Againe in the booke entituled Timaeus God quoth he hath not made the soule to be yoonger than the body according as now in this place we purpose to say that it commeth after it for never would he have permitted that the elder being coupled and linked with the yoonger should be commaunded by it But we standing much I wot not how upon inconsiderate rashnesse and vanity use to speake in some sort accordingly for certaine it is that God hath with the bodie joined the soule as precedent both in creation and also in power and vertue like as the dame or mistresse with her subject for to rule and commaund Againe when he had said that the soule being turned upon her selfe began to live a wise and eternall life The body of the heaven quoth he was made visible but the soule invisible participating the discourse of reason and of harmony engendred by the best of things intellectuall and eternall being likewise it selfe the best of things engendred and temporall Where it is to be noted that in this place expresly calling God the best of all eternall things and the soule the best of things created and temporall by this most evident antithesis and contrariety he taketh from the soule that eternity which is without beginning and procreation And what other solution or reconciliation is there of these contradictions but that which himself giveth to those who are willing to receive it for he pronounceth that soule to be ingenerable and not procreated which mooved all things rashly and disorderly before the constitution of the world but contrariwise he calleth that procreated and engendred which Godframed and composed of the first and of a parmanent eternall and perfect good substance namely by creating it wise and well ordered and by putting and conferring even from himselfe unto sense understanding and order unto motion which when he had thus made he ordained and appointed it to be the governor and regent of the whole world And even after the same maner he pronounceth that the body of the world is in one sort eternall to wit not created nor engendred and after another sort both created and engendred For when he saith that whatsoever is visible was never at rest but mooved rashly and without all order and that God tooke the same disposed and ranged it in good order as also when he saith that the fowre generall elements fire water earth and aire before the whole world was of them framed and ordered decently made a woonderfull trouble trembling as it were in the matter and were mightily shaken by
like as what is done by nature must needs succeed and come after nature Semblably what is done by fatall destiny is after fatall destiny of necessity must be more new moderne and therfore the supreme providence is the ancientest of all excepting him alone whose intelligence it is or wil or both twaine together to wit the sovereigne authour creatour maker and father of all things And for what cause is it saith Timaeus that he hath made framed this fabricke of the world for that he is all good and in him being all good there can not be imprinted or engendred any envie but seeing he is altogether void and free from it his will was that as much as possibly might be all things should resemble himselfe He then who shall receive and admit this for the most principall and and proper originall of the generation and creation of the world such as wise men have delivered unto us by writing is in the right way and doeth very well For God willing that all things should be good and nothing at all to his power evill tooke all that was visible restlesse as it was and mooving still rashly confusedly irregularly and without order which he brought out of confusion and ranged into order judging this to be every way farre better than the other for neither it was nor is convenient and meet for him who is himselfe right good to make any thing that should not be most excellent and beautifull Thus therefore we are to esteeme that providence I meane that which is principall and soveraigne hath constituted and ordeined these things first and then in order such as ensue and depend thereof even as farre as to the soules of men Afterwards having thus created the universall world hee ordeined eight sphaeres answering in number to so many principall starres and distributed to every one of them a severall soule all which he set ech one as it were within a chariot over the nature of the whole shewing unto them the lawes and ordinances of Fatall destiny *** What is he then who will not beleeve that by these words he plainly sheweth and declareth Fatall destiny and the same to be as one would say a tribunall yea a politicke constitution of civill lawes meet and agreeable to the soules of men whereof afterwards he rendreth a reason And as touching the second providence he doeth after a sort expresly signifie the same in these words saying Having therefore prescribed all these lawes unto them to the end that if afterwards there should be any default he might be exempted from all cause of evill he spred and sowed some upon the earth others about the moone and some againe upon other organs and instruments of time after which distribution he gave commandement and charge to the yoong gods for to frame and create mortall bodies as also to make up and finish that which remained and was wanting in mans soule and when they had made perfect all that was adhaerent and consequent thereto then to rule and governe after the best and wisest maner possible this mortall creature to the end that it selfe should not be the cause of the owne evils and miseries for in these words where it is said That he might be exempt and not the cause of any evill ensuing afterwards he sheweth cleerely and evidently to every one the cause of Fatall destiny The order also and office of these petie-gods declareth unto us the second providence yea and it seemeth that in some sort it toucheth by the way the third providence in case it be so that for this purpose these lawes and ordinances were established because he might not be blamed or accused as the author of any evill in any one afterwards for God himselfe being cleere exempt from all evill neither hath need of lawes nor requireth any Fatall destiny but ech one of these petie-gods led and haled by the providence of him who hath engendred them doth their owne devoir and office belonging unto them That this is true and the very minde and opinion of Plato appeereth manifestly in my conceit by the testimonie of those words which are reported by the law-giver in his books of lawes in this maner If there were any man quoth he so by nature sufficient or by divine fortune so happily borne that he could be able to comprehend this he should require no lawes to command him for no law there is nor ordinance of more woorth and puissance than is knowledge and science neither can he possibly be a servile slave or subject to any who is truely and indeed free by nature but he ought to command all For mine owne part thus I understand and interpret the sentence of Plato For whereas there is a triple providence the first as that which hath engendred Fatall destiny in some sort comprehendeth it the second being engendred with it is likewise wholly comprised in it the third engendred after Fatal destiny is comprised under it in that maner as That which is in us and fortune as we have already said for those whom the assistance of the power of our Daemon doth aid according as Socrates saith expoūding unto Theages what is the inevitable ordinance of Adrastia these I say are those whom you understand well enough for they grow and come forward quickly with speed so as where it is said that a Daemon or angell doth favour any it must be referred to the third providence but that suddenly they grow and come to proofe it is by the power of Fatall destiny And to be short it is very plaine and evident that even this also is a kinde of destiny And peradventure it may seeme much more probable that even the second providence is comprehended under destiny yea and in summe all things whatsoever be made or done considering that destiny according to the substance thereof hath bene rightly divided by us into three parts And verily that speech as touching the chaine and concatenation comprehendeth the revolutions of the heavens in the number and raunge of those things which happen by supposition but verily of these points I will not debate much to wit whether we are to call them Hapning by supposition or rather conjunct unto destiny considering that the precedent cause and commander of destiny it selfe is also fatall And thus to speake summarily and by way of abridgement is our opinion but the contrary sentence unto this ordeineth all things to be not onely under destiny but also according to destiny and by it Now all things accord unto the other and that which accordeth to another the same must be gran-to be the other according then to this opinion contingent is said to be the first that which is in us the second fortune the third accident or casuall chance and adventure the fourth together with all that dependeth thereupon to wit praise blame and those of the same kinde the fifth and last of all may bee said to be the praiers unto the
the world whereby all things are governed How is it possible then that these two positions should subsist together namely that God is in no wise the cause of any dishonest thing and that there is nothing in the world be it never so little that is done but by common nature and according to the reason thereof For surely among all those things that are done necessarily there must be things dishonest and yet Epicurus turneth and windeth himselfe on every side imagining and devising all the subtill shifts that he can to unloose set free and deliver our voluntary free will from this motion eternall because he would not leave vice excuseable without just reprehension whereas in the meane while he openeth a wide window unto it and giveth it libertie to plead That committed it is not onely by the necessitie of destiny but also by the reason of God and according to the best nature that is And thus much also moreover is to be seene written word forword For considering that common nature reacheth unto al causes it cannot otherwise be but all that is done howsoever and in what part soever of the world must be according to this common nature and the reason thereof by a certeine stint of consequence without impeachment for that there is nothing without that can impeach the administration thereof neither mooveth any part or is disposed in habitude otherwise than according to that common nature But what habitudes and motions of the parts are these Certeine it is that the habitudes be the vices and maladies of the minds as covetousnesse lecherie ambition cowardise and injustice as for the motions they be the acts proceeding from thence as adulteries thefts treasons manslaughters murders and parricides Chrysippus now is of opinion That none of all these be they little or great is done without the reason of Jupiter or against law justice and providence insomuch as to breake law is not against law to wrong another is not against justice nor to commit sinne against providence And yet he affirmeth that God punisheth vice and doth many things for the punishment of the wicked As for example in the second booke of the gods Otherwhiles there happen quoth he unto good men grievous calamities not by way of punishment as to the wicked but by another kinde of oeconomy and disposition like as it falleth out usually unto cities Againe in these words First we are to understand evill things and calamities as we have said heeretofore then to thinke that distributed they are according to the reason and dispose of Jupiter either by way of punishment or else by some other oeconomie of the whole world Now surely this is a doctrine hard to bee digested namely that vice being wrought by the disposition and reason of God is also punished thereby howbeit this contradiction he doeth still aggravate and extend in the second booke of Nature writing thus But vice in regard of grievous accidents hath a certeine peculiar reason by it selfe for after a sort it is committed by the common reason of nature and as I may so say not unprofitably in respect of the universall world for otherwise than so there were no good things at all and then proceeding to reproove those who dispute pro contra and discourse indifferently on both parts he I meane who upon an ardent desire tobroch alwaies and in every matter some novelties exquisite singularities above all other saith It is not unprofitable to cut purses to play the sycophants or commit loose dissolute and mad parts no more than it is incommodious that there should be unprofitable members hurtfull and wretched persons which if it be so what maner of god is Jupiter I meane him of whom Chrysippus speaketh in case I say he punish a thing which neither commeth of it selfe nor unprofitably for vice according to the reason of Chrysippus were altogether irreprehensible and Jupiter to be blamed if either he caused vice as a thing unprofitable or punished it when he had made it not unprofitably Moreover in the first booke of Justice speaking of the gods that they oppose themselves against the iniquities of some But wholly quoth he to cut off all vice is neither possible nor expedient is it if it were possible to take away all injustice all transgression of lawes and all folly But how true this is it perteineth not to this present treatise for to enquire and discourse But himselfe taking away and rooting up all vice as much as lay in him by the meanes of philosophy which to extirpe was neither good nor expedient doeth heerein that which is repugnant both to reason and also to God Furthermore in saying that there be certeine sinnes and iniquities against which the gods doe oppose themselves he giveth covertly to understand that there is some oddes and inequality in sinnes Over and besides having written in many places that there is nothing in the world to be blamed nor that can be complained of for that all things are made and finished by a most singular and excellent nature there be contrariwise sundry places wherein hee leaveth and alloweth unto us certeine negligences reprooveable and those not in small and trifling matters That this is true it may appeere in his third book of Substance where having made mention that such like negligences might befal unto good honest men Commeth this to passe quoth he because there be some things where of there is no reckoning made like as in great houses there must needs be scattered and lost by the way some bran yea and some few graines of wheat although in generality the whole besides is well enough ruled and governed or is it because there be some evill and malignant spirits as superintendents over such things wherein certeinly such negligences are committted the same reprehensible and he saith moreover that there is much necessitie intermingled among But I meane not hereupon to stand nor to discourse at large but to let passe what vanity there was in him to compare the accidents which befell to some good and vertuous persons as for example the condemnation of Socrates the burning of Pythagoras quicke by the Cylonians the dolorous torments that Zeno endured under the tyrant Demylus or those which Antiphon suffred at the hands of Dionysius when they were by them put to death unto the brans that be spilt and lost in great mens houses But that there should bee such wicked spirits deputed by the divine providence to have the charge of such things must needs redound to the great reproach of God as if he were some unwise king who committed the government of his provinces unto evill captaines and rash headed lieutenants suffering them to abuse and wrong his best affected subjects and winking at their rechlesse negligence having no care or regard at all of them Againe if it be so that there is much necessity and constraint mingled among the affaires of this world then is not God the
so say namely the occupation or taking up of the middle place wherein it standeth because it is in the mids for if it were thought otherwise to be founded it were altogether necessarie that some corruption should take holde of it And againe a little after for even so in some sort hath that essence bene ordeined from all eternity to occupie the middle region being presently at the very first such as if not by another maner yet by attaining this place it is eternall and subject to no corruption These words conteine one manifest repugnance and visible contrariety considering that in them he admitteth and alloweth in that which is infinit a middle place But there is a second also which as it is more darke and obscure so it implieth also a more monstrous absurditie than the other for supposing that the world can not continue incorruptible if it were seated and founded in any other place of the infinitie than in the mids it appeareth manifestly that he feared if the parts of the substance did not moove and tend toward the mids there would ensue a dissolution corruption of the world But this would he never have feared if he had not thought that bodies naturally from all sides tend to the middes not of the substance but of the place that conteineth the substance where of he had spoken in many places that it was a thing impossible and against nature for that within voidnesse there is no difference by which bodies can be said to move more one way than another and that the construction of the world is cause of the motion to the center as also that all things from every side do bend to the mids But to see this more plainly it may suffice to alledge the very text in his second booke of Motion for when he had delivered thus much That the world is a perfect body and the parts of the world not perfect because they are respective to the whole and not of themselves Having also discoursed as touching the motion thereof for that it was apt and fitted by nature to moove it selfe in all parts for to conteine and preserve and not to breake dissolve and burne it selfe he saith afterwards But the universall world tending and mooving to the same point and the parts thereof having the same motion from the nature of the body like it is that this first motion is naturally proper to all bodies namely to encline toward the mids of the world considering that the world mooveth so in regard of it selfe and the parts likewise in that they be the parts of the whole How now my goodfriend may some one say what accident is befallen unto you that you should forget to pronounce these words withall That the world in case it had not fortuned for to settle in the mids must needs have bene subject to corruption and dissolution For if it be proper and naturall to the world to tend alwaies to the same middle as also to addresse the parts thereof from all sides thereto into what place soever of the voidnesse it be carried and transported certes thus 〈◊〉 and embracing as it were it selfe as it doth it must needs continue incorruptible immortall and past all danger of fracture or dissolution for to such things as be broken bruised dissipated and dissolved this is incident by the division and dissolution of their parts when ech one runneth and retireth into their proper and naturall place out of that which is against their owne nature But you sir supposing that if the world were seated in any other place of voidnesse but in the mids there would follow a totall ruine and corruption thereof giving out also as much and therefore imagining a middle in that where naturally there can be none to wit in that which is infinit have verily quit cleane and fled from these tensions cohaerences and inclinations as having in them no assured meanes for to mainteine and holde the world together and attributed all the cause of the eternall maintenance and preservation thereof unto the occupation of a place And yet as if you tooke pleasure to argue and convince yourselfe you adjoine to the premisses thus much In what sort every severall part moveth as it is cohaerent to the rest of the body it stands with good reason that after the same maner it should moove by it selfe alone yea if for disputation sake we imagine and suppose it to be in some void part of this world and like as being kept in and enclosed on every side it would move toward the mids so it would continue in this same motion although by way of disputation we should admit that all on a sudden there should appeare some vacuity and void place round about it And is it so indeed that every part what ever it be compassed about with voidnesse forgoeth not her naturall inclination to move tend to the mids and should the world it selfe unlesse some fortune blind chance had not prepared for it a place in the mids have lost that vigor power which conteineth and holdeth all together so some parts of the substance of it moove one way and some another Now surely heerein there be many other maine contrarieties repugnant even to natural reason but this particularly among the rest encountreth the doctrine of God divine providence to wit that in attributing unto them the least and smallest causes that be he taketh from them the most principall and greatest of all other For what greater power can there be than the maintenance and preservation of this universall world or to cause the substance united together in all parts to cohaere unto it selfe But this according to the opinion of Chrysippus hapneth by meere hazzard and chance for if the occupation of a place is the cause of worlds incorruption and eternity and the same chanced by fortune we must inferre there upon that the safety of all things dependeth upon hazzard and adventure and not upon fatall destiny and divine providence As for his doctrine disputation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say of things possible which Chrysippus hath delivered directly agaisnt that of fatall destiny how can it chuse but be repugnant to it selfe for if that be not possible according to the opiniō of Diodorus which either is or shall be true but whatsoever is susceptible naturally of a power to be although the same never come into act or esse is to be counted possible there will be a number of things possible which never shal have being by destiny invincible inexpugnable surmoūting al things And therefore either this doctrine overthroweth al the force and puissance of destiny or if it be admitted as Chrysippus would have it that which potentially may be wil fal out oftentimes to be impossible whatsoever is true shall be also necessary as being comprised contained by the greatest and most powerfull necessity of all others and whatsoever is false impossible as
