as did Melito Quadratus and Aristides before mentioned About the same time also wrote Heraclitus who first began to write annotations enarrations vpon the newe Testament and Epistles of the Apostles Also Theophilus Byshop of Caesaria Dionysius Byshoppe of Corinthe a man famously learned which wrote diuers Epistles to diuers Churches among other writeth exhorting Penitus a certaine Byshop Ne graue seruandae castitatis onus necessario fratribus imponat sed multorum sese imbecilitati attemperet that is that he would lay no yoke of chastitie of any necessity vpon his brethren but that he would consider the infirmitie of other and beare with it Euseb. Lib. 4. cap. 23. Moreouer the sayd Dionisius in his Epistles writing of Dionisius Agiopagites declareth of him how that he was first coÌuerted to the Christian faith by S. Paule according as in the actes is recorded and afterwarde was made the first Byshop of Athens but maketh there no mention of his booke de Hierarchia Whereby it maye easely appeare what is to be iudged of that booke Furthermore by the Epistles of the saide Dionisius Corint this wee haue to vnderstande to be the vse at that time in Churches to reade the letters and Epistles such as were sent by learned Bishops and teachers vnto the Congregations as may appeare by these words of Dionisius who writing to the church of the Romanes and to Soter saith This day we celebrate the holy Dominical day In which we haue read your Epistle which alwaies we wil read for our exhortation like as we doe reade also the Epistle of Clement sent to vs before c. Euseb. ibid. where also mention is made of keepyng the Sonday holy Whereof wee finde no mention made in auntient authors before his time except onely in Iustinus Martyr who in his description declareth two tymes most especially vsed for Christen men to congregate together first when any conuert was to be Baptised The second was vpon the Sonday which was wont for ij causes then to be halowed First because saith he vpon that day God made the worde Secondlye because that Christ vpon that day first shewed himselfe after his resurrection to his Disciples c. Ouer and beside these aboue named about the daies of Commodus wrote also Clemens Alexandrinus a man of notable and singular learning whose bookes although for a great part be lost yet certaine of them yet remaine wherin is declared among other thinges the order and number of the bookes and Gospels of the new testament c. The same time moreouer liued Pantenus which was the first in Alexandria that professed in open schoole to reade of whom is thought first to proceede the order and maner among the Christians to read and professe in Uniuersities This Pantenus for his excellency of learning was sent by Demetrius Bishop of Alexandria to preach to the Indeans where he founde the Gospell of S. Mathewe written in Hebrew left there by S. Bartelinewe which booke afterward he brought with him from thence to the Library of Alexandria Duryng all the raigne of Commodus God graunted rest tranquility although not without some bloudshed of certaine holy Martyrs as is aboue declared vnto his Church In the which time of tranquillitie the Christians hauing now some laisure from the foraine enemy begaÌ to haue a little contention among themselues about the ceremonie of Easter which contention albeit of long time before had bene stirring in the church as is before mentioned of Polycarpus and Anicetus yet the variance and difference of that ceremonie brought no breach of Christian concorde and societie among them Neither as yet did the matter exceede so farre but that the band of loue and communion of brotherly life continued although they differed in the ceremonie of the day For they of the West Church pretending the tradition of Paule and Peter but in deede beyng the traditioÌ of Hermes and of Pius kept one day which was vpon the Sonday after the 14. day of the first moneth The Church of Asia following the ordinance of Iohn the Apostle obserued an other as more shal be declared the Lord willing when we come to the tyme of Victor Bishop of Rome In the meane tyme as concerning the fourth persecution let this hetherto suffise The fift Persecution AFter the death of Commodus raigned Pertinax but few monthes after whom succeeded Seuerus Under whom was raised the fift persecution against the christian saints who raigning the terme of 18. yeares the first x. yeares of the same was very fauourable and curteous to the Christians Afterward through sinister suggestions and malicioâs accusations of the malignaÌt was so incensed against them that by Proclamations he commaunded no Christians any more to be suffered Thus the rage of the Emperour beyng inflamed agaynst them great persecution was stirred vpon euery side wherby an infinite nuÌber of Martyrs were slayne as Eusebius in his sixt booke recordeth which was about the yeare of our Lord 205. The crimes and false accusations obiected against the Christians are partly touched before pag. 37. as sedition and rebellion against the Emperour sacriledge murthering of Infants incestuous polution eating rawe flesh libidinous coÌmixture whereof certaine in deede called then Gnostici were infamed Item it was obiected against them for worshipping the head of an Asse which whereof it should rise I finde no certain cause except it were perhaps by the Iewes Also they were charged for worshipping the sunne for that peraduenture before the sunne rise they conuented together singing their morning Hymnes vnto the Lord or els because they prayed toward the East but especially for that they would not with them worship their idolatrous gods and were counted as enemies to all men c. The Capitaines and Presidentes of this persecution vnder the Emperour were Hilarianus Vigellius Claudius Hermianus Ruler of Cappadocia Cecilius Capella Vespronius also Demetrius mentioned of Cyprian And Aquila Iudge of Alexandria of whom Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 5. maketh relation The places where the force of this persecution most raged were Affrica Alexandria Cappadocia and Carthage The number of them that suffered in this persecution by the report of the Ecclesiasticall story was innumerable Of whoÌ the first was Leonides the father of Origene who was beheaded with whoÌ also Origene his sonne beyng of the age theÌ of xvij yeares should haue suffered such a seruent desire hee had to be Martired for Christ had not hys mother priuily in the night season conueied away his clothes his shirt WherupoÌ more for shame to be seen then for feare to die he was coÌstrained to remaine at home and when he could do nothing els yet he writing to his father a letter with these words Caue tibi ne quid propter nos aliud quam martyrij constanter faciendi propostum cogites that is Take heede to your selfe that you tourne not your thought and purpose for our sake
or detract an other Moreouer it is signified to vs also that some there be of them which when they ought like good shepherds to giue their liues for the Lordes flocke yet are puffed vp with such pride that without all reason they presume to rent and teare the Lords flocke with whippings and beatings whose vnreasonable dooynges Saint Gregory bewailing thus saith Quid fiat de ouibus quando pastores lupi fiunt That is what shall become of the sheepe when the pastors themselues be Woolues But who is ouercome but he which exerciseth cruelty Or who shall iudge the persecutor but he which gaue patiently his backe to stripes And this is the frute which commeth to the Church by such persecutors also which commeth to the clergy by such despitefull handling of their Byshoppes or rather Infidels For why may ye not call them Infidels of whome Saint Paule thus speaketh and writeth to Tymothie that in the latter dayes there shall certaine depart from the faith geue heede to spirits of errour and doctrine of deuils of them that speake false through hypocrisie and hauing their consciences marked with an hote yron forbidding to marry and commaunding to abstaine from meates c. And this is if it be well marked the whole handfull of the darnell and cockell growing amongest the corne this is the couente of all madnes that whiles they of the Clergye be compelled to relinquish the coÌpany of their own lawful wiues they become afterward fornicators and adulterers with other women and wicked ministers of other sinnefull filthinesse These bee they which bring into the Church of God this heresie as blinde guides leading the blinde that it might be fulfilled which the Psalme speaketh of as foreseeing the errors of such men accursing theÌ after this maner let their eyes be blinded that they see not bow down alwais their backe For as much then O Apostolical Sir as no man which knoweth you is ignorant that if you through the light of your discretion had vnderstanded and seene what poysoned pestilence might haue come into the Churche thorough the sentence of this your decree they would neuer haue conseÌted to the suggestions of certaine wicked persons Wherefore we counsell you by the fidelitie of our due subiection that wyth all diligence you would put away so great slauÌder from the Church of God and through your discret discipline you will remooue this Pharisaicall doctryne from the flocke of God so that thys onely Sunanite of the Lords vsing no more adulterous husbaÌds do not separate the holy people and the kingly Priesthoode from her spouse which is Christ through an vnrecouerable diuorsement seing that no man without Chastitie not only in the virgines state but also in the state of matrimony shall see our Lord who with the father and the holy ghost lyueth and raigneth for euer Amen ¶ By this Epistle of Byshop Huldericke aboue prefixed the matter is plaine gentle Reader to conceiue what was then the sentence of learned men concerning the mariage of ministers but that here by the way the Reader is to be admoninished that this Epistle which by errour of the writer is referred to pope Nicholas the first in my mind is rather to bee attributed to the name and tune of Nicolas the 2. or 3. After this pope Nicolas succeded Hadrianus 2. Ioannes ix Martinus ij After these came Hadrian the third and StepheÌ the v. By this Hadrian it was first decred that no Emperour after that time should intermedle or haue any thing to do in the election of the Pope And thus began the Emperors fyrst to decay and the Papacie to swell and ryse aloft And thus much concerning Romish matters for this time Then to returne where we lefte touching the storye of King Ethelwolfe About the latter ende of his reigne the Danes which before had inuaded the Realme in the time of king Egbert as is aboue declared now made there reentre againe with 33. shippes arriuing aboute Hamshyre through the barbarous tyranny of whoÌ much bloudshed and murther happened here among englishmen in Dorcet shire about Pourtchmouth in Kent in Eastangle in Lindesey at Rochester about London and in Westsâxe where Ethelwolfe the king was ouercome besides diuers other vnder kings and dukes whome the Danes dayly approching in great multitudes in dyuers victories had put to flight At length king Ethelwolfe with his sonne Ethelbaldus warring against them in Southrey at Oclea draue them to the sea where they houering a space after a while brast in againe with horrible rage and crueltie as hereafter Christ willing shall be declared so much as to our purpose shall serue professing in this history to write not of matters externe and politike but onely pertaining to the Church The cause of this great affliction sent of God vnto this realme thus I found expressed and collectlected in a certayne olde wrytten storye which hath noe name the wordes of which writer for the same cause as he thought to recite them writing as he saith ad cautelam futurorum I thought also for the same here not to be omitted albeit in all partes of his commendation I doe not fully with him accorde The wordes of the writer be these In Anglorum quidem Ecclesia primitiua religio clarissime respeÌduit ita vt Reges Reginae et Principes ac Duces Consules Barones c. In English thus In the primitiue Church saith he of the Englishmen RelygioÌ did most clerely shine in so much that kings Queenes Princes and Dukes Consuls Barons and Rulers of Churches incensed with the desire of the kingdome of heauen laboring and stryuing among themselues to enter into Monkery into voluntarye exile and solitary life forsoke all and followed the Lord. Where in processe of time all vertue so much decayed among them that in fraude and trechery none seemed like vnto them Neither was to them any thing odious or hatefull but pietie and iustice Neither any thing in price or honor but ciuill warre and sheddyng of innocent bloud Wherfore almighty God sent vpon them pagane and cruell nations like swarmes of Bees which neyther spared women nor children as Danes Norwagians Gothes Sueuians Vandals and Fresians Who from the beginning of the reigne of king Ethelwolfe till the comming of the Normandes by the space neere of 230. yeares destroyed their sinfull land from the one side of the sea to the other from man also to beast For why they inuading England oft times of euery side went not about to subdue and possesse it but onely to spoyle and destroy it And if it had chanced them at any time to be ouercome of Englishmen it auailed nothing when as other nauies still with greater power in other places were ready vpon a sodaine and vnawares to approche vpon them c. Historia Cariana Thus farre haue ye the wordes of mine author declaring the cause which prouoked Gods anger whereunto may be adioyned the wickednes not
Richard hearing of Ioachim Abbot of Curacio a learned man in Calabria who was theÌ thought to haue the spirit of prophesie told many thinges of a people that should come sent for hym with whom he his Bishops had much conference about the coÌming tyme of Antichrist This Ioachim belike in his booke and Reuelations vttered some things agaynst the Sea and pride of Rome for the whiche he was lesse fauoured of the popes iudged an enemy to their Sea and so by pope Innocent the 3. was condemned with his bookes for an heriticke in his Idolatrous generall Councell of Laterane an 1215. as ye may read in Antoninus After this Henricus king of Almanes sonne of Fredericke the Emperour hearing of the decease of his father standing now to be Emperor first restoreth to Hen. Duke of Saxonie and to others whatsoeuer his father before had takeÌ from them That done he sent to Clement hys Cardinals promising in al thinges to confirme the lawes and dignities of the Church of Rome if they would grauÌt hym their assent to be Emperor Wherupon pope ClemeÌt by aduise of the Romaines assigned him the terme of Easter in the next yeare insuing for his coronation But before that Easter came P. ClemeÌt died after he had sit 3. yeres and about 4. monthes After whome succeeded Celestinus the 3. Of whom more hereafter God willing The time thus passing ouer in the month of February the next yeare following which was of the Lord. 1191. king Richard sent ouer hys Galleyes to Naples there to meet his mother Alinore and Berengaria the daughter of SaÌctius king of Nauarre whom he was purposed to mary Who by that tyme were come to Brundusium vnder the conduct of Phillip Erle of Flanders so proceeding vnto Naples there found the kings ships wherin they sayled to Messana In this meane space king Richard shewed hymselfe exceeding bounteous and liberall to all men To the French king first he gaue diuers ships vpoÌ others likewise he bestowed rich rewardes and of hys treasures and goodes he distributed largely to hys souldiours and seruauntes about hym Of whom it was reported that he distributed more in one month then euer any of hys predecessors did in a whole yeare by reason whereof he purchased great loue and fauour which not onely redounded to the aduauncement of his fame but also to his singular vse and profite as the sequele afterward proued To proceede then in the progresse of king Richard it followeth In the first day of the month of march he leauing the citty of Messana where the Frenche king was went to Cathniensium a City where Tancredus Kyng of Sicilia then lay where he was honourable receaued there remained with king Tancred 3. dayes 3. nightes On the fourth day when he should depart the foresayd Tancredus offered him many riche presentes in golde and siluer and precious silkes whereof king Richarde woulde receiue nothing but one little ryng for a token of his good will For the which king Richard againe gaue to him a rich sword At length when R. Richard should take his leaue king Tancredus would not so let him part but needes would geue him 4. great ships and 15. Galeys and furthermore he himselfe would needes accompanye him the space of two dayes iourney to a place called Tauenium Then the next morning when they should take their leaue Tancredus declared vnto him the message which the French king a little before had sent vnto him by the Duke of Burgundy the contentes whereof was this That the king of England was a false traytour aud would neuer keepe the peace that was betweene theÌ And if the sayd Tancredus would warre agaynst hym or secretly by night woulde inuade him he with all his power would assiste him and ioyne with him to the destruction of him and all hys army c. To whome Richard the king protested agayne that he was no traytour nor neuer was and as touching the peace begon betweene them the same shoulde neuer be broken thorough hym neyther could he beleue that the French king being hys good Lorde and his sworne compartiner in that voyage would vtter any such wordes by him Which when Tancredus heard he bringeth forth the letters of the Frenche R. sent to him by the Duke of Burgundy affirming moreouer that if the Duke of Burgundy would deny the bringing of the sayd letters he was ready to try with hym by any of hys Dukes King Richard receiuing the letters muâing not a little vpoÌ the same returneth again to Messana The same day that king Richard departed the French king coÌmeth to Tauermum to speake with Tancredus there abode with him that night and on the morrowe returned to Messana againe From that tyme king Richard moued in stomacke against king Phillip neuer shewing any gentle countenaÌce of peace and amitie as he before was wont Whereat the French K. greatly marueiling and enquiring earnestly what should be the cause therof word was sent him again by Phillip Erle of Flaunders what words he had sent to the king of Sicilia for the testimony thereof the letters were shewed which he wrote by the Duke of Burgundy to the king of Sicilia Which when the Frenche king vnderstoode first he held hys peace as gilty in his conscience not knowing well what to aunswere At length turning his tale to an other matter he began to quarrell with king Richard pretending as though he sought causes to breake with him and to maligne him and therefore he forged these lyes sayd he vpon him and all because he by that meanes would voyde to marry with Alice his sister according as he had promised Adding moreouer that if he would so do and would not mary the sayd Alice his sister according to his othe but woulde marry an other he woulde be an enemy to hym and hys while he lyued To this king Richard sayd agayn that he could by no meanes mary that woman for so muche as his father had carnall copulation with her also had by her a sonne for proofe wherof he had there presently to bring forth diuers and sondry witnesses to the kings face to testifie with him In conclusion through counsell and perswasion of diuers about the French king agreement at last was made so that king Phillip did acquire king Richard from his bonde of marying hys sister and king Richard agayne shoulde be bound to pay to him euery yeare for the space of v. yeares two thousand marks with certayne other conditions besides not greatly materiall in this place to be deciphred And thus peace beyng betweene them concluded the 28. day of the said month of March the FreÌch king launching out of the hauen of Messana in the 22. day after in Easter weeke came with hys army to the siege of Achon After the departure of the French king from Messana king Richard
statute of prouision and premunire made in the 25. yeare of thys kynges dayes And let hym read in the statutes made in the parliamentes holden the 27 yeare and 38. yeare of hys raigne And vnder the same title of prouision and premunire shall finde the popes primacie and iurisdiction wythin this Realme more nearely touched and much of hys papall power restrayned In so much that who soeuer for any cause or controuersy in law either spirituall or temporal the same being determinable in any of the kyngs courts as all matters were whether they were personall or reall citations or other or should eyther appeale or consent to any appellation to be made out of the realme to the pope or see of Rome should incurve the sayd penaltie and daunger of premunire Diuers other matters wherein the Pope is restrained of his vsurped power authoritie iurisdiction within this realme of England are in the sayd titles and statutes expressed at large set forth who euer list to peruse the same which for breuities sake I omitte hastening to other matters About this tyme being the yeare of our Lorde 1370. lyued holy Brigit whom the Church of Rome hath canonised not onely for a saint but also for a Prophetesse who notwithstanding in her booke of reuelations which hath bene oft times imprinted was a great rebuker of the pope and of the filth of his clergie callyng him a murtherer of soules a spiller and a pyller of the flocke of Christ more abhominable then Iewes more crueller theÌ Iudas more vniust then Pilate worse then Lucifer hymselfe The see of the Pope she prophesieth shal be throwne down into the deepe lyke a mylstone And that his assister shall burne with brimstone Affirmyng that the prelates byshops priests are the cause why the doctrine of Christ is neglected and almost extincted And that the clergie haue turned the ten commaundementes of God into two wordes to wyt Da pecuniam that is Geue money It were long and tedious to declare all that she against them writeth Among the rest which I omytte let this suffice for all where as the sayde Briget affirmeth in her reuelations that when the holy Uirgine should say to her sonne howe Rome was a fruitfull and fertile field yea sayd hee but of weedes onely and cockle c. To thys Briget I will ioyne also Catherina Senensis an holy virgin which lyued much about the same tyme ann 1379. Of whome writeth Antoninus part historiae 3. Thys Katherine hauyng the spirite of prophesie was woÌt much to complaine of the corrupt state of the church namely of the prelates of the court of Rome of the pope prophesying before of the great schisme which then folowed in the Church of Rome and dured to the Councell of Constance the space of xxxix yeares Also of the great warres ano tribulation which ensued vpon the same And moreouer declared before and foretold of this so excelleÌt reformation of religion in the Church now present The words of Antoninus be these After this Uirgine in her going to Rome had tolde her brother of the warres and tumultes that should rise in the couÌtries about Rome after yâ schisme of the two Popes I then curious to know of thinges to come knowing that she vnderstood by reuelation what should happen demaunded of her I pray you good mother sayd I and what shall befall after these troubles in the Church of God And she sayd By these tribulations and afflictions after a secret maner vnknowne vnto man God shall purge his holy Church and stirre vp the spirit of his elect And after these thinges shall follow suche a reformation of the holy Churche of God and suche a renouation of holye Pastors that the onelye cogitation and remembraunce thereof maketh my spirit to reioyce in the Lord And as I haue oftentimes tolde you heretofore the spouse which now is all deformed and ragged shall be adorned and deckt with most rich and precious ouches and brouches And all the faythfull shall be glad and reioyce to see themselues so beautified with so holy shepheards Yea and also the Infidels then allured by the sweet sauour of Christ shall returne to the catholicke folde and be conuerted to the true Bishop and shepheard of their soules Geue thankes therefore to God for after this storme he will geue to his a great calme And after she had thus spoken she stayd and sayd no more Beside these aforenamed the Lord which neuer ceaseth to worke in his Church styrred vp agaynst the malignant church of Rome the spirites of diuers other good godly teachers as Matthias Parisiensis a Bohemian borne who about the yeare of our Lord 1370. wrote a large book of Antechrist and proueth him already come and noteth the Pope to be the same Which booke one Illiricus a writer in these our dayes hath promiseth to put it in print In this booke he doth greatly inuey against the wickednesse and filthines of the Clergy and agaynst the neglecting of theyr duety in gouerning the church The Locustes mentioned in the Apocalips he sayth be the hypocrites raigning in the church The workes of Antechrist he sayth be these the fables and inuentions of men raigning in the Church the Images fained reliques that are worshipped euery where IteÌ that men do worship euery one his proper Saint and Sauior beside Christ so that euery maÌ and City almost hath his diuers and peculiar Christ. He taught and affirmed moreouer that godlines true worship of God are not bouÌd to place persons or times to be heard more in this place theÌ in an other at this time more theÌ at an other c. He argueth also agaynst the cloisterers which leauing the onely and true Sauior set vp to them selues theyr Franciscanes theyr Dominickes and suche other and haue them for theyr Sauiors glorying and triumphing in them and fayning many forged lyes vpon them He was greatly and much offended with Monks friers for neglecting or rather burying the word of Christ and in stead of him for celebrating setting vp theyr own rules and canons affirming it to be much hurtfull to true godlines for that Priestes Monkes and Nunnes do account themselues onely spirituall and all other to be lay secular attributing onely to themselues the opinion of holynes contemning other men with al theyr politick administration the office as prophane in coÌparison of theyr owne He further writeth that Antechrist hath seduced all Uniuersities Colleges of learned men so that they teach no sincere doctrine neither geue any light to the ChristiaÌs with theyr teaching Finally he forewarneth that it will come to passe that God yet once againe will raise vp godly teachers who being feruent in the spirite and zeale of Helias shall disclose and refute the errors of Antechrist and Antechrist himselfe openly to the whole world This Mathias in the sayd booke of