susceptible of folly But wherefore should any man be offended and scandalized hereat if hee call to mind that which this philosopher wrote in his second booke of Nature where he avoucheth That vice was not made without some good use and profit for the whole world But it will be better to recite this doctrine even in his owne words to the end that you may know in what place they range vice and what speech they make thereof who accuse Xenocrates and Speusippus for that they reputed not health to be an indifferent thing nor riches unprofitable As for vice quoth he it is limited in regard of other accidents beside for it is also in some sort according to nature and if I may so say it is not altogether unprofitable in respect of the whole for otherwise there would not be any good and therefore it may be inferred that there is no good among the gods in as much as they can have none evil neither when at any time Jupiter having resolved the whole matter into himselfe shall become one shall take away all other differences wil there be any more good considering there will be no evill to be found But true it is that in a daunce or quier there wil be an accord measure although there be none in it that singeth out of tune maketh a discord as also health in mans body albeit no part thereof were pained or diseased but vertue without vice can have no generation And like as in some medicinable confections there is required the poyson of a viper or such like serpent and the gall of the beast Hvaena even so there is another kind of necessarie convenience betweene the wickednesse of Melitus and the justice of Socrates betweene the dissolute demeanor of Cleon and the honest 〈◊〉 of Pericles And what meanes could Jupiter have made to bring foorth Hercules and Lycurgus into the world if he had not withall made Sardanapalus and Phalaris for us And it is a great marvell if they 〈◊〉 not also that the Phthisicke or ulcer of the lungs was sent among men for their good plight of bodie and the gout for swift footmanship and Achilles had not worne long haire unlesse Thersites had beene bald For what difference is there betweene those that alledge these doting fooleries or rave so absurdlie and such as say that loosenesse of life and whoredome were not unprofitable for continence and jniustice for justice So that we had need to pray unto the gods that there might be alwaies sinne and wickednes False leasing smooth and glosing tongue Deceitfull traines and fraud among in case when these be gone vertue depart and perish withal But will you see now and behold the most elegant devise and pleasantest invention of his For like as Comoedies quoth he carrie otherwhiles ridiculous Epigrams or inscriptors which considered by themselves are nothing woorth how be it they give a certaine grace to the whole Poeme even so a man may well blame and detest vice in it selfe but in regard of others it is not unprofitable And first to say that vice was made by the divine providence even as a lewd Epigram composed by the expresse will of the Poet surpasseth all imagination of absurditie for if this were true how can the gods be the givers of good things rather than of evill or how can wickednes any more be enemie to the gods or hated by them or what shall we have to say and answere to such blasphemous sentences of the Poets sounding so ill in religious eares as these God once dispos'd some house to overthrow Twixt men some cause and seeds of strife doth sow Againe Which of the gods twixt them did kindle fire Thus to contest in termes of wrath andire Moreover a foolish and leawd epigram doth embelish and adorne the Comedie serving to that end for which it was composed by the Poet namely to please the spectatours and to make them laugh But Jupiter whom we surnamed Paternall Fatherly Supreame Sovereigne Just Righteous and according to Pindarus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say the best and most perfect artisan making this world as he hath done not like unto some great Comedie or Enterlude full of varietie skill and wittie devices but in maner of a city common to gods and men for to inhabit together with justice and vertue in one accord and happily what need had he to this most holy and venerable end of theeves robbers murderers homicides parricides and tyrans for surely vice and wickednesse was not the entry of some morisque-dance or ridiculous eare-sport carrying a delectable grace with it and pleasing to God neither was it set unto the affaires of men for recreation and pastime to make them sport or to move laughter being a thing that carrieth not so much as a shadow nor representeth the dreame of that concord and convenience with nature which is so highly celebrated and commended Furthermore the said lewd epigram is but a small part of the Poeme and occupieth a very little roome in a Comedie neither do such ridiculous compositions abound overmuch in a play nor corrupt and marre the pleasant grace of such matters as seeme to have beene well and pretily devised whereas all humane affaires are full thorowout of vice and mans life even from the very first beginning and entire as it were of the prologue unto the finall conclusion of all and epilogue yea and to the very plaudite being disordinate degenerate full of perturbation and confusion and having no one part thereof pure and unblamable as these men say is the most filthy unpleasant and odious enterlude of all others that can be exhibited And therefore gladly would I demaund and learne of them in what respect was vice made profitable to this universall world for I suppose he will not say it was for divine and celestiall things because it were a mere reciculous mockery to affirme that unlesse there were bred and remained among men vice malice avarice and lesing or unlesse we robbed pilled and spoiled unlesse we slandered and murdered one another the sun would not run his ordinary course nor the heaven keepe the set seasons and usuall revolutions of time 〈◊〉 yet the earth seated in the midst and center of the world yeeld the causes of winde and raine It remaineth then that vice sin was profitably engendred for us and for our affaires and haply this is it which they themselves would seeme to say And are we indeed the better in health for being sinfull or have we thereby more plenty and aboundance of things necessary availeth our wickednesse ought to make us more beawtifull and better favoured or serveth it us in any stead to make us more strong and able of body They answere No. But is this a silent name onely and a cretaine blinde opinion and weening of these night-walking Sophisters and not like indeed unto vice which is conspicuous enough exposed to the view of the
a foule person is worthy to be loved because there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hope and expectance that one day he will become faire mary when he hath gotten this beawty once and is withall become good and honest then he is beloved of no man For love say they is a certaine hunting as it were after a yong body as yet rude and unperfect howbeit framed by nature unto vertue LAMPRIAS And what other thing do we now my good friend but refute the errors of their sect who do thus force pervert and destroy all our common conceptions with their actions which be senselesse and their words and termes as unusuall and strange For there was no person to hinder this love of wise men toward yong folke if affection were away although all men and women to both thinke and imagin love to be such a passion as the woers of Penelope in Homer seeme to acknowledge Whose heat of love was such that in their hart They wisht in bed to lie with her apart Like as Jupiter also said to Juno in another place of the said poet Come let us now to bed both goe and there with sweet delight Solace our selves for never earst before remember I That any love to women fatre no nor to Goddesse bright Thus tam'd my hart or prict me so with them to company DIADUMENUS Thus you see how they expell and drive morall philosophy into such matters as these So tntricate and tortuous So winding qutte throughout That nothing sound is therein found But all turnes round about And yet they deprave vilipend disgrace and flout all others as if they were the men alone who restored nature and custome into their integrety as it ought to be instituted their speech accordingly But nature of it selfe doth divert and induce by appetitions pursuits inclinations and impulsions ech thing to that which is proper and fit for it And as for the custome of Logicke being so wrangling and contentious as it is it receiveth no good at all nor profit like as the eare diseased by vaine sounds is filled with thickenesse and hardnesse of hearing Of which if you thinke so good we will begin anew and discourse else were another time but now for this present let us take in hand to run over their naturall philosophy which no lesse troubleth and confoundeth common anticipations and conceptions in the maine principles and most important points than their morall doctrine as touching the ends of all things First and formost this is apparently absurd and against all common sense to say that a thing is yet hath no being nor essence and the things which are not yet have a being which though it be most absurd they affirme even of the universall world for putting downe this supposition that there is round about the said world a certaine infinit voidnesse they affirme that the universall world is neither body nor bodilesse whereupon ensueth that the world is and yet hath no existence For they call bodies onely existent for as much as it is the property of a thing existent to doe and suffer somewhat And seeing this universall nature hath no existence therefore it shall neither doe nor suffer ought neither shall it be in any place for that which occupieth place is a bodie but that universall thing is not a body Moreover that which occupieth one and the same place is said to remaine and rest and therefore the said universall nature doth not remaine for that it occupieth no place and that which more is it mooveth not at all first because that which mooveth ought to be in a place and roome certaine Againe because whatsoever mooveth either mooveth it selfe or else is mooved by another now that which mooveth it selfe hath certeine inclinations either of lightnesse or ponderosity which ponderosity and lightnesse be either certeine habitudes or faculties powers or else differences of ech body but that universality is no body whereupon it must of necessity follow that the same is neither light nor heavy and so by good consequence hath in it no principle or beginning of motion neither shall it be mooved of another for without beyond it there is nothing so that they must be forced to say as they doe indeed that the said universall nature doth neither rest nor moove In sum for that according to their opinion we must not say in any case that it is a body and yet the heaven the earth the living creatures plants men and stones be bodies that which is no body it selfe shall by these reckonings have parts thereof which are bodies and that which is not ponderous shall have parts weightie and that which is not light shall have parts light which is as much against common sense and conceptions as dreames are not more considering that there is nothing so evident and agreeable to common sense than this distinction If any thing be not animate the same is inanimate and againe if a thing be not inanimate the same is animate And yet this manifest evidence they subvert and overthrow affirming thus as they do that this universal frame is neither animate nor inanimate Over and besides no man thinketh or imagineth that the same is unperfect considering that there is no part thereof wanting and yet they holde it to be unperfect For say they that which is perfect is finite and determinate but the whole and universall world for the infinitenesse thereof is indefinite So by their saying some thing there is that is neither perfect not unperfect Moreover neither is the said universall frame a part because there is nothing greater than it nor yet the whole for that which is whole must be affirmed like wise to be digested and in order whereas being as it is infinite it is indeterminate and out of order Furthermore The other is not the cause of the universall world for that there is no other beside it neither is it the cause of The other nor of it selfe for that it is not made to do any thing and we take a cause to be that which worketh an effect Now set case we should demand of all the men in the world what they imagine NOTHING to be and what conceit they have of it would they not say thinke you that it is that which is neither a cause it selfe nor hath any cause of it which is neither a part nor yet the whole neither perfect nor unperfect neither having a soule nor yet without a soule neither moving nor stil quiet nor subsisting and neither body nor without body For what is all this but Nothing yet what all others do affirme and verifie of Nothing the same doe they alone of the universall world so that it seemeth they make All and Nothing both one Thus they must be driven to say that Time is nothing neither Praedicable nor Proposition nor Connexion nor Composition which be termes of Logicke that they use no Philosophers so much and yet they say that they have no existence nor being
unamiable For the conjunction of man and woman without the affection of love like as hunger and thirst which tend to nothing else but satiety and fulnesse endeth in nought that is good lovely and commendable but the goddesse Venus putting away all lothsome satiety of pleasure by the meanes of love engendred amitie and friendship yea and temperature of two in one And herereupon it is that Parmentdes verily affirmeth love to be the most ancient worke of Venus writing thus in his booke intituled Cosmogenia that is to say the creation of the world And at the first she framed love Before all other gods above But Hesiodus seemeth in mine opinion more physically to have made love more ancient than any other whatsoever to the end that all the rest by it might breed and take beginning If then we bereave this love of the due honours ordained for it certes those which belong to Venus will not keepe their place any longer Neither can it be truely said that some men may wrong and reproch love and forbeare withall to doe injurie unto Venus For even from one and the same stage we doe here these imputations first upon love Love idle is it selfe and in good troth Possesseth such like persons given to sloth And then againe upon Venus Venus my children hath not this onely name Of Venus or of Cypris for the same Answere right well to many an attribute And surname which men unto her impute For hellshe is and also violence That never ends but aie doth recommence And furious rage yong folke for to incense Like as of the other gods there is not one almost that can avoid the approbrious tongue of unlettered rusticity and ignorance For do but consider and observe god Mars who as it were in an Caldaean and Astronomicall table standeth in a place diametrally opposit unto love 〈◊〉 I say what great honours men have yeelded unto him and contrariwise what reprochfull termes they give him againe Mars is starke blinde and seeth not faire dames but like wilde bore By turning all things up side downe works mischeife evermore Homer calleth him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say imbrued with blood and polluted with murders likewise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say variable and leaping from one side to another As for Chrysippus by ety mologizing and deriving this gods name fastneth upon him a criminous accusation saying that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for so he is named in Greeke cometh of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say to murder and destroy giving thereby occasion unto some to thinke that the facultie and power in us prone to warre fight debate quarrell anger and fell stomacke is called 〈◊〉 that is to say Mars Like as others also will say that concupiscence in us is termed Venus our gift of speaking Mercurie skill in arts and sciences Muses and prudence Minerva See you not how deepe a pit and downefall of Atheisme and impietie is ready to receive and swallow us up in case we range and distribute the gods according to the passions powers faculties and vertues that be in us I see it very well quoth Pemptides but neither standeth it with pietie and religion to make gods to be passions nor yet contrariwise to beleeue that passions be gods How thinke you then quoth my father is Mars a god or a passion of ours Pemptides answered That he thought him to be a god ruling and ordering that part of our soule wherein is seated animositie anger and manly courage What Pemptides cried out my father then hath that turbulent warring overthwart and quarrelling part in us a deitie to be president over it and shall this that breedeth amity societie and peace be without a divine power to governe it Is there indeed a martiall and warlike god of armes called thereupon Stratius and Enyalius who hath the superintendance and presidence of mutuall murders wherein men kill and bekilled of armour weapons arrowes darts and other shot of assaults and scaling walles of saccage pillage and booties Is there never a god to be a witnesse guide director and coadjutour of nuptiall affection and matrimoniall love which endeth in unitie concord and fellowship There is a god of the woods and forests named Agroteros who doth aide assist and encourage hunters in chasing and crying after the roe-bucke the wilde goat the hare and the hart and they who lie in secret wait for to intercept woolves and beares in pitfalles and to catch them with snares make their praiers to Aristaeus Who first as I have heard men say Did grinnes and snares for wilde beasts lay And Hercules when he bent his bowe and was ready to shoot at a bird called upon another god and as Aeschylus reporteth Phoebus the hunter directed by-and-by His arrow straight as it in aire did fly And shall the man who 〈◊〉 after the fairest game in the world even to catch friendship and amitie have no god nor demi-god no angell to helpe to favorise and speed his enterprise and good endevours For mine owne part my friend Daphnaeus I take not man to be a more base plant or viler tree than is the oake the mulberie tree or the vine which Homer honoureth with the name of Hemeris considering that in his time and season he hath a powerfull instinct to bud and put foorth most pleasantly even the beauty both of body and minde Then quoth Daphnaeus who ever was there before God that thought or said the contrary Who answered my father mary even all they verily who being of opinion that the carefull industrie of plowing sowing and planting apperteineth unto the gods For certaine Nymphs they have hight Driades Whose life they say is equall with the trees And as Pindar us writeth God Bacchus who the pure resplendent light Of Autumne is and with his kinde influence Doth nourish trees and cause to graw upright And fructifie at length in affluence Yet for all this are not perswaded that the nouriture and growth of children and yong folke who in their prime and flour of age are framed and shaped to singular beauty and feature of personage belongeth to any one of the gods or demy gods Neither by their saying any deitie or divine power hath the care charge of man that as he groweth he should shoot up streight and arise directly to vertue and that his naturall indument and generous ingenuity should be perverted daunted and quelled either for default of a carefull tutour and directour or through the leawd and corrupt behaviour of bad company about him And verily were it not a shamefull indignity and ingratitude thus to say and in this behalfe to drive God as it were from that bounty and benignity of his to mankinde which being defused spred and dispersed over all is defectious in no part no not in those necessary actions and occasions where of some have their end more needfull iwis many times than lovely or beautifull to see to As for