Christenmasse what condites were made what Maiors and shirifes were in London what battails were fought what triumphs and great feasts were holdeÌ when kings began their raigne and when they ended c. In such vulgare and popular affairs the narration of the Chronicler serueth to good purpose may haue his credite wherein the matter forceth not much whether it be true or false or whether any listeth to beleue them But where as a thyng is denied and in cases of iudgement and in controuersies doubtfull which are to be decided and boulted out by euidence of iust demonstration I take them neither for Iudges of the bench not for arbiters of the cause nor as witnesses of themselues sufficient necessarily to be sticked vnto Albeit I deny not but hystories are takeÌ many times and so termed for witnesses of times and glasses of antiquitie c. yet not such witnesses as whose testimony beareth alwaies a necessary truth and bindeth beliefe The two witnesses whych came against Susanna being seniours both of auncient yeares bare a great countenance of a most euideÌt testimony wherby they almost both deceiued the people oppressed the innocent had not yoÌg Daniel by the holy spirite of God haue take theÌ aside and seuerally examining them one from the other found them to be falsliers both leauing to vs therby a lesson of wholsome circumspection not rashly to beleeue euery one that commeth and also teaching vs how to try theÌ out Wherfore M. Cope following here the like example of Daniel in trying these your records whom ye inferre against these men we wil in like maner examine them seuerally one froÌ an other and see how their testimonie agreeth first beginning wyth your Robert Fabian Which Robert Fabian being neither in the same age nor at the deede doing can of himselfe geue no credite herein without due proofe and euidence conuenient Now theÌ doth Rob. Fabian proue this matter of treason true what probation doeth he bring what authoritie doth he alleage And doth Rob. Fabian thinke if he were not disposed to conceiue of the L. Cobham and those men a better opinion but to be traitors that men are bounde to beleue him only at his word without any ground or cause declared why they shuld so do but only because he so saith and pleased him so to write And if yee thinke M. Cope the word only of this witnes sufficient to make authority speaking against the Lord Cobham and prouing nothing which followed so many yeres after him why may not I as well and much rather take the worde and testimonie of Richard Belward a Northfolke man and of the towne of Crisam who liuing both in his time possible knowing the party punished also for the like trueth is not reported but recorded also in the registers of the church of Norwich to geue this testimonie among other his articles for the foresaid L. Cobham that is that sir Iohn Oldcastle was a true Catholike man and falsely condemned and put to death wythout a reasonable cause c. Ex Regist. Noruic Agaynst this man if you take exception say that one hereticke will hold with an other why may not I with the like exception reply to you agayne say as well one Papist hold with an other and both coÌiure together to make and say the worst agaynst a true Protestant Further yet to examine this foresayd Fabian witnes agaynst Sir Iohn Oldcastle as Daniell examined that witnesses agaynst Susanna I will not here aske vnder what tree these adherentes of sir I. Oldcastle conspired agaynst the king subuersion of that land but in what time in what yeare and moneth this conspiracie was wrought Fabian witnesseth that it was in the moneth of Ianuary CoÌtrary Edward Hall other our Abridgementers followyng him doe affirme that they were condemned in the Guild hall the xij of December and that their executioÌ vpon the same was in Ianuary followyng so that by their sentence the fact was done either in the moneth of DeceÌber or els before so Fabianus mentitus est in caput suum vt cuÌ Daniele dicam or if it were in the moneth of Ianuary as Fabian sayth then is Hall and his followers deceiued testifying the fact to be done in the moneth of December And yet to obiect moreouer against the sayd FabiaÌ for so much as he is such a rash witnes agaynst these burned persons whom he calleth traytors it would be demauÌded further of him or in his absence of Maister Cope in what yeare this treason was conspired If it were in the same yeare as he coÌfesseth himselfe in which yeare Iohn Cleidon the Skinner Richard Turmine Baker were burned then was it neither in the moneth of Ianuary nor in the first yeare of kyng Henry the fift For in the register of CaÌterbury it appeareth playne that Iohn Claydon was condemned neither in the tyme of Thom. Arundell Archbyshop nor yet in the first nor second yeare of kyng Henry the v. but was coÌdemned in the second yeare of the translation of Henry Chichesly Archbyshop of Canterbury the. 17. day of August which was the yeare of our Lord. 1415. So that if this conspiracie was in the same yeare after the witnesse of FabiaÌ in which yeare I. Cleydon was burned then doth the testimony of Fabian neither accord with other witnesses nor with him selfe nor yet with truth And thus much concerning the witnes of Rob. Fabian Let vs next proceede to Polidore Uirgill whose partiall and vntrue handling of our history in other places of of his bookes doth offer vnto vs sufficient exception not to admit his credite in this And yet because we will rather examine him then exclude him let vs heare a little what he sayth how he fayleth in how many pointes numbring the same vpon my fiue fingers First ending with the life of king Henry 4. hee sayeth that hee raigned 14. 14. yeares and 6. moneths and 2. dayes Angl. hist. lib. 21. whyche is an vntruth worthy to be punyshed wyth a whole yeares banishment to speake after the maner of Apulenis when as truth is he raigned by the testimony of the story of S. Albones of Fabian of Hall of our old English Chronicle and of Scala mundi but 13. 6. moneths lacking as some say 5. dayes Hal saieth he raigned but 12. yeares The second vntruth of Polydore is this where as hee speaking of this sedition of sir Iohn Oldcastle and his adherents affirmeth the same to be done after the burning of Iohn Hus and of Hierome of Prage whych was sayeth he An. 1415. in which yere sayth he Thomas Arundell died Hys wordes be these In eodem concilio damnata est Ioh. Wicliffi haeresis ac Ioan. Hus Hieronymus Pragensis in ea vrbe combusti sunt Quod vbi reliquis consocijs qui etiam tunc in Anglia erant patefit tanquam furijs agitati primùm
thinges shall come to passe and be brought by little and little in order of times dispensed of God for the same purpose And this God doth and will do for his owne goodnes and mercy and for the riches of his great longanimity and pacience geuing time and space of repeÌtance to them that haue loÌg line in theyr sins to amend and flye from the face of the Lordes fury whyle that in like manner the carnall people and carnal priestes successiuely and in time shall fall awaye and be consumed as with the moth c. ¶ An other letter of Iohn Husse MAister Martin my deare brother in Christ I exhorte you in the Lord that you feare God keepe hys commaundementes and flee the company of women and beware of hearing their confessions least by the hipocrisie of women Sathan deceiue you trust not their deuotion You know how I haue detested the auarice and the inordinate life of the Clergy wherefore through the grace of God I suffer now persecution which shortly shal be consummate in me neither doe I feare to haue my hart powred out for the name of Christ Iesus I desire you hartely be not greedy in seeking after benefices And yet if you shal be called to anye cure in the country let the honour of God the saluation of soules and the trauaile therof moue you therunto and not the hauing of the lining or the commodities thereof And if you shall be placed in any such benefice beware you haue no yong womaÌ for your cook or seruant least you edifie and encrease more your house then your soule See that you be a builder of your spirituall house being gentle to the poore and humble of mind and waste not your goodes in great fare I feare also if you do not amend your life ceasing from your costly and superfluous apparell least you shal be greuously chastised as I also wretched maÌ shal be punished which haue vsed the like being seduced by custome of euill men and wordly glory wherby I haue bene wounded agaynst God wyth the spirite of pride And because you haue notably knowne both my preaching and outward conuersation euen from my youth I haue no neede to write many thinges vnto you but to desire you for the mercy of Iesus Christ that you do not followe me in anye such leuitie and lightnes whiche you haue in seene in me You knew how before my priesthoode whiche greueth me nowe I haue delighted to playe oftentimes at chesse and haue neglected my time and thereby haue vnhappily prouoked both my self and other to anger many times by that play Wherfore besides other my innumerable faultes for thys also I desire you to inuocate the mercy of the Lord that he will pardon me and so directe my life that hauing ouercome the wickednes of this present life the flesh the world and the deuill I may finde place in the heauenly country at the least in the day of iudgement Fare ye well in Christ Iesus with all them which keepe hys law My gray coate if you will keepe to your selfe for my remembraunce but I thinke you are ashamed to wear that gray colour therfore you may geue it to whoÌ you shall thinke good My white coate you shall geue the minister N. my scholer To George or els to Zuzikon 60. groates or els my gray coate for he hath faythfully serued me ¶ The superscription I pray you that you doe not open this letter before you be sure and certayne of my death The consolation of Mayster Hierome to Mayster Hus. MY maister in those thinges which you haue both written hetherto and also preached after the law of God agaynst the pride auarice an other inordinate vices of the Priestes goe forward be constant and strong And if I shall know that you are oppressed in the cause and if neede shal so require of myne own accorde I will folow after to helpe you as much as I can BY the lyfe actes and letters of Iohn Hus hetherto rehearsed it is euident and playne that he was condemned not for any errour of doctrine which they coulde well proue in hym who neyther denyed their popishe transubstantiation neither spake against the authoritie of the church of Rome if it were well gouerned nor yet the 7. Sacraments also sayd masse himself and almost in al their popish opinions was a papist with them but onely of euil wil was accused of his malicious aduersaries because he spake agaynst the pompe pride and auarice other wicked enormities of the pope Cardinals Prelates of that Church and because he could not abide the high dignities liuings of the Churche and thought the doinges of the pope to be Antichristlike For this cause he procured so many enemies false witnesses agaynst him Who strayning and picking matter out of hys bookes and writinges hauing no one iust article of doctrine to lay vnto him yet they made hym an hereticke whether he would or no and brought him to hys condemnation This can hatred and malice do where the charitie of Christ hath no place Whiche being so as thy charitie good reader may easely vnderstand in perusing the whol course of hys story I beseech thee theÌ what cause had Iohn Cochleus to write his 12. bookes agaynst Iohn Hus and Hussites In which bookes how bitterly inteÌperately he misuseth hys penne by these few words in hys second booke thou mayst take a little tast which wordes I thought here briefly to place in English to the ende that all English men may iudge thereby with what spirite and truth these Catholickes he caryed Hys wordes be these Lib. 2. Hist. Dico igitur Ioan Huss neque sanctum neque beatum habendum esse sed impium potius c. That is I say therfore Iohn Husse is neither to be counted holy nor blessed but rather wicked and eternally wretched insomuche that in the day of iudgement it shal be more easie not onely with the infidell Pagans Turks Tartarians and Iewes but also with the most sinfull Sodomites the abhominable Persians which most filthily doe lye with their daughters sisters or mothers yea also with most impious Cain killer of hys owne brother with Thyestes killer of hys own mother and the Lestrygones other Andropophagi which deuour mans flesh yea more easie with those infamous murderers of infants Pharao Herode then with him c. These be the words of Cochleus Whose rayling books although they deserue neyther to be read nor aunswered yet if it pleased God it were to be wished that the Lord would stir vp some towardly yong man that hath so much leasure to defend the simplicitie of thys Iohn Hus whiche cannot now aunswere for himselfe In the meane tyme something to satisfie or stay the readers mynde agaynst thys immoderate hyperbole of Cochleus in like fewe wordes I wyll bryng out Iohn Hus to speake and to cleare hymselfe agaynst this slaunder whose wordes in
listed These thinges thus being done and the tumult ceased after three dayes Mahometes the Turke entreth into the Citie and first calling for the heades and auncientes of theÌ Citie such as he found to be left aliue he commaunded the to be mangled and âut in peeces It is also sayth my author reported that in the feastes of the Turks honest matrones and virgins and such as were of the kinges stocke after other coâumeties were he ãâã and cut in peeces for their disport And this was the end of that princely and famous ãâã of Constantinople beginning first by Constantinus and ending also with ConstaÌtinus which for the princely royalty therof was named and euer honoured from the time of the first Constantine equally with the City of Rome called also by the name thereof new Rome so continued the space of 1120. yeares I pray God that olde Rome may learne of new Rome to take heed and beware by tyme. This terrible destruction of the Citty of Constantinople the Queene of Cittyes I thought here to describe not so much to set forth the barbarous cruelty of these filthy rake hels and mercilesse murtherers as specially for this that we being admonished by the dolefull ruine and misery of these our euen christened may call to minde the plagues miseryes deserued whiche seeme to hang no lesse ouer our owne heades and thereby may learne betime to inuocate and call more earnestly vpon the name of our terrible and mercifull God that he for his sonnes sake will keepe vs preserue his church among vs and mitigate those plagues and sorrowes whiche we no lesse haue deserued then these aboue minded before vs. Christ graunt it Amen Ex hist. Wittenbergica Peucer The history of Reynold Peeocke Byshop of Chichester afflicted and imprisoned for the Gospell of Christ. AFter the death of Henry Chichisley before mentioned pag. 657. next succeeded Iohn Stafford an 1445. who continued 8. yeares After hym came Iohn Kempe ann 1453. who sate but three yeares Then succeeded Thomas Burschere In the time of which Archbishop fell the trouble of Reynold Pecocke Bishop of Chichester afflicted by the Popes Prelates for hys fayth and profession of the Gospell Of this Byshoppe Halle also in his Chronology toucheth a little mention declaring that an ouerthwart iudgement as he termeth it was geuen by the Fathers of the spiritualty agaynst him Thys man sayth he beganne to moue questions not priuatly but openly in the Uniuersityes concerning the Annates Peter pence and other iurisdictions and authorities perteyning to the sea of Rome and not onely put forth the questioÌs but declared his mind and opinion in the same wherefore he was for thys cause absured at Paules Crosse. Thus muche of hym wryteth Hall Of whom also recordeth Polychronycon but in few wordes This bishop first of S. Assaphe then of Chichester so long as Duke Humfrey lyued by whome he was promoted and much made of was quiet and safe and also bolde to dispute and to write hys mynde and wrote as Leland recordeth diuers bookes and treatises But after that good Duke was thus as ye haue heard made away this good man lacking his backstay was open to his enemies and matter soone found agaynst hym Wherupon he being complayned of and accused by priuy and malignant promoters vnto the Archbishop letters first were directed downe from the Archbishop to cite al men to appeare that could say any thing agaynst hym The forme of which citation here ensueth The copy of the Citation sent by the Archbyshoppe THomas by the permission of God Archb. of Canterbury primate of all England and Legate of the Apostolicke Sea to all and singuler Parsons Vicares Chaplaynes Curates not Curates Clerkes and learned men whatsoeuer they be constitute ordeined in any place throughout our prouince of Caunterbury health grace and benediction We haue receiued a greeuous complaint of our reuerend felow brother Reynold Pecocke Byshop of Chichester conteyning in it that albeit our sayd reuerend felow brother the Byshop deliuered vnto vs certayne bookes written by him in the English tongue by vs and our authority to be examined corrected reformed and allowed notwithstanding many the examination and reformation of the sayde bookes depending and remayning before vs vndiscussed haue openly preached and taught at Paules crosse in London and in diuers other places of our prouince of Canterbury that our sayd felow brother the Byshop hath propouÌded made and written or caused to be writen in the sayde bookes certayne conclusions repugnaunt to the true fayth and that he doth obstynately hold and defend the same By the pretence of which preaching and teaching the state good name and fame of the sayd Lord Reynolde the Byshoppe are greeuously offended and hurt and he and his opinion maruellously burdened Wherefore we charge you all together and seuerally apart do commaund you firmely enioyning you that openly and generally you doe warne or cause to bee warned all and singular such persons whiche will obiect any thing contrary and agaynst the conclusions of our sayd reuereÌd felow brother the Bishop had or conteined in his bookes or writings that the 20. day after such monition or warning had they do freely of theyr own accord appeare before vs and our Commissaryes in this behalfe appoynted wheresoeuer we shall then be in our Citty Dioces or prouince of Canterbury to speake propound alledge and affirme fully sufficiently in writinge whatsoeuer hereticall or erroneous matter they wil speak propound or obiect agaynst the sayde conclusions conteyned in his sayde bookes and both to satisfye and receiue whatsoeuer shall seeme meete and right in this behalfe by the holy institutions and ordinaunces And for so muche as this matter depending yet vndetermined and vndiscussed nothing ought to be attempted or renewed we charge you that by this our authority you inhibite and forbid all and euery one so to preach and teach hereafter Vnto whom also we by the the tenour of these presents do likewise forbid that during the examination of the conclusions and bookes aforesayde depending before vs and our Commissaryes vndiscussed they do not presume by any meanes without good aduise and iudgemeÌt to preach iudge and affirme any thing to the preiudice or offeÌce of the sayd Lord Reynold the Byshop and if so be you do finde any in this behalfe gayne saying or not obeying this our inhibitioÌ that you do cite or cause theÌ peremptorily to be cited to appeare before vs or our Commissaryes in this behalfe appoynted the 10 day after theyr citation if it be a courte day or els the next courte day following wheresoeuer we shall then be in our City Dioces or prouince of Canterbury to make further declaration by form of law of the cause of their disobedieÌce to receiue such punishment as iustice and equity shall determine in that behalfe that by your leters you do duely certify vs or our Commissaries what you haue
Church of Rome now beyng hath no coÌformitie with the old Romane Churche heretofore For then Byshops debated all causes of fayth onely by the Scriptures and other questions of Ecclesiasticall discipline they determined by the CanoÌs not of the Pope but of the Church such as were decreed by the auncient Councels as writeth Greg. Turonensis in Francorum historia Where as now both the rule of scripture sanctions of the old Councels set aside all thynges for the most part are decided by certaine new decretall or rather extradecrâtall extrauagant constitutions in the Popes Canon law compiled and in his Consistories practised And where as the old ordinaunce and disposition as well of the common law as of the sacred CouÌcels and institution of auncient fathers haue geuen to Byshops other prelates also to patrons and donors of Ecclesiastical benefices euery one within his owne precinct and dominion also to cathedrall Churches and other to haue their free elections to prosecute the same in full effect ordryng and disposing promotions collatioÌs prouisions dispositions of prelacies dignities and all other Ecclesiasticall benefices whatsoeuer after their owne arbitremeÌt as appeareth by the first generall Councell of Fraunce 16. q 7. cap. Omnes Basilicae by the first generall Councell of Nice cap 6. Also by the generall Councell of Antioche cap. 9. and is to be seene in the Popes Decrees 9. q. 3. Per singulas And also beside these auncient decrees the same is confirmed agayne in more latter yeares by Ludouicus the ninth French kyng in his constitution called Pragmatica sanctio made and prouided by full Parliament agaynst the popes exactions An. 1228. in these wordes as folow Item exactionâs onera grauissima pecuniarum per curiam Romanam Ecclesiae regni nostri impositas vel imposita quibus regnum miserabiliter de pauperatum existit siue etiam imponendas vel imponenda leuari aut colligi nullatenus volumus nisi duntaxat pro rationabili pia vrgentissima causa vel ineuitabili necessitate ac etiam de expresso spontaneo iussu nostro ipsius Ecclesiae regni nostri c. that is Item all exactions importable burdens of money which the Court of Rome hath layd vpon the Church of our kingdome whereby the said our kingdome hath bene miserably hetherto impouerished or hereafter shall impose or lay vpon vs we vtterly discharge and forbyd to be leuied or collected hereafter for any maner of cause vnlesse there come some reasonable godly most vrgent ineuitable necessitie that also not to be done without the expresse voluntary commaundement of vs of the Church of the same our foresayd kingdome c. Now contrary and agaynst to these so manifest expresse decrementes of generall Councels constitutions Synodall this latter Church of Rome of late presuÌption degeneratyng froÌ all the steppes of their elders haue taken vpon them a singular iurisdiction by them selues for their owne aduauntage to entermedle in disposing traÌsposing Churches Colledges Monasteries with the collations exemptions elections goodes landes to the same belongyng by reason and exaÌple wherof haue come in these impropriations first fruites reseruations of benefices to the miserable dispoyling of Parishes horrible decay of Christen fayth which thynges amoÌg the old Romaine elders were neuer knoweÌ For so much then did it lacke that due necessities were pluckt froÌ the Church that Emperours Kyngs Princes plucking froÌ their owne rather did cumulate the Church with superfluities Agayne when such goodes were geuen to the Church by those auncetors they were neither so geuen nor yet taken to serue the priuate vse of certaine churchmen takyng no paynes therein but rather to serue the publique subueÌtioÌ of the needy as is coÌteined in the canonicall institutioÌs by the Emperour Ludouicus Pius set forth An. 830. The wordes be these Res Ecclesiae vota sunt fidelium pretia peccatorum patrimonia pauperum that is The goods of the church be the vowes and bequestes of the faythfull prices to raunsome such as be in captiuitie or prison and patrimonies to succour them with hospitalitie that be needy Wherunto agreeth also the testimony of Prosper whose wordes be these Viros sanctos ecclesiae non vendicasâe vt proprias sed vt commendatas pauperibus diuisisse that is good men tooke the goodes of the church not as their own but distributed theÌ as geueÌ bequeathed to the poore And sayth moreouer Quod habet Ecclesia cum omnibus nihil habentibus habet commune that is Whatsoeuer the church hath it hath it common with all such as haue nothyng c. Adde to these the worthy testimony of S. August ad Bonif Si autem priuatim quae nobis sufficiant possidemus noÌ sunt illa nostra sed pauperum quorum procurationem quodammodo gerimus non proprietatem nobis vsurpatione damnabili vendicamus c. Likewise vowsons and pluralities of benefices were thyngs then as much vnknowen as now they are pernitious to the church taking away all free election of ministers from the flocke of Christ. All which inconueniences as they first came and crept in chiefly by the pretensed authoritie iurisdiction abused in this latter church of Rome so it can not be denyed but the sayd latter church of Rome hath taken and attributed to it selfe much more theÌ either the limites of Gods word do geue or standeth with the example of the old Romane church in these three thynges especiall Whereof as mentioÌ is touched before so briefly I will recapitulate the same The first is in this that whatsoeuer the Scripture geueth and referreth either to the whole church vniuersally or to euery particular church seuerally this church now of Rome doth arrogate to it selfe absolutely and onely both doyng iniury to other churches also abusing the Scriptures of God For albeit the Scripture doth geue authoritie to binde and loose it limitteth it neither to person nor place that is neither to the Citie of Rome onely more theÌ to other Cities nor to the sea of Peter more theÌ to other Apostles but geueth it clearely to the Church wherof Peter did beare the figure so that where soeuer the true Church of Christ is there is annexed power to bynde loose geuen and taken meerly as from Christ and not mediatly by the Pope or Byshop of Peters sea The second poynt wherein this present Churche of Rome abuseth his iurisdiction contrary to Scripture and steps of the old Romane Church is this for that it extendeth his authoritie farther and more amply theÌ either the warrant of the word or example of time will giue For although the Churche of Rome hath as other particular churches haue authoritie to binde and absolue yet it hath no such authoritie to absolue subiectes froÌ their othe subiection and loyaltie to their rulers Magistrates to dispeÌse with periury to denounce