upon him with this contradiction and say that he may aswel hold that whatsoever is beneath the Primum mobile or starrie firmament ought to be called Below In summe how is the earth called The middle and whereof is it the middle for the universall frame of the world called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is infinit and this infinit which hath neither head nor foot how can it in reason have a navill for even that which we call the mids of any thing is a kinde of limitation whereas infinitie is a meere privation of all limits and bounds As for him who saith it is not in the mids of that universalitie but of the world he is a pleasant man if he thinke not withall that the world it selfe is subject to the same doubts and difficulties for the said universall frame leaveth not unto the very world a middle but is without a certeine seat without assured footing mooving in a voidnesse infinite not into some one place proper unto it and if haply it should meet with some any other cause of stay and so abide stil the same is not according to the nature of the place And as much may we conjecture of the Moone that by the meanes of some other soule or nature or rather of some difference the earth 〈◊〉 firme beneeath and the Moone mooveth Furthermore you see how they are not ignorant of a great errour and inconvenience for if it be true that whatsoever is without the centre of the earth it skils not how is to be counted Above and Aloft then is there no part of the world to be reckoned Below or Beneath but aswell the earth it selfe as al that is upon it shal be above aloft and to be short every bodie neere or about the centre must go among those things that are aloft neither must we reckon any thing to be under or beneath but one pricke or point which hath no bodie and the same forsooth must make head and stand in opposition necessarily against all the whole nature besides of the world in case according to the course of nature 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say above and beneath be opposite And not onely this absurdity will follow but also all heavie and ponderous bodies must needs lose the cause for which they bend and incline hither for bodie there will be none toward which it should move and as for this pricke or centre that hath no bodie there is no likelihood neither would they themselves have it so that it should be so puissant and forcible as to draw to it and reteine about it all things And if it be found unreasonable and repugnant to the course of nature that the world should be all above and nothing beneath but a terme or limit and the same without body without space and distance then this that we say is yet more reasonable namely that the region beneath and that above being parted distinctly one from another have neverthelesse ech of them a large and spacious roume to round themselves in But suppose if it please you it were against nature that terrestriall bodies should have any motion in heaven let us consider gently and in good termes not after a tragicall maner but mildly This prooveth not by-and-by that the Moone is not earth but rather that earth is in some place where naturally it should not be for the fire of the mountaine Aetna is verily under the ground against the nature of it howbeit the same ceaseth not therefore to be fire The winde conteined within leather bottles is of the owne nature light and given to mount upward but by force it commeth to be there where naturally it ought not to be Our very soule it selfe I beseech you in the name of Jupiter is it not against nature deteined within the body being light in that which is heavie being of a firie substance in that which is colde as yee your 〈◊〉 and being invisible in that which is grosse and palpable do we therefore denie that the soule is within the bodie that it is a divine substance under a grosse and heavie masse that in a moment it passeth thorowout heaven earth and sea that it pierceth and entreth within flesh nerves and marrow and finally is the cause together with the humors of infinit passions And even this Jupiter of yours such as you imagine and depaint him to be is he not of his owne nature a mighty and perpetuall fire howbeit now he submitteth himselfe and is pliable subject he is to all formes and apt to admit divers mutations Take heed therefore and be well advised good sir lest that in transferring and reducing every thing to their naturall place you doe not so philosophize as that you will bring in a dissolution of all the world and set on foot againe that olde quarrell and contention among all things which Empedocles writeth of or to speake more to the purpose beware you raise not those ancient Titans and Giants to put on armes against nature and so consequently endevour to receive and see againe that fabulous disorder and confusion whereby all that is weightie goeth one way and whatsoever is light another way apart Where neither light some countenance of Sunne nor earth all greene With herbs and plants admired is nor surging sea is seene according as Empedocles hath written wherein the earth feeleth no heat nor the water any winde wherein there is no ponderosity above nor lightnesse beneath but the principles and elements of all things be by themselves solitary without any mutuall love or dilection betweene them not admitting any society or mixture together but avoiding and turning away one from the other mooving apart by particular motions as being disdainfull proud and carying themselves in such sort as all things do where no god is as Plato saith that is as those bodies are affected wherein there is no understanding nor soule untill such time as by some divine providence there come into nature a desire and so amity Venus and Love be there engendred according to the sayings of Empedocles Parmenides and Hesiodus to the end that changing their naturall places and communicating reciprocally their gifts and faculties some driven by necessity to moove other bound to rest they be all forced to a better state remitting somewhat of their 〈◊〉 and yeelding one to another they grew at length unto accord harmony and societie For if there had not beene any other part of the world against nature but that ech one had bene both in place and for quality as it ought naturally to be without any need of change or transposition so that there had beene nothing at the first wanting I greatly doubt what and wherein was the worke of divine providence or whereupon it is that Jupiter was the father creator and maker For in a campe or field there would be no need of a man who is expert and skilfull in ranging and ordering of battell
as also by the apparence of one and the same visage in divers and sundry mirours flat hollow curbed or embowed round outwardly which represent an infinit variety But there is neither mirror that sheweth and expresseth the face better nor instrument of nature more supple obsequent and pliable that is the Moone howbeit receiving form the Sunne a light and firy illumination she sendeth not the same backe unto us but mingled with somewhat of her owne whereby it changeth the colour and hath a power or facultie far different for no heat at all there is in it and as for the light so weake and feeble it is that it faileth before it commeth unto us And this I suppose to be the meaning of Heraclitus when he saith that the lord unot whom belongeth the oracle at Delphos doth neither speake nor conceale but signifie onely and give signe Adde now to this which is so well said and conceived and make this application that the god who is heere useth Pythia the prophetesse for sight and hearing like as the Sunne useth the Moone He sheweth future things by a mortall body and a soule which cannot rest and lie stil as being not able to shew her selfe immooveable and quiet to him who stirreth and mooveth her but is troubled still more and more by the motions agitations and passions of her owne and which are in her selfe for like as the turnings of bodies which together with a circular motion fall downward are not firme and strong but turning as they do round by force and tending downward by nature there is made of them both a certaine turbulent and irregular circumgiration Even so the ravishment of the spirit called Enthusiasmus is a mixture of two motions when the minde is moved in the one by inspiration and in the other naturally For considering that of bodies which have no soule and of themselves continue alwaies in one estate quiet a man cannot make use not moove them perforce otherwise than the quality of their nature will beare nor move a cylindre like a bal or in maner of a square cube nor a lute or harpe according as he doth a pipe no more than a trumpet after the order of a cithern or stringed instrument ne yet any thing else otherwise than either by art or nature each of them is sit to be used How is it possible then to handle and manage that which is animate which mooveth of it selfe is indued with will and inclination capable also of reason but according to the precedent habitude puissance and nature As for example to move one musically who is altogether ignorant and an enemie of musicke or grammatically him who skilleth not of grammer and knoweth not a letter of the booke or eloquently and thetorically one who hath neither skill nor practise at all in orations Certes I cannot see or say how And herein Homer also beareth witnesse with me who albeit he supposeth thus much that nothing to speake of in the whole world is performed and effected by any cause unlesse God be at one end thereof yet will not he make God to use all persons indifferently in every thing but each one according to the sufficiency that he hath by art or nature To prove this see you not quoth he my frend Diogenianus that when Minerva would perswade the Achaeans to any thing she calleth for Ulysses when she is minded to trouble and marre the treaty of peace she seeketh out Pandarus when she is disposed to discomfit and put to flight the Trojans she addresseth her selfe and goeth to Diomedes for of these three the last was a valiant man of person and a brave warrior the second a good archer but yet a foolish and brainsicke man the first right eloquent and wise withall for Homer was not of the same minde with Pandarus if so be it were Pandarus who made this verse If God so will in sea thou maist well saile Upon an hurdle or a wicker fraile But well he knew that powers and natures be destined to divers effects according as ech one hath different motions notwithstanding that which mooveth them all be but one Like as therefore that facultie which moveth a living creature naturally going on foot can not make it to flie nor him who stutteth and stammereth to speake readily ne yet him to crie bigge and aloud who hath a small and slender voice which was the reason as I take it that when Battus was come to Rome they sent him into Afrike there to plant a colonie and people a citie for howsoever he had a stutting and stammering tongue and was otherwise of a small voice yet a princely minde he caried a politike head he had of his owne and was a man of wisedome government even so impossible it is that Pythia should have the knowledge to speake here elegantly learnedly for notwithstanding that she were wel borne and legitimate as any other had lived honestly and discreetly yet being brought up in the house of poore husbandmen she descendeth into the place of the oracle bringing with her no art learned in schoole nor any experience whatsoever But as Xenophon thinketh that a yoong bride when she is brought to her husbands house ought to be such an one as hath not seene much and heard as little semblably Pythia being ignorant and unexpert in maner of all things and a very virgin indeed as touching her minde and soule commeth to converse with Apollo And we verily are of opinion that God for to signifie future things useth Herons Wrens Ravens Crowes and other birds speaking after their maner neither will we have soothsaiers and prophets being as they are the messengers and heralds of God to expound and declare their predictions in plaine and intelligible words but wee would that the voice and dialect of the prophetesse Pythia resembling the speech of a Chorus in a tragedie from a scaffold should pronounce her answers not in simple plaine and triviall termes without any grace to set them out but with Poeticall magnificence of high and stately verses disguised as it were with metaphors and figurative phrases yea and that which more is with found of flute and hautboies what answere make you then as touching the old oracles Surely not one alone but many First the ancient Pythiae as hath beene said already uttered and pronounced most of them in prose secondly that time affoorded those complexions and temperatures of bodie which had a propense and forward inclination to Poesie whereto there were joined incontinently the alacritie desires affections and dispositions of the soule in such sort a they were ever prest and ready neither wanted they ought but some little beginning from without to set them on worke and to stirre the imagination and conception whereby there might directly be drawen unto that which was meet and proper for them not onely Astrologers and Philosophers as Philinus saith but also such as were well soaked with wine and shaken with some
senses being inserted and ingraffed in our bodies by harmony but principally those which are celestiall and divine namely sight and hearing which together with God give understanding and discourse of reason unto men with the voice and the light doe represent harmony yea and the other inferrior senses which follow them in as much as they be senses are likewise composed by harmony for all their effects they performe not without harmony and howsoever they be under them and lesse noble yet they yeeld not for all that for even they entring into the body accompanied with the presence of a certaine divinity together with the discourse of reason obtaine a forcible and excellent nature By these reasons evident it is that the ancient Greeks made great account and not without good cause of being from their infancie well instructed and trained up in Musicke for they were of opinion that they ought to frame and temper the mindes of yoong folke unto vertue and honesty by the meanes of Musicke as being right profitable to all honest things and which wee should have in great recommendation but especially and principally for the perillous hazzards of warre In which case some used the Hautboies as the Lacedaemonians who chaunted the song called Castorium to the said instruments when they marched in ordinance of battell for to charge their enimies Others made their approch for to encounter and give the first onset with the noise of the Lyra that is to say the harpe or such like stringed instruments And this we finde to have bene the practise of the Candiots for a long time for to use this kinde of Musicke when they set forth and advanced forward to the doubtfull dangers of battell And some againe continue even to our time in the use of Trumpets sound As for the Argives they went to wrestle at the solemne games in their city called Sthenia with the sound of the Hautboies And these games were by report instituted at first in the honor and memory of their king Danaus and afterwards againe were consecrated to the honor of Jupiter surnamed Sthenius And verily even at this day in the Pentathlian games of prise the maner and custome is to play upon the Hautboies and to sing a song thereto although the same be not antique nor exquisite nor such as was wont to be plaied and sung in times past as that Canticle composed sometime by Hierax for this kinde of combat and named it was Eudrome Well though it be a faint and feeble maner of song yet somewhat such as it was they used with the Hautboies And in the times of greater antiquity it is said that the Greeks did not so much as know Theatricall Musicke for that they emploied all the skill knowledge thereof in the service and worship of the gods in the institution and bringing up of youth before any Theater was built in Greece by that people but all the Musicke that yet was they bestowed to the honor of the gods and their divine service in the temples also in the praises of valiant and woorthy men So that it is very probable that these termes Theater afterwards and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 long before were derived of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say God And verily in our daies Musicke is growen to such an heigth of difference and diversity that there is no mention made nor memory remaining of any kinde of Musicke for youth to be taught neither doth any man set his minde thereto or make profession thereof but looke whosoever are given to Musicke betake them selves wholy to that of Theaters for their delight But some man may haply say unto me What good sir thinke you that in old time they devised no new Musicke and added nothing at all to the former Yes I wis I confesse they did adjoine thereto some new inventions but it was with gravity and decency For the historians who wrote of these matters attributed unto Terpander the Dorian Nete which before time they used not in their songs and tunes And even so it is said that the Myxolidien tune was wholly by him devised to the rest as also the note of the melody Orthien and the song named Orthius by the Trochaeus for sounding the al' arme and to encourage unto battell And if it be true as Pindarus saith Terpander was the inventour of those songs called Scolia which were sung at feasts Archilochus also adjoined those rhymes or Iambicke measures called Trimetra the translation also and change into other number and measures of a different kinde yea and the maner how to touch and strike them Moreover unto him as first inventour are attributed the Epodes Tetrameter Iambicks Procritique and Prosodiacks as also the augmentation of the first yea and as some thinke the Elegie it selfe over and besides the intension of Iambus unto Paean Epibatos of the Herous augmented both unto the Prosodiaque also the Creticke Furthermore that of Iambique notes some be pronounced according to the stroke others sung out Archilochus was the man by report who shewed all this first and afterwards tragicall Poets used the same likewise it is said that Crexus receiving it from him transported it to be used at the Bacchanall songs called Dithyrambs And he was the first also by their saying who devised the stroake after the song for that beforetime they used to sing and strike the strings together Likewise unto Polymnestus is ascribed all that kinde of note or tune which now is called Hypolydius and of him they say that he first made the drawing out of the note longer and the dissolution and ejection thereof much greater than before Moreover that Olympus upon whom is fathered the invention of the Greeke musicke that is tied to lawes and rules was hee who first brought by their saying all the kinde of harmonie and of rhymes or measures the Prosodiaque wherein is conteined the tune and song of Mars also the Chorios whereof there is great use in the solemnities of the great mother of the gods yea and some there be who make Olympus the authour also of the measure Bacchius And thus much concerning every one of the ancient tunes and songs But Lasus the harmonian having transferred the rhymes into the order of Dithyrambs and followed the multiplicitie in voice of hautboies in using many sounds and those diffused and dispersed to and fro brought a great change into Musicke which never was before Semblably Melanippides who came after him conteined not himselfe in that maner of Musicke which then was in use no more than Philoxenus did Timotheus for he whereas beforetime unto the daies of Terpander the Antissaean the harpe had but seven strings distinguished it into many more sounds and strings yea and the sound of the pipe or hautboies being simple and plaine before was changed into a Musicke of more distinct varietie For in olde time unto the daies of Melanippides a Dithyrambicke Poet the plaiers of the
of Darius he tooke to wife upon pollicy because the state of his kingdome and affaires required such a match for expedient it was thus to mix and unite two nations together As for other ladies and women of Persia he went as farre beyond them in chastity and continence as he did the Persian men in valour and fortitude for he never would so much as see one of them against her will and those whom he saw he lesse regarded than such as he never set eie upon and whereas otherwise to all persons he was courteous and popular to such onely as were faire and beautifull he shewed himselfe strange and used them in some sort proudly As touching the wife of Darius a lady of surpassing beauty he would not endure so much as one word that tended to the praise thereof yet when she was dead he performed her funerals with so sumptuous and princelike obsequies he mourned and bewailed her death so piteously that as his kindnesse in that behalfe made the world mistrust and suspect his chastity so his bountifull courtesie incurred the obloquy and imputation of injustice And verily Darius was at the first mooved to conceive jealousie and a sinister opinion of him that way considering he had the woman in his hands and was besides a gallant and yoong prince for he also was one of them who were perswaded that Alexander held the tenure of his mighty dominion and monarchy by the goodnesse and favour of Fortune but after he knew the trueth once upon diligent search and inquisition by all circumstances into the thing Well quoth he the Persians state I perceive is not utterly overthrowen neither will any man repute us plaine cowards and effeminate persons for being vanquished by such an enemie for mine owne part my first wish and principall prizer unto the gods is that they would vouchsafe me fortunate successe and at the last an happy victory of this warre to the end that I may surmount Alexander in beneficence for an earnest desire I have and an emulation to shew my selfe more milde and gracious toward him than he is to me ward but if all be gone with me and my house then ô Jupiter the protectour of the Persians and ye other tutelar gods and patrons of kings and kingdomes suffer not any other but him to be enthronised in the roiall seat of Cyrus Certes this was a very adoption of Alexander that passed in the presence and by the testimony of the gods See what victories are atchieved by vertue Ascribe now if you will unto Fortune the journey of Arbela the battell sought in Cilicia and all other such like exploits performed by force of armes let it be that the fortune it was of warre which shooke the city of Tyrus and made it quake before him and opened Aegypt unto him grant that by the helpe of Fortune Halicarnassus fell to the ground and Miletus was forced and won that Mazeus abandoned the river Euphrates and left it disfurnished of garisons and that all the plaines about Babylon were overspred with dead bodies yet it was not Fortune that made him temperant neither was he continent by the meanes of Fortune Fortune it was not that kept and preserved his soule as within a fortresse inexpugnable so as neither pleasures could it surprise and captivate nor lusts and fleshly desires wound or touch And these were the very meanes whereby he vanquished and put to flight the person of Darius himselfe All the rest were the discomfiture of his great barbe-horses the overthrow and losse of his armour skirmishes battels murders executions massacres and flights of his men But the great foile and defaiture indeed most confessed and against which least exception can be taken was that wherein Darius himselfe was overthrowen namely when as he yeelded unto the vertue of Alexander to his magnanimity fortitude and justice admiring that heart of his invincible of pleasure unconquered by travels and in gratuities and liberality immatchable For in shields and speares in pikes and targuets in shouts and alarmes in giving the charge and in buckling together with the clattering of armour right hardie and undaunted aswell as he were Tarrias the soone of Dinomenes Antigones of Pellen and Philotas the sonne of Parmenio but against tickling pleasures against the attractive allurements of women against flattering silver and golde they were no better nor had more rule of themselves than slaves and captives For Tarrias at what time as Alexander undertooke to pay all the debts of the Macedonians and to make satisfaction unto all those who had lent them any money falsly belied himselfe saying he was indebt and withall suborned and brought foorth a certeine usurer to the verie table where this discharge was made who tooke it upon him that he was a creditor of his And afterwards when Tarrias was detected and convict heereof he had made himselfe away for very shame and compunction of heart but that Alexander being advertised thereof pardoned his fault yea and permitted him also to keepe the silver still that he had disbursed for his counterfet debt calling to minde how at what time as his father Philip laid siege to the citie Perinthus the said Tarrias in askirmish was shot into the eie and would not suffer the same to be dressed nor the shaft to be plucked foorth before the enemies were put to flight Antigenes causing himselfe to be enrolled and his name registred among others who were sent backe againe from the campe into Macedonie by occasion of sicknesse or maime whereby they were not serviceable being found afterwards to aile nothing but to counterfet sicknesse who otherwise was a good souldior and caried the marks of many a scarre in his body to be seene offended Alexander heereby and when the king demanded the reason why he had so done he confessed by and by that he was in love with a yoong woman named Telesippa whom he purposed to follow and accompanie being minded to goe to the sea-coast for that he could not find in his heart to be far from her Then Alexander asked him to whom the wench appertained who was to be dealt with for to make her staie Antigenes answered she was her owne woman of free condition Why then quoth Alexander let us perswade her to tary stil by faire promises good gifts for in no wise force her we may So easie was he to pardon and beare with love in any other rather than in himselfe The first cause of the infortunate fall of Philotas the sonne of Parmenio was in some sort his owne intemperance for there was a yoong woman borne in the citie of Pella named Antigona who in the saccage of the citie of Damascus was taken prisoner among other captives and indeed had bene thither brought before by Autophradates who surprised her at sea as she failed frō the coast of Macedonie toward the Isle Samothrace faire she was welfavored to see to and so far had she entangled Philotas with
and with his dagger gave him such a stabbe as he laied him along and killed him out of hand but see the malice of Fortune there runnes me forth out of a milihouse or backhouse thereby another villaine with a pestle and comming behinde him gave him such a souse upon the very necke bone that he was astonished therewith and there lay along in a swoone having lost his sight and other senses for a time But vertue it was that assisted him which gave both unto himselfe a good heart and also unto his friends strength resolution and diligence to succour him for Limnaeus Ptolemeus and Leonnatus with as many besides as either had clambred over the walles or broken thorow came in and put themselves betweene him and his enemies they with their valour were to him in stead of a wall and rampier they for meere affection and love unto their king exposed their bodies their forces and their lives before him unto all dangers whatsoever For it is not by fortune that there be men who voluntarily present themselves to present death but it is for the love of vertue like as bees having drunke as it were the amatorious potion of naturall love and affection are alwaies about their king and sticke close unto him Now say there had beene one there without the danger of shot to have seene this sight at his pleasure would not he have said that he had beheld a notable combat of fortune against vertue wherein the Barbarians by the helpe of fortune prevailed above their desert and the Greeks by meanes of vertue resisted above their power and if the former get the better hand it would be thought the worke of fortune and of some maligne and envious spirit but if these become superior vertue fortitude faith and friendship should cary away the honour of victory for nothing els accompanied Alexander in this place As for the rest of his forces and provisions his armies his horses and his fleets fortune set the wall of this vile towne betweene him and them Well the Macedonians in the end defaited these Barbarians beat the place downe over their heads and rased it quite and buried them in the ruins and fall thereof But what good did all this to Alexander in this case Caried he might well be and that speedily away out of their hands with the arrow sticking still in his bosome but the war was yet close within his ribbes the arrow was set fast as a spike or great naile to binde as it were the cuirace to his bodie for whosoever went about to plucke it out of the wound as from the root the head would not follow withall considering it was driven so sure into that solid brest bone which is over the heart neither durst any saw off that part of the steile that was without for feare of shaking cleaving cracking the said bone by that means so much the more and by that means cause exceeding and intolerable paines besides the effusion of much bloud out of the bottome of the wound himselfe seeing his people about him a long time uncerteine what to doe set in hand to hacke the shaft a two with his dagger close to the superficies of his cuirace aforesaid and so to cut it off cleane but his hand failed him and had not strength sufficient for to do the deed for it grew heavie and benummed with the inflammation of the wound whereupon he commanded his chirurgians to set to their hands boldly and to feare nought incouraging thus hurt as he was those that were sound and unwounded chiding and rebuking some that kept a weeping about him and bemoned him others he called traitours who durst not helpe him in this distresse he cried also to his minions and familiars Let no man be timorous and cowardly for me no not though my life lie on it I shall never be thought and beleeved not to feare dying if you be affraied of my death ***************** OF ISIS AND OSIRIS The Summarie THe wisdome and learning of the Aegyptians hath bene much recommended unto us by ancient writers and not without good cause considering that Aegypt hath bene the source and fountaine from whence have flowed into the world arts and liberall sciences as a man may gather by the testimony of the first Poets and philosophers that ever were But time which consumeth all things hath bereft us of the knowledge of such wisdome or if there remaine still with us any thing at all it is but in fragments and peeces scattered heere and there whereof many times we must divine or guesse and that is all But in recompence thereof Plutarch a man carefull to preserve all goodly and great things hath by the meanes of this discourse touching Isis and Osiris maintained and kept entier a good part of the Aegyptians doctrine which he is not content to set down literally there an end but hath adjoined thereto also an interpretation thereof according to the mystical sense of the Isiake priests discovering in few words an in finit number of secrets hidden under ridiculous monstrous fables in such sort as we may cal this treatise a cōmentary of the Aegyptians Theologie and Philosophy As for the contents thereof a man may reduce it into three principall parts In the first which may serve insted of a preface he yeeldeth a reason of his enterprise upon the consideration of the rasture vesture continence and ab stinence of Isis priests there is an entrie made to the rehearsall of the fable concerning Isis Osiris But before he toucheth it he sheweth the reason why the Aegyptians have thus darkly enfolded their divinity Which done he commeth to descipher in particular the said fable relating it according to the bare letter which is the second part of this booke In the third he expoundeth the fable it selfe and first discovereth the principles of the said Aegyptian Philosophy by a sort of temples sepulchers and sacrifices Afterwards having refuted certaine contrary opinions he speaketh of Daemons ranging Isis Osiris and Typhon in the number of them After this Theologicall exposition he considereth the fable according to naturall Philosophy meaning by Osiris the river Nilus and all other power of moisture whatsoever by Typhon Drinesse and by Isis that nature which preserveth and governeth the world Where he maketh a comparison betweene Bacchus of Greece and Osiris of Aegypt applying all unto naturall causes Then expoundeth he the fable more exactly and in particular maner conferring this interpretation thereof with that of the Stoicks wherupon he doth accommodate and fit all to the course of the Moone as she groweth and decreaseth to the rising also and inundation of Nilus making of all the former opinions a certaine mixture from whence he draweth the explication of the fable By occasion hereof he entreth into a disputation as touching the principles and beginnings of all things setting downe twaine and alledging for the proofe and confirmation of his speech the testimony of
or casket the holy doctrine of the gods pure and clensed from all superstition and affected curiositie who also of that opinion which is held of the gods declare some things which are obscure darke others also which be cleere and lightsome like as be those which are reported as touching their holy and religious habit And therefore whereas the religious priests of Isis after they be dead are thus clad with these holy habiliments it is a marke and signe witnessing unto us that this sacred doctrine is with them and that they be departed out of this world into another and carie nothing with them but it for neither to weare a long beard nor to put on a frize rugge and course gabardine dame Clea makes a Philosopher no more doth the surplice and linnen vestment or shaving an Isiaque priest But he indeed is a priest of Isis who after he hath seene and received by law and custome those things which are shewed and practised in the religious ceremonies about these gods searcheth and diligently enquireth by the meanes of this holy doctrine and discourse of reason into the trueth of the said ceremonies For very few there be who among them who understand and know the cause of this ceremony which is of all other the smallest and yet most commonly observed namely why the Isiaque priests shave their heads and weare no haire upon them as also wherefore they goe in vestments of Line And some of them there be who care not at all for any knowledge of such matters yet others say they forbeare to put on any garments of wooll like as they doe to cat the flesh of those sheepe which caric the said wooll upon a reverence they beare unto them semblably that they cause their heads to be shaven in token of dole and sorrow likewise that they weare surplices and vestments of linnen in regard of the colour that the flower of line or flaxe beareth which resembleth properly that celestiall azure skie that environeth the whole world But to say a trueth there is but one cause indeed of all for lawfull it is not for a man who is pure and cleane to touch any thing as Plato saith which is impure and uncleane Now it is well knowen that all the superfluities and excrements of our food and nourishment be foule and impure and of such be engendred and grow wooll haire shagge and nailes and therefore a meere ridiculous mockerie it were if when in their expiatorie sanctifications and divine services they cast off their haire being shaven and made smooth all their bodies over they should then be clad and arraied with the superfluous excrements of beasts for we must thinke that Hesiodus the Poet when he writeth thus At feast of gods and sacredmeriment Take heed with knife thy nailes thou do not pare To cut I say that dry dead excrement From lively flesh of fingers five beware teacheth us that we ought first to be cleansed and purified then to solemnise festivall holidaies and not at the very time of celebration and performance of holie rites and divine service to use such clensing and ridding away of superfluous excrements Now the herbe Line groweth out of the earth which is immortall bringeth foorth a frute good to be eaten and furnisheth us wherewith to make a simple plaine and slender vestment which sitteth light upon his backe that weareth it is meet for all seasons of the yeere and of all others as men say least breedeth lice or vermine whereof I am to discourse else where Now these Isiaque priests so much abhorre the nature and generation of all superfluities and excrements that they not onely refuse to eate most part of pulse and of flesh meats mutton and porke for that sheepe and swine breed much excrement but also upon their daies of sanctification and expiatorie solemnities they will not allow any salt to be eaten with their viands among many other reasons because it whetteth the appetite and giveth an edge to our stomacke provoking us to eate and drinke more liberally for to say as Aristagoras did That salt was by them reputed uncleane because when it is congealed and growen hard many little animals or living creatures which were caught within it die withall is a very foolerie Furthermore it is said that the Aegyptian priests have a certeine pit or well apart out of which they water their bull or beefe Apis and be very precise in any wise not to let him drinke of Nilus not for that they thinke the water of that river uncleane in regard of the crocodiles which are in it as some be of opinion for contrariwise there is nothing so much honored among the Aegyptians as the river Nilus but it seemeth that the water of Nilus doth fatten exceeding much and breed flesh over fast and they would not in any case that their Apis should be fat or themselves grosse and corpulent but that their soules might be clothed with light nimble and delicate bodies so as the divine part in them should not be oppressed or weighed downe by the force and ponderositie of that which is mortall In Heliopolis which is the citie of the Sunne those who serve and minister unto their god never bring wine into the temple as thinking it not convenient in the day time to drinke in the sight of their lord and king otherwise the priests drinke thereof but sparily and besides many purgations and expiations they have wherein they absteine wholly from wine and during those daies they give themselves wholly to their studies and meditations learning and teaching holy things even their very kings are not allowed to drinke wine their fill but are stinted to the gage of a certeine measure according as it is prescribed in their holy writings and those kings also were priests as Hecataeus writeth And they began to drinke it after the daies of king Psammetichus for before his time they dranke it not at all neither made they libaments thereof unto their gods supposing it not acceptable unto them for they tooke it to be the verie bloud of those giants which in times past warred against the gods of whom after they were slaine when their bloud was mixed with the earth the vine tree sprang and this is the cause say they why those who be drunke lose the use of their wit reason as being full of the bloud of their progenitours Now that the Aegyptian priests both hold and affirme thus much Eudoxus hath delivered in the second booke of his Geographie As concerning fishes of the sea they doe not every one of them absteine from all indifferently but some forbeare one kind some another as for example the Oxyrynchites will eate of none that is taken with an hooke for adoring as they doe a fish named Oxyrynchos they are in doubt and feare lest the hooke should be uncleane if haply the said fish swallowed it downe with the baite The Sienites will not touch the fish Phagrus For it should