constitutionis Unto this Lotharius French kyng and Emperour Pope Leo the 4. writeth that Romana lex that is the Romane law meanyng the law of the FreÌch Emperours as it hath hetherto stode in force Ita nunc suum robur propriúmque vigorem obtineat that is so now it may continue still in his vigour and strength Ino Carnotensis lib. 11. Decretorum about the yeare of the Lord .848 After this Lotharius succeeded his sonne Ludouicus the second in the kyngdome Empire of Fraunce before whoÌ the foresayd Pope Leo was brought into iudgement pleaded his cause of treason and there was before the Emperour quyte and released Which declareth that Popes and Byshops all this while were in subiection vnder their Kynges and Emperours Moreouer descendyng yet to lower tymes an 1228. Ludouicus 9. called holy Ludouike made a law agaynst the pestiferous simonie in the Church also for the maintenauÌce of the libertie of the Church of FrauÌce established a law or decree agaynst the new inueÌtions reseruations preueÌtions exactions of the court of Rome called Pragmatica sanctio S. Ludouici the which SaÌction was also practised loÌg after in the kyngdome of FrauÌce agaynst the popes collectors vndercollectors as appeareth by the Arestum of the couÌsaile of Paris an 1463. ex Molinaeo in CoÌmeÌtarijs Furthermore king Philip le Bel. 1303. set forth a law called Philippina wherein was forbid any exactioÌ of new tithes and first fruites other vncustomed collections to be put vpon the Church of FrauÌce Carolus the v. named Sapiens an 1369. by a law coÌmauÌded that no Byshops nor Prelates or their Officials within his kyngdome of FrauÌce should execute any censure of suspense or excommunicatioÌ at the Popes coÌmaundemeÌt ouer or vpoÌ the Cities or townes corporations or coÌmons of his Realme ex regist antiquaruÌ const chart 62. IteÌ Carolus vi an 1388. agaynst the Cardinals other Officials collectors of the Pope reuoking againe the power which he had geueÌ to theÌ before prouided by a law that the fruites rentes of benefices with other pensions Byshops goodes that departed should no more be exported by the Cardinals the Popes collectours vnto Rome but should be brought to the king and so restored to them to whoÌ they rightly did appertaine The like also may be inferred proued by the stories exaÌples of our kyngs here in EnglaÌd as kyng Offa kyng Egbertus Edgarus Aluredus Athelwoldus Canutus Edwardus William Conquerour Wilhel Rufus Henricus the first Henricus the second till the tyme of kyng Iohn and after Whose dealyng as well in Ecclesiasticall cases as in teÌporall is a sufficient demonstration to proue what iniury the Popes in these latter dayes haue done vnto the Emperours their lawfull gouernours Magistrates in vsurpyng such fulnes of power iurisdictioÌ ouer them to whoÌ properly they owe subiection coÌtrary to the steps example of the old Romaine Byshops their aunciters therfore haue incurred the dauÌger of a Premunire worthy to be depriued Although it is not to be denyed but that Ecclesiasticall ministers and seruitures haue their power also committed vnto theÌ after their sort of the Lord yet it becommeth euery man to know his owne place standyng there to keepe him wherein his owne precinct doth pale him not rashly to breake out into other meÌs walkes As it is not lawfull for a ciuile Magistrate to intermedle with a Byshops or a Preachers function so vnseemely vnorderly it is agayne that Boniface the viij should haue borne before him the teÌporall male the naked sword of the Emperour or that any Pope should beare a triple crowne or take vpon him like a Lord and Kyng Wherfore let euery man consider the compasse limitation of his charge exceede no farther The office of a Bishop or seruiture Ecclesiasticall was in the old law to offer sacrifice to burne incense to pray for the people to expounde the law to minister in the tabernacle with which office it was not lawfull for any Prince or maÌ els to intermedle as we read how Ozias was punished for offering incense an other for touchyng the Arke so now the office of Christian Ministers is to preach the word to minister SacrameÌts to pray to binde and loose where cause vrgently requireth to iudge in spirituall cases to publishe denounce free reconciliation remissioÌ in the name of Christ to erect comfort troubled consciences with the rich grace of the Gospell to teach the people the true differeÌce betwixt the law and the Gospell whereof the one belongeth to such as be not in Christ and come not to him the other pertaineth to the true beleuers in the sonne of God to admonish also the Magistrates erryng or transgressing in their office c. And as these properly belong to the functioÌ of the Ecclesiasticall sort so hath the ciuile gouernour or Magistrate agayne his proper charge office to him assigned whiche is to see the administratioÌ of iustice iudgement to defend with power the right of the weake that suffer wroÌg to defend from oppression the poore oppressed to minister with equalitie that which is right and equall to euery man to prouide lawes good godly to see the execution of the same as cause moueth especially to see the law of God mainteined to promote Christes glory Gospell in settyng vp sendyng out good Preachers in mainteinyng the same in prouidyng Byshops to be elected that be faythfull in remouyng or els correctyng the same beyng faulty or negligeÌt in congregatyng the Clergy wheÌ neede is of any couÌsell or electioÌ to heare their learning in causes propouÌded according to the truth learned to direct his iudgemeÌt in disposing such rites ordinaunces for the church as make to edification not to the destruction therof in conseruyng the discipline of the Churche and settyng all thynges in a congrue order Briefly the office of the ciuile ruler Magistrate extendeth to minister iustice and iudgement in all Courtes as well temporall as Ecclesiasticall to haue correction ouer all traÌsgressours whether they be laymen or persons Ecclesiasticall And finally all such thyngs as belong to the mouyng of the sword whatsoeuer that is to say all outward punishment is referred to the iurisdiction of the secular Magistrate vnder whose subiection the ordinaunce of God hath subiected all orders and states of meÌ Here we haue the witnesse also of Hormisda Byshop of Rome which being well weyed maketh the matter plaine that Princes haue to deale in spirituall causes also not onely in temporall where the sayd Hormisda writeth to Epiphanius Patriarche of Constant. in this sort Clara coelestis misericordiae demonstratio procedit quando regés seculi causas de fide cum gubernatione politiae coniungunt c. ex Act. v. vniuers concil Constantini secundi an 528. And thus much and to much peraduenture concernyng the matter of
properly appertain briefly with this one short distinction I answer these all such other like places where S. Peter with his successours are called head of the church chiefe of Bishops Prince of the Apostles c. In which places this worde head chiefe and Prince of the Apostles may be taken two maner of waies to note either dominioÌ or els commendation For so we read sometime Caput and princeps to be wordes not of authoritie but of excellencie wherby is declared the chiefest and worthiest part among many parts and not possessour and gouernour of the whole Like as in the person of maÌ the hed is the principal part of the whole body being endued with reason furnished with most excelleÌt senses by the which the whole body of maÌ is directed so thereof is deriued by a metaphor to what man or thing soeuer nature or condition hath giuen the greatest excelleÌcie of gifts and properties aboue other partes or meÌbers the same societie to be called of the said parties Caput or Princeps head or Prince And yet the same head or Prince so called hath not alwayes dominion or iurisdictioÌ of the rest So we call in our vulgar speach the head or chiefe men of the parish who for their riches wisdom or place are most specially noted After like phrase of speach we call the head man of the Inquest him that hath the first place And yet neither they nor these haue any dominion or iurisdiction vpon the residue In a schoole the chiefest Scholer in learning is not therefore the maister or gouernour of his fellowes Neither hath M. Cicero any title thereby to claime subiection and seruice of all other Oratours because he is named Princeps eloquentiae and goeth before them in that kind of phrase The same Cicero Lib. 1. offic calleth CratippuÌ principem huius aetatis Philosophorum as Homerus also may be called Poetarum Princeps And yet neither Philosophers to Cratippus nor Poetes to Homere owe anye thing els but onely fame and praise And what if S. Peter the blessed Apostle be called and counted of the old auncient Doctours as head and Prince of the Apostles which is as much as Coryphaeus Apostolorum for his excellent faith for his deuine confession singular affection to the Lorde Iesus yet what Interest or charge either hath he to chalenge ouer the Apostles or the Pope after him ouer all other bishops the whole church of Christ although the Pope haue the like excellencie of Christes faith which Peter had as would God he had As concerning these allegations therfore out of the Doctors two thinges are to be obserued First that neither these names and titles though they be geuen to Peter doe geue him any state or dominion aboue other Apostles nor yet the succession of him doth further any whit this celsitude and regalitie of the Pope to aduance him aboue his fellow Archbishops as he now doth And if our aduersaries would needs prouoke vs to the numbring of testimonies deuiding the house speaking of the writers and Counsels of the Primitiue age for these aforesaid testimonies alleaged on their side I could on the contrary part recite out of the witnesse of Doctours out of the examples of Councels practises of Emperors no lesse then 60. voices much more repugnant against their assertion then there is for the Pope The tractation wherof for this present I do refer either to them that haue more laisure at this time to discourse them or els omit it to an other time if the good pleasure of the Lord shall be to graunt me further laisure in an other Booke to intreat thereof at large in such order as if the Lord so graunt shal appeare sufficient matter to proue by the Doctors general Councels examples and histories of time that the Bishops of Rome during the first 500. yeres after Christ although for the greatnes of the Empire were somewhat more magnified then the other and therfore were sought of many and were flattred of some and they themselues diuers did set forth themselues more then they should yet by the commoÌ consent of churches were stopped of their purpose so that by the consension of the most part within the compasse of that age the Bishops of Rome had not this regall state of title iurisdiction and fulnes of power which now they vsurpe but were taken as Archbishops of equal honour of equal merite with other Archbishops rulers of the church And if any preferment was giuen vnto them some thing aboue the rest yet neither was it so giuen of all nor of the most part secondly neither was it so giuen of them for any such necessitie of Gods worde aut iure aliquo diuino as which did so bind them thereunto nor yet so much for the respect of Peter his succession as for certaine other causes and respects as may be gathered to the number of 13. Of which the first is the greatnesse of the citie and Monarchie of Rome The second is the authoritie of the Emperor Constantine the great first of the Emperors conuerted to the faith and ruling in the same citie by whom the vniuersal libertie of the church was first promooted and the causes of the bishops being then at variance were committed partly to the bishop of Rome partly to other bishops nere by to be decided as appeareth Euseb. lib. 10. cap. 5. The third was the Councel of Nice which confirmed the preeminence of that church to haue the ouersight of the churches bordering about it The fourth cause of aduauncing the church of Rome was the vnquiet state of the Greek church much troubled in those dayes with sects factions and dissentions wherof we may read Socrat. lib. 2. cap 15. Sozom. lib. 3. cap. 8. The fift when Synodes were called by other Metropolitanes then if it chanced the bishops of Rome to be absent and their sentence being absent to be required by the occasion therof they began at length to take their sentence for a Canon or rule Ecclesiasticall thereby to refuse other Synodes where their decree or senteÌce was not required An other cause was that when any common matter was in hand in other places whatsoeuer was done commonly the maner was to write to the Romaine bishop for his approbatioÌ in the same for publike vnitie and consent to be had in Christes church as appeareth Lib. 10. Epist. 78. Ambrosij ad Theophilum Item for that the testimonie somtimes of the Romain bishop was woont in those dayes also to be desired for admitting teachers and bishops in other churches whereof we haue example in Socrat lib. 4. cap. 37. Moreouer this was a great setting vp of that church when as their sentence not only was required but also receiued diuers times of other bishops And when Bishops of other prouinces were at any dissention among theÌselues they of their owne accord appealed to the bishop of Rome desiring him to
Churches to the Romains one to the Corinthians two to the GalathiaÌs one to the Ephesians one to the Philippians one to the Colossians one to the Thessalonians two Moreouer he wrote to his Disciples to Timothie two to Titus one to Philemon one The Epistle which beareth the title to the Hebrues is not thought to be his for the difference of the stile phrase but either iudged to be written of Timothie as Tertullian supposeth or of S. Luke as other do thinke or els of Clement afterward Bishop of Rome who as they say was adioyned with Paul and compiling together his sayings and sentences did phrase them in his stile and maner Or els as some do iudge because S. Paul wrote vnto the Hebrues for the odiousnes of his name among that people therefore he dissimuled and confessed his name in the first entre of his salutation contrary to his accustomed condition And as he wrote to the Hebrues he being an Hebrue so he wrote in Hebrue that is in his own tongue more eloquently And that is thought to be the cause why it differeth from his other Epistles and is after a more eloquent maner translated into the Greeke then his other Epistles be Some also read the Epistle written to Laodicea but that is explosed of all men Thus much Hierome As touching the tyme and order of the death and Martyrdome of S. Paule as Eusebius Hierome Maximus and other authors doe but briefly passe ouer So Abdias if his booke be of any substaÌtial authoritie speaking more largely of the same doth say that after the crucifying of Peter the ruine of Simon Magus Paule yet remayning in free custody was dimissed and deliuered at that time from Martyrdome by Gods permission that all the Gentiles might be replenished with preaching of the Gospell by him And the same Abdias proceeding in his story declareth moreouer that as Paule was thus occupied at Rome he was accused to the Emperour not onely for teaching new doctrine but also for stirring vp sedition against the Empire For this he being called before Nero and demaunded to shew the order and maner of his doctrine there declared what his doctrine was to teach all men peace and charitie how to loue one an other how to preuent one an other in honor rich meÌ not to be puft in pride nor to put their trust in their treasures but in the liuing God Meane men to be contented with foode and rayment and with their present state Poore meÌ to reioyce in their pouertie with hope Fathers to bring vp their children in the feare of God Children to obey their parents Husbandes to loue their wiues Wiues to be subiect vnto their husbands Citizens and subiects to giue their tribute vnto Caesar and to be subiect to their magistrates Maisters to be curteous not currish to their seruaunts Seruants to deale faithfully with their maisters And this to be the summe of his teaching which his doctrine he receiued not of men nor by men but by Iesus Christ and the father of glory which spake to him from heauen the Lord Iesus saying to him that he should goe and preach in his name and that he would be with him and would be the spirit of life to all that beleued in him and that whatsoeuer he did or said he would iustifie it c. After that Paule had thus declared vnto the Emperour shortly after sentence of death was pronounced against him that he should be headed Unto whose executâoÌ then Nero sent two of his Esquiers Ferega and Parthemius to bring him word of his death They comming to Paule instructing then the people desired him to pray for them that they might beleue Who told them that shortly after they should beleue and be baptised at his Sepulchre as Abdias writeth This done the souldiours came and led him out of the Citie to the place of execution where he after his prayers made gaue his necke to the sword Abdias reporteth that as his head was strokeÌ off in stead of blood issued out white milke and that at laying downe his head he signed himselfe with the signe of a crosse in his forehead but this being found in no other historie Abdias semeth either to adde of his own or els to borow out of the Legend as he doth many other things beside wherof more shal be sayd Christ willing hereafter Although the same miracle of milke flowing out of his necke is referred also vnto Ambrose who in his sermon 68. if it be not counterfaited seemeth to affirme the same Of the tyme and yeare when these blessed Apostles did suffer histories doe not all agree They that follow the commoÌ opinion and the Popes decrees say that both Peter and Paul suffred both in one day and in one yeare which opinion semeth to be taken out of Dionysius bishop of Corinth Hierome in his booke De viris illustr affirmeth that they suffred both in one day but he expresseth not the yeare So doth Isodorus and Eusebius Symon Metaphrastes bringeth in the opinion of some which thinke that Paul suffred not with Peter but after Peter Prudentius in his PeristephanoÌ noteth that they both were put to death vpon the same day but not in the same yere and saith that Paule followed Peter a yeare after Abdias aboue mentioned recordeth that Paule suffered two yeares after Peter Moreouer if it be true which Abdias saith that after the crucifiyng of Peter Paul remained in his fyare custody at Rome meÌtioned in the Actes of the Apostles which was as Hierom witnesseth the 3. or 4. yere of Nero then must it be x. yeare betwixt the Martyrdome of Peter and of Paule for as much as it is by all writers confessed that Paule suffered the 14. yeare which was the last yeare of Nero. And so Abdias seemeth neither to agree with other authors nor with himselfe And thus much of the first persecution The second Persecution THe first Romaine persecution beginning vnder Nero as is aforesaid ceased vnder Vespasianus who gaue some rest to the poore Christians After whose raigne was mooued not long after the second persecution by the Emperor Domitian brother of Titus Of whome Eusebius and Orosius so write that he first beginning mildly afterward did so farre outrage in pride intollerable that he commaunded himself to be worshipped as God and that images of gold and siluer in his honour should be set vp in Capitolio The chiefest nobles of the Senators either vpon enuy or for their goodes he caused to be put to death some openly and some he sent into banishment there causing them to be slaine priuilie And as his tiranny was vnmeasurable so the intemperancie of his life was no lesse He put to death all the nephewes of Iuda called the Lordes brother and caused to be sought out and to be slayne all that could be found of the stocke of Dauid as Vespasian also did
Philadelphia suffered Martyrdome at Smyrna which Policarpus specially aboue the rest is had in memory so that hee in all places among the Gentiles is most famous And this was the ende of this worthy disciple of the Apostles Whose hystory the brethren of the congregation at Smyrna haue wrytten in this their Epistle as is aboue recited Iraeneus in his 3. booke against heresies the 3 chap. and Eusaebius in his 4. booke and 14. chap. of his Ecclesiasticall history reporteth this worthy saying of Poticarpus This Policarpus sayth hee meeting at a certeine time Martion the heretick who said vnto him doest thou not know me made answere I know that thou art the first begotten of Sathan So great feare what euil might ensue therof had the Disciples of the Apostles that they would not speake to them whom they knew to be the deprauers of the verytie euen as Paule saith The hereticke after the first and second admonition shonne and auoyd Knowing that he which is such one is peruerse or frowarde and damneth himselfe This most holy confessour and Martyr of Christ Policarpus suffered death in the fourth persecution after Nero when Marcus Antonius and Lucius Aurelius Commodus raigned an Dom. 167. as Vrsperg affirmeth an 170. as Eusebius witnesseth in his Chronicles the 7. before the Calendes of Februarie Of Germanicus mention is made aboue in the storye of Policarpus of whome writeth Eusebius Lib. 4. cap. 15. notyng him to be a younge man and most constantly to perseuere in the profession of Christes doctrine whom wheÌ the Proconsul went about to perswade to remember his age and to fauor him selfe being in the floure of his age he woulde nor be allured but constaÌtly and boldly and of his owne accorde incited and prouoked the wild beast to come vpon him and to deuour him to be deliuerd more spedely out of this wretched life Haec Eusebius an 170. Thus haue you heard out of the Epistle of the brethren of Smyrna the whole order and liâe of Policarpus wherby it may appeare that he was a very aged maÌ who had serued Christ lxxxvj yeares since the first knowledge of him and serued also in the ministery about the space of 70. yeares This Policarpus was the schooler and hearer of Iohn the Euangelist and was placed by the sayde Iohn in Smyrna Of him also Ignatius maketh mention in his Epistle which he wrote in his iourney to Rome going toward his martyrdome and commended to him the gouernement of hys Church at Antioch whereby it appeareth that Policarpus then was in yâ ministery Likewise Iraeneus writeth of the sayd Policarpus after this maner He alwaies taught sayd he those things which he learned of the Apostles leauing them to the Church and are onely true Wherevnto also at the Churches that be in Asia and all they which succeeded after Policarpus to this day beareth witnes And the same Irenaeus witnesseth also that the sayd Policarpus wrote an Epistle to the Phillipians which whether it be the same that is now extant and read in the name of Policarpus it is doubted of some notwithstanding in the sayd Epistle diuers things are founde very holesome and Apostolicke as where he teacheth of Christ of iudgement and of the resurrection Also he writeth of faith very worthily thus declaryng that by grace we are saued and not by works but in the will of God by Iesus Christ. In Eusebius we reade in like maner a part of an Epistle written by Irenaeus to Florinus wherin is declared how that the said Irenaeus being yet yong was with Policarpus in Asia at what time he saw well remembred what Policarpus did and the place where he sat teaching his whoâe order of life and proportion of his body with the sermons wordes which he said to the people And furthermore he perfectly remembred howe that the saide Policarpus often times reported vnto him those thinges which hee learned and heard them speake of the Lord his dooinges power and doctrine who heard the worde of life with their owne eares all which were more consonant and agreable to the holy Scripture Thus with much more hath Irenaeus concerning Policarpus Hierome also writing of the same Policarpus hath howe he was in great estimation throughout all Asia for that he was scholer to the Apostles and to them which did see and were conuersant with Christ himselfe whereby it is to be coniectured his authority to be much not onely with them of his owne Church but wyth all other Churches about him Ouer and besides it is witnessed by the sayd Irenaeus that Policarpus came to Rome in the time of Anicetus Byshop of Rome about the yere of our Lord. 157. in yâ raigne of Antoninus Pius whose cause of his comming thether appeareth to be about the controuersie of Easterday wherin the Asians and the Romanes somthing disagreed amonge theÌselues And therfore the said Policarpus in the behalfe of the brethren and Church of Asia tooke his long iourneye thether to come and conferre with Anicetus Wherof wryteth also Nicephorus Lib. 4. declaring that Policarpus and Anicetus something varied in opinions and iudgement about that mater And that notwithstanding yet both freÌdly communicated either with the other insomuch that Anicetus in his Church gaue place to Policarpus to minister the Communion and Sacrament of the Lordes Supper for honour sake which may be a notable testimony now to vs that the doctrine concerning the free vse and liberty of ceremonies was at that time retained in the church without any offence of stomacke or breach of Christian peace in the Church This Policarpus as is aboue mentioned suffered his Martyrdome euen in his owne Church at Smyrna where he had laboured so many yeares in planting of the Gospel of Christ which was about the yeare of our Lorde 170. as Eusebius rekoneth in his Chronicle and in the 7. yeare of Antoninus Verus his raigne wherby it appeareth that Socrates in Historia tripartita was much deceaued saying that Policarpus suffered in the time of Gordianus In this fourth persecution beside Policarpus and other mentioned before we read also in Eusebius of diuers other who at the same time likewise did suffer at Smyrna Ouer and besides in the said persecution suffered moreouer Metrodorus a ministrr who was giuen to the fier so consumed An other was worthy Pionius which after much boldnes of speeche with his Apologies exhibited his sermons made to the people in the defence of christian sayth and after much reheuyng and comforting of such as were in prisons and otherwise discoÌforted at last was put to cruell torments and afflictions then giuen likewise to the fire so finished his blessed martyrdome After these also suffered Carpus Papylus and Agathonyca a woman who after their most constaunt and worthye confessions were put to death at Pergamopolis in Asia witnessing Eusebius Lib. 4 cap 7.