seeme that it is found what time as Nilus beginnes to flow and therefore the said fish by his appearing signifieth the rising and inundation of Nilus whereof they be exceeding joious holding him for a certeine and sure messenger But the priests absteme from all fishes ingenerall and whereas upon the ninth 〈◊〉 of the first moneth all other inhabitants of Aegypt seede upon a certeine broiled or rosted fish before their dores the priests in no wise taste thereof mary they burne fishes before the gates of their houses and two reasons they have the one holy fine and subtile which I will deliver hereafter as that which accordeth and agreeth very well to the sacred discourses as touching Osiris and Typhon the other plaine vulgar and common represented by the fish which is none of the viands that be necessary rare and exquisit according as Homer beareth witnesse when he brings not in the Phaeacians delicate men loving to feed daintily nor the Ithacesians Ilanders to eat fish at their feasts no nor the mates and fellow travellers with Ulysses during the time of their long navigation and voiage by sea before they were brought to extreame necessity To be briefe the very sea it selfe they thinke to be produced a part by fire without the bounds limits of nature as being no portion nor element of the world but a strange excrement a corrupt superfluity and unkinde maladie For nothing absurd and against reason nothing fabulous and superstitious as some untruly thinke was inserted or served as a sacred signe in their holy ceremonies but they were all markes grounded upon causes and reasons morall and the same profitable for this life or else not without some historicall or naturall elegancy As for example that which is said of the oinion for that Dictys the foster father of Isis fell into the river of Nilus and was there drowned as he was reaching at oinions and could not come by them it is a mere fable and carieth no sense or probability in the world but the trueth is this the priests of Isis hate the oinion and avoid it as a thing abominable because they have observed that it never groweth nor thriveth well to any bignesse but in the decrease and waine of the Moone Neither is it meet and fit for those who would lead an holy and sanctified life or for such as celebrate solemne feasts and holidaies because it provoketh thirst in the former and in the other causeth teares if they feed thereupon And for the same reason they take the sow to be a prophane and uncleane beast for that ordinarily she goeth a brimming and admitteth the bore when the Moone is past the full and looke how many drinke of her milke they breake out into a kinde of leprosie or drie skurfe all over their bodies As touching the tale which they inferre who once in their lives doe sacrifice a sow when the Moone is in the full and then eat her flesh namely that Typhon hunting and chasing the wilde swine at the full of the Moone chanced to light upon an arke or coffin of wood wherein was the body of Osiris which he dismembred and threwaway by peece meale all men admit not thereof supposing that it is a fable as many others be misheard and misunderstood But this for certaine is held that our ancients in old time so much hated and abhorred all excessive delicacy superfluous and costly delights and voluptuous pleasures that they said within the temple of the city of Thebes in Aegypt there stood a square columne or pillar wherein were engraven certaine curses and execrations against their king Minis who was the first that turned and averted the Aegyptians quite from their simple and frugal maner of life without mony without sumptuous fare chargeable delights It is said also that Technatis the father of Bocchoreus in an expedition or journey against the Arabians when it chaunced that his cariages were far behind and came not in due time to the place where he incamped was content to make his supper of whatsoever he could get so to take up with a very small and simple pittance yea and after supper to lie upon a course and homely pallet where he slept all night very soundly and never awoke whereupon he ever after loved sobrietie of life srugality cursed the foresaid king Minis which malediction of his being by the priests of that time approved he caused to be engraven upon the pillar abovesaid Now their kings were created either out of the order of their priests or else out of the degree of knights and warriors for that the one estate was honored and accounted noble for valour the other for wisdome and knowledge And looke whomsoever they chose from out of the order of knighthood presently after his election he was admitted unto the colledge of priests and unto him were disclosed and communicated the secrets of their Philosophy which under the vaile of fables and darke speeches couched and covered many mysteries through which the light of the trueth in some sort though dimly appeare And this themselves seeme to signifie and give us to understand by setting up ordinarily before the porches and gates of their temples certaine Sphinges meaning thereby that all their Theologie containeth under aenigmaticall and covert words the secrets of wisdome In the citie of Sais the image of Minerva which they take to be Isis had such an inscription over it as this I am all that which hath beene which is and which shall be and never any man yet was able to draw open my vaile Moreover many there be of opinion that the proper name of Jupiter in the Aegyptians language is 〈◊〉 of which we have in Greeke derived the word Ammon whereupon 〈◊〉 Jupiter Ammon but Manethos who was an Aegyptian himselfe of the citie of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that by this word is signfied a thing hidden or occulation and 〈◊〉 the Abderite 〈◊〉 that the Aegyptians used this terme among themselves when they called one unto another for it was a vocative word and for that they imagined the prince and soveraigne of the gods to be the same that Pan that is to say an universall nature and therefore unseene hidden and unknowen they praied and be sought him for to disclose and make himselfe knowen unto them by calling him 〈◊〉 See then how the Aegyptians were very strict and precise in not profaning their wisdome nor publishing that learning of theirs which concerned the gods And this the greatest Sages and most learned clerkes of all Greece do testifie by name Solon Thales Plato Eudoxus Pythagoras as some let not to say Lycurgus himselfe who all travelled of a deliberate purpose into Aegypt for to confer with the priests of that country For it is constantly held that Eudoxus was the auditour of Chonupheus the priest of Memphis Solon of Sonchis the priest of 〈◊〉 Pythagoras of Oenupheus the priest of Heliopolis And verily this Pythagoras last named was highly
Memphis when it is just at the full commeth to foureteene cubits correspondent to the full Moone They holde moreover Apis to be the lively image of Osiris and that he is ingendred and bred at what time as the generative light descendeth from the Moone and toucheth the Cow desirous of the male and therefore Apis resembleth the formes of the Moone having many white spots obscured and darkened with the shadowes of blacke And this is the reason why they solemnize a feast in the new Moone of the moneth Phamenoth which they call The ingresse or entrance of Osiris to the Moone and this is the beginning of the Spring season and thus they put the power of Osiris in the Moone They say also that Isis which is no other thing but generation lieth with him and so they name the Moone Mother of the world saying that she is a double nature male and female female in that she doth conceive and is replenished by the Sunne and male in this regard that she sendeth forth and sprinkleth in the aire the seeds and principles of generation for that the drie distemperature and corruption of Typhon is not alwaies superior but often times vanquished by generation and howsoever tied it be and bound yet it riseth fresh againe and fighteth against Orus who is nothing els but the terrestriall world which is not altogether free from corruption nor yet exempt from generation Others there be who would have all this fiction covertly to represent no other thing but the ecclipses for the Moone is ecclipsed when she is at the full directly opposite to the Sunne and commeth to fall upon the shadow of the earth like as they say Osiris was put into the chest or coffer above said On the other side she seemeth to hide and darken the light of the Sunne upon certeine thirtieth daies but yet doth not wholly abolish the Sunne no more than Isis doth kill Typhon but when Nephthys bringeth forth Anubis Isis putteth herselfe in place for Nephthys is that which is under the earth and unseene but Isis that which is above and appeareth unto us and the circle named Horizon which is common to them both and parteth the two hemisphaeres is named Anubis and in forme resembleth a dogge for why a dogge seeth aswell by night as by day so that it should seeme that Anubis among the Aegyptians hath the like power that Proserpina among the Greeks being both terrestriall and coelestiall Others there be who thinke that Anubis is Saturne and because he is conceived with all things and bringeth them foorth which in Greeke the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth therefore he is surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say Adogge So that there is some hidden and mysticall secret in it that causeth some even still to reverence and adore A dogge for the time was when more worship was done unto it in Aegypt than to any other beast but after that Cambyses had killed Apis cut him in pieces and flung the same heere and there no other creature would 〈◊〉 neere to taste thereof save the dogge onely whereupon he lost that prerogative and preeminence to be more honoured than other beasts Others there are who would have the shadow of the earth which causeth the Moone to be ecclipsed when she entreth into it to be named Typhon And therefore me thinks it were not amisse to say that in particular there is not any one of these expositions and interpretations perfect by it selfe and right but all of them together cary some good cōstruction for it is neither drought alone nor winde nor sea ne yet darknesse but all that is noisome and hurtfull whatsoever and which hath a speciall part to hurt and destroy is called Typhon Nether must we put the principles of the whole world into bodies that have no life and soule as Democritus and Epicurus doe nor yet set downe for the workman and framer of the first matter a certeine reason and providence without quality as do the Stoicks such a thing as hath a subsistence before and above all and commandeth all for impossible it is that one sole cause good or bad should be the beginning of all things together for God is not the cause of any evill and the coagmentation of the world bendeth contrary waies like as the composition of a lute or bow as Heraclitus saith and according to Euripides Nothings can be by themselves good or bad That things do well a mixture must be had And therefore this opinion so very auncient is descended from Theologians and Law-givers unto Poets and Philosophers the certeine author and beginning whereof is not yet knowen howbeit so firmely grounded in the perswasion and beliefe of men that hard it is to suppresse or abolish the same so commonly divulged not onely in conferences disputations and ordinary speeches abroad but also in the sacrifices and divine ceremonies of gods service in many places as well among the Barbarians as Greeks to wit that neither this world floteth and waveth at aventure without the government of providence and reason nor reason onely it is that guideth directeth and holdeth it as it were with certeine helmes or bits of obeisance but manie things there be confused and mixed good and bad together or to speake more plainely there is nothing heere beneath that nature produceth and bringeth foorth which of it selfe is pure and simple neither is there one drawer of two tunnes to disperse and distribute abroad the affaires of this world like as a taverner or vintner doeth his wines or other liquors brewing and tempering one with another But this life is conducted by two principles and powers adverse one unto another for the one leadeth us to the right hand directly the other contrariwise turneth us aside and putteth us backe and so this life is mixt and the verie world it selfe if not all throughout yet at leastwise this beneath about the earth and under the Moone is unequall variable and subject to all mutations that possibly may be For if nothing there is that can be without a precedent cause and that which of it selfe is good can never minister cause of evill necessarie it is that nature hath some peculiar cause and beginning by itselfe of good aswell as of bad And of this opinion are the most part of the ancients and those of the wisest sort For some thinke there be two gods as it were of a contrary mystery profession the one author of all good things and the other of bad Others there be who call the better of them god and the other Daemon that is to say divell as Zoroastres the Magician did who by report was five thousand yeeres before the warre of Troy This Zoroastres I say named the good god Oromazes and the other Arimanius Moreover the gave out that the one resembled light more than any sensible thing else whatsoever the other darknesse and ignorance also that there is one in the middes betweene them
some who openly maintaine that Osiris is the Sunne and that the Greeks call him Sirtus but the article which the Aegyptians put before to wit O is the cause that so much is not evidently perceived as also that Isis is nothing else but the Moone and of her images those that have hornes upon them signifie no other thing but the Moone croissant but such as are covered and clad in blacke betoken those daies wherein she is hidden or darkened namely when she runneth after the Sunne which is the reason that in love matters they invocate the Moone And Eudoxus himselfe saith that Isis is the president over amatorious folke And verily in all these ceremonies there is some probabilitie and likelihood of trueth But to say that Typhon is the Sunne is so absurd that we ought not so much as give eare to those who affirme so But returne we now to our former matter For Isis is the feminine part of nature apt to receive all generation upon which occasion called she is by Plato the nurse and Pandeches that is to say capable of all yea and the common sort name her Myrionymus which is as much to say as having an infinite number of names for that she receiveth all formes and shapes according as it pleaseth that first reason to convert and turne her Moreover there is imprinted in her naturally a love of the first and principall essence which is nothing else but the soveraigne good and it she desireth seeketh and pursueth after Contrariwise she flieth and repelleth from her any part and portion that proceedeth from ill And howsoever she be the subject matter and meet place apt to receive as well the one as the other yet of it selfe enclined she is alwaies rather to the better and applieth herselfe to engender the same yea and to disseminate and sowe the defluxions and similitudes thereof wherein she taketh pleasure and rejoiceth when she hath conceived and is great therewith ready to be delivered For this is a representation and description of the substance engendred in matter and nothing else but an imitation of that which is And therefore you may see it is not besides the purpose that they imagine and devise the soule of Osiris to be eternall and immortall but as for the body that Typhon many times doth teare mangle and abolish it that it cannot be seene and that Isis goeth up and downe wandring heere and there gathering together the dismembred pieces thereof for that which is good and spirituall by consequence is not any waies subject to change and alteration but that which is sensible and materiall doth yeeld from it selfe certeine images admitting withall and receiving sundry porportions formes and similitudes like as the prints and stamps of seales set upon waxe doe not continue and remaine alwaies but are subject to change alteration disorder and trouble and this same was chased from the superor region and sent downe hither where it fighteth against Horus whom Isis engendred sensible as being the very image of the spirituall and intellectuall world And heereupon it is that Typhon is said to accuse him of bastardie as being nothing pure and sincere like unto his father to wit reason and understanding which of it selfe is simple and not medled with any passion but in the matter adulterate and degenerat by the reason that it is corporall Howbeit in the end the victorie is on Mercuries side for hee is the discourse of reason which testifieth unto us and sheweth that nature hath produced this world materiall metamorphozed to the spirituall forme for the nativity of Apollo engendred betweene Isis Osiris whiles the gods were yet in the belly of Rhea symbolizeth thus much that before the world was evidently brought to light and fully accomplished the matter of reason being found naturally of it selfe rude and unperfect brought foorth the first generation for which cause they say that god being as yet lame was borne and begotten in darkenesse whom they call the elder Horus For the world yet it was not but an image onely and designe of the world and a bare fantasie of that which should be But this Horus heere is determinate definit and perfect who killeth not Typhon right out but taketh from him his force and puissance that he can doe little or nothing And heereupon it is that by report in the citie Coptus the image of Horus holdeth in one hand the generall member of Typhon and they fable besides that Mercurie having berest him of his 〈◊〉 made thereof strings for his harpe and so used them Heereby they teach that reason framing the whole world set it in tune and brought it to accord framing it of those parts which before were at jarre and discord howbeit remooved not nor abolished altogether the pernicious and hurtfull nature but accomplished the vertue thereof And therefore it is that it being feeble and weake wrought also as it were and intermingled or interlaced with those parts and members which be subject to passions and mutations causeth earthquakes and tremblings excessive heates and extreame drinesse with extraordinarie windes in the aire besides thunder lightnings and firie tempests It impoisoneth moreover the waters and windes infecting them with pestilence reaching up and bearing the head aloft as farre as to the Moone obscuring and darkning many times even that which is by nature cleane and shining And thus the Aegyptians do both thinke and say that Typhon sometime strooke the eie of Horus and another while plucked it out of his head and devoured it and then afterwards delivered it againe unto the Sunne By the striking aforesaid they meane aenigmatically the wane or decrease of the Moone monethly by the totall privation of the eie they understand her ecclipse and defect of light which the Sunne doth remedy by relumination of her streight waies as soone as she is gotten past the shade of the earth But the principall and more divine nature is composed and consisteth of three things to wit of an intellectuall nature of matter and a compound of them both which we call the world Now that intellectuall part Plato nameth Idea the patterne also of the father as for matter he termeth it a mother nurse a foundation also and a plot or place for generation and that which is produced of both he is woont to call the issue and thing procreated And a man may very well conjecture that the Aegyptians compared the nature of the whole world especially to this as the fairest triangle of all other And Plato in his books of policy or common wealth seemeth also to have used the same when he composeth and describeth his nuptiall figure which triangle is of this sort that the side which maketh the right angle is of three the basis of foure and the third line called Hypotinusa of five aequivolent in power to the other two that comprehend it so that the line which directly falleth plumbe upon the base must answer proportionably to the male
〈◊〉 that his debt did grow unto him by the interest for use Furthermore because ever and anon the same Homer attributeth unto the night the epither 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth Quicke and sharpe you Grammarians are much affected to this word saying He understandeth thereby that the shadow of the earth being round groweth point-wise or sharp at the end in maner of a cone or pyramis And what is he who standing upon this point that small things may not be the proofes and signes of greater matters will approove this argument in Physicke namely that when there is a multitude of spiders seene it doeth prognosticate a pestilent Summer or in the Spring season when the leaves of the olive tree resemble the crowes-feet Who I say will ever abide to take the measure of the Sunnes body by clepsydres or water-dials with a gallon or pinte of water or that a tyle-formed tablet making a sharpe angle by the plumbe enclining upon a plaine superficies should shew the just measure of the elevation of pole from the Horizon which alwaies is to be seene in our Hemisphaere Loe what the priests and prophets in those parts may alledge and say And therefore we ought to produce some other reasons against them in case we would mainteine the course of the Sunne to be constant and unvariable as we hold heere in these countries And not of the Sunne onely cried out with a loud voice Ammonius the Philosopher who was then in place but also of the whole heaven which by this reckoning commeth in question For if it be granted that the yeeres decrease the race of the Sunne which he runneth betweene the one Tropique and the other must of necessity be cut shorter and that it taketh not up so great a part of the Horizon as the Mathematicians set downe but that it becommeth shorter and lesse according as the Southern or Meridionall parts be contracted and gather alwaies toward the Septentrionall and Northerne Whereupon it will ensue that our Summer will be shorter and the temperature of the aire by consequence colder by reason that the Sunne turneth more inwardly and describeth greater paralelles or equidistant circles than those be about the Tropicks at the longest and shortest daies of the yeere Moreover this would follow heereupon that the Gnomons in the dials at Syene in Aegypt will be no more shadowlesse at the Summer Tropicke or Solstice and many of the fixed starres will runne under one another some also of them wil be forced for want of roome to runne one upon another and be hudled pell-mell together And if they shall say that when other starres hold their owne and keepe their ordinary courses the Sunne onely observeth no order in his motions they cannot alledge any cause that should so much as hasten his motion alone among so many others as there be but they shall trouble and disquiet most of those things which are seene evidently above and namely those generally which happen unto the Moone in regard of the Sunne So that we shal have no need of those who observe the measures of oile for to proove the diversitie of the yeeres because the ecclipses both of the Moone and Sun will sufficiently shew if there be any at all for that the Sun shall many times meet with the Moone and the Moone reciprocally fall as often within the shadow of the earth so as we shall need no more to display and discover the vanity and falsitie of this reason Yea but I my selfe quoth Cleombrotus have seene the said measure of oile for they shewed many of them unto me and that of this present yeere when I was with them appeered to be much lesse than those in yeeres past So that Ammonius made answer in this wise And how is it that other men who adore the inextinguible fires who keepe and preserve the same religiously for the space of an infinit number of yeeres one after another could not as well perceive and observe so much And say that a man should admit this report of yours to be true as touching the measures of the oile were it not much better to ascribe the cause thereof unto some coldnesse or moisture of the aire or rather contrariwise to some drinesse and heat by reason whereof the fire in the lampe being enfeebled is not able to spend so much nutriment and therefore hath no need thereof For I have heard it many times affirmed by some That in Winter the fire burneth much better as being more stronger more fortified by reason that the heat thereof is drawen in more united and driven closer by the exterior colde whereas great heats and droughts doe weaken the strength thereof so as it becommeth faint loose and rawe without any great vehemencie and vigour nay if a man kindle it against the Sunne-shine the operation of it is lesse hardly catcheth it hold of the wood or fewell and more slowly consumeth it the same But most of all a man may lay the cause upon the oile it selfe for it goeth not against reason to say that in old time the oile was of lesse nutriment and stood more upon the waterish substance than now it doth as pressed out of olives which grew upon yoong trees but afterwards being better concocted and riper in the fruit comming of plants more perfect and fully growen in the same quantity was more effectuall and able longer to nourish and mainteine the fire Thus you see how a man may salve and save that supposition of the Ammonian priests although it seeme very strange and woonderfully extravagant After that Ammonius had finished his speech Nay rather quoth I Cleombrotus I beseech you tell us somewhat of the oracle for there hath gone a great name time out of minde of the deity resident there but now it seemeth that the reputation thereof is cleane gone And when Cleombrotus made no answer heereto but held downe his head and cast his eies upon the ground There is no neede quoth Demetrius to demaund or make any question of the oracles there when as we see the oracles in these parts to faile or rather indeed all save one or two brought to nothing This rather would be enquired into what the cause should be that generally they all doe cease For to what purpose should we speake of others considering that Boeotia it selfe which heeretofore in old time resounded and rung againe with oracles now is quite voide of them as if the springs and fountaines were dried up and a great siccitie and drought of oracles had come over the whole land For there is not at this day goe throughout all Boeotia unlesse it be onely in Lebadia one place where a man may would he never so faine draw any divination what need soever he hath of any oracle for all other parts are either mute or altogether desolate and forlorne And yet in the time of the Medes warre the oracle of Ptous Apollo was in great request and that of Amphiaraus