And as these suffered to in Asia so in Rome suffered Felicitas with her 7 children who vnder this M. Antoninus Verus sustayned also the cruelty of this persecution The names of whose children Bergomensis and other histories doe thus recite Ianuarius Felix Philippe Siluanus Alexander Vitalis Martialis Of whom her first and eldest sonne Ianuarius after he was whipped and scourged with roddes was prest to death with leaden waightes Felix and Phillippe had their braynes beaten out with maules Siluanus was cast downe headlong and had his necke broken Furthermore Alexander Vitalis and Martialis was beheaded Last of all Felicitas the mother otherwise then the accustomed maner was for such as hadde borne Children was slayne with the sword Ex Supplem In the rage of this fourth persecution vnder the raigne of Antonius Pius suffered also good Iustinus a man in learning and Philosophy excellent a great defender of Christian Religion Who first exhibited unto the Emperour to the Senate a booke or Apologie in the defence of the Christians and afterward himselfe also dyed a Martyr Of whom in the history of Euseb. Lib. 4. cap. 16. it is thus recorded That about what tyme or a little before that Polycarpus with other diuers Sainctes suffered Martyrdome in Pargamopolis a Cittie of Asia this Iustinus as is aforesayd preâented a booke in defence of our doctrine to the Emperour to wit vnto Antonius and to the Senate After which he was also crowned with like Martyrdome vnto those whome he in his booke had defended through the malicious meanes and crafty circumuention of Crescens This Crescens was a Philosopher confirming hys lyfe and maners to the Cynical sect whom for because this Iustinus had reproued in open audience and had borne away the victory of the trueth which he defended he therefore as much as in him lay did worke procure vnto him this crowne of Martyrdome And this did also Iustine him selfe a Philosopher no lesse famous by hys profession foresee and declare in hys foresayd Apology telling almost all those thinges before hand which should happen vnto him by these words saying And I looke after this good turne that I be slayne goyng by the way eyther of some of those whom I haue named and to haue my braynes beaten out with a bat or els of Crescens whom I cannot call a Phylosopher but rather a vayne boaster For it is not conuenient to call him a Philosopher whiche openly professeth thinges to him vnknowne and whereof he hath no skil saying and reporting of vs that the Christians be vngodly irreligiouse And all to please and flatter them which are reduced by errour For whether he obiecteth against vs the doctrine of the Christians whiche he hath not read yet is he very malicious and worse then the vnlearned ideotes who for the most part vse not to dispute or iudge of thinges they know not and to beare witnes of the fame Or put case that he had read them yet vnderstandeth he not the maiestie of the matters therein conteined or if peraduenture he vnderstandeth them and doth it for thys purpose that he would not be counted as one of them then is he so much the more wicked and malicious and the bondslaue of vyle beastly both fame and feare For this I testifie of him geuing you truely to vnderstand that for a truth which I declare vnto you how that I haue apposed him and haue put vnto him many questions whereby I know and perceaue that he vnderstandeth nothing But if so be that this our disputatioÌ with him hath not come vnto your eares I am ready to communicate vnto you agayn those questions which I demaunded of him whiche things shall not be vnfit for your Princely honour to heare But if ye knowe and vnderstand both what thinges I haue examined him of as also what aunswere he hath made it shal be apparant vnto you that he is altogether ignoraunt of our doctrine and learning or els if he knoweth the same he dare not vtter it for feare of hys auditors which thing as I sayd before is a proofe that he is no Philosopher but a slaue to vayne glory which maketh none accompt of that which his own Mayster Socrates had in so great estimation And thus much of Iustine out of Iustine himselfe Now to verifie that which Iustine here of him selfe doth prophecie that Crescens would and did procure his death Tacianus a man brought vp of a childe in the institutions of the Gentiles and obtayned in the same not a little fame and which also left behinde him many good monumentes and Commentaries writeth in hys booke agaynst the Gentiles in this sort And Iustine sayth he that most excellent learned man full well spake and vttered his minde that the afore recited men were lyke vnto theeues or lyers by the high way side And in the sayd book speaking afterward of certaine Philosophers the sayd Tacianus inferreth thus Crescens therefore sayth he when he came first into that great Cittie passed all other in the vicious loue of children and was very much geuen to couetousnes and where he taught that men ought not to regard death he himself doth feare death that he did all his indeuour to oppresse Iustine with death as with the most greatest euill that was and all because that Iustine speaking trueth reproued the Philosophers to be men onely for the belly and deceauers and this was the cause of Iustines Martyrdome Hierome in his Ecclesiasticall Catalogue thus writeth Iustine when in the Cittie of Rome he had his disputations and had reprooued Crescens the Cinike for a great blasphemer of the Christians for a bellygod and a man fearing death and also a follower of lust and lechery at the last by his indeuour and conspiracie was accused to be a Christian and for Christ shed his bloud in the yeare of our Lord. 154. vnder Marcus Antonius as the Cronicles doe witnes Abb Vrsperg and Eusebius in his Cronicle in the xiii yeare of the Emperour Antoninus Among these aboue recited is also to be numbred Praxedis a blessed virgine the daughter of a Citizen of Rome who in the tyme of Anicetus there Byshop was so brought vp in the doctrine of Christ and so affected to hys religion that she with her sister Potentiana bestowed all her patrimony vpon the relieuing of poore Christians geuing all her time to fasting and prayer and to the burryng of the bodyes of the Martyrs And after she had made free all her famelie with her seruauntes after the death of her sister she also departed and was buryed in peace Under the same Antoninus also suffered Ptolomeus and Lucius for the confession of Christ in a Cittie of Egipt called Alexandria whose history because it is described in the Apology of Iustinus Martyr I thought therefore so to set forth the same as it is alledged in Eusebius declaring the manner and occasion
In the which functioÌ he ministred the terme of xvj yeares Eusebius Lib. 6. cap. 35. Of this Heraclas writeth also Origene himselfe that he although beyng Priest yet ceased not to read ouer and peruse the bookes of the Gentils to the intent he might the better out of their owne bookes confute their errour c. After Heraclas succeeded Dionysius Alexandrinus in the bishoprike of Alexandria like as he succeded him in the schole before Which Dionysius also writeth of the same Heraclas vnto Philemon a Priest of Rome thus saying Hunc ego canonem typum a beato Heracla Papa nostro accepi c. that is This Canon and type I receaued of blessed Heraclas our Pope c. This Heraclas was no Martyr which dyed 3. yeares before Decius about the yeare of our Lord 250. After whom succeeded next in the same seat of Alexandria Dionysius Alexandrinus who also suffered much vnder the tiranny of Decius as hereafter shal be shewed Christ willing when we come to the tyme of Valerian Nicephorus in his fift booke and other which write of this persecutioÌ vnder Decius declare the horriblenes therof to be so great and so innumerable Martyrs to suffer in the same that he sayth it is as easie to number the sandes of the sea as to recite the perticular names of them whoÌ this persecution did deuour In the which persecutioÌ the chiefest doers and tormenters vnder the Emperour appeare in the history of Vincentius to be these Optimus the vnder Consull Secundianus Verianus and Marcellianus c. Although therfore it be hard here to inferre all and singular persons in order that dyed in this persecution yet such as remayne most notable in stories I will briefly touche by the grace of him for whose cause they suffred In the former tractation of the fift persecution mentioÌ was made before of Alexander bishop of Hierusalem and of his troubles suffred vnder Seuerus and how afterward by the miracle of God he was appointed bishop of Hierusalem where he continued a very aged man aboue the terme of 40 yeares gouernour of that Church til the tune of the first yeare of Decius At what tyme he being brought from Hierusalem to Cesarea into the iudgement place after a constant and euident confession of his fayth made before the Iudge was committed vnto prison and there finished his lyre as testifieth Dionysius Alexandrinus in the sixâ booke of Eusebius After whome succeeded in that seate Mezabanes the xxxvj Bishop of that Citie after Iames the Apostle Mention was made also before of Asclepiades Bishop of Antioch who succeeded after Serapion and in the persecution of Seuerus did likewise perseuer a constant confessor and as Vincentius testifieth in his xj booke suffered Martyrdome at last vnder this Decius But this computation of Vincentius can in no wise agree with the truth of tyme for as much as by probable writers as Zonaras Nicephorus and other the sayd Asclepiades after Serapion entred the bishops seate of Antioch an 214. and sate vij yeares before the tyme of Gordianus After whom succeeded Philetus an 221. gouerning the function xij yeares And after him Zebinus followed an 232. and so after him Babylas which Babylas if he dyed in this persecution of Decius then could not Asclepiades also suffer in the same tyme who dyed so long before him as is declared Of this Babylas bishop of Antioche Eusebus and Zonaras record that vnder Decius he dyed in prison as did Alexander bishop of Hierusalem aboue rehearsed We read in a certaine treatise of Chrysostome intituled Contra Gentiles a notable and a long history of one Babylas a martyr who about these times was put to death for resistyng a certaine Emperour not suffring him to enter into the temple of the Christians after a cruell murder coÌmitted the story of which murder is this There was a certaine Emperour who vpon conclusioÌ of peace made with a certain nation had receiued for hostage or suretie of peace the sonne of the king beyng of yong and tender age with conditions vpon the same that neither he should be molested of them nor that they should euer be vexed of him Upon this the kings sonne was deliuered not without great care and feare of the father vnto the Emperour whom the cruell Emperor contrary to promise caused in short tyme without all iust cause to be slayne This fact so horrible beyng committed the tyrant with all hast would enter into the temple of the christians Where Babylas beyng bishop or minister withstoode him that he should not into the place approch The Emperour therewith not a litle incensed in great rage commaunded him forthwith to be laid in prison with as many irons as he could beare from theÌce shortly after to be brought forth to death and execution Babylas going constantly and boldly to his Martyrdome desired after his death to be buried with his irons and bands so he was The story proceedeth moreouer and saith that in continuaunce of tyme in the raigne of Constantinus Gallus then made the ouersear of the East partes caused his body to be translated into the suburbes of Antioch called Daphnes where was a temple of Apollo famous with diuelish Oracles answers geuen by that Idole or by the deuill rather in that place In the which temple after the bringing of the body of Babylas the idole ceased to geue any more Oracles saying that for the body of Babylas he could geue no moe answers but complaining that that place was woont to bee consecrated vnto him but now it was full of dead mens bodies And thus the Oracles there ceased for that tyme till the comming of Iulianus who inquiring out the cause why the Oracles ceased caused the bones of the holy Martyr to be remooued agayne from thence by the christians whom he then called Galileans They commyng in a great multitude both men maydens and children to the tombe of Babylas transported his bones according to the commaundement of the emperour singing by the way as they went the verse of the Psalme in wordes as followeth Confounded be all that worship Images and all that glory in Idoles c. which comming to the Emperours âares set him in great rage against the Christians stirring vp persecution against them Albeit Zonaras declareth the cause something otherwise saying that so soone as the body of him and other Martyrs were remooued away incontineÌt the temple of the Idole with the Image in the night was consumed with fire For the which cause sayth Zonaras Iulian stirred vp with anger persecuted the Christians as shall be shewed Christ willyng in his order and place hereafter And thus much of Babylas which whether it was the same Babylas Bishop then of Antioche or an other of the same name it appeareth not by Chrysostome which neither maketh mention of the Emperours name nor of the place where this Babylas was bishop Agayne the stopping out of the
Cyprian writing in his Epistles so much of one Byshop and of the vnity to be kept in Ecclesiasticall regimeÌt as appeareth Lib. 4. Epist. 2. De simplicit praelat item Lib. 3. Epist. 11. c. And in like sort writeth also Cornelius himselfe of one Byshop saying Itaque Vindex ille Euangelij ignorauit vnum esse debere EpiscopuÌ in Catholica Ecclesia c. That is He knew not that there ought to be one Byshoppe in a Catholicke Church c. This by the way not out of the way I trust I haue touched briefly to detect or refute the cauiling wrastling of the Papistes which falsely apply these places of Cyprian and Cornelius to mainetayne the Popes supreme maistershippe alone ouer the whole vniuersall Church of Christ in all places WheÌ their meaning is otherwise how that euery one Catholicke Church or dioces ought to haue one Byshop ouer it not that the whole world ought to be subiect to the dominion of him onely that is Byshop of Rome Now to the story againe Nouatus beyng thus Bishop tooke not a little vpon him goyng about by all meanes to defeat Cornelius and to allure the people from him Insomuch that as in the foresayd book of Eusebius appeareth wheÌ Nouatus came to the distributing of the offrings and should geue euery man his part he coÌpelled the simple persoÌs euery man to sweare before they should receiue of the benediction of the collectes or oblations holding both their handes in his holding them so long speaking these wordes vnto them Sweare to me by the body and bloud of our Lord Iesu Christ that thou wilt not leaue me and goe to Cornelius till that they swearing vnto him instead of AmeÌ to be sayd at the receauing of the bread should aunswere I will not returne to Cornelius c. Where note by the way that the Latine booke of Christofersons tanâlation in this place craftely leaueth out the name of bread This story being written in Eusebius also contained in Nicephorus although not in the same order of wordes yet in effeât drawne out of him doth declare in playne wordes in both the Authors who so will marke the same that the sacrament of the bodye of Christ is termed with the playne name of bread after the consecration It followeth more in the story that Maximus Vrbanus Sydonius and Celerinus before mentioned perceiuing at length the crafty dissimulation and arrogancy of Nouatus left him and with great repentance returned agayne to the Church were reconciled to Cornelius as they theÌselues writing to Cyprian and Cyprian likewise writing to them an Epistle gratulatory doth declare Lib. 3. Epist. 3. Cornelius also in his Epistle to Fabê° witnesseth the same In thiâ Epistle the sayd Cornelius moreouer writeth of one Moses a worthy Martyr which once being a follower also of Nouatus after perceiuing his wickednesse forsooke him and did excommunicate him Of him Cyprian also maketh mention calleth him a blessed confessour Lib. 2. Epi. 4. Damasus in his pontificall sayth that he was apprehended with Maximus and Nicostratus aboue mentioned was put with them in prison where he ended his life And thus much of Nouatus agaynst whom as Eusebius testifieth a Synode was holdeÌ at Rome of lx sondry Byshops in the tyme of Cornelius and vnder the reigne of Decius an 255. whereby it may be supposed that the heat of the persecutioÌ at that tyme was somewhat calmed After Fabianus or as Zonaras calleth him Flauianus next succeeded into the bishoprick of Rome Cornelius whoÌ Cyprian noteth to be a worthy Byshop and for his great vertue maydenlye continency much commeÌdable chosen to that roome not so much of his owne consent as of the full greement both of the Clergy men and also of the people Hierome addeth also that he was a man of great eloqueÌce wherby it may appeare those two Epistles decretal which go in his name not to be his both for the rudenes of the barbarous and grose stile and also for the matter therin conteined nothing tasting of that tyme nor of that age nor doings then of the Church Wherof in the first he writeth to all ministers brethren of the Church concerning the lifting vp of the bodyes bones of Peter Paule De cathecumbis and transposed to Vaticanum at the instance of a certayne deuoute woman named Lucina hauing no great argumeÌt or cause to write therof vnto the churches but onely that he in that letter doth desire theÌ to pray vnto the Lord that through the intercession of those Apostolicall Sayntes their sinnes might be forgeuen them c. In the second Epistle writing to Ruffus a Byshop of the East Church he decreeth and ordaineth that no oth ought to be required or exacted of any head or chiefe Byshop for any cause or by any power Also that no cause of Priestes or Ministers ought to be handled in any straunge or forreine Court without his precinct except onely in the Court of Rome by appellation wherby who seeth not the trayn of our latter Byshops going about craftely to aduaunce the dignity of the Court of Rome vnder and by the prtenced title of Cornelius and of such auncient Byshops If Cornelius did write any Epistles to any in deede in those so turbulent times of persecution no doubt but some signification thereof he would haue touched in the sayd his letters either in ministring consolation to his brethreÌ or in requiring consolation and prayers of others Neither is there any doubt but he would haue geueÌ some touch also of the matter of Nouatus with whom he had so much to do as in deed he did for so we finde it recorded both in Eusebius and in Hierome that he wrote vnto Fabius Byshop of Antioche of the decreementes of the counsell of Rome and an other letter of the maner of the Counsell the third also of the cause of Nouatus and agayne of the repentaunce of such as fell wherof there is no word touched at all in these foresayd Epistles decretall What trouble this Cornelius had with Nouatus sufficiently is before signified In this persecution of Decius he demeaned himselfe very constantly and faythfully whiche sustayned great conflictes with the aduersaries as S. Cyprian geueth winesse Lib. 1. Epist. 1. Hierome testifieth that he remayned Byshop after the death of Decius to the tyme of Gallus and so appeareth also by S. Cyprian which hath these wordes Et tyrannum armis bello postmodum victum prior sacerdotio suo vicit But Damasus and Sabellicus his folowers affirm that he was both exiled also martired vnder the tyrannous reigne of Decius Of whom Sabellicus writeth this story taken out as it seemeth of Damasus and sayth that Cornelius by the commauÌdement of Decius was banished a towne called Centumcellas bordering in Hetruria from whence he sent letters to Cyprian Byshop of Carthage and Cyprian agayne to him This comming to
hearing the history of the Prophet Ionas The same Hierome moreouer testifieth how he immediatly vpon his conuersion distributed among the poore al his substaunce and after that being ordained a Priest was not long after constituted bishop of the congregation of Carthage But whether he succeded Agrippinus of whom he often maketh mention which also was the first author of rebaptization or some other bishop of Carthage it remaineth vncertain But this is most true he himselfe shined in his office and dignitie with such good giftes and vertues that as Nazianzenus writeth he had the gouernment of the whole east Church and church of Spain and was called the Bishop of the Christian men And to the further setting foorth to the praise of God of his godly vertues wherwith he was indued appearing as well in his owne workes to them that list to peruse the same as also described by other worthy writers he was curteous and gentle louing and ful of patience and therwithall sharpe seuere in his office according as the cause required as appeareth in his first booke and third epistle Furthermore he was most louing and kinde towarde his brethren and tooke much payne in helping and relieuyng the Martyrs as appeareth by his letters to the Elders and Deacons of his Bishopricke that with all study and indeuour they should gently entertaine and shewe pleasure vnto the Martirs in his absence as partly is touched before The third Epistle of his first booke doth declare of what stomacke and godly courage he was in executyng his office and handling his matters Neither was he void of prudence circumspection but was adorned with marueilous modestie wherby he attempted nothing vpon his owne head and iudgement but with the consent of his fellow byshops and other inferiour Ministers that chiefly amoÌg others doth the 10. Epistle of his third booke witnes He was of a marueilous liberal disposition towards the poore brethren of other countries for so often as he had cause of absence he committed the care of those poore men to his fellow officers and wrote vnto them that of their own proper goods they would helpe their banished brethren to that which was necessary for them as witnesseth the 24. Epistle of his thirde booke He reciteth among other gifts wherewith he was indued as touching the visions and heauenly admonitions of the persecutions that should follow and of other matters touching the gouernment of the Church in his first booke third Epistle and fourth booke and fourth Epistle where he reciteth and expoundeth the forme or maner of a certaine vision which we haue before sufficiently expressed He had moreouer great skill in the foreknowledge of things that should chaunce as may be gathered in the vj. Epistle of his fourth booke Also Augustine doth attribute vnto him many worthy vertues which wryteth much in setting foorth his giftes of humilitie in his seconde booke of Baptisme the fourth chapter against the Donatistes and in his vij booke and xj chap. of his long sufferaunce and patience Also of his curtesie and meekenes by which vertues he concealed nothing that he vnderstoode but vttered the same meekely and patiently Also that he kept the Ecclesiasticall peace concorde with those that were of an other opinion then he was of lastly that he neither circumuented nor did preiudice any man but followed yâ thing which seemed good in his iudgement it is manifest in S. Augustine his fift booke De Baptismo contra Donatistas Neyther is this to be passed with silence that Hierome writeth that he was very diligent in reading especially the works of Tertullian For he saieth that he saw a certaine olde man whose name was Paulus which tolde him he saw the notarye of blessed Cyprian being then an olde man when he him selfe was but a springal in the Citie of Rome and told him that it was Cyprians wont neuer to let one daye passe wythout some reading of Tertullian and that he was accustomed oftentimes to say vnto him giue me any master meanyng thereby Tertullian Now a few wordes touching his exile and Martyrdome Of his Epistles which he wrote backe to his congregation leading his life in exile mention is made aboue wherin he sheweth the vertue beseeming a faithfull pastor in that he tooke no lesse care as wel of his owne church as of other Bishops being absent then he did beyng presente Wherin also he himselfe doth signifie that voluntarily he absented himselfe least he should doe more hurt then good to the congregation by reason of his presence as is likewyse declared before Thus from the desolate places of his banishment wherein he was oftentimes sought for he writeth vnto his brethren as in his third booke and x. Epistle is manifest which thing semeth to be done in the raigne of Decius or Gallus But after that he returned againe but of exile in the raigne of this Valorianus he was also after that the second tyme banished of Paternus the Proconsull of Aphrica into the Citie of Thurbin as the oration of Augustine touching Cyprian sheweth or els as Pontius the Deacon saith into a Citie named Furâbilitana or Curabilitana But when Paternus the Proconsull was dead Galienus Maximus succeded in the rowme and office of Paternus who fynding Cyprian in a garden caused him to be apprehended by his Sergeauntes and to be brought before the Idoles to offer sacrifice which when he woulde not doe then the Proconsul breaking forth in these words sayd Long hast thou liued in a sacrilegious mind and hast gathered togither men of wicked conspiracie and hast shewed thy selfe an enimie to the Gods of the Romanes and to their holye lawes neither could the sacrete Emperours Valerianus Galienus reuoke thee to the secte of their ceremonies At length the wicked tyraunt condemnyng him to haue hys head cut of he patiently and willingly submitted his necke to the stroke of the sword as Hieronimus affirmeth And so this blessed Martyr ended this present life in the Lorde Xistus then being Byshop of Rome as Eusebius noteth in the yeare of our Lorde 259. Sabellicus saith that he was Martired in the raigne of Gallus and Volusianus Lucius being bishop of Rome but that seemeth not like Now remayneth to speake something likewise of hys workes and bookes left behind him although al peradueÌture doe not remaine that he wrote wherof some are missing some againe which in the liuery of his name title are not his but such as be certainly his by the style sense may soone be discerned such is the eloquence of his phrase grauity of his sentence vigour of wit power in perswasion so much differing from many other as he can lightlye be imitated but of fewe Of the which his bookes with vs extant as the florishing eloquence is worthely coÌmended proceeding out of the schoole of Rhetoricians so is the authoritie therof no lesse reputation not onely
saide to be byshop of Alexandria so lykewise vntrue it is that Helenus was bishop of Hierapolis For by Eusebius it appeareth Lib. 7. cap. 5. alleadging the words of Dionysius that he was bishop of Tarus in Cilicia and had there ouersight of that Church from the tyme of our Lorde 254. to the yeare 274. The vj. yeare of Valerianus and Galienus we read in the story of Herfordiensis cited out of Isuardus of Victor and Victorinus who lying in prison the space of three yeares with Claudianus and Bossa his wife are sayde to haue sustayneâ great tormentes and Martyrdome for the testimony and name of Christ. Ex. luardo Aurelius Prudentius in his booke intituled Peristephanon inferreth mention of Fructuosus Byshop of Tarracona in Spaine who with his two Deacons Augurius and Eulogius suffered also Martyrdome being burned after syxe daies imprisonment vnder the foresaid Emperours in this persecution The cause of their punishment was for the profession of Christs name Their Iudge and condemner was Emilianus Their imprisonment indured sixe dayes The kinde of death ministred vnto them was fire wherin they being altogether cast with their armes bound behind them their bandes as Prudentius writeth were dissolued their hands vntouched with the fire and their bodies remayning whole The charge of this Iudge vnto the Byshop was this that he would worship the Gods whome the Emperour Galienus worshipped To whom Fructuosus the byshop aunswering nay sayde he I worship no dombe God of stockes and blockes whom Galienus doth worship but I worship the Lord and maister of Galienus the Father and creator of all times and his onely Sonne sent downe to vs of whose flock I am here the Pastor and shepeherd At this worde Emilianus aunswering agayne Nay saith he say not thou art but say thou wast And forthwith commaunded them to be committed to the fyre where as is sayd their bandes and manicles being loosed by the fire they lifted vp their hands to heauen praysyng the liuing God to the great admiration of them that stode by praying also that the element which seemed to fle from them might worke his full force vpon them spedely dispatche them which was after their request obtained In the meane space as they were in the fire there was a certayne Souldier in the house of Emilianus who did see the heauens aboue to open and these foresayd Martyrs to enter in the same which souldiour likewise shewed the sight the same time vnto the daughter of Emilianus the president who beholding the same sight with the souldiour was a present witnesse of the blessednesse of them whom her cruell father had condemned As thys godly Byshop was preparyng to his death sayth Prudentius the brethren approching to him brought him drinke desiring him with much weeping to receaue drinke with them but that he refused to do requiring theÌ moreouer to refrayne their teares With like readines the brethen also were diligent about him to pluck of his shoes hose as he was addressing himselfe to the fire But neyther would he suffer any seruaunts helpe in that wherein he was no lesse willing as able to helpe himself And thus this blessed and fruitefull byshop Fructuosus with his twoo Deacons Augurius and Eulogius beyng brought to the fire witnessed the constant confession of the name of christ with the shedding of their bloude Aurel. Prudentius Ado. Equilinus And thus farre continued wicked Valerian in his tyranny against the Saintes of Christ. But as all the Tyrauntes before and oppressors of the Christians had theyr deserued reward at the iust hand of God which rendreth to euery man according to his workes so this cruel Valerian after he had reigned with his sonne Galienus the terme of vj. or vij yeares and about two yeares had afflicted the Church of Christ felt the iust stroke of his hande whose indignation before he had prouoked whereof we haue to witnes Eutropius Pollio Sabellicus Volateranus For making hys expedition agaynst the Persians whether by the fraude and treason of some about him or whether by his owne rashnes it is doubtfull But this is certayne that he fell into the handes of hys enemies being about the age of lxx yeares where he led hys wretâhed age in a more wretched captiuitie In so much that Sapores the king of the Persians vsed him and well worthy not for his ryding foole but for hys riding blocke For whensouer the king should light vpon hys horse openly in the sight of the people Valerian Emperour quondam was brought forth in steede of a blocke for the king to tread vpon hys backe in goyng to hys horsebacke And so continued this blockishe butcherly Emperour with shame and sport inough vnto his finall end as witnesseth Laetus and Aurelius Victor And albeit Eusebius in a certaine Sermon to the Congregation declareth a more cruell handling of him affirming that he was slaine writing in these wordes Sed tu Valeriane quoniam eandem homicidiorum saeuitiam erga subditos Dei exercuisti iustum Dei iudicium declarasti dum captiuus ac vinctus vna cum ipsa purpura ac reliquo imparatorio ornatu abductus ac tandem a Sapore Persarum Rege excoriari iussus saleque conditus perpetuum infaelicitatis tuae trophaeum erexisti c. That is and thou Valerian for so much as thou hast exercised the same crudelitie in murdering the subiects of God therfore hast proued vnto vs the rightuous iudgement of God in that thy selfe hast bene bound in chaynes and caryed away for a captiue slaue with thy gorgeous purple and thy imperiall attire and at length also beyng commaunded of Sapores king of the Persians to be slayne and poudred with sault hast set vp vnto al men a perpetuall monument of thine owne wretchednes c. Euseb. The like seueritie of God his terrible iudgement is also to be noted in Claudius his PresideÌt and minister of his persecutions Of which Claudius Henricus de Erfordia thus writeth that he was possessed and vexed of the deuill in such sort that he byting of his owne tongue in many small peeces so ended hys life Erford Neither did Galienus the sonne of Valerian after the captiuitie of hys father vtterly escape the righteous hand of God For beside the miserable captiuitie of hys father whom he could not rescue such portentes straunge out of the course of nature such Earthquakes did happen also such tumultes commotions and rebellions did followe that Trebellio doth recken vp to the number of 30. together which in sundry places all at one time tooke vpon them to be tyrantes and Emperours ouer the Monarchie of Rome by the meanes whereof he was not able to succour hys father though he would Notwithstanding the sayd Galienus beyng as is thought terrified by the exaÌple of his father did remoue at least did moderate the persecutioÌ stirred vp by the Edictes of Valerian hys father directing forth hys
God and forthwith commaunded that they only should be banished the same But greatly he commended them which refused to doe sacrifice and confessed God affirmyng that they onely were worthy to be aboue â prince forthwith ãâã theÌ that thenceforth they should be the ãâã counsellors and defeÌders both of his person kingdom saying thus much more that they onely were worthy to be in office whome he might make account of as his assured friends and that he ment to haue them in more estimation then the substaÌce he had in his treasurie Eusebius maketh mention hereof in his first booke of the life of Constantius and also Sozomenus in his 1. booke and â chap. With this Constantius was ioyned as hath bene aforesayd Galerius Maximinus a man as Eutropius affirmeth very ciuill and a passing good souldior Furthermore a fauourer of wise and learned men of a quiet disposition not rigorous but in his dronkennesse wherof he would soone after repent him as Victor writeth whether he meaneth Maximinus the father or Maximinus his sonne it is vncertayne But Eusebius farre otherwise describeth the conditions of him in his viij booke and first chapter For he sayth he was of a tyrannicall disposition The feareinllest man that might be and curious in all magicall superstition in so much that without the diuinatioÌs and aunsweres of diuels he durst do nothing at al therefore he gaue great offices and dignityes to enchaunters Furthermore that he was an exactor and extortioner of the Citizens liberall to those that were flatterers geuen to surfeting and riote a great drinker of wine and in his furious drounkennesse most like a mad man a Ribaud an adulterer which came to no City but he rauished virgins defiled mens wiues To conclude he was so great an idolater that he built vp Temples in euery City and repayred those that were fallen in great decay and he chose out the most worthiest of his politicall Magistrates to be the idols priestes and deuised that they should execute that their office with great authority and dignity and also with warlike pompe But to Christian piety and religion he was most incensiue and in the East Churches exercised cruel persecution and vsed as executioners of the same Pencetius Quintianus and Theotechnus beside others Notwithstanding he was at length reuoked from his cruelty by the iust iudgemeÌt and punishment of God For he was sodenly vexed with a fatall disease most filthy and desperate which disease to describe was very straunge taking the first beginning in his flesh outwardly froÌ thence it proceeded more and more to the inward parts of his bodye For in the priuy members of his body ther happened vnto him a suddayne putrificatioÌ and after in the bottome of the same a botchy corrupt bile with a Fistula coÌsuming eating vp his entrals out of the which came swarming forth an innumerable multitude of lice with such a pestiferous stinche that no man coulde abide him and so muche more for that all the grosenesse of his body by aboundance of meat before he fell sick was turned also into a fat which fat now putrified and stincking was so vgsome and horrible that none that came to him coulde abide the sight thereof By reason whereof the Phisitions which had him in cure some of theÌ notable to abide the intollerable stinch were commaunded to be slayne Other some because they could not heale him being so swollen and past hope of cure were also cruelly put to death At length being put in remembraunce that his disease was sent of God he began to forethinke the wickednesse that he had done agaynst the sayntes of God and so comming agayne to himselfe first confesseth vnto god all his offences then calling them vnto him which were about him forthwith commaunded all men to cease from the persecutions of the Christians Requiring moreouer that they should set vp his Imperiall proclamatioÌs for the restoring and reedyfiyng of their teÌples and that they would obtayne this of the Christians in their assembles which without all feare and doubt they might be bolde to make that they would deuoutly pray to theyr God for the Emperour Then forthwith was the persecution stayed and the Imperiall proclamations in euery City were set vp contayning the retraction or countermaund of those thinges which agaynst the Christians were before decreed the copy whereof ensueth Amongst other thinges which for the benefite and coÌmodity of the common weale we established we coÌmaunded to reforme all thinges according to the auncient lawes and publicke discipline of the Romaines and also to vse this pollicy that the Christians which had forsaken the religion of those forefathers should be brought agayne to the right way For such phaÌtasticall singularity was amongst them that those thinges which their elders had receiued and allowed they reâected and disallowed deuising euery man such lawes as they thought good and obserued the same assembling in diuers places great multitudes of people Therefore when our foresaid decree was proclaymed many there were that felt the penalty therof and many being troubled therefore suffered many kindes of death And because we see yet that there be many which perseuere in the same which neither geue due worship vnto the Celestiall Gods neither receiue the God of the Christians we hauing respect to our accustomed benignitie wherewith we are wont to shew fauour vnto all men thinke good in this cause also to extend our clemencye that the Christians may be agayne tollerated and appoynt them places where againe they may meet together so that they doe nothing contrary to publick order and discipline By an other Epistle we meane to prescribe vnto the iudges what shal be conuenient for them to do Wherefore according as this our bountifull clemencie deserueth let them make intercession to God for our health common weale and for themselus that in all places the state of of the common weale may be preserued and that they themselues may be able safely to liue within their bondes Euseb. lib. 8. cap. vltimo But one of his inferior officers whose name was also Maximinus was not well pleased when this countermauÌd was Published throughout all Asia and the Prouinces where he had to do Yet he being qualified by this example that it was not conuenient for him to repugn the pleasure of those Princes which had the chiefe authority as Constantius and Maximinus set forth of himselfe no edict touching the same but commaunded his officers in the presence of others that they should somewhat stay from the persecution of the Christians of which commaundement of the inferiour Maximinus each of them gaue intelligence vnto their fellowes by their letters But Sabinus which then amongst them all had the chiefest office and dignitie to the substitutes of euery countrey wrote by his letters the Emperours pleasure in this wise The maiestie of our most gracious and Soueraigne Lordes the Emperours hath lately decreed with speciall
diligence and deuotioÌ to induce all men to an vniforme life so that they which seemed to dissent from the Romaine custome by a straunge maner of liuing shoulde exhibite to the immortall Gods their due and proper worshipp but the wilfull and obstinate minde of diuers so much and so coÌtinually resisted the same that by no lawfull meanes they might be reuoked from their purpose neither made afraid by any terror or punishment Because therefore it so came to passe that by this meanes many put themselues in perill and ieoperdy The maiestie of our soueraigne Lordes the Emperours according to their noble pietie considering that it was far from the meaning of their princely maiesties that suche thinges should be whereby so many men and muche people should be destroyd gaue me in charge that with diligence I shoulde write vnto you that if any of the Christians from henceforth fortune to be taken in the exercise of their religion that in no wise you molest the same neither for that cause you doe iudge any man worthy of punishment for that in all this time it hath euidentlye appeared that by no meanes they might be allured from such wilfulnesse It is therefore requisite that your wisdome write vnto the Questors Captaynes and Constables of euery City and village that they may know it not to be lawfull for them or any of them to do contrary to the prescript of this commaundement neither that they presume to attempt the same Euseb. lib. 9. cap. 1. The gouernours therefore of euery prouince supposing this to be the determinate pleasure and not fayned of the Emperour did first aduertise thereof the rusticall Pagan multitude After that they released and set at libertye all suche prisoners as were condempned to the mettall mines to perpetuall imprisonmeÌt for their fayth thinking therby where in deed they were deceiued that the doing thereof would well please the Emperor This therfore seemed to them as vnlooked for and as light to trauellers in a darcke night They gather themselues together in euery City they call their Synodes and counsels much maruell at the sodden chaunge and alteration The Infidels themselues extoll the onely and true God of the christians The Christians receiue agayne all their former libertie and such as fell away before in the tyme of persecution repent themselues and after penaunce done they returned agayne to the congregation Nowe the Christians reioyced in euery Citty praying God with hymnes and Psalmes Eusebius ibidem This was a maruailous sodaine alteration of the Church from a most vnhappy state into a better but scarce suffered Maximinus the Tyraunt the same vj. monethes vnuiolated to continue For whatsoeeuer seemed to make for the subuersion of the same peace yet scarcely hatched that did he onely meditate And first of all he tooke from the Christians all libertie and leaue for them to assemble and congregate in churchyardes vnder a certayne coulour After that he sent certayne Miscreants vnto the Athenians to sollicite them agaynst the Christians and to prouoke them to aske of him as a recompence and great reward that he would not suffer any Christian to inhabite in their countrey and amongest them was one Theotechnus a most wicked miscreant an inchaunter and a most deadly enemy agaynst the Christians He first made the way whereby the Christians were put out of credite and accused to the Emperour to which fraud also he erected a certayne Idoll of Iupiter to be worshipped of the inchaunters and coniurers and mingled the same worship with ceremonies full of deceiueable witchcraât Lastly he caused the same Idoll to geue this sound out of hys mouth That is Iupiter commaundeth the christians to be banished out of the Citie and suburbes of the same as enemies vnto him And the same sentence did the rest of the gouernors of the prouinces publish against the Christians and thus at length persecution began to kindle against them Maximinus appoynted and instituted high priestes and bishops in euery citie to offer sacrifice vnto Idoles inueigled all those that were in great offices vnder him that they should not onely cease to pleasure them to do for them but also that they should with new deuised accusatioÌs agaynst theÌ at their pleasure put as many to death as by any meanes they might They also did counterfet certaine practises of Pilate against our sauiour Christ full of blasphemie and sent the same into all the Empire of Maximinus by their letters commaunding that the same shoulde be published and set vp in euery citie and suburbes of the same and that they should be deliuered to the scholemaisters to cause their scholers to learne by roate the same After that one named Praefectus castrorum whome the Romaines do call captaine allured certaine light womeÌ partly by feare and partly by punishment dwelling at Damascus in Phenicia and taken out of the court wherein they were accused that they shoulde openly say in wryting that they were once Christians and that they knewe what wicked lasciuious actes the Christians were wont to execute amongst themselues vpon the sondaies what other things they thought good to make more of their own head to the slander of the Christians The capitaine sheweth vnto the emperour theer words as though it had bene so in deede and the Emperour by and by commanded the same to be published throughout euery city Furthermore they did hange vp in the midst of euery Citie which was neuer done before the Emperours edicts against the Christians grauen in tables of brasse And the children in the scholes with great noise and clapping of handes did euery day resound the contumelious blasphemies of Pilate vnto Iesus what other things so euer were deuised of the magistrates after most despitefull maner Euseb. lib. 8 cap. 3.4.5.6.7 And this is the copie of the edict which Maximinus caused to be fastened to pillers fraught with all arrogant and insolent hate against God and Christ. The weake and imbecil rebellion of mans minde all obscuritie and blindnesse of ignorance set aparte which hetherto hath wrapped the mindes of impious and miserable men in the pernitious darkenesse of ignoraunce is now at the length able to discerne that the same is gouerned as also corroborated by the prouidence of the immortall gods the louers of vertue which thing how acceptable it is to vs howe pleasant and gratefull and howe much proofe the same hath declared of your wel disposed willing minds is incredible to be tolde Although this was not vnknown before with what diligence and deuotion yee serued the immortall Gods whose wonderfull and constant faith is not knowen by bare and naked wordes but by your worthy notable deeds Wherefore worthely is your Citie called the habitation and seate of the immortall Gods and by many examples it appeareth that the same flourisheth and prospereth by the presence of the celestiall Gods For beholde your Citie
were fought the first fought in Hungarie where Licinius was ouerthrowen Then he fled into Macedonia repairing his army was againe discomfited Finally being vaÌquished both by sea and lande he lastly at Nicomedia yelded himselfe to Constantine and was coÌmaunded to liue a priuate life in Thessalia where at length he was slaine by the souldiours Thus haue ye heard the ende and conclusion of all the vij tyrants which were the authors and workers of this x. and last persecutioÌ against the true people of God The chiefe Captaine and incentour of which persecution was first Dioclesian who died at Salena as some say by his owne poyson An. 319. The next was Maximinian who as is sayde was hanged of Constantine at Masilia about the yeare of our Lorde 310. Then died Galerius plagued with an horrible disease sent of God Seuerus was slaine by Maximinian father of Maxentius the wicked tyraunt was ouercome and vanquished of Constantine an 318. Maximinus the vi tyraunt taried not long after who being ouercome by Licinius died about the yere of our Lord. 320. Lastly how this Licinius was ouercome by Constantine and slaine An. 324. is before declared Only Constantius the father of Constantine being a good and a godly Emperour died in the third yeare of the persecution An. 310. and was buried at Yorke After whom succeeded after his godly father Constantinus as a seconde Moses sent and set vp of God to deliuer his people out of this so miserable captiuitie into libertie most ioyfull Now remaineth after the end of these persecutors thus described to gather vp the names stories of certain particular Martyrs which nowe are to be set forth worthy of speciall memory for their singular constancie fortitude shewed in their sufferings cruell torments The names of all which that suffered in this foresaid tenth persecution being in number infinite in vertue most excelleÌt it is impossible heere to comprehend but the most notable and in most approued authors expressed we thought heere to insert for the more edification of other ChristiaÌs which may and ought to looke vpon their examples first beginning with Albanus the first Martyr that euer in England suffered death for the name of Christ. At what time Dioclesian Maximinian the Pagan Emperours had directed out their letters with all seueritye for the persecuting of the Christians Alban being then an infidell receiued into his house a certaine Clerke fleeing from the persecutours hands whom when Alban beheld continually both day night to perseuer in watching and in prayer sodenly by the great mercy of God he began to imitate the example of his faith vertuous life whereupon by litle and litle he being instructed by his holesom exhortation and leauing the blindnesse of his Idolatrie became at length a perfect Christian. And when the forenamed Clerke had lodged with him a certaine time it was enformed the wicked Prince that this good man Confessour of Christ not yet condemned to death was harbored in Albans house or very neare vnto him Whereupon immediately he gaue in charge to the souldiours to make more diligent inquisition of the matter Who as soone as they came to the house of Alban the Martyr hee by and by putting on the apparell wherewith his guest and maister was apparelled that is a garment at that time vsed named Caracalla offered him selfe in the steade of the other to the souldiours who binding him brought him forthwith to the iudge It fortuned that at that instant when blessed Alban was brought unto the Iudge they founde the same Iudge at the aulters offering sacrifice vnto Deuils who as soone as hee sawe Alban was straight waies in a great rage for that hee woulde presume of his owne voluntary will to offer him selfe to perill and geue him selfe a prisoner to the souldiours for safegarde of his guest whome he harbored and commaunded him to be brought before the Images of the deuils whome he worshipped saying For that thou haddest rather hide conuey away a rebell then to deliuer him to the officers and that as a contemner of our Gods he should not suffer punishment and merite of his blasphemye looke what punishment he shoulde haue had thou for him shalt suffer the same if I perceiue thee any whit to reuolt from our maner of worshipping But blessed Alban who of his owne accorde had bewrayed to the persecutors that hee was a Christian feared not at all the manaces of the Prince but being armed with spirituall armour openly pronounced that hee woulde not obey his commandement Then sayd the Iudge of what stocke or kindred art thou come Alban answered what is that to you of what stocke soeuer I am come of if you desire to heare the veritie of my Religion I do ye to wit that I am a Christian and apply my selfe altogether to that calling Then sayd the Iudge I would knowe thy name and see thou tell me the same without delay Then sayde hee my parentes named me Alban and I worship and honour the true and liuing God which hath created all the worlde Then sayd the Iudge fraught with fury if thou wilt enioy the felicitie of this present life doe sacrifice and that out of hande to these mighty Gods Alban replieth these sacrifices which ye offer vnto deuils caÌ neither helpe them that offer the same neither yet can they accomplish the desires and prayers of their suppliaÌts But rather shal they what soeuer they be that offer sacrifice to these Idoles receaue for their meede euerlasting paines of hell fire The Iudge when he heard these words was passing angry and commaunded the tormentors to whip this holy Confessour of God indeuoring to ouercome the constancy of his hart with stripes which had preuailed nothing with wordes And when he was cruelly beaten yet suffered he the same paciently nay rather ioyfully for the Lordes sake Then when the Iudge saw that he would not with torments be ouercomen nor be reduced from the worship of Christian Religion he commaunded him to be beheaded The rest that foloweth of this story in the narration of Bede as of drying vp the Riuer as Alban went to the place of his execution then of making a welspring in the top of the hill and of the falling out of the eyes of him that did behead him with such other prodigious miracles meÌtioned in his story because they seeme more legeÌdlike then truth-like againe because I see no great profit nor necessitie in the relation thereof I leaue them to the free iudgement of the Reader to thinke of them as cause shall moue him The like estimation I haue of the long story wherein is written at large a fabulous discourse of all the doings miracles of S. Alban taken out of the Librarie of S. Albans compiled as there is saide by a certaine Pagan who as he sayth afterwarde went to Rome there to be Baptised But because in
of the same And therefore wryting to Anilinus his chiefe captaine declareth his will minde to him in letters concerning the goodes whych did appertaine to the Churches of the Christians that hee shoulde procure vigilantly for the same that all suche goodes houses and gardens belonging before to the right of Churches shoulde agayne be restored in all speedie wise and that hee therein might be certified with speede c. Moreouer he writing to the saide Anilinus in an other letter signifieth vnto him in this effect that for so much as the contempt of God his reuerent religion is hath bene euer the greatest decay to the name people of Rome as contrary the maintaining and reuerencing the same hath euer brought prosperitie to all common weales Therfore he in consideration therof hath taken that order geueth to him in charge that through the prouince where he hath to doe which was in Aphrica where Cecilianus was Byshop he should there see prouide that all such ministers and Clerkes whose vocation was to serue in the Church should be freed and exempted from all publike duties and burdens whereby they being so priuileged and all impediments remoued which shoulde hinder their diuine ministration thereby the coÌmon vtilitie of the people might the better flourish c. Furthermore the sayde Constantinus in an other letter wryting to Miltiades Byshop of Rome and to Marcus declareth in his letters to them howe Cecilianus Byshop of Carthage hath ben accused vnto him by diuers of his colleages and fellow byshops Wherfore his will is that the sayd Cecilianus with x. byshops his accusers with x. other his defendants should repaire vp to him at Rome where in the present assistance of the foresayde Miltiades Rheticus Maternus Marinus and of other their fellowe Colleages the cause of Cecilianus myght be harde and rightly examined so that all schisme and deuision might be cut of from among them wherein the feruent desire of Constantinus to peace and vnitie may well appeare Upon the lyke cause and argument also he wryteth to Chrestus Byshop of Syracusa so desirous to nourish peace and concord in the church that he offereth to him with his vnder Ministers and three seruaunts hys free caryage to come vp to him vnto the Councel of other bishops for the agreeing of certaine matters belonging to the Church Hee writeth also an other letter to the forenamed Cecilianus Byshop of Carthage To the prouinces likewise of Palestina those partes about hee directeth his Edict in the behalfe of the Christians for the releasing of such as were in captiuitie and for the restoring againe of them which had sustained any losse in the former persecution before for the refreshing of such as heeretofore had bene oppressed with any ignominie or molestation for their confession sake declaring in the sayd Edict howe that his whole body life and soule and what soeuer is in hym hee oweth to God and to the seruice of him c. Moreouer an other leter he wryteth to Eusebius for the edifying of newe Christian Churches restoring of them whych had bene wasted before by forreine enemies And after hee had collected the Synode of Nice for the studie of peace and vnitie of the Church he wryteth vpon the same to Alexander and Arrius In which hys letters hee most lamentably vttered the great griefe of his hearâ to see and heare of theyr contention and diuision whereby the peace and common harmonie of the Churche was broken the Synode prouoked resisted the holy people of the Lorde deuided into partes and tumultes contrary to the office of good and circumspect men whose duetie were rather to nourish concorde and to seeke tranquillity And though in some small poynts and light trifles they did disagree from other yet as the example of Philosophers might teache them who although in some part of a sentence or peece of a question some might dissent from other yet in the vnitie of their profession they did all ioyne as fellowes together In like case were it theyr duetie in such fruitles questions or rather peeces of questioÌs to keepe them in the conceptions of their mindes in silence vnto themselues and not to bring them foorth into publicke Synodes to breake therefore from the communion of the reuerent Councell Declaring moreouer in the sayde Epistle the first origine and occasion of thys theyr contentious dissention to ryse vpon vaine trifling termes vile causes and light questions and peeces rather of questions about such matters as neither are to be moued nor to be answered vnto being mooued more curious to be searched and perillous to be expressed then necessary to be inquired magisque puerilibus ineptijs quam sacerdotum ac cordatorum virorum prudentiae conuenientia as he there doth terme them Wherefore by al maner meanes he doth labour them doth entreate them and perswade them not onely with reasons but also with teares and sighing sobbes that they would restore againe peace vnto the Church and quietnesse to the rest of his life which otherwise would not be sweet vnto him and that they would returne againe to the communion of the reuerent Councell Who in so doing should open his way and purposed iourney into the East partes which otherwyse hearing of their discorde and dissention would be sorye to see with his eyes that which greeueth him nowe to heare with hys eares with much more in the same Epistle contained but this is the effect of the whole Euseb. de vita Constant Lib. 2. Thus much I thought summarely to comprehende whereby the diuine disposition and singular gentle nature of this meeke religious Constantine might more notoriously appeare to all Princes for them to learne by hys example what zeale and care they ought to beare toward the Church of Christ how gently to gouerne and how to be beneficiall to the same Many other Edicts Epistles wrytten to other places and parties be expressed at large in the seconde booke of Euseb De vita Constantini wherein the zealous care and Princely beneficence of this noble Emperour toward the Church of Christ may appeare Wherof in a briefe recapitulation such specialities we haue collected as here followeth and is to be seene in Zozo Lib. 1. Cap. 8.9 First hee commaunded all them to be set free who soeuer for the confession of Christ had bene condemned to banishment or to the mines of metall or to any publike or priuate labour to them inflicted Such as were put to any infamie or open shame among the multitude hee willed them to be discharged from all such blemish of ignominie Souldiours whych before were depriued eyther of theyr place or put out of theyr wages were put to their liberty eyther to serue againe in theyr place or quietly to lyue at home Whatsoeuer honour place or dignitie had bene taken away froÌ any man should be restored to them againe The goods and possessions