and the same denomination like as we doe the sea also for all the parts of the earth are called earth and of the sea likewise but no part of the world is world for that it is composed of divers and different hatures For as touching that inconvenience which some especially feare who spend all matter within one world lest forsooth if there remained any thing without it should trouble the composition and frame thereof by the jurres and resistances that it would make furely there is no such cause why they should feare for when there be many worlds and ech of them particularly having one definit and determinate measure and limit of their substance and matter no part thereof will be without order and good disposition nothing will remaine superfluous as an excrement without to hinder or impeach for that the reason which belongeth to ech world being able to rule and governe the matter that is allotted thereto will not suffer any thing to goe out of course and order and wandring to and fro for to hit and run upon another world nor likewise that from another ought should come for to rush upon it because in nature there is nothing in quantity infinit inordinate nor in motion without reason order But say there should happly be some deflux or effluence that pasleth from one world to another the same is a brotherly sweet and amiable communication and such as very well agreeth to all much like unto the lights of starres and the influences of their temperatures which are the cause that they themselves doe joy in beholding one another with a kinde and favourable aspect yea and yeeld unto the gods which in every starre be many and those good meanes to intertaine and embrace one another most friendly For in all this verily there is nothing impossible nothing fabulous nor contrary unto reason unlesse paradventure some there be who will suspect and feare the reason and sentence of Aristotle as consonant unto nature For if as he saith every body hath a proper and naturall place of the owne by reason thereof necessarily it must be that the earth from all parts should tend toward the midst and the water afterwards upon it serving by meanes of their weight and ponderosity in stead of a foundation to other elements of a lighter substance And therefore quoth he if there were many worlds it would fall out oftentimes that the earth should be found situate above aire and fire and as often under them likewise the aire and fire sometime under otherwhiles in their naturall places and againe in others contrary to their nature Which being impossible as he thinketh it must follow of necessity that there be neither two nor more worlds but one alone to wit this which we visibly 〈◊〉 composed of all sorts of substance and disposed according to nature as is meet and convenient for diversity of bodies But in all this there is more apparent probability than verity indeed For the better proofe heereof consider I pray you my good friend Demetrius that when he saith among simple bodies some bend directly to the midst that is to say downward others from the midst that is to say upward and a third sort move round about the midst and circularly in what respect taketh he the midst Certaine it is not in regard of voidnesse for there is no such thing in nature even by his owne opinion againe according unto those that admit it middle can it have none no more than first or last For these be ends and extremities and that which is infinite must consequently be also without an end But suppose that some one of them should enforce us to admit a middle in that voidnesse impossible it is to conceive and imagine the difference in motions of bodies toward it because there is not in that voidnesse any puissance attractive of bodies nor yet within the same bodies any deliberation or inclination and affection to tend from all sides to this middle But no lesse impossible is it to apprehend that of bodies having no soule any should moove of themselves to an incorporall place and having no difference of situation than it is that the same should draw them or give them any motion or inclination to it It remaineth then that this middle ought to be understood not locally but corporally that is to say not in regard of place but of body For seeing this world is an union or masse compounded of many bodies different and unlike conjoigned together it must needs be that their diversities engender motions discrepant and 〈◊〉 one from the other which appeereth by this that every of these bodies changing substance change their place also withall For the subtilization and rarefaction distributeth round about the matter which ariseth from the midst and ascendeth on high contrariwise condensation and constipation depresseth and driveth it downeward to the middle But of this point we need not discourse any more in this place For what cause soever a man shall suppose to produce such passions and mutations the same shall containe in it a severall world for that each of them hath an earth and sea of the owne each one hath her owne proper middle as also passions and alterations of bodies together with a nature and power which preserveth and 〈◊〉 every one in their place and being For that which is without whether it have nothing at all or else an infinite voidnesse middle can it affoord none as we have said before but there being many worldes each of them hath a proper middle apart in such sort as in every one there shall be motions proper unto bodies some falling downe to the midst others mounting aloft from the midst others mooving round about the midst according as they themselves doe distinguish motions And he who would have that there being many middles weighty bodies from all parts should tend unto one alone may very well be compared unto him who would have the blood of many men to run from all parts into one vaine likewise that all their braines should be contained within one and the same membraine or pannicle supposing it a great inconvenience and absurdity if of naturall bodies all that are solide be not in one and the same place and the rare also in another Absurd is he that thus saith and no lesse foolish were the other who thinketh much and is offended if the whole should have all parts in their order range and situation naturall For it were a very grosse absurdity for a man to say there were a world which had the Moone in it so situate as if a man should carry his braine in his heeles and his heart in the temples of his head but there were no absurdity nor inconvenience if in setting downe many distinct worldes and those separate one from another a man should distinguish with all and separate their parts For in every of them the earth the sea and the skie shall be so placed and
paused and held my peace Then Philippus making no long stay As for me I will not greatly strive nor stand upon it quoth he whether the trueth be so or otherwise but in case we force God out of the superintendance of one onely world how is it that we make him to be Creatour of five worlds neither more nor lesse and what the peculiar and speciall reason is of this number to a plurality of worlds rather than of any other I would more willingly know than the occasion or cause why this Mot EI is so consecrated in this Temple For it is neither a triangular nor a quadrat nor a perfect ne yet a cubique number neither seemeth it to represent any other elegancie unto those who love and esteeme such speculations as these And as for the argument inferred from the number of elements which Plato himselfe obscurely and under covert tearmes touched it is very hard to comprehend neither doeth it carie and shew any probabilitie whereby he should be induced to conclude and draw in a consequence that like it is considering in matter there be engendered five sorts of regular bodies having equall angels equall sides and environed with equall superficies there should semblably of these five bodies be five worlds made and formed from the very first beginning And yet quoth I it should seeme that Theodorus the Solian expounding the Mathematicks of Plato handleth this matter not amisse nor misinterpreteth the place and thus goeth he to worke The Pyramis Octaedron Dodecaedron and Icosaedron which Plato setteth downe for the first bodies are right beautifull all both for their proportions and also for their equalities neither is there left for nature any other to devise and forme better than they or indeed answerable and like unto them Howbeit they have not all either the same constitution nor the like originall for the least verily and smallest of the five is the Pyramis the greatest and that which consisteth of most parts is Dodecaedron and of the other two behind the Icosaedron is bigger by two fold and more than Octaedron if you compare their number of triangles And therfore impossible it is that they should be all made at once of one and the same matter for the small and subtile and such as in composition are more simple than the rest were more pliable no doubt and obedient unto the hand of workemen who mooved and formed the matter and therefore by all consequence sooner made and brought into subsistence than those which had more parts and a greater masse of bodies of which and namely of such as had more laborious making and a busier composition is Dodecaedron Whereupon it followeth necessarily that the Pyramis onely was the first body and not any of the other as being by nature created and produced afterwards But the remedie and meanes to salve and avoid this absurditie also is to separate and devide the matter into five worlds for here the Pyramis came foorth first there the Octaedron and elsewhere the Icosaedron and in every of these worlds out of that which came first into esse the rest drew their originall by the concretion of parts which causeth them all to change into all according as Plato doth insinuate discoursing by examples in maner throughout all but it shall suffice us briefly to learne thus much For aire is engendred by the extinction of fire and the same againe being subtilized and rarefied produceth fire Now in the seeds of these two a man may know their passions and the transmutations of all The seminary or beginning of fire is the Pyramis composed of foure twenty first triangles but the seminary of the aire is Octaedron consisting of triangles of the same kind in number fortie eight And thus the one element of aire standeth upon two of fire composed and conjoined together and againe one body or element of the aire is devided and parted into twaine of fire which becomming to be thickned and constipate more still in it selfe turneth into the forme of water in such sort as throughout that which commeth first into light giveth alwaies a ready and easie generation unto all the rest by way of change and transmutation and so that never remaineth solitary and alone which is first but as one masse and constitution hath the primitive antecedent motion in another of originall beginning so in all there is kept one name and denomination Now surely quoth Ammonius it is stoutly done of Theodorus and he hath quit himselfe very well in fetching about this matter so industriously But I would much marvell if these presuppositions of his making do not overthrow and refute one another for he would have that these five worlds were not composed all at once together but that the smallest and most subtile which required least workmanship in the making came foorth first then as a thing consequent and not repugnant at all he supposeth that the matter doth not thrust foorth alwaies into essence that which is most subtile and simple but that otherwhiles the thickest the most grosse and heaviest parts shew first in generation But over and besides all this after a supposall made that there be five primitive bodies or elements and consequently thereupon five worlds he applieth not his proofe and probabilitie but unto foure onely For as touching the cube he subtracteth and remooveth it quite away as they doe who play at nine holes and who trundle little round stones for that such a square quadrate body every way is naturally unfit either to turne into them or to yeeld them any meanes to turne into it for that the triangles of which they be composed are not of the same kind for all the rest do in a common consist of a demi-triangle as the base but the proper subject whereof this cube particularly standeth is the triangle Isoscetes which admitteth no inclination unto a demi-triangle nor possibly can be concorporate or united to it Now if it be so that of those five bodies there be consequently five worlds that in ech one of those world 's the beginning of their generation and constitution is that body which is first produced and brought to light it would come to passe that where the cube commeth foorth first for the generation of the rest none of the other bodies can possibly be there forasmuch as the nature of it is not to turne or change into any one of them For I let passe heere to alledge that the element or principle whereof Dodecaedron is composed is not that triangle which is called Scalenon with three unequall sides but some other as they say how ever Plato hath made his Pyramis Octaedron and Icosaedron of it And therefore quoth Ammonius smiling thereat either you must dissolve these objections or else alledge some new matter as touching the question now presently in hand Then answered I For mine owne part alledge I am not able at this time any thing that carieth more probability but
also powre forth our praiers unto them for to have their answere from the Oracles and to what purpose I pray you if it be true that our owne soules bring with them a propheticall facultie and vertue of divination and the cause which doth excite and actuate the same be some temperature of the aire or rather of winde What meanes then the sacred institutions and creations of these religious prophetesses ordained for the pronouncing of answeres And what is the reason that they give no answere at all unlesse the host or sacrifice to be killed tremble all over even from the very feet and shake whiles the libaments effusions of halowed liquors be powred upon it For it is not enough to wag the head as other beasts doe which are slaine for sacrifice but this quaking panting and shivering must be throughout all the parts of the body and that with a trembling noise For if this be wanting they say the Oracle giveth no answere neither doe they so much as bring in the religious priestesse Pythia And yet it were probable that they should both doe and thinke thus who attribute the greatest part of this propheticall inspiration either to God or Daemon But according as you say there is no reason or likelihood therof for the exhalation that ariseth out of the ground whether the beast tremble or no will alwaies if it be present cause a ravishment and transportation of the spirit and evermore dispose the soule alike not onely of Pythia but also of any body else that first commeth or is presented And thereupon it followeth that a meere folly it is to employ one silly woman in the Oracle and to put her to it poore soule to be a votary and live a pure maiden all the daies of her life sequestred from the company of man And as for that Coretas whom the Delphians name to have beene the first that chancing to fall into this chinke or crevasse of the ground gave the hansell of the vertue and property of the place in mine opinion he differed nothing at all from other goteheards or shepheards nor excelled them one whit at least wise if this be a truth that is reported of him and not a meere fable and vaine fiction as I suppose it is no better And verily when I consider and discourse in my selfe how many good things this Oracle hath beene cause of unto the Greeks as well in their warres and martiall affaires as in the foundations of cities in the distresses of famine and pestilence me thinkes it were a very indignity and unworthy part to attribute the invention and originall thereof unto meere fortune and chance and not unto God and divine providence But upon this point I would gladly ô Lamprias quoth he have you to dispute and discourse a little how say you Philippus may it please you to have patience the while Most willingly quoth Philippus for my part and so much I may be bold also to promise in the behalfe of all the company for I see well that the question by you proposed hath moved them all And as for my selfe quoth I ô Philippus it hath not onely moved but also abashed and dismaied me for that in this so notable assembly and conference of so many worthy parsonages I may seeme above mine age in bearing my selfe and taking pride in the probability of my wordes to overthrow or to call into question any of those things which truely have beene delivered or religiously beleeved as touching God and divine matters But satisfie you I will and in the defence of my selfe produce for my witnesse and advocate both Plato For this Philosopher reprooved old Anaxagoras in that being to much addicted to naturall causes and entangled with them following also and pursuing alwaies that which necessarily is effected in the passions and affections of naturall bodies he overpassed the finall and efficient causes for which and by which thinges are done and those are indeed the better causes and principles of greater importance whereas himselfe either before or else most of all other Philosophers hath prosecuted them both attributing unto God the beginning of all things wrought by reason and not depriving in the meane while the matter of those causes which are necessary unto the worke done but acknowledging heerein that the adorning and dispose of all this world sensible dependeth not upon one simple cause alone as being pure and uncompound but was engendred and tooke essence when matter was coupled and conjoined with reason That this is so doe but consider first the workes wrought by the hand of Artisans as for example not to goe farther for the matter that same foot heere and basis so much renowmed of the standing cup among other ornaments and oblations of this temple which Herodotus called Hypocreteridion this hath for the materiall cause verily fire iron the mollefying by the meanes of fire and the tincture or dipping in water without which this peece of worke could not possibly have bene wrought But the more principall cause and mistresse indeed which mooved all this and did worke by all these was art and reason applied unto the worke And verily we see that over such peeces whether they be pictures or other representations of things the name of the artificer and workeman is written as for example This picture Polygnotus drew of Troy won long beforne Who father had Aglaophon and was in Thasos borne And verily he it was indeed as you see who painted the destruction of Troy but without colours ground confused and mingled one with another impossible had it beene for him to have exhibited such a picture so faire and beautifull to the eie as it is If then some one come now and will needs medle with the materiall cause searching into the alterations and mutations thereof particularizing of Sinopre mixed with Ochre or Cerusse with blacke doth he impaire or diminish the glory of the painter 〈◊〉 He also who discourseth how iron is hardned and by what meanes mollified and how being made soft and tender in the fire it yeeldeth and obaieth them who by beating and knocking drive it out in length and bredth and afterwards being dipped and plunged into fresh waters still by the actuall coldnesse of the said water for that the fire heats had softened and rarefied it before it is thrust close together and condensate by meanes whereof it getteth that stiffe compact and hard temper of steele which Homer calleth the very force of iron reserveth he for the workeman any thing lesse heereby in the principall cause and operation of his worke I suppose he doth not For some there be who make proofe and triall of Physicke drogues and yet I trow they condemne not thereby the skill of Physicke like as Plato also himselfe when he saith That we doe see because the light of our eie is mixed with the cleerenesse of the Sunne and heare by the percussion and beating of the aire doth not deny that we have the