for virgins from Britaine to the number of xi M. who with Vrsula the Prince Dionets daughter being shypped ouer many perished in the sea some were taken of the infidels marching vppon the borders wyth whome because they wold not be polluted all were destroyed being miserably dispersed some one way some an other so that none escaped Thus poore Britayne being left naked and destitute on euery side as a maimed body wtout myght or strength was left open to hys enemyes not able to succour it selfe without helpe of forreine friendes To whome they were then constrained to flie especially to the Romains to whoÌ the Britaynes sent this worde or message Aetio ter Consuli gemitus Britannorum Repellunt nos Barbari ad mare Repellit nos mare ad Barbaros Hinc oriuntur duo sunerum genera quia aut iugulamur aut submergimur But the Romains then began to forsake them whereby they were in nearer danger to be oppressed by Gwanus and Melga had not Gwetelinus the Archbyshop of London made ouer to lesser Britayne and obtayning theyr helpe had brought Constantinus the kings brother to rescue his countrey against the infidels Thys Constantinus was brother to Aldroenus king of litle Britayn and father to Constans Aurelius Ambrosius Vter who after raigned kings in Britayne Thus by the meanes of the good Archbyshop and Constantinus the state of the Religion and Realme of Britayne was in some meane quiet safetye during the time of the sayd Constantine and of the good Archbishop But as the Realme of Britayne almost from the beginning was neuer without ciuill warre at length came wicked Vortigerne who cruelly causing Constans his Prince to be murdred ambitiously inuaded the crowne who then fearing the other two brethren of Constans whych were Aurelius Vter being then in litle Britayne did send ouer for the aide of the Saxons being then infidels and not onely that but also maried with an infidell the daughter of Hengist called Rowen Whereupon the sayde Vortigerne not long after by the sayd Hengist and the Saxones was with like trayterie dispossessed of his kingdome the people of Britayne driuen out of their countrey after that the Saxons had slaine of their chiefe Nobles Barons at one meeting ioyning together subtiltie with crueltie to the number of CC.lxxi some stories say CCCC lx This wicked acte of the Saxones was done at Almisbury or at a place called Stonehenge by the monument of which stones there hanging it seemeth that the noble Britaynes there were buried This fabulous Storie of the Welshemen of brynging these stones from Ireland by Merlyn I passe ouer Some storyes record that they were slaine being bid to a banket other do say that it was done at a talke or assembly where the Saxons came with priuie kniues contrary to promise made with the which kniues they geuing a priuie watch-word in their Saxones speache neme your sexes slewe the Britaynes vnarmed and thus farre concerning the historie of the Britaynes As this great plague could not come to the Britaynes without Gods permissioÌ so Gildas sheweth in hys Chronicle the cause thereof wryting thus Quòd Britones propter auaritiam rapinaÌ Principum propter iniquitatem iniustitiam Iudicum propter desidiam praedicationis Episcoporum propter luxuriam malos mores populi patriam perdidisse c. A description of England as it was deuided in the Saxones time into vij kingdomes The entring and raigning of the Saxons THis was the comming in first of the Angles or Saxones into this realme being yet vnchristened and infidels which was about the yeare of our Lord as William Malmesbury testifieth CCCC lxix the Captaines of whoÌ were Hengistus and Horsus Although the sayd Hengist and Saxones at their first comming for all their subtile working and cruell attempt had no quiet setling in Britayne but were driuen out diuers times by the valiantnesse of Aurelius Ambrosius and his brother Vter aboue meÌtioned who raigned after that among the Britaynes yet notwtstanding they were not so driuen out but that they returned againe and at length possessed all driuing the Britaynes such as remained into Cambria whych we call nowe Wales Hengistus as some Chronicles recorde reigned 43. yeares and died in Kent Galfridus in suo Britannico sayeth that he was taken in warre by Aurelius Ambrosius and beheaded at Coningesburgh after he had raigned xxxix yeare After the death of Hengist hys sonne Osca raigned xxiiij yeres leauing his sonne Octa to whose reigne with hys sonne Ymenricus hystories doe attribute liij yeares who also were slaine at length by Vter Pendragon Polichroni Lib. 5. cap. 4. The Saxones after they were setled in the possession of England distributed the Realme among themselues first in seuen partes euery part to haue his king that is The first to be the king of Kent The second to be king of Sussex and Southerye holding hys Palace at Cicester The thirde king was of Westsexe The fourth king of Essex The fift king was of the Eastangles that is of Cambridgeshire Northfolke and Southfolke The vj. king of Merceland or Mercia and in his kingdome were coÌteined the Countesses of Lincolne Leycester Huntyngdon Northampton Orford Darby Warwike c. The vii king had all the countries beyond Humber and was called king of Northumberland Of these seuen kingdomes although they continued not long but at length ioyned all in one comming all into the possession subiection of the Westsaxons yet for the space they coÌtinued which was with continuall trouble warres among themselues thys is the race and order of them as in this Table particularly followeth to be seene A Table describing the seuen kingdoms of the Saxons raigning here in England IN the tyme of Vortiger aboue mentioned began the raigne of the Saxons in this land the which comming out of 3. sortes of the Germaine people to witte the Saxons the Intes and Angles replenished the land of them called now Anglia Of whom first Hengistus raigned in Kent which countrey of Kent he had obtayned by Rowen his daughter of king Vortiger which was about the yeare of our Lord as some doe count 476. or as I finde in the computation of our English Tables 456. in some 463. After Hengist came in Octha with Eosa or Ysse his kinsman who afterward succeeded the sayd Hengist in Kent Not long after came in an other company of the Saxons with Elle their Captaine which planted themselues in Southsexe And after them agayne an other garrison of the Saxons with Cerdice their Captain which did occupy the West part of the land called by them Westsaxon And so likewise the other multitude of the SaxoÌs after them which as yet beyng vnchristened and Infidels deuided the whole land among themselues into vij kingdoms as in this Table followeth 456. ¶ The Kings of Kent with the yeares how long they raigned Kent Hengistus slaine 31   Eosa or Ysse 24
by the occasions therof of the sacrifices of the old Egiptians permitted of God vnto the Israelits the ende ãâ¦ã thereof being altered c. He sendeth also an other letter to the foresaid Austen wherein he warneth him not to be proude or puft vp for the myracles wrought of God by him in conuertyng the people of Englande but rather to feare and tremble least so much as he were puft vp by the outward work of miracles so much he shoulde fall inwardly through the vayne glory of his hart and therfore wisely exhorteth him to represse the swelling glory of hart with the remembraunce of his sinnes rather against God whereby he rather hath cause to lament then to reioyce for the other Not all the elect of God saith he worketh miracles and yet haue they their names written in the booke of life And therefore he shoulde not count so much of those miracles done but reioyse rather with the Disciples of Christ labor to haue his name written in the booke of life where al the electe of God be contained neither is there any ende of that reioycing And whatsoeuer miracles it hath pleased god by him to haue beene done he shoulde remember they were not done for him but for their conuersion whose saluation god sought thereby c. Item he directed an other Epistle to king Ethelbert as is expressed at large in the Chronicle of Henry Huntyngton Lib. 3. in the which Epistle first he praised God then commendeth the goodnes of the king by whom it pleased god so to worke such goodnes of the people Secondly exhortteth him to persist and continue in the godly profession of Christes faith and to be feruent and zealous in the same in conuerting the multitude in destroying the temples and works of idolatry in ruling and gouerning the people in all holines godly conuersation after the godly example of the Emperour Constantinus the great Lastly coÌforting him with the promises of lyfe and reward to come wyth the Lord that raigneth and liueth for euer premonishyng him besides of the terrours distresses that shall happen though not in his dayes yet before the terrible daye of Gods iudgement wherfore he willeth him alwaies to be sollicitous for his soule and suspectfull of the houre of hys death and watchfull of the iudgement that he may be alwaies prepared for the same when that iudgement shall come In the ende he desireth him to accept such presentes as giftes which he thought good to sende vnto him from Rome c. Austen thus receyuing his palle from Gregory as is aboue said and now of a Monke beyng made an Archbyshop after he had baptised a great part of Kent hee after made two Archbyshops or Metropolitanes by the commaundement of Gregory as witnesseth Polychronicon the one at London the other at Yorke Mellitus of whoÌ mention is made before was sent specially of the Eastsaxons in the prouince of Essex where after he was made Bishop of London vnder Sigebert kyng of Essex which Sigebert together with his vncle Ethelbert first built the church and minster of saint Paule in LondoÌ and appointed it to Mellitus for the byshops sea AusteÌ associate with this Mellitus and Iustus through the help of Ethelbert assembled and gathered togither the Byshops Doctours of Britaine in a place which taking the name of the sayd Austen was called Austens Oke In this asseÌbly he charged the sayd Byshops that they should preach with him the word of God to the Englishmen also that they should among themselues reforme certayne rytes and vsages in their church specially for keping of their Eastertyde baptising after the maner of Rome and such other lyke To these the Scotes and Brytons woulde not agree refusing to leaue the custome which they so long time had contynued wythout the assent of them all which vsed the same Here the stories both of Bede Cestrensis in Polychron Huntyngtonensis Iornalensis Fabianus and other moe write of a certaine miracle wrought vpon a blinde Englishe man whom when the Britons could not helpe Austen kneeling downe and praying restored the blynde man to sight before them all for a confirmation as these authours saye of hys opinion in keeping of Easter But concerning the credite of this miracle that I leaue to the authours of whom I had it Then Austen gathered an other Synode to the which came seauen Byshops of Brytons with the wisest men of that famous Abby of Bangor But first they tooke counsell of a certayne wyse and holye man amongest them what to doe and whether they shoulde be obedient to Austen or not And he saide if he be the seruaunt of god agree vnto him But howe shall wee knowe that sayde they To whom he aunswered againe If he be meeke and humble of hart by that know that he is the seruant of god To this they said againe how shal we know him to bee huÌble meeke of hart By this quoth ãâã seing you are the greater number if he at your comming ãâã your Synode rise vp courteously receaue you ãâ¦ã him to bee an humble and a meke man But if he shall contemne and despise you being as ye are the greater part despise you him agayne Thus the Brytaine Byshops entring into the Counsell Austen after the Romishe maner keeping hys chaire would not remoue Whereat they being not a little offended after some heate of words in disdain great displeasure departed thence To whoÌ then Austen spake and said that if they would not take peace with their brethren they should receaue war with their enimies And if they disdained to preach with them the way of life to the English nation they should suffer by their handes the reuenge of deth Which not loÌg after so came to passe by the meanes of Ethelfride king of Northumberlande who being yet a Pagan and stirred with a fierce fury against the Britanes came with a great army against the city of Chester where Brocmayl the Consull of that Citie a fryend and helper of the Britaines side was readye with his force to receaue him There was at the same time at Bangor in Wales an exceding great Monastery wherin was such a number of Monkes as Galfridus with other authors doe testifie that if the whole company were deuided into seuen parts in euery of the seuen parts were conteined not so few as 300. MoÌkes which al did liue with the sweat of their browes and labor of their owne hands hauing one for their ruler named Dinoe Out of this Monastery came the Monks to Chester to pray for the good succes of Brocmayl fighting for them against the Saxons Thre daies they coÌtinued in fasting and praier When Ethelfride the foresaide king seing them so intent to their praiers demaunded the cause of their comming thether in such a coÌpany When he perceaued it was to pray for their Consull then saith he although they beare no weapon yet they fight against
reprehend the vicious enormities both of secular and of religious persons yet he him self is not without the same or rather greater repreheÌsion for that hee gaue the occasion thereof in maintaining such superstitious orders of such lasciuious Nunnes and other religions restraining the same from lawful mariage For so we finde of him in stories that hee was a great seâter vp vpholder of such blinde superstition and of all Poperie Who being admitted by Pope Gregory the secoÌd Archbishop of Magunce and indued ãâã full authoritie legantine ouer the Germanes brought diuers countreys there vnder the Popes obedience held many great CouÌcels ordained Bishops builded Monasteries canonised Saints commaunded reliques to be worshipped permitted religious fathers to cary about Nunnes with them a preaching Amongst all other he founded the great monastery of Fulda in Germany of English monkes into the which no women might enter but only Lieba Tecla two English Nunnes Item by the authoritie of the said Archbishop Boniface which he receiued froÌ Pope Zacharie Childericus king of Fraunce was deposed from the right of his crowne and Pipinus betraier of his maister was coÌfirmed or rather intruded in From this Boniface proceeded that detestable doctrine which now standeth registred in the Popes decrees Dist. 40. cap. Si Papa which in a certaine Epistle of his is this That in case the Pope were of most filthy liuing and forgetfull or negligent of himselfe and of the whole christianitie in such sort that he led innumerable soules with him to hell yet ought there no man to rebuke him in so doing For he hath saith he power to iudge all men and ought of no man to be iudged agayne In the tyme of this Archbishop Pope Gregory the second also Gregory the third and Pope Zachary and before these also Pope Constantine the first wrought great maisteries against the Greeke Emperours Philippicus Leo and others for the maintaining of Images to be set vp in Churches Of whom Philippicus lost both his Empire and also his eyes Leo for the same cause likewise was excommunicate of Gregory the third This Gregory the third so farre as I can coniecture was he that first wrote the foure bookes of Dialogues in Greeke falsely bearyng the name of Gregory the first which bookes afterward Zachary hys successour translated out of Greeke into Latin Item the same Gregory the third first brought into the Masse Land the clause for reliques beginning Quorum solemnitates hodie in conspectu c. Item brought into the sayd Canon the memoriall the offring and sacrifice for the dead Lyke as Zachary brought in the Priests vesture and ornaments as the foresaid Constantinus also was the first that gaue his feete to be kissed of the Emperours But turne agayne into the course of our English story In the tyme of this Egbert king of Northumberland Sigebert or Sigbert raigned in Westsaxony a man of so cruell tyranny to his subiectes turning the lawes customs of his forefathers after his owne will and pleasure that when he was somewhat sharpely aduertised by one of his nobles an Earle called Combranus to chauÌge his maners and to behaue him more prudently toward his people he therfore maliciously caused him to be put to cruell death Whereupon the sayd king Sigebert continuing in his cruell conditions by his subiectes conspyring agaynst hym was put from his kingly dignity and brought into suche desolation that wandring alone in a wood without comfort was there slayne euen by the swineheard of the sayd Earle whom before he had so wrongfully murdered as partly is aboue touched whereby is to be seene the cruell tyranny of Princes neuer to prosper well without the iust reuenge both of God and man This Sigebert being slayne in his place succeeded Kenulphus in the yeare of our Lord 748. who with the agreemeÌt of the westsaxons was one of the chiefe doers against Sigebert his Maister This Kenulphus kept stronglye his Lordship agaynst Offa and agaynst the power of all hys enemies till at length after that he had raigned as Fabian sayth 31. yeares he resorting to a paramour which he kept at Merton was there beset likewise slayne by the trayn and meanes of a certayne kinsman of the foresayd Sigebert named Clito or Cliton in reuengement of king Sigebertes death Moreouer in the raigne of the foresayd Egbert kyng of Northumberland and in the viij yeare of Kenulphus king of Westsaxons Offa after he had slayne the tyraunt Beoruredus which before had slayne Ethelwald kyng of Mercia and Uncle to this foresayde Offa raigned King of that Prouince Of this Offa are told many notable deedes which because they concerne rather politicall affaires and doe not greatly appertayne to the purpose of this ecclesiastical history I omit here to recite As his warres and victories against Egbert the Northumbres as also against Etheldred king of East Angles Item against Egbert king of Kent otherwise called Wren whom Fabian saith he tooke prisoner led him bound with him to Mercia Malmesbury witnesseth otherwise this to be done not by Offa but by Kenulphus as Christ willing hereafter shall appeare After these victories Offa had such displeasure vnto the Citizens of Canterbury that he remooued the Archbishops sea and landes of Lambrith Archbishop of Caunterbury by the agreement of Pope Adrian vnto Lichfield He also chased the Britaines or Welchmen into Wales and made a famous dyke betwene Wales and the vtter bonds of Mercia or middle England which was called Ofditche And builded there a Church which long tyme aâter was called Offekyrke This Offa also married one of his daughters to Brightricus that was king of Westsaxons And for that in his tyme was variance betwene him and the Frenchmen in so much that the passage of merchants was forbidden therfore he sent Alcuinus a learned man vnto Charles the great then king of France to common the meanes of peace which Charles had after that the said Alcuinus in great fauour and estimation and afterward made him Abbot of Turonia in Fraunce About the latter tyme of the raigne of Offa kyng of Mercia Ethelbert beyng then kyng of Eastangles a learned and a right godly Prince came to the Court of Offa prouoked by the counsell of his Nobles to sue for the mariage of his daughter wel accompanied like a prince with his men about him Wherupon the Queene conceiuyng a false suspicion and fearing that which was neuer minded that Ethelbert with his company vnder the pretence and made matter of mariage was come to worke some violence against her husband and the kingdom of Mercia so she perswaded with king Offa and cettrine of her counsel that night that the next day followyng Offa caused him to be trayned into his pallace alone from his company by one called Guymbertus who tooke him and bound him there stroke of his head which forthwith he thaÌ
the first telleth a tale concerning this matter In tymes past saith he when the seruice which Ambrose made was more frequented and vsed in Churches then was the seruice which Gregory had appointed the bishop of Rome then called Adrian gathered a Councell together in the which it was ordained that Gregories seruice should be obserued and kept vniuersally which determination of the Councell Charles the Emperor did diligeÌtly put in executioÌ while he ran about by diuers Prouinces inforced all the Clergy partly with threatnings and partly with punishments to receiue that order And as touching the bookes of Ambrose seruice he burnt them to ashes in all places and threw into prison many priests that would not consent and agree to the matter Blessed Eugenius the Bishop comming vnto the Councell found that it was dissolued iij. dayes before his comming Notwithstanding through his wisedome he so perswaded the Lord Pope that he called agayne all the Prelates that had bene present at the Councell and were now departed by the space of three dayes Therfore when the Councell was gathered agayne together in this all the fathers did consent and agree that both the Masse bookes of Ambrose and Gregory should be layd vpon the aulter of blessed Peter the Apostle and the church dores diligently shut and most warily sealed vp with the signets of many and diuers bishops Againe that they should all the whole night geue themselues to prayer that the Lord might reueale open shew vnto them by some euident signe or token which of these two seruices he would haue vsed in the Temples Thus they doing in all pointes as they had determined in the morning opened the church dores and founde both the Myssals or Masse bookes open vpon the aulter or rather as some say they found Gregories Masse booke vtterly plucked asunder one piece from an other and scattered ouer all the church As touching Ambrose booke they only found it open vpoÌ the aulter in the very same place where they before laid it This miracle Pope Adrian like a wyse expounder of dreames saith that as the leaues were torne and blown abroad all the church ouer so should Gregories booke be vsed throughout the world whereupoÌ they thought themselues sufficiently instructed and taught of God that the seruice which Gregory had made ought to be set abroad vsed throughout the world and that Ambrose his seruice should onely be obserued and kept in his owne church of Mediolanum where he sometyme was bishop Thus hast thou heard brother Reader the full and whole narration of this misticall miracle with the Popes exposition vpon the same which semeth to be as true as that which Daniell speaketh of how the Idoll Bell did eate vp all the meate that was set before him all the night Daniel 14. Concerning the which miracle I need not admonish thee to smell out the blind practises of these night-crowes to blind the world with forged inuentioÌs in stead of true stories Albeit to graunt the miracle to be most true vnfallible yet as touching the exposition therof another man beside the Pope percase might interprete this great miracle otherwise as thus That God was angry with Gregories booke and therfore rent it in pieces and scatered it abroad and the other as good lay sound vntouched and at the least so to be preferred Notwithstanding whatsoeuer is to bee thought of this miracle with the exposition therof thus the matter fell out that Gregories seruice had only the place and yet hath to this day in the greatest part of Europe the seruice of Ambrose beyng excluded And thus much touching the great act of Pope Adrian for the setting vp of the Masse By the relation wherof yet this knowledge may come to the Reader at least to vnderstand how that commonly in christen nations abroad as yet no vniforme order of any Missall or Masse booke was receiued as hath bene hetherto discoursed Now from the Popes to returne againe to the emperours from whence we digressed like as Pipinus the father of Charles as hath bene before sufficiently told had geuen to the sea Papall all the princedome of Rauenna with other donations and reuenewes landes in Italy so this Carolus following his fathers deuotion did confirme the same adding moreouer therunto the Citie and dominion of Venice Histria the Dukedome Foroiuliense the dukedom Spoletanum and Beneuentanum and other possessions moe to the patrimonie of S. Peter making him the Prince of Rome and of Italy The Pope agayne to recompence his so gentle kindnes made him to be intituled most Christen king and made him Patricium Romanum Moreouer ordeined him onely to bee taken for Emperour of Rome For these and other causes moe Carolus bare no little affection to the sayd Adrian aboue all other Popes as may well appeare by this letter of Carolus Magnus sent to king Offa what tyme the said Offa as is aboue prefixed sent to hym Alcuinus for entreatie of peace whereunto the foresayd Carolus aunswereth agayne to the message of Offa in a letter the contents whereof be these The tenour of a Letter sent by Carolus Magnus to king Offa answering to his request concerning the intreatie of peace betwene them CArolus Rex Francorum Longobardorum Patricius Romanorum viro venerando fratri charissimo Offae Regi Merciorum Salut Primò gratias agimus omnipotenti Deo de Catholicae fidei sinceritate quam in vestris laudabilibus paginis reperimus exaratam De peregrinis verò qui pro amore Dei salute animarum suarum beatorum Apostolorum limina desiderant adire cum pace sine omni perturbatione vadant Sed si aliqui religioni non seruientes sed lucra sectantes inueniantur inter eos locis opportunis statuta soluant telonia Negociatores quoque volumus vt ex mandato nostro patrocinum habeant in regno nostrolegitime Et si in aliquo loco iniusta affligantur oppressione reclament se ad nos vel nostros iudices plenam ââstitiam iubemus fieri Cognoscat quoque dilectio vestta quod aliquam benignitatem de Delmaticis nostris vel pallijs ad singulas sedes Episcopales regni vestri vel Ethelredi direximus in eleemosinam Domini Apostolici Adriani deprecantes vt pro eo intercedi iubeatis nullam habentes dubitationem beatam illius animam in requie esse sed vt fidem dilectionem ostendamus in amicum nobis charissimum Sed de thesauro humanarum rerum quum Dominus Iesus gratuita pietate concessit aliquid per Metropolitanas ciuitates Direximus vestrae quoque dilectioni vnum baltheum vnum gladium duo pallia serica c. The cause why this Carolus writeth so fauorablye of AdriaÌ partly is touched before partly also was for the Carolomane his elder brother being dead his wife called Bertha with her two Children came to Adrian to haue them confirmed in their fathers kingdome whereunto
the Pope to shew a pleasure to Carolus would not agree but gaue the mother with her two children Desiderius the Lombard king with hys whole kingdome hys wife and Children into the hands of the said Carolus who led them with him captiue into Fraunce and there kept them in seruitude during their lyfe Thus Carolus Magnus beyng proclaymed Emperour of Rome through the preferment of Adrian and of Pope Leo the third which succeeded next after him was the Empire translated from the Grecians about the yeare of our Lord 801. vnto the Frenchmen where it continued about 102. yeares till the comming of Conracus and hys nephew Otho which were Germaynes and so hath continued after them amoÌg the Almanes vnto this present time This Charles builded so many Monasteries as there be letters in the row of A. B C. he was beneficiall chiefly to Church-men also mercifull to the poore in hys actes valiaunt and triumphaunt skilde in all languages he held a counsell at Francford where was condemned the Councell of Rice and Irene for setting vp and worshipping Images c. Concerning which Councell of Nice thinges there concluded and enacted because no man shal thinke the detesting of Images to be any new thing now begon thus I finde it recorded in an auncient written history of Roger Houeden called Continuationes Beda His wordes in Latin be these Anno 792. Carolus Rex Francorum misit Sinodalem librum ad Britanniam sibi à Constantinopoli directum In quo lib. Heu proh dolor multa inconuenientia verae fidei contraria reperiuntur maximè quòd pene omnium orientalium Doctorum non minus quà m 300. vel eo amplius Episcoporum vnanimi assertione confirmatum sit imagines adorari debere Quod omnino Ecclesia Dei execratur Contra quod scripsit Albinus Epistolam ex autoritate diuinarum scripturarum mirabiliter affirmatam illamque cum eodem libro ex persona Episcoporum ac principum nostrorum Regi Francorum attulit Haec ille That is In the yeare of our Lorde 792. Charles the Frenche King sent a booke contayning the actes of a certeine Synode vnto Brittayne directed vnto hym from Constantinople In the which booke lamentable to behold many thinges inconuenient cleane contrary to the true fayth are there to be found especially for that by the common consent of almost all the learned bishops of the East Church not so few as 300. it was there agreed that Images should be worshipped Which thing the church of god hath alwayes abhorred Against which booke Albinê° wrote an Epistle substantially grounded out of the authoritie of holy Scripture Which Epistle with the booke the sayde Albinus in the name and person of our Bishops and Princes did present to the French king And thus much by the way of Romish matters now to returne agayne to the Northumberland kings where we left at Egbert Which Egbert as is before declared succeeded after Ceolulphus after he was made Monke And likewise the sayd Egbert also followyng the deuotion of hys vncle Ceolulphus and Kenredus before him was likewyse shorne monke after he had raigned 20. yeres in Northumberland leauing his sonne Osulphus after him to succeede about which tyme and in the saine yeare when Ceolulphus deceased in his Monastery which was the yeare of our Lord 764. diuers Cities were burnt with sodaine fire as the citie of Wenta the citie of London the citie of Yorke DoÌacester with diuers other townes besides Roger Houeden Lib. Contin post Bedam who the first yeare of hys raigne which was the yere of our Lord 757 beyng innocently slayne next to him followed Mollo otherwise called Adelwald who likewise beyng slayne of Alcredus after hee had raigned ii yeres departed After Alcredus wheÌ he had raigned 10. yeres was expulied out of his kingdom by his people Then was Ethelbert otherwise named Edelred the sonne of the foresayd Mollo receaued kyng of Northumberland which Ethelbert or Adelred in like sort after he had raigned v. yeares was expulsed After whome succeeded Alswold who likewise when he had raigned ii yeres was vniustly slaine So likewise after him his nephew and the sonne of Alcredus named Osredus raigned one yeare was slayne Then the foresayd Ethelbert the sonne of Mollo after 12. yeares banishment raigned agayne in Northumberland the space of foure yeares and was slayne the cause wherof as I finde in an old written story was that forsaking his old wife he maried a new Concerning the restoring of whoÌ Alcuinus writeth in this maner Benedictus Deus qui facit mirabilia solus Nuper Edelredus filius Edelwaldi de carcere processit in solium de miseria in maiestatem cuius regni nouitate detenti sumus ne veniremus ad vos c. And afterward the same Alcuinus againe speaking of his death writeth to king Offa in these wordes Sciat veneranda dilectio vestra quod Do. Carolus amabiliter fideliter saepe mecum locutus est de vobis in eo habetis fidelissimum amicum Ideo vestrae dilectioni digna dirigit munera per Episcopales sedes regni vestri similiter Edelredo Regi ad suas Episcoporum sedes direxit dona Sed heu Proh dolor donis datis Epistolis in manus missorum superuenit tristis legatio per missos qui de Scotia per nos reuersi sunt De infidelitate gentis nece Regis Ita Carolus retracta donorum largitate in tantum iratus est contra gentem illam vt ait perfidam peruersam homicidam dominorum suorum peiorem eam paganis estimans vt nisi ego intercessor essem pro ea quicquid eis boni abstrahere potuisset mali machinari iam fecisset c. The kingdom of Northumberland ceaseth Thus as you haue heard after the raigne of king Egbert before mentioned such trouble and perturbatioÌ was in the dominion of Northumberland with slaying expulsing and disposing their kings one after an other that after the murdering of this Edelred aboue specified none durst take the gouernemeÌt vpon him seing the great danger thereupon insuing Insomuch that the foresayd kingdome did lye void and waste the space of xxxiij yeares together after the terme of which yeares this kingdome of Northumberland with the kingdomes also of the other Saxons besides came all together into the handes of Egbert king of the Westsaxons and his progeny which Monarchy began in the yeare of our Lord. 827. and in the 28. yeare of the raygne of the sayd Egbert whereof more shall be sayd Christ willing hereafter Of this troublesome ragious time of Northumberland people speaketh also the sayd learned man Alcuinus otherwise called Albinus in the same country borne writing out of FrauÌce into England and complayning of the same in diuers his letters as first to Offa where he thus writeth Ego paratus eram euÌ muneribus Caroli regis ad vos venire
as I am heartily glad so my request is to you that the friendship and amitie which hath bene tofore betweene my father and your predecessours in times past may now also betwene vs in like manner continue vndeminished And that loue and gentlenes may first beginne of my part heere I sende vnto you that gift that S. Peter had in foretime of my predecessors And likewise the same honors obedience which your predecessours haue had in the realme of England before in the time of my father I will you to haue the same in my time also after this forme I meane and tenour that the vsage and maner of dignitie and such customes which my father hath had in this realme of England in the time of your auncetors I in like ample maner also nowe in your time may fully enioy the same in this the saide realme of England Thus therefore be it knowen to your holines that during this life of mine God almighty abling me to the same these aboue named dignities vsages customes of this realme of England shall in no part be lessoned Yea and if that I as God forbid I should would so much deiect my selfe into such cowardnes yet my Nobles yea the whole people of England in no case would suffer it Wherfore deare father vsing with your selfe a better deliberation in the matter let your gentlenesse so moderate it selfe toward vs least ye compell me which I shall doe against my will to receade and depart vtterly from your obedience At the same terme also be sent an other letter or Epistle to the sayde Pope crauing of him the passe for Girardus Archb. of Yorke the forme wherof here also followeth Reuerendo diligendo patri vniuersali Papae Paschali Henricus dei gratia Rex Anglorum salutem Amor quem plurimum erga vos habeo benignitas quae multum vestros actus exornat c. In English To the reuerend and welbeloued father vniuersall Pope Paschalis Henry by the grace of God king of England greeting The great loue which I beare to you and the no lesse geÌtlenes in you which not a little beautifieth your doings ministreth to me boldnesse to write And where as I thought to haue reteined still this Gerardus with me and to haue craued your palle for him by letters yet notwithstanding when his desire coulde not otherwise be satisfied but woulde needes present himselfe before your presence by his owne hart to craue of you the same I haue sent him vp vnto you Desiring your benigne fatherhoode in this behalfe that he obtaining the palle at your hands may be sent home again to me And thus requiring the assistance of your prayers I praye the Lord long to conserue your Apostleship This second letter of the king in sending for the Palle was well taken of all the court of Rome which as mine author sayth procured such fauor to Girardus archbishop of Yorke and bringer thereof that no complaint of his aduersaries afterward could hurt him with the Pope NotwithstaÌding he was accused grieuously for diuers things and specially for not standing to the consecration of Anselitic Archbishop of Cant. Polidorus in his 11. booke of his English history affirmeth that Anselmus also went vp to Rome with Birardus about the same cause But both the premisses and sequele of the story argueth that to be vntrue For what needed the 2. Monks to be sent vp on Anselmus side if he had gone vp himselfe Againe howe coulde the Pope wryte downe by the saide messengers to Anselme if he had there bene himself present For so procedeth the story by the narration of Malmesbury and others After the Ambassadours thus on both sides sent vp to Rome had laboured theyr cause with instante sute one against the other the pope glad to gratifie the king yet loth to graunt his request being against his owne profite and therefore more inclining to Anselmus side sendeth downe his letters to the sayde Anselme signifying that he woulde not repeale the statutes of his holy fathers for one mans pleasure charging him moreouer not only not to yeide in the cause of inuesting but constantly to adheare to the foresaid decreemeÌt of Pope Urban his predecessor c. Besides this letter to Anselme he directed also an other to the king himselfe which letter mine author saith the king suppressed and did not shewe onely declaring by word of mouth what the ambassadors had saide vnto him from the Pope Which was that he permitted vnto him the licence of Inuesting vpon condition that in other things he would execute the office of a good Prince c. To this also the testunony of the 2. bishops aboue minded did accord which made the matter more probable But the 2. monkes on the other side replied againe bringeth foorth the letter of Anselme to the contrary c. To theÌ was answered againe that more credite was to be geuen to the degree and testimonie of the Bishops then to theirs And as for monkes they had no suffrage nor testimonie saide they in secular matters and therefore they might hold their peace But this is no secular matter sayd Baldwine abbot of Ramesey Whereunto the nobles again of the kings part answered saying that he was a good man and of such demeanor as they had nothing to say against him neither so woulde if they might but yet both humane and diuine reason taught them so to yelde more credite and confidence to the testimonie of 3. bishops then of 2. monkes Whereby may well appeare that Anselme at that time weÌt not with them Then Anselmus seeing the king and his peres how they were set and hearing also the testimonie of the 3. bishops against which he saw he could not preuatle And also hauing the popes seale which he sawe to be so euident on the contrary side made his answer again that he would send to Rome for a more certaintie of truthe Adding moreouer that he neyther would nor durst geue ouer his cause though it should cost him his life to do or proceede against the determination of the Churche of Rome vnlesse he had a perfect warrant of absolution from thence for his discharge Then was it agreed by the king and his nobles that he should not send but go himselfe to Rome And much intreatie was made that he wold take that iorney himself in his owne person to present himselfe to the Pope for the peace of the Church and of his country And so at the length by persuation was content went to Rome and spake with the pope In short time after followeth also the kings Ambassador William Warlwast new elect bishop of Exetor who ther pleading on the kings side for the ancient customes of the realme for the kings right of Inuesting c. First declared howe England of a long continuance had euer bene a prouince peculiar to the Church of Rome and howe it paied dewly
the byshop of Salisbury and of Norwiche who for old matters indangered to the king long before came weeping lameÌting to the archbishop desiring him to haue some coÌpassion of them to remit this pertinacy to the king left if he so continued through his stoutnes to exasperate the kinges displeasure happely it might redound to no small daunger not onely of theÌ which were in ieoperdy already but also of himselfe to be imprisoned and the whole Clergy to be indaungered Besides these two byshops there wet to hym other two noble pieres of the realme labouring w e him to relent condiscend to the kings desire If not they should be inforced to vse violence as neither would stand with the kinges fame and much lesse with his quietnes But yet the stout stomack of the maÌ would not geue ouer After this came to him ij rulers of the temple called Templars one Richard de Hast an other Costans de Heuerio with their company lamenting bewayling their great peril which they declared vnto him to hang ouer his head yet neyther with their teares nor with their kneelinges would he be remoued At length came the last message from the kyng signifying vnto him with expresse wordes and also with teares what he should trust to if he woulde not geue ouer to the kinges request By reason of which message he either terrified or els perswaded was content to submit hymselfe Whereupon the king incontinent assembling the states together the Archbishop first before all other beginneth to promise to the king obedience and submission vnto his custome and that Cum Bona fide leauing out of hys former addition Saluo ordine mentioned before in steede whereof he promised in Verbo veritatis to obserue and keep the kings customes and sweare to the same After him the other Byshoppes likewise gaue the like othe Whereupon the king commaunded incontinent certayne instruments obligatory to be drawne of the which the king should haue one the archbishop of Canterbury an other the Archbishop of Yorke the third requiring also the sayde Archbishop to set hys hand and seale To the whiche the Archbishop although not denying but that he was ready so to do yet desired respite in the matter while that he being but newly come to hys bishoppricke might better peruse with himselfe the foresayd customes and ordinaunces of the king This request as it seemed but reasonable so it was lightly graunted and so the day being well spent they departed for that season and brake vp Alanus one of the iiij writers of the life of this Thomas Becket recordeth that the archbishop in his viage toward Winchester begaÌ greatly to repeÌt that he had done before partly through the instigation of certayne about him but chiefly of hys crossebearer who going before the Archbish. did sharply and earnestly expostulate with him for geuing ouer to the kings request agaynst the priuelege liberties of the Church polluting not onely his fame and conscieÌce but also geuing a pernitious example to them that should come after with many like wordes To make the matter short the Archbishop was so touched vpon the same with such repentaunce that keeping himselfe from al company lamenting with teares with fasting and with muche penaunce macerating and afflicting himself did suspend him selfe from all deuine seruice and would not receaue comfort before that word being sent to hys holy graundfather the pope he shoulde be assoild of him who tenderyng the teares of hys deare chicken directed to him letters agayne by the same messenger which Thomas had sent vp to hym before In whiche letters not onely he assoyled hym from hys trespasse but also with words of great consolation did incourage him to be stout in the quarrel he tooke in hand The copy of which letters consolatory sent from the Pope to Popish Becket here follow vnder written ALexander Byshop c. Your brotherhoode is not ignoraunt that it hath bene aduertised vs how that vpon the occasion of a certayne transgression or excesse of yours you haue determined to cease henceforth from saying of Masse and to abstayne from the consecration of the body and bloud of the Lord. Which thing to doe how daungerous it is especially in such a personage and also what inconuenience may rise thereof I will you aduisedly to consider and discreetly also to ponder Your wisedome ought not to forget what difference there is betwixt them which aduisedly and willingly doe offend and those whiche through ignoraunce and for necessitie sake do offend For as you reade so muche the more greater is wilfull sinne as the same not being voluntary is lesser sinne Therefore if you remember your selfe to haue done any thing that your owne coÌscience doth accuse you of whatsoeuer it be we couÌsell you as a prudent and wyse prelate to acknowledge the same Which thing done the mercifull and pittifull God who hath more respect to the hart of the doer then to the thing done will remit and forgeue you the same according to his accustomed great mercy And we trusting in the merites of the blessed Apostles S. Peter and Paule doe absolue you from the offence committed and by the authoritie Apostolicall we release you vnto your fraternitie counsailing you and commaunding you that henceforth you abstayne not for this cause from the celebration of the Masse Thys letter with other moe after like sort the pope theÌ wrote to him animating and comforting him in this quarrell so neerely pertaining to the popes profite By the occasion whereof Becket toke no small hart and consolation In so much that thereof seemeth to me to proceed al the occasioÌ the made him so stout malipart against his prince as hereafter followeth to be seene by his doynges What the other letters were that the pope wrote vnto hym shortly after when we come to the appellatioÌs made to the pope shall appeare God willing In the meane season as he sat thus mourning at home the king hearing of hym howe be denyed to set hys seale to those sanctions which he condesceded to before tooke no little displeasure against him In so much that he threatning to him and hys banishmeÌt death began to call hym to reconinges and to burden hym with paymentes that all men might vnderstand that the kings minde was sore set agaynst him The Archbishop hereupon whether more for the loue of the pope or dread of hys prince thought to make an escape out of the realme and so weÌt about in the night with two or three with hym stealing out of hys house to take the sea priuely Now amongest other the kinges ordinances and sanctions this was one that none of the prelacy or nobilitie without the kinges licence or of his iustices shoulde depart out of the realme So Becket twise attempted the sea to flee to the see of Rome but the wether not seruing was driueÌ home agayne and hys deuise for that tyme frustrated After his
departure began to be knowne and noysed abroad the kinges officers came to Canterbury to season vppon hys goodes in the kinges behalfe But as it chanced the night before their comming Becket being returned and founde at home they did not proceede in their purpose Upon this the Archbishop vnderstanding the kyng sore bent agaynst hym and the seas not to serue hym made hast to the court lying then at woodstock Where the king receaued him after a certayne maner but nothing so familiarly as he was wont taunting him gestingly merily as though one realme were not able to hold them both Becket although he was permitted to go and come at his pleasure to the court yet could not obtaine the fauour that he would perceiuing both in himselfe and confessing no lesse to other how the matter would fall out so that eyther he should be coÌstrayned to geue ouer with shame or stoutly stand to that which he had so holdly taken in hand The Archbishop of Yorke in the meane time going betweene the kyng and the Archbish. laboured to make a peace loue betweene them but the King in no case would be reconciled vnlesse the other would subscribe to his lawes So the while neyther the K. would otherwise agree nor yet the archb in any wise would subscribe there was a foule discorde Where the fault was let the reader here iudge betwene theÌ both The K. for his regall authoritie thought it much that any subiect of hys should stand agaynst him The Archb. agayne bearing himselfe bold vppon the authoritie especially vpon the letters of the P. lately writteÌ to him thought hym strong inough agaynst the king all hys realme Againe such was his quarell for the maintenance of liberties and glory of the Church that he could lacke no setters on fauourers in that behalfe in so swete a cause amongest the clergy Wherfore the Archb. trusting to these thinges would geue no place but by vertue of his Apostolike authoritie gaue censure vpon these lawes and constitutions of the king condemning some other some approuing for good and catholicke as is before declared Besides this there came also to the K. Rotrodus Archbishop of Rotomage sent from the Pope to make peace betweene the K. and Canterbury Whereunto the king was well content so that the Pope would agree to ratifie hys ordinances But wheÌ that could in no wise be obtayned at the Popes handes then the king beyng stopped and frustrate of hys purpose by reason of Beckets Apostolike legacie being Legatus a Latere thought good to send vp to the pope and so dyd to obtayne of hym that the same authoritie of the Apostolike Legacy might be conferd to an other after his appointment which was the Archbishop of Yorke But the pope denied Notwithstanding at the request of the kings Clergy the Pope was content that the king should be Legate hymselfe whereat the kyng tooke great indignation as Houeden writeth so that he sent the Pope hys letters agayne Here the Pope was perplexed on both sides If he should haue denied the kyng that was to hote for him For the Pope vseth always to hold in with kings howsoeuer the world speedeth Agayne if he should haue forsaken such a churchly chaplen the cause being so sweete and so gainefull that should haue bene agaynst himselfe what did he theÌ Here now commeth in the old practise of popish prelacy to play with both hands priuily he coÌspireth with the one and openly dissembleth with the other First he granted to the kings ambassadors their request to haue the Legate remooued and to place in that office the Archbishop of Yorke after his owne contentation and yet notwithstanding to tender the cause of Tho. Becket he addeth this promise withall that the sayd Becket should receiue no harme or damage therby Thus the Pope craftily conneying the matter betwene them both glad to further the Archbishop for his owne aduantage and yet lothe to deny the king for displeasure writeth to the king openly and also secretly directeth another letter to Becket the contents wherof here follow Alexander the Pope to Thomas Archb. of Caunterbury ALthough we condescending to the kings request haue grauÌted the gifte of our legacie after his minde from you yet let not your minde therby be discomforted nor brought into sighes of dispaire For before that we had graunted that or gaue oure consent thereunto the kings ambassadours firmely promised in the word of trueth ready also to be sworne vpon the same if I would haue so required that their letters also which he had obtained should not be deliuered to the Archbishop of York without our knowledge and consent therein This is certaine and so perswade your self boldly without any scruple doubt or mistrust that it was neuer my minde or purpose nor euer shal be God willing to subdue you or your Church vnder the obedience of any person to be subiect saue onely to the Bishop of Rome And therfore we warne you and charge you that if you shall perceiue the king to deliuer these foresaide letters which we trust he will not attempt without our knowledge to doe forthwith by some trustie messenger or by your letters you will geue vs knowledge therof wherby we may prouide vpoÌ the same both for your person your Churche and also your citie committed to you to be clerely exempt by our authoritie Apostolicall from all power iurisdiction of any legacie Upon these letters and such other as is sayd before Becket seemed to take all his boldnesse to be so stoute and sturdy against his Prince as he was The Pope beside these sent secretly this Chaplaine of hys and directed an other letter also vnto the king granting and permitting at his request to make the Archbishop of Yorke Legate Apostolicall The king after he had receiued his letters sent from the Pope beganne to put more strength to his purposed procedings against the Archbishop first beginning wyth the inferiors of the clergy such as were offenders agaynst his lawes as fellons robbers quarellers breakers of peace and especially such as had committed homicide and murders wherof more then an hundred at that time were prooued vpon the clergy as witnesseth Guliel NeuburgeÌsis in his booke de gestis Anglorum lib. 2. cap. 16 vrging and coÌstraining them to be arreigned after the order of the lawe temporall and iustice to be ministred to them according to their deserts as first to be depriued and so to be committed to the secular hands This seemed to Becket to derogate froÌ the liberties of holy church that the secular power should passe in causes criminall or sit in iudgemeÌt against any ecclesiasticall person This law the roisters then of the clergy had picked and forged out of Anacletus Euaristus by whole falsly alleaged and pretensed authoritie they haue deduced this their constitution from the Apostles which geueth immunity to all ecclesiasticall persons to be free from
excommunicate 12 Theodosius the great Emperour for a fault which seemed not so waighty vnto other Priestes and shut him out of the Church who afterward by condigne satisfaction was absolued There are many other like examples for Dauid when he had committed adulterie and murther the prophet Nathan was sent vnto him by God to reprooue him and he was soone corrected And the king laying aside his scepter and Diademe and setting apart all princely maiestie was not ashamed to humble himselfe before the face of the Prophet to confesse his faulte to require forgeuenes for his offence what wil you more he being stricken with repentance asked mercy and obtained forgeuenes So likewise you most beloued king and reuerend Lord after the example of this good king Dauid of whom it is sayde I haue founde a man after mine owne heart with a contrite and humble heart turne to the Lorde your God and take holde of repentaunce for your transgressions For you are fallen and erred in many things which yet I kepe in store still if peraduenture God shall inspire you to say with the prophet haue mercy on me O god according to thy great mercye for I haue sinned much against thee donâ euil in thy sight Thus much I haue thought good to write to you my deare Lorde at this present passing other things in silence till I may see whether my wordes take place in you and bring foorth fruits in you worthy of repentance and that I may heare and reioyce with them that shall bring me worde and say Oh king thy sonne was dead and is aliue againe was lost and is founde againe But if you will not heare me looke where I was wont before the maiestie of the body of Christ to pray for you in aboundance of teares sighes There in the same place I will crie against you and say Rise vp Lord and iudge my cause forget not the rebukes and iniuries which the king of England doeth to thee and thine forget not the ignominie of thy Church which thou hast builded in thy bloud Reuenge the bloud of thy saintes which is spilt reuenge O Lord the afflictions of thy seruants of whome there is an infinite number For the pride of them which hate persecute thee is gone vp so highe that we are not able to beare them any longer Whatsoeuer your seruant shall do all those things shall be required at your handes for he seemeth to haue done the harme which hath geuen the cause thereof Doubtlesse the sonne of the most highest except you amende and cease from the oppressing of the church and clergie and keepe your hand from troubling of them wil come in the rod of his furie at the voices of such as cry to him and at the sighes of them that be in bands when the time shal come for him to iudge the vnrighteousnesse of men in equitie and seueritie of the holy ghost For he knoweth how to take away the breath of Princes and is terrible among kings of the eartheâ Your deare and louing grace I wish well to fare Thus fare ye well againe and euer ¶ Certaine notes or elenches vpon this Epistle which by the figures you may finde out and their places 1. The scope of this Epistle is this to proue that bishops and priests ought not to come vnder the court and coÌtrolment of temporall power 2. This similitude holdeth not For though the smalnesse of a Citie blemisheth not the prerogatiue of a kingdome yet the euilnes and rebellion of a Citie doth worthely blemish his owne prerogatiue 3. So sayth the Popes decrees Dist. 10. but the Scripture of God importeth otherwise Abiathar the Priest was deposed of king Salomon not for any heresie but for other causes 3. Reg. 1.2 Ionathas tooke his priesthoode of king Alexander And Simon of Demetrius 1. Mach. 7. Christ offered tribute to Cesar for him and for Peter Also Peter sayeth be ye subiect to euery humaine creature and it followeth whether it be to the king as to the chiefe c. Item Pope Leo submitted himselfe to Ludouicus the Emperor with these words And if we do any thing incompetently and do swarue from the path of righteousnes we wil stand to your reformation or of them whom you shall send 2.9.7 Hos. 4. Notwithstanding the saide Constantinus wryting to the bishops coÌgregated at Tyrus first chideth them then commaÌdeth them to resort vnto his presence to haue their cause iudged and decided Trip hist. lib. 3. cap. 7. 5. The father vnder obedience c. If fatherhoode goe by age I suppose that king Henry was elder then Becket If fatherhoode consist in authoritie I iudge the authoritie of a king to be aboue the authoritie of an Archbishop If the see of Canterburie make the fatherhoode yet had Becket no cause to claime fatherhood ouer the king seeing the sonne ordeined the father that is seeing the king made him his Archbishop and not he made him his king 6. By wicked bonds Al is wicked with the Papists that bringeth them in subiection to their Princes 7. Ecclesiasticall matters be suche as properly belong to doctrine and deuine knowledge for the institution of the soule and information of conscience In which both Princes and subiects ought to followe their pastors so long as they go truely before them without error or els not But what maketh this for the lands liberties of churchmen 8. Punishment due to malefactors and rebelles is not to be called persecution but due correction 9. Saule brake the commandement of God and was reiected Ozias coÌtrary to the commandement of God tooke the office of a priest and was striken Oza against the expresse word of the law put his hand toy arke was punished But what expresse word had k. HeÌry why he should not correct and punish rebellious bishoppes and wicked priests within his owne realme wherefore these similitudes accorde not As for Achas he was not so much punished for taking the priests office as for spoyling the temple of the Lord and offering to Idoles 10. Common lawes S. Augustin wryting to Boniface sayeth thus Whosoeuer obeyeth not the lawes of the Emperor being made for the veritie of God procureth to himselfe great punishment For in the time of the prophets all the kings which did not forbidde and subuert all such things as were vsed of the people against the law of God are rebuked And such as did with stand them are commended aboue the rest August 11. Isidorus hath these wordes Let temporal princes know that they must render accoÌpt to God for the church which they haue at the hands of God to gouerne c. 12. The case of Archadius Theodosius Dauid of this king as touching this mater hath no similitude In them was murder This king doeth nothing but claime that which is his due And though by the spiritual sword those kings were resisted yet it argueth not therefore that the persons of them which haue the