priestresse or prophetisse who pronounced the answeres at the oracle of Apollo Pythius at Delphos who tooke that name of Python there slaine by him and lying putrified or of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say To aske and demand for the resort of people thither to be resolved by him of their doubts Pythick or Pythian games were celebrated to the honour of Apollo Pythius neere the city Delphos with greate solemnity instituted first by Diomedes and yeerely renewed Q QUintus A fore name to divers Romanes Quaternary the number of Foure called likewise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so highly celebrated by the Pythagoreans comprising in it the proportion Epitritos whereof ariseth the musicall harmonie Diatessaron for it containeth three and the third part of three also Diplasion because it comprehendeth two duple whence ariseth the musicke diapason and Disdiapason being dubled which is an Eight the perfect harmony according to the proverbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also in that it containeth all numbers within it for one two three and foure arise to Ten beyond which we cannot ascend but by repetition of former numbers Quaestors inferior officers in Rome in maner of Treasurers whose charge was to receive and lay out the cities mony and revenewes of state of which sort there were Urbani for the city it selfe Provinciales for the provinces and Castrenses for the campe and their warres Quinquertium named in Greeke Pentathlon Five exercises or feats of activity among the greeks practised at their solemne games namely launcing the dart throwing the coit running a race wrestling and leaping See Pancratium R RAdicall moisture Is the substantiall humidity in living bodies which is so united with naturall heat that the one maintaineth the other and both preserve life To Rarifie that is to say To make more subtile light and thin Rectdivation Is a relapse or falling backe into a sicknesse which was in the way of recovery and commonly is more dangerous than the former Recidiva pejor radice Regents Professours in the liberall sciences and in Philosophi a tearme usuall in the Universities Reverberation that is to say A smiting or driving backe Rhapsodie A 〈◊〉 together or conjoining of those Poems and verses especially heroicke or hexametre which before were loose and scattered such as were those of Homer when they were reduced into one entier body of Ilias and Odyssca Those Poets also who recite or pronounce such verses were tearmed Rhapsodi Rivals and Corrivals Counter-suiters or those who make love together unto one and the same woman To Ruminate that is to say To ponder and consider or revolve a thing in the minde a borrowed speech from beasts that chew the cudde S SAtyri Woodwoses or monstrous creatures with tailes yet resembling in some sort partly men women in part goats given much to venery and lasciviousnesse whereupon they had that name also to scurrill frumping and jibing for which they were also called Sileni especially when they grew aged supposed by the rurall heardmen to be the fairies or gods I would not else of the woods Satyrae or Satyrs were certaine Poems received in place of Comoedia vetus detesting and reprooving the misdemeanours of people and their vices at first by way of myrth and jest not sharpely and after a biting maner to the shame disgrace or hurt of any person such were they that Horace composed howbeit they grew afterward to more diracity and licentiousnesse noting in broad tearmes without respect all leaudnesse and sparing no degree as those were of Juvenales and Persius penning Latine poets onely handled this argument both in the one sort and the other Scammonie A medicinable plant and the juice thereof issuing out of the roote when it is wounded or cut it purgeth yellow choler strongly The same juice or liquor being concrete or thickned and withall corrected is called Dacrydium as one would say the teares destilling from the roote and is the same which the unlearned Apothecaries call Diagridium as if forsooth it were some compound like their Diaphaenicon Scelet The dead body of a man artificially dried or tanned for to be kept and seene a long time It is taken also for a dead carcasse of man or woman represented with the bones onely and ligaments Scepticke philosophers Who descended from Pyrrho so called for that they would consider of all matters in question but determine of none and in this respect they were more precise than the Academicks Scolia Were certeine songs and carols sung at feasts Scrutinie A search and properly a perusing of suffrages or voices at elections or judiciall courts for the triallor passing of any cause Secundine The skinne that enwrappeth the childe or yoong thing in the wombe in women the after-birth or later-birth in beasts the heame Senarie The number of sixe also a kinde of verse See Iambus Septimane A weeke or seven-night Also what soever falleth out upon the seventh daie moneth yeere c. as Septimanae foeturae in Arnobius for children borne at the seventh moneth after conception and Septimanae 〈◊〉 Agues returning with their fits every seventh day Serg. Sergius Forenames to certeine families in Rome Serv. Servius  Sex Sextus  Sesquialteral A proportion by which is ment that which conteineth the whole and halfe againe as 6. to 4. 12. to 8. It is also named Hemiolios Sesqui-tertian A proportion whereby is understood as much as comprehendeth the whole and one third part as 12. to 9. and the same is called 〈◊〉 Sesqui-octave That which compriseth the whole and one 8 part as 9 to 8 18 to 16 in Greeke Eptogdoos or Epogdoos Soloecisme Incongruity of speech or defect in the purity thereof It arose of those who being Athenians borne and dwelling in Soli a city in 〈◊〉 spake not pure Attick but mixt with the Solians language Solstice The Sunne-steed which is twice in the yeere in Iune December when the Sunne seemeth to stand for a while at the very point of the Tropicks either going from us or comming toward us as if hee returned from the end of his race North and South Sp. Spurius A forename to some Romanes Spasmes that is to say Crampes or painfull pluckings of the muskles and sinewes See Convulsions And Spasmaticke full of such or given thereto Sphaeres The circles or globs of the seven planets as also the compasse of the heaven above all Spissitude Thicknesse or dimnesse Spondaeus An hymne sung at sacrifices and libations Also a metricall foot in verse consisting of two long syllables whereof principally such hymnes or songs were composed Stadium A race or space of ground conteining 625. foote whereof eight make a mile consisting of a thousand paces which are five thousand foot reckoning five foot for a pace for so much commonly a man taketh at once in his pace that is to say in his stepping forward and remooving one foot before another Stoicks Certeine Philosophers whose first master
a token of mortalitie 766.30 Geometricall proportion allowed in Lacedaemon by Lycurgus 767.50 Geometrie commended 767.10 in what subjects or objects it is occupied 767.20.30 Geomori who they were 904.40 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say Honour why so termed in Greeke 391.30 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 why old men be so called 391.30 Geryones or Geryon a wonderfull giant 374.20 Gidica her villany 916. 10. she hangeth her selfe ib. Glasse with what heat it is best melted and wrought 697.1 Glaucia with childe by Deimachus 901.10 Glaucia a riveret of her name ib. 20 Glancopis why the Moone is called so 1174.1 Glaucus his foolish bargaine with Diomedes 1087.20 Lucius Glauco lost both his hands 906.40 Glory of what account it is 6.50 Glosses 28.50 Glottae 1311.40 Gluttons abroad spary at home 614.30 Gnathaenium the name of an harlot 1144.1 Gnatho a smell feast 754.40 Gnatho the Sicilian a glutton 606.30 Go we to Athens 898.30 Goats very subject to the falling sicknesse 886.40 Goats rivers a place so called 922.10 Goats of Candie cured by Dictamnus 569.40 Goats commending their pasturage and feeding 702.10 a Goat fancied Glauce 966.30 God how he is called Father and Creatour 766.30 God 768.50 Gods and Goddesses how they differ 766.40.50 how God is said by Plato to practise Geometrie continually 767 10. how he framed the world 768.10 God manageth great affaires onely 364.40 Gods nature what it is according to Plutarch 263.40 God seemeth to deferre punishment for causes to him best knowen 541 God immortall 1099.1 God is not Philornis but Philanthropos 1221.10 God not the authour of euill 1033.50 God described by Antipater 1076 10 Gods which were begotten which not 1076.20 God what he is 808.10.809.20 notion of God how it came 809.20 God his nature described 1335.50 Gods worship in three sorts 810.10 Gods the Sunne and Moone why called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 810.20 Gods good and profitable 810.20 Gods bad and hurtfull ib. Gods fabulous 810.30 what God is Sundry opinions of Philosophers 812 God the father and maker of all things 1018.1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 953.10 Goldsmiths with what fire they melt work their gold 699.1 Gold why it maketh no good sound 770.10 Good or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifieth 868.40 Good or bad things simply 1084.40 to Good men what epithets and additions Homer giveth 1297.10 a Goose in love with a boy 966.30 Geese silent as the flie over the mount Taurus 202.10 Geese of Cilicia how witty they are 959.50 Geese saved the Capitoll of Rome 638. 20. carried in a shew at Rome 638. 30. how they restraine their owne gagling ib. Gorgias 〈◊〉 the great Rhetorician 919. 20. his apophthegme of Tragoedies 985.10 Gorgias could not keepe his owne house in peace 323.20 Gorgo the wife of Leonidas a stout dame 464.30 her apophthegme ib. Gorgo the daughter of Cleomenes her apophthegmes 479.40 Gorgon and Asander 1152.20 Governours of youth how to be chosen 5.10 Government politicke the best 940 50 of Governments the exorbitations 941.30 C. Gracchus 348. 50. by what device he did moderate his voice in pleading 122.10 Graces why placed with Venus and Mercury 316. 10. their names 292.1 Grammar what art it is 1249.1 Grashoppers sacred and musicall 777.10 Greece in Plutarchs time fallen to a low ebbe 1326.1 〈◊〉 and Galatians buried quicke by the Romans 878.40 Greekes what opinion they have of the gods 1306.40 Greekes compared with the Aegyptians in matters of religion 1315.10 Guests ought to sort well together 722.1 Guests sit close at first but more at large toward the end 722.20 Guests invited ought to be of acquaintance 755.40 Guests invited coming last to a feast 775.20 A Guest ought to come prepared to a feast 328.10 Guests how to be placed at a feast 646.20 how to be pleased at the table 648.20 allowed their chaplets of flowres 680 20 Whether it be commendable for Guests to weare garlands 682.10 Of Guests a multitude to be avoided at a feast 721.20 The guide a fish 975.30 Gurmandise in men taxed by Gryllus 669.10 Gifts none betweene wife and husband 853.1 No gifts from sonne in law or father in law 853.20 Gymnasia the overthrew of Greece 864.20 Gymnopaedia what daunce 1251 30 Gymnosophists 1270.30 Gyrtias her apophthegmes 480.1 H HAbitude in the soule what it is 67.40 Hades and Dionysius both one 1298.40 Haile how it commeth 828. 10 how it may be averted 746.30 Haire long commended and commanded by Lycurgus 422.40 Haire long commended 423.10 Halo the circle how it is made 832.40 Halcyones sea-birds see Alciones 633.50 Hamedriades why so called 1327 50 Hamoxocylistae a family in Megara 905.40 Hands alwaies warme holsome and good for health 611.40 Hands most artificious instruments 174.40 Hanno banished for ruling a lion 349.50 Happinesse diversly taken by Poets and philosophers 32.30 Happinesse not to be measured by time 1333.1 Hares how crafty they are 965.1 The Hare why not eaten among the lewes 111.10 Hares of exquisit sense 711.10 Hares and asses alike ib. Harma the name of a city 908.20 Harmatios what tune or song 1251.1 Harmonia what goddesse 1306 50 Harmonie what Daemon 157.40 Harmonicke musicke 976.40 Harmonice 1019.1 Harmony commended 1255.30 Harpalus endevoured to have Ivy grow about Babylon 685.20 An Harpe or lute going about the table 645.10 Harpe familiar at feasts 760.20 Harpocrates the sonne of Osiris by Isis wanteth his nether parts 1295.1 Harpocrates his portracture 1313.50 Harts or Stagges age 1327.30 Hatred how engendred 234.20 it differeth from envie 234.1 Hauke symbolizeth god 1300.20 Hauke symbolizeth Osiris 1308.10 Hautboies and slute 760.30 commended at feasts ib. Romanes worshipped the gods with their Heads covered but men bare headed 853.50 Health what it is 849.30 Health of what price 6.50 Health the best sauce 615.20 by what meanes mainteined 618.50 Health and pleasure agree well together 702.1 Health how it is accounted of diversly 75.20 Heart not to be eaten 15.20 Heat naturall mainteined most by moisture 730 Heat putrifieth things 774.10 Heats by fire of divers kindes and sundry operations 697.1 Heaven how the Aegyptians pourtray 1291.30 Heaven how made 808.30 Heaven beautifull 809 Heaven what substance it hath 830. into how many circles divided 820.40 Heare much and say little 53.20 Hearing how to be emploied 18.40 presenteth the greatest passions to the minde 52.10 ought to goe before speech 52.50 Hearers how they should be qualified 53.20 c. they ought to sequester envy and ambition 53.50 how they should behave them selves in praising the speaker 58.40 Hebius Tolieix 915.40 Hecates gulfe in the Moone 1183 30 Hecatompedon a temple of Minerva in Athens 963.20 Hecatomphonia 341.10 Hector noted for presumption 24.40 Hegesias caused his scholars to pine themselves 223.1 Hegesippus surnamed Crobylus his apophthegme 420.40 Helbia a vestall nunne smitten with lightning 878.20 Helena escaped sacrificing 916.10 how in Homer she spiceth her cups 644.1 Helepolis an engine of battery 415.30 Heliope what Daemon 157.30 Helitomenus 1295.1 Hellanicus a
the wife and thought them to be of the same nature Or was it not thought that giving of presents was of all other the least worst signe of amity and good will for even strangers and such as beare no love at all use in that sort to be giving and in that regard they would banish out of marriage such kind of pleasing and curring favour to the end that the 〈◊〉 love and affection between the parties should be free and without respect of 〈◊〉 and gaine even for it selfe and nothing else in the world Or because women commonly admit and entertaine straungers as corrupted by receiving of presents and gifts at their hands it was thought to stand more with honour and reputation that 〈◊〉 should love their owne husbands though they gave them nothing by way of gift Or rather for that it was meet and requisit that the goods of the husband should be common to the wife and to the wife likewise of the husband for the partie who receiveth a thing in gift doth learne to repute that which was not given to be none of his owne but belonging to 〈◊〉 so that man and wife in giving never so little one to another despoile and defraud themselves of all that is beside 8 What might be the cause that they were forbidden to receive any gift either of Sonne in law or Father in law OF Sonne in law for feare lest the gift might be thought by the meanes of the Father to passe about the returne unto the wife and of the Father in law because it was supposed meet and just that he who gave not should not likewise receive ought 9 What should be the reason that the Romans when they returned from some voyage out of a farre and forraine countrey or onely from their ferme into the citie if their wives were at home used to send a messenger unto them before for to give warning and advertisement of their comming EIther it was because this is a token of one that beleeveth and is verily perswaded that his wife intendeth no lewdnesse nor is otherwise busied than well whereas to come upon her at unwares and on a sodain is a kind of forlaying and surprize Or for that they make haste to send them good newes of their comming as being assured that they have a longing desire and doe expect such tidings Or rather because themselves would be glad to heare from them some good newes to wit whether they shall find them in good health when they come and attending affectionately and with great devotion their returne Or else because women ordinarily when their husbands be away and from home have many petie businesses and house affaires and other whiles there fall out some little jarres and quarrels within doores with their servants men or maidens to the end therefore all such troubles and inconveniences might be overblowen and that they might give unto their husbands a loving and amiable welcome home they have intelligence given unto them before hand of their arrivall and approch 10 What is the cause that when they adore and worship the gods they cover their heads but contrariwise when they meet with any honourable or worshipfull persons if their heads haplie were then covered with their cover they discover the same and are bare headed FOr it seemeth that this fashion maketh the former doubt and braunch of the question more difficult to be 〈◊〉 and if that which is reported of Aeneas be true namely that as Diomedes passed along by him whiles he sacrificed he covered his head and so performed his sacrifice there is good reason and consequence that if men be covered before their enemies they should be bare when they encounter either their friends or men of woorth and honour for this maner of being covered before the gods is not properly respective unto them but occasioned by accident and hath since that example of Aeneas beene observed and continued But if we must say somewhat else beside consider whether it be not sufficient to enquire onely of this point namely why they cover their heads when they worship the gods seeing the other consequently dependeth heereupon for they stand bare before men of dignitie and authoritie not to doe them any more honor thereby but contrariwise to diminish their envie for feare they might be thought to require as much reverence and the same honor as is exhibited to the gods or suffer themselves and take pleasure to bee observed and reverenced equally with them as for the gods they adored them after this sort either by way of lowlinesse and humbling themselves before their majestie in covering and hiding their heads or rather because they feared lest as they made their praiers there should come unto their hearing from without any sinister voice or inauspicate and ominous osse and to prevent such an object they drew their hood over their eares And how true it is that they had 〈◊〉 eie and regard to meet with all such accidents it may appeere by this that when they went to any oracle for to beresolved by answer from thence upon a scrupulous doubt they caused a great noise to be made all about them with ringing of pannes or brasen basons Or it may well be as Castor saith comparing in concordance the Romane fashions with the 〈◊〉 of the Pythagoreans for that the Daemon or good angell within us hath need of the gods helpe without and maketh supplication with covering the head giving thus much 〈◊〉 to understand thereby that the soule is likewise covered and hidden by the bodie 11 Why sacrifice they unto Saturne bare-headed IS it because Aeneas first brought up this fashion of covering the head at sacrifice and the sacrifice to Saturnus is much more auncient than his time Or for that they used to be covered unto the celestiall gods but as for Saturne he is reputed a Subterranean or terrestriall god Or in this respect that there is nothing hidden covered or shadowed in Trueth For among the Romans Saturne was held to be the father of Veritie 12 Why doe they repute Saturne the father of Trueth IS it for that as some Philosophers deeme they are of opinion that Saturne is Time and Time you know well findeth out and revealeth the Truth Or because as the Poets fable men lived under Saturnes reigne in the golden age and if the life of man was then most just and righteous it followeth consequently that there was much trueth in the world 13 What is the reason that they sacrificed likewise unto the god whom they tearmed Honor with bare head now a man may interpret Honor to be as much as Glory and Reputation IT is haply because Honor and glory is a thing evident notorious and exposed to the knowledge of the whole world and by the same reason that they veile bonet before men of worship dignitie and honor they adore also the deitie that beareth the name of Honor with the headbare 14 What
may be the cause that sonnes cary their Fathers and Mothers foorth to be enterred with their heads hooded and covered but daughters bare headed with their haires detressed and hanging downe loose IS it for that Fathers ought to be honored as gods by their male children but lamented and bewailed as dead men by their daughters and therefore the law having given and graunted unto either sex that which is proper hath of both together made that which is beseeming and convenient Or it is in this regard that unto sorrow and heavinesse that is best beseeming which is extraordinarie and unusuall now more ordinarie it is with women to go abroad with their heads veiled and covered and likewise with men to be discovered and bare headed For even among the Greeks when there is befallen unto them any publike calamitie the manner and custome is that the women should cut off the hayres of their head and the men weare them long for that otherwise it is usuall that men should poll their heads and women keepe their haire long And to prove that sonnes were wont to be covered in such a case and for the said cause a man may alledge that which Varro hath written namely that in the solemnitie of funerals and about the tombs of their fathers they carry themselves with as much reverence and devotion as in the temples of the gods in such sort as when they have burnt the corps in the funeral fire so soone as ever they meet with a bone they pronounce that he who is dead is now become a god On the contrary side women were no wise permitted to vaile and cover their heads And we find upon record that the first man who put away and divorced his wife was Spurius Carbilius because she bare him no children the second Sulpitius Gallus for that he saw her to cast a robe over her head and the third Publius Sempronius for standing to behold the solemnitie of the funerall games 15 How it commeth to passe that considering the Romans esteemed Terminus a god and therefore in honour of him celebrated a feast called thereupon Terminalia yet they never killed any beast in sacrifice vnto him IT is because Romulus did appoint no bonds and limits of his countrey to the end that he might lawfully set out take in where pleased him and repute all that land his owne so far as according to that saying of the Lacedaemonian his speare or javelin would reach But Numa 〈◊〉 a just man and politick withall one who knew well how to govern and that by the rule of Philosophie caused his territorie to be confined betweene him and his neighbour nations and called those frontier bonds by the name of Terminus as the superintendent over-seer and keeper of peace and amitie between neighbours and therefore he supposed that this Terminus ought to be preserved pure and cleane from all blood and impollute with any murder 16 What is the reason that it is not lawfull for any maid servants to enter into the temple of the goddesse Leucothea and the Dames of Rome bringing in thither one alone and no more with them fall to cuffing and boxing her about the eares and cheeks AS for the wench that is thus buffeted it is a sufficient signe and argument that such as she are not permitted to come thither now for all others they keepe them out in regard of a certaine poeticall fable reported in this wise that ladie Jno being in times past jealous of her husband and suspecting him with a maid servant of hers fell mad and was enraged against her owne sonne this servant the Greeks say was an Aetolian borne and had to name Antiphera and therefore it is that heere among us in the citie of Chaeronea before the temple or chappell of Matuta the sexton taking a whip in his hand crieth with a loud voice No man servant or maid servant be so hardie as to come in heere no Aetolian hee or shee presume to enter into this place 17 What is the cause that to this goddesse folke pray not for any blessings to their owne children but for their nephewes onely to wit their brothers or sisters children MAy it not be that Ino being a ladie that loved her sister wonderous well in so much as she suckled at her owne breast a sonne of hers but was infortunate in her owne children Or rather because the said custome is otherwise very good and civill inducing and moving folks hearts to carie love and affection to their kinreds 18 For what cause were many rich men wont to consecrate and give unto Hercules the Disme or tenth of all their goods WHy may it not be upon this occasion that Hercules himselfe being upon a time at Rome sacrifice the tenth 〈◊〉 of all the drove which he had taken from Gerton Or for that he freed and delivered the Romans from the tax and tribute of the Dismes which they were wont to pay out of their goods unto the Tuskans Or in case this may not go current for an authenticall historie and worthie of credit what and if we say that unto Hercules as to some great bellie god and one who loved good cheere they offered and sacrificed plenteously and in great liberalitie Or rather for that by this meanes they would take downe and diminish alittle their excessive riches which ordinarily is an eie-sore and odious unto the citizens of a popular state as if they meant to abate and bring low as it were that plethoricall plight and corpulency of the bodie which being growen to the height is daungerous supposing by such cutting off and abridging of superfluities to do honour and service most pleasing unto Hercules as who joied highly in frugalitie for that in his life time he stood contented with a little and regarded no delicacie or excesse whatsoever 19 Why begin the Romans their yeere at the moneth Januarie FOr in old time the moneth of March was reckoned first as a man may collect by many other conjectures and by this especially that the fift moneth in order after March was called Quintilis and the sixt moneth Sextilis and all the rest consequently one after another until you come to the last which they named December because it was the tenth in number after March which giveth occasion unto some for to thinke say that the Romans in those daies determined and accomplished their compleat yeere not in twelve moneths but in ten namely by adding unto everie one of those ten moneths certain daies over and above thirtie Others write that December indeed was the tenth moneth after March but Januarie was the eleventh and Februarie the twelfth in which moneth they used certaine expiatorie and purgatorie sacrifices yea and offered oblations unto the dead as it were to make an end of the yere How be it afterwards they transposed this order and ranged Januarie in the first place for that upon the first day thereof which they call the Calends of Januarie
the tyrant Demylus and having no good successe therein but missing of his purpose maintained the doctrine of Parmenides to be pure and fine golde tried in the fire from all base mettal shewing by the effect that a magnanimous man is to feare nothing but turpitude and dishonour and that they be children and women or else effeminate and heartlesse men like women who are affraid of dolor and paine for having bitten off his tongue with his owne teeth he spit it in the tyrants face But out of the schoole of Epicurus and of those who follow his rules and doctrines I doe not aske what tyrant killer there was or valiant man and victorious in feats of armes what lawgiver what counsellour what king or governour of state either died or suffred torture for the upholding of right and justice but onely which of all these Sages did ever so much as imbarke and make a voiage by sea in his countries service and for the good thereof which of them went in embassage or disbursed any mony thereabout or where is there extant upon record any civill action of yours in matter of government And yet because that Metrodorus went downe one day from the city as far as to the haven Pyraeaeum tooke a journey of five or six miles to aide Mythra the Syrian one of the king of Persias traine and court who had bene arrested and taken prisoner he wrot unto all the friends that he had in the world of this exploit of his and this doubty voiage Epicurus hath magnified exalted in many of his letters What a doe would they have made then if they had done such an act as Aristotle did who reedified the city of his nativity Stagira which had bene destroied by king Philip or as Theophrastus who twice delivered and freed his native city being held and oppressed by tyrants Should not thinke you the the river Nilus have sooner given over to beare the popyr reed than they bene weary of discribing their brave deeds And is not this a grievous matter and a great indignity that of so many sects of Philosophers that have bene they onely in maner enjoy the good things and benefits that are in cities without contributing any thing of their owne unto them There are not any Poets Tragedians or Comedians but they have endevoured to doe or say alwaies some good thing or other for the defence of lawes and policie but these here if peradventure they write ought write of policie that we should not intermeddle at all in the civill government of state of Rhetoricke that we should not plead any causes eloquently at the barre of Roialty that we should avoid the conversing and living in kings courts neither doe they name at any time those great persons who manage affaires of common weale but by way of mockerie for to debase and abolish their glorie As for example of Epaminondas they say that he had indeed some good thing onely in name and word but the same was but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say as little as might be for that is the very terme that it pleaseth them to use Moreover they name him heart of yron demaunding why he marched up and downe through out all Peloponnesus with his armie as he did and sat not rather quiet at home in his owne house with a dainty chaplet upon his head given wholly to make good chere and to sleepe with his belly full in a whole skin But me thinks I should not for any thing omit in this place to rehearse what Metrodorus hath written in his booke of philosophy wherein abjuring all dealing in government of state he saith thus Some there be of these wisemen quoth he who being full of vanity and arrogancy had so deepe an insight into the businesse thereof that in treating of the rules of good life and of vertue they suffer themselves to be carried away with the very same desires that Lycurgus and 〈◊〉 fell into What was this vanity indeed and the aboundance of vanity and pride to set the city of Athens free to reduce Sparta to good policy and the government of holsome lawes that yong men should doe nothing licenciously nor get children upon curtisans and harlots and that riches wanton delicacie intemperance loosenesse dissolution should beare no sway nor have the commaund in cities but law onely and justice for these were the desires of Solon And thus Metrodorus by way of scorne and contumelious reproch addeth thus much more for a conclusion to the rest And therefore quoth he it is well beseeming a gentleman to laugh a good and right heartly at all other men but especially at these Solones and Lycurgi But verily such an one were not a gentleman Metrodorus nor well borne but servile base unruly and dissolute and who deserved to be scurged not with the whip which is for free borne persons but with that whip Astragalote where with the maner was to whip and chastice those gelded sacrificers called Gally when they did amisse in the cerimonies and sacrifices of Cylote the great mother of the gods Now that they warred not against the lawgivers but the very lawes themselves a man may heare and learne of Epicurus for in his questions he demaundeth of himselfe whether a wise man being assured that no man ever should know would doe and commit any thing that the law forbiddeth and he maketh an answere which is not full nor an open plaine and simple affirmation saying doe it I will marry confesse it and be knowen thereof I will not Againe writing as I suppose unto Idomeneus he admonisheth him not to subject and enthrall his life unto lawes and the opinions and reputations of men unlesse it be in this regard onely that otherwise there is prepared odious whipping chere and that neere at hand If then it be so that they who abolish lawes governments and policies do withall subvert and overthrow mans life if Metrodorus and Epicurus doe no lesse withdrawing and averting their friends and followers from dealing in publicke affaires and spitefully hating those who doe meddle therein miscalling and railing at the chiefe and wisest lawgivers that ever were yea and willing them to contemne the lawes so that they keepe themselves out of the feare of the whip and danger of punnishment I cannot see that Colotes hath in any thing so much belied others and raised false imputations against them as he hath indeed and truely accused the doctrine and opinions of Epicurus OF LOVE The Summarie THis Dialogue is more dangerous to be read by yoong men than any other Treatise of Plutarch for that there be certeine glaunces heere and there against honest marriage to upholde indirectly and under hana the cursed and 〈◊〉 filthinesse covertly couched under the name of the Love of yoong boyes But minds guarded and armed with true chastitie and the feare of God may see evidently in this discourse the miserable estate of the world in that there be found
patrons and advocates of so detestable a cause such I meane as in this booke are brought in under the persons of Protogenes and Pisias Meane while they may perceive likewise in the combot of matrimoniall love against unnaturall Poederastie not to be named that honestie hath alwaies meanes sufficient to defend it selfe for being vanquished yea and in the end to go away with the victorie Now this Treatise may be comprised in foure principall points of which the first after a briefe Preface wherein Autobulus being requested to rehearse unto his companions certeine reports which before time hee had heard Plutarch his father to deliver as touching Love entreth into the discourse conteineth the historie of Ismenodora enamoured upon a yoong man named Bacchon whereupon arose some difference and dispute of which Plutarch and those of his companie were chosen arbitratours Thereupon Protogenes seconded by Pisias and this is the second point setting himselfe against Ismenodora disgraceth and discrediteth the whole sex of woman kinde and praiseth openly enough the love of males But Daphnaeus answereth them so fully home and pertinently to the purpose that he discovereth and detecteth all their filthinesse and confuteth them as be hoovefull it was shewing the commodities and true pleasure of conjugall love In this defence assisted he is by Plutarch who prooveth that neither the great wealth nor the forward affection of a woman to a man causeth the mariage with her to be culpable or woorthy to be blamed by divers examples declaring that many women even of base condition have beene the occasion of great evils and calamities But as he was minded to continue this discourse newes came how Bacchon was caught up and brought into the house of Ismenodora which made Protogenes and Pisias to dislodge insomuch as their departure gave entrie into the third and principall point concerning Love what it is what be the parts the causes the sundry effects and fruits thereof admirable in all sorts of persons in altering them so as they become quite changed and others than they were before which is confirmed by many notable examples and similitudes In the last point Plutarch discourseth upon this argument and that by the Philosophy of Plato and the Aegyptians conferring the same with the doctrine of other Philosophers and Poets Then having expresly and flatly condemned Paederastie as a most 〈◊〉 and abhominable thing and adjoined certaine excellent advertisements for the entertening of love in wedlocke betweene husband and wife of which he relateth one proper example his speech endeth by occasion of a messenger who came in place and drew them all away to the wedding of Ismenodora and Bacchon beforesaid OF LOVE FLAVIANUS IT was at Helicon ô Autobulus was it not that those discourses were held as touching Love which you purpose to relate unto us at this present upon our request and intreaty whether it be that you have put them downe in writing or beare them well in remembrance considering that you have so often required and demanded them of your father AUTOEULUS Yes verily in Helicon it was ô Flavianus among the Muses at what time as the Thespians solemnized the feast of Cupid for they celebrate certeine games of prise every five yeeres in the honour of Love as well as of the Muses and that with great pompe and magnificence FLAVIANUS And wot you what it is that we all here that are come to heare you will request at your hands AUTOBULUS No verily but I shall know it when you have tolde me FLAVIANUS Mary this it is That you would now in this rehersall of yours lay aside all by-matters and needlesse preambles as touching the descriptions of faire medowes pleasant shades of the crawling and winding Ivie of rils issuing from fountaines running round about and such like common places that many love to insert desirous to counterfeit and imitate the description of the river Ilissus of the Chast-tree and the fine greene grasse and prety herbs growing daintily upon the ground rising up alittle with a gentle assent and all after the example of Plato in the beginning of his Dialogue Phaedrus with more curiositie iwis and affectation than grace and elegancie AUTOBULUS What needs this narration of ours my good friend Flavianus any such Prooeme or 〈◊〉 for the occasion from whence arose and proceeded these discourses requireth onely an affectionate audience and calleth for a convenient place as it were a stage and scaffold for to relate the action for otherwise of all things els requisit in a Comedie or Enterlude there wanteth nothing onely let us make our praiers unto the Muses Mother Ladie Memorie for to be propice unto us and to vouchsafe her assistance that we may not misse but deliver the whole narration My father long time before I was borne having newly espoused my mother by occasion of a certeine difference and variance that fell out betweene his parents and hers tooke a journey to Thespiae with a full purpose to sacrifice unto Cupid the god of Love and to the feast hee had up with him my mother also for that 〈◊〉 principally apperteined unto her to performe both the praier the sacrifice So there accompanied him from his house certeine of his most familiar friends Now when he was come to Thespiae he found Daphnaeus the sonne of Archidamus and Lysander who was in love with Simons daughter a man who of all her woers was best welcome unto her and most accepted Soclarus also the sonne of Aristion who was come from Tithora there was besides Protogenes of Tarsos and Zeuxippus the Lacedaemonian both of them his olde friends and good hosts who had given him kinde enterteinment and my father said moreover that there were many of the best men in 〈◊〉 there who were of his acquaintance Thus as it should seeme they abode for two or three daies in the citie enterteining one another gently at their leasure with discourses of learning one while in the common empaled parke of exercises where they youth used to wrestle and otherwhiles in the Theaters and Shew-places keeping companie together But afterwards for to avoid the troublesome contentions of Minstrels and Musicians where it appeared that all would go by favour such labouring there was before hand for voices they dislodged from thence for the most part of them as out of an enemies countrey and retired themselves to Helicon and there sojourned and lodged among the Muses where the morrow morning after they were thither come arrived and repaired unto them Anthemion and Pisias two noble gentlemen allied both and affectionate unto Barchon surnamed The Faire and at some variance one with another by reason of I wot not what jealousie in regard of the affection they bare unto him For there was in the city of Thespiae a certeine Dame named Ismenodora descended of a noble house and rich withall yea and of wise and honest carriage besides in all her life for continued shee had no small time in widowhood without blame