vse of the spirituall sword are aboue the persons of them which haue the temporall sworde Besides these letters of the Archbyshoppe sent to the king the Pope also in the same cause wryteth to the king beginning after this sort Alexander Papa ad Henricum regé Et naturali ratione forma iuris dictante prouidentiam tuam credimus edoctam fuisse quòd quanto quis ab aliquo maiora suscepisse dignoscitur tanto ei obnoxior magis obligatus tenetur c. The whole tenour of the letter as ãâã wrote it to the king I would heere expresse but for treating of the time straightnesse of rowme hauing so many things els in this storie by the grace of Christ to be comprehended But the letter tendeth to this effect to exhort and charge the king to shew fauour to Thomas Becket Where in the processe of the Epistle it followeth in these wordes Ea propter seueritatem tuam per Apostolica scripta rogamus monemus exhortamur in domino nec non in remessionem peccatorum ex parte dei omnipotentis beati Petri principis Apostolorum antoritate nostra iniungimus vt memoratum Archiepiscopum pro deo ecclesia sua honore tuo nec non totius regni tui in gratiam fauorem tuum recipias c. That is therfore we desire you monish and exhort your honor by these our Apostolical wrytings and also enioyne you vpoÌ the remission of your sinnes in the behalfe of almighty God and of S. Peter Prince of the Apostles by our authoritie that you will receiue againe the foresayde Archb. into your fauour and grace for the honour of God his Church and of your owne Realme c. Thus you heard the Popes intreating letter nowe here is an other letter sent vnto the foresaid king wherein he doth manace him as in the tenor thereof here followeth Bishop Alexander seruant of the seruants of God to king Henry king of England health and blessing Apostolicall HOw fatherly and gently we haue oft times entreated and exhorted both by Legates and letters your princely honour to be reconciled againe with our reuerend brother Thomas Archb. of Cant. so that he and his may be restored againe to their Churches and otheâ possessions to them appertaining your wisdome is not ignorant seeing it is notified and spred almost throughout all Christendome For so much therefore as hetherto we coulde not preuaile with you neither moue nor stirre your minde with faire and gentle wordes it lamenteth vs not a little so to be frustrate and deceiued of the hope and expectation which we had conceiued of you Especially seing we loue you so dearely as our owne dearely beloued sonne in the Lorde and vnderstanding so great ieopardie to hang ouer you But forasmuch as it written Cry out and cease not lift vp thy voice like a trumpe and declare to my people their wickednesse and their sinnes to the house of Iacob Also for as much as it is in Salomon commaunded that the sluggish person should be stoned with the dung of Oxen we haue thought good therefore not to forbeare or supporte your stubburnes any longer against iustice and saluation Neither that the mouth of the foresaid Archbishop shoulde be stopped from hencefoorth any more but that he may freely prosecute the charge of his office and duetie to reuenge with the sworde of Ecclesiasticall discipline the iniuries both of himselfe and of his Church committed to his charge And here I haue sent vnto you two Legates Petrus de ponte dei and Bernardus de Corilio to admonish you of the same But if ye wil neither by vs be aduertised nor geue eare to them in obeying it is to be feared doubtles least such things as they shall declare to you from vs in our behalfe may happen fal vpon you Datch at Beneuent the 9. day before the kalends of Iune To aunswer these letters againe there was an other certain wryting drawne out directed to the Pope made by some of the Clergy as it seemeth but not without consent of the king as by the title may appeare inueying and disprouing the misbehauior of the Archbishop The tenor whereof here followeth and beginneth thus An answere to the Pope TIme nowe requireth more to seeke helpe then to make complaints For so it is nowe that the holy mother Churche our sinnes deseruing the same lieth in a dangerous case of great decay which is like to ensue except the present mercy of the Lord support her Such is the wickednes now of schismatikes that the father of fathers Pope Alexander for the defence of his faith and for the loue of righteousnes is banished out of his countrey not able to keepe free residence in his owne proper see by reason of the induratâ heart of Fredericke the Pharao Farther and besides the Church also of Canterburie is miserably impaired and blemished as well in the spirituall as in the temporall estate much like vnto the ship in the Sea being destitute of their guide to fled in the floudes and wrasteling wiâh the windes while the pastor being absent from his prouince dâre not there remain through the power of the king Who being ouer wise to the ieoperdie both of himselfe his Churche and vs also hath brought and intangled vs likewise with himselfe in the same partaking of his punishments and labours not considering howe we ought to forbeare and not to resist superior powers And also sheweth himselfe to vs vnkinde which with al our affections bear the burden with him of his afflictions not ceasing yet to persecute vs which stand in the same condemnation with him For betwixt him and our soueraigne prince king of Englande arose a certaine matter of contention wherupon they were both agreed that a day shoulde be appoynted to haue the controuersie discussed by equitie and iustice The day being come the king commaunded all the Archbyshops Bishops and other prelates of the Church to be called in a great and solemne frequencie so that the greater and more generall this councell was the more manifest the detection of this stubburne malice should appeare and be espied At the day therefore aboue mentioned this troubler of the realme and of the Church presenteth himselfe in the sight of our Catholicke king who not trusting the qualitie and condition of his cause armeth him with the armour of the crosse as one which should be brought to the presence of a tyrant By reason whereof the kings maiestie being something agreeued yet because hee would be deliuered from all suspition committeth the matter to the hearing of the Bishops This done it rested in the bishops to decide and cease this contention and to set agreement betweene them remouing all occasion of dissention Which thing they going about commeth in this foresayd Archbishop forbidding and commaunding that no man proceede in any sentence of hym before the king This being signified to the kings hearing his minde was greuously prouoked
thereby to anger whose anger yet notwithstaÌding had bene easily swaged if the other woulde haue submitted himselfe and acknowledged his default But he adding stubburnnesse to his trespasse through the quantitie and greatnesse of his excesse was the author of his owne punishment which nowe by the law ciuill he sustaineth and yet shameth to craue pardone for his desert at the kings hande whose anger he feared not to sturre vp in such a troublesome time of the persecution of the Church greatly against the profite of the same augmenting increasing therby the persecution which now the Church lieth vnder Much better it had bene for him to haue tempered himself with the bridle of moderation in the high estate of his dignitie least in exceeding too farre in straining the straite poyntes of things by ouer much presumption peraduenture through his presumption being not in meane and tollerable things might fall from higher And if the detriments of the Church woulde not moue him yet the greât benefits and preforments of riches and honours ought to perswade him not to be so stubburn against the king But here peradueÌture his friend and our aduersary wil obiect that his bearing and submitting to the king in this behalfe were preiudiciall against the authority and sea Apostolical as though he did not or might not vnderstand that although the dignity of the Church should suffer a little detriment in that iudgement yet he might ought to haue dissimuled for the time to obtaine peace into the Church He will obiect againe alleaging the name of father that it soundeth like a poynt of arrogancie for children to procede in iudgement of coÌdemnation against the father which thing is not conuenient But he must vnderstand againe that it was necessary that the obedience and humilitie of the children shoulde temper the pride of the father least afterwarde the hatred of the father might redounde vpon the children Wherefore of these promises your fatherhoode may vnderstand that the action of this our aduersary ought to fall downe as void and of none effect who only vpon the affection of malice hath proceeded thus against vs hauing no iust cause nor reason to ground vpon And forsomuch as the care and charge of all churches as yeâ knowe lieth vpon vs it standeth vs vpon to prouide concerning the state of the Churche of Canterbury by our diligence and circumspection so that the sayd Church of Canterbury through the excesse of his pastor be not driuen to ruine or decay By this Epistle it may appeare to the Reader therof that Becket being absent from Englande went about to worke some trouble against certaine of the Clergy and of the laitie belike in excommunicating such as he tooke to be his euill willers Now to vnderstand further what his working was or who they were whom he did excommunicate this letter sent to William Bishop of Norwitch shall better declare the matter A letter of Becket to the B. of Norwitch HE bindeth himselfe to the penalty of the crime whosoeuer receiuing power and authoritie of God vseth and exerciseth not the same with due seueritie in punishing vice but wincking diâsimuling doth minister boldnesse to wicked doers maintaining them in their sinne For the bloud of the wicked is required at the hand of the Priest which is negligent or dissembleth And as the Scripture sayth thornes and brambles grow in the handes of the idle dronkard Wherfore least through our too much sufferance and dissembling the transgressions of manifest euil doers should also be laid to our charge and redound to the destruction of the Church through our giltie silence We therfore following the authoritie of the Popes commaundement haue laid our sentence of curse excommunication vpon the Earle Hugo commaunding you throughout all your Diocesse publickely to denounce the sayde Earle as accursed so that according to the discipline of the Church he be sequestred from the fellowship of all faithfull people Also it is not vnknowen to your brotherhoode how long we haue borne with the transgressions of the Bishop of London Who amongest other his factes I would to God were not a great doer and fautor of this schisme and subuerter of the right and liberties of holy Church Wherefore we being supported with the authoritie of the Apostolicke sea haue also excommunicated him besides also the Bishop of Salesbury because of his disobedience and contempt and others likewise vpon diuers and sundrie causes whose names here followe subscribed Hugo Bernardes sonne Radolph of Brocke Robert of Brocke a clearke Hugode of S Cleare and Letardus a clearke of Northfolke Nigellus of Scacauil and Richard Chapleine William of Hasting and the Frier which possesseth my Church of Monchote We therfore charge and commaunde you by the authoritie Apostolicall and ours and in the vertue of obedience and in the perill of saluation and of your order that yee cause these openly to be proclaimed excommunicate throughout all your Diocesse and to command all the faithful to auoide their companie Fare ye wel in the Lord. Let not your heart be troubled nor feare for we stande sure thorough the assistance of the Apostolike sea God being oure borowe against the pretensed shiftes of the malignant sorte and against all their appellations Furthermore all such as haue bene solemnely cited of vs shall sustaine the like sentence of excommunication if God will in the Ascension day vnlesse they shall otherwise agree with me That is to witte Geffray Archdeacon of Canterburie and Robert his vicare Rice of Wilcester Richard of Lucie William Gifferd Adam of Cheringes with suche other moe which eyther at the commaundement of the king or vppon their own proper temeritie haue inuaded the goods and possessions either appertaining to vs or to our clearkes about vs. With these also we doe excommunicate all suche as be knowen eyther with aide or counsel to haue incensed or set forward the proceeding of our king against the liberties of the Churche and exiling of the innocents And such also as be knowen to Impeche or let by any maner of way the messengers sent either from the Pope or from vs for the necessities of the Churche Fare you well againe and euer Hetherto hast thou seene gentle reader diuers sundry letters of Thomas Becket whereby thou maist collect a sufficient historie of his doings demeanor though nothing els were said further of him concerning his lusty and hauty stomack aboue that beseemed either his degree or cause which he tooke in hand And here peraduenture I may seme in the story of this one man to tary tâo long hauing to write of so many others better then it yet for the weaker sort which haue couÌted him and yet do count him for a Saint hauing in themselues little vnderstanding to iudge or discerne in the causes of men I thought to adde this letter more wherein he complaineth of his king to a forreine power doing what in him did lie to stirre for
hys owne cause mortall warre to the destruction of many For suppose wrong had bene offred him of his Prince was it not inough for him to flie What cause had he for his owne priuate reueÌge to set potentates in publike discord Now hauing no iust cause but rather offering iniurie in a false quarell so to complaine of his prince what is to be said of this let euery man iudge which seeth this letter ¶ An Epistle of Thomas Archbyshop of Canterburie to Pope Alexander A Mantissimo patri D. Alexandro Dei gratia summo pont Thomas Cant. Ecclesiae humilis minister debitam deuotam obedientiam In English thus To our most louing father and Lord Alexander by the grace of God bishop Thomas the humble minister and seruaunt of the Church of Canterburie due reuerend obedience Long inough and too long most louing father haue I forborne still loking after amendement of the king of England But no fruite haue I reaped of this my long patience Nay rather whilest that vnwisely I doe thus forbeare I augment and procure the detriment and diminishing of my authoritie as also of the Church of God For oftentimes haue I by deuout and religious messengers inuited him to make condigne satisfaction as also by my letters the Copies whereof I haue sent you intimate and pronounced Gods seueritie and vengeaunce against him vnlesse he repent and amende But he that notwithstanding groweth from euill to worse oppressing and conculcating the Church and sanctuarie of God persecuting both me those which take part with me In somuch that with fearefull threatning woordes his purpose is to terrifie such as for Gods cause and mine owne seeke any way to relieue and help me He wrote also his letters vnto the Abbot of the Cistercian order that as hee fauoured the Abbacie of that his order which was in his power sayde he he would not accept me into the fellowship thereof nor doe any thing els for me What should I vse many woordes So much hath the rigour and seueritie as well of the king as of his officers vnder our patience and sufferaunce shewed it selfe that if a great number of men yea and that of the most religious sort should shewe vnto you the matter as it is in deede and that vpon their othe taken I partly doubt whether your holinesse woulde geue credite vnto them or not With heauinesse of minde therefore I considering these things and beholding as well the pearill of the king as of our selfe haue publiquely condemned not onely those pernitious customes but all those peruersities and wicked doings wherby the church of England is disturbed and brought to confusion as also the wryting whereby they were confirmed Excommunicating generally as well the obseruers and exactours thereof as also the inuentours and patrones of the same with their fauourers counsailours and coadiutors whatsoeuer either of the clergie or laitie absoluing also our Bishops from their othe whereby they were so straightly inioyned to the obseruation of the same These are the Articles which in that wryting I haue principally condemned First that it is inhibited to appeale vnto the sea Apostolicall for any cause but by the kings licence That a bishop may not punish any man for periurie or for breaking of his troth That a bishop may not excommunicate any man that holdeth of the king in capite or els to interdicte either their land or offices without the kings licence That Clerkes and religious men may be taken from vs to secular iudgement That the king or any other iudge may heare and decide the causes of the church and tithes That it shal not be lawfull for any Archbishop or bishop to goe out of the realme and to come at the Popes call without the kings licence and diuers others such as these Namely also I haue excommunicated Iohn of Oxenforde who hath communicated with the schismaticke and excommunicate persone Reginalde Coloniensis the which also contrary to the commandement of the Lord Pope ours hath vsurped the Deanrie of the Church of Salisbâââ and hath to renew his schisme taken an oth in the Emperors court Also I haue denouÌced excommunicate Richard of Worceter because he is falne into the same damnable heresie and coÌmunicated with that famous schismatike of Colen deuising forging al mischiefe possible with the schismatikes and Flemings to the destruction of the church of God especially of the Church of Rome by composition made betweene the king of England and them Also Richard de Lucy and Ioceline de Baliol which haue furthered the fauourers of the kings tiranny and workers of their heresies Also Ranulphe de Broe and Hugo de Sancto Glaro and Thomas the sonne of Bernard which haue vsurped the possessioÌs and goods of the Church of Canterbury without our licence consent We haue also excommunicated all those which without our licence do stretch out their haÌds to the possessions goods of the church of Caunterburie The king himselfe we haue not yet excommunicated personally still waiting for his amendement whome notwithstanding we will not defer to excommunicate vnlesse he quickly amende and be warned by that he hath done And therefore that the authoritie of the sea Apostolike and the libertie of the Church of God which in these partes are almost vtterly lost may be by some meanes restored it is meete and very necessary that what we herein haue done the same be of your holinesse ratified and by your letters confirmed Thus I wish your holinesse long to prosper and flourish By this Epistle hee that listeth to vnderstande of the doings quarels of Becket may partly iudge what is to be thought thereof Which his doings although in some part may be imputed either to ignoraÌce of mind or blindnes of zeale or humain fragilitie yet in this point so vilely to complaine of his naturall Prince for the zeale of the Pope hee can by no wise be defended But such was the blindnesse then of the prelates in those daies who measured and estemed the dignity and liberty of Christes church by no other thing then only by goods and possessions flowing and abounding in the clergy and thought no greater point of religion to be in the church then to maintaine the same For the which cause they did most abhominably abuse christian discipline excommunication of the church at that time as by this foresaid Epistle may appeare And what maruaile if the acts and doings of this Archb. seeme now to vs in these daies both fond and strange seeing the suffraganes of his owne church clergy wryting to him could not but reprehend him as in this their Epistle tranflated out of Latin into English may be seene An effectuall and pithie letter full of reason and perswasion sent from all the Suffraganes of the Church of Cant to T. Becket their Archb. QVa Vertro pater in longinquo discessu inopinata rei ipsias noâitate turbata sunt Vestra
vp of your letter where ye bring in for your appellation against me a safegarde for you which rather in deede is an hinderance to you that we shoulde not proceede against the inuaders of the Churche goodes nor against the King in like censure as we haue done against the bishoppe of Salisburie as yee say and hys Deane To this I aunswere God forbidde that we haue or els shoulde heereafter proceede or do any thing against the king or his lande or against you or your Churches inordinately or otherwise then is conuenient But what if you shall exceede in the same or like transgression as the Byshoppe of Salesburie hath done thinke yee then your appellation shall helpe you from the discipline of our seueritie that ye shall not be suspended Marke yee diligently whether this be a lawful appeale and what is the forme thereof We knowe that euery one that appealeth eyther doeth it in his owne name or in the name of an other if in hys owne name either it is for some greeuance inferred alreadie or els for that he feareth after to be inferred against him Concerning the first I am sure there is no greuance that you can complaine of as yet God be thanked that you haue receiued at my hand for the which you should appeale froÌ me neither haue you I trust any cause speciall against me so to doe If ye doe it for feare that is to come least I shoulde trouble you and your Churches consider whether this be the appeale which ought to suspende or stay our power and authoritie that we haue vppon you and your Churches It is thought therefore of wise men and we also iudge no lesse your appeale to be of no force First for that it hath not the right forme of a perfect appellation and also because it is not consonante to reason and lacketh order and helpe of the lawe Furthermore if your appellation be in an other mans name either it is for the King as moste like it is or for some other If it be for the king than ye ought first to vnderstande that appellations are woont to be made to repell and not to inferre iniurie or to release such as be oppressed that they shoulde not be oppressed any more Wherefore if any man shall enter any appellation not trusting to the suretie of his cause but to delay the time that sentence be not geuen vpon him that appellation is not to be receaued For what state will there be of the Church if the libertie therof being taken away the goods of the Church spoyled the bishops driuen from their places or at least not receiued with full restitution of their goodes the inuaders and spoylers therof may defend themselues by appealing thereby to saue themselues from the penalty of their desert What a ruine of the Church will this be See what ye haue done and what ye say Be you noâ the vicares of Christ representing him in earth Is it not your office to correcte and bridle ill doers whereby they may cease to persecute the Church And is it not inough for them to be fierce to rage against the church but that you should take their part setting your selues against vs to the destruction of the church Who euer heard of so monstrous doings Thus it shall be heard and sayde of all nations and countries that the Suffraganes of the Church of Caunterburie which ought to stande with their Metropolitane vnto death in defence of the Churche nowe goe about by the kings commaundement so much as in them doth lie to suspend his autoritie least he shuld exercise his Discipline of correction vppon them that rebell against the Church This one thing I knowe that you cannot sustaine two sortes of persons at once both to be the appeale makers and to be appealed vp your selues You be they which haue made the appellation and you be they against whome the appellation is made Is there any more churches then one and the body of the same And howe meete were it than that you being the members of the Churche shoulde holde together with the heade therof I am afraide brethren least it may be sayde of vs These be the Priestes which haue sayde where is the Lorde and hauing the lawe doe not knowe the law Furthermore this I suppose you being discrete men are not ignoraunt of that such as enter any appellation there are not wont to be hearde vnlesse the matter of their appellation either belongeth to themselues or except speciall commaundement force them thereunto or else vnlesse they take an other mannes cause vpon them First that it belongeth nothing vnto you it is plaine for so muche as the contrary rather pertaineth to your duetie that is to punish and to correct all such as rebell against the Church And if he which subuerteth the libertie of the Churche and inuadeth the goodes therof conuerting them to his owne vse be not heard appealing for hys owne defence much lesse is an other to be heard appealing for him Wherefore as in this case neither he can appeale for himself not yet commaund you so to do so neither may you receiue the commaundement to appeale for him Thirdly as touching the taking of an other mannes cause or businesse vpon you to this I say and affirme that yee ought in no maner of wise so to doe specially seeing the matter pertaineth to the oppression of the Church and whereupon ensueth great damage to the same Wherefore seeing it neither appertaineth to you neither ought yee to receiue any such commaundement nor yet to take vppon you any such cause as that is your appeale is neither to be hard nor standeth with any lawe Is this the deuotion and consolation of brotherly loue which you exhibite to your Metropolitane being for you in exile God forgeue you this clemencie And how nowe will ye looke for your letters and messengers to be gently receiued heere of vs Neither doe I speake this as though there were any thing in hande betwixt your part and oures or that we haue done any thing inordinately against the person of the king or against his lande or against the persones of the Church or intende by Gods mercie so to doe And therefore we say briefly affirme constantly that our Lorde the king can not complaine of any wrong or iniurie to be done vnto him if he being often called vpon by letters and messengers to acknowledge his fault neither will confesse his trespasse nor yet come to any satisfaction for the same haue the censure of seueritie by the Pope and vs laide vpon him For no man can say that he vniustly is entreated whome the lawe doeth iustly punish And briefly to conclude knowe you this for certaine that extortioners inuaders detailners of the Church goodes and subuerters of the liberties therof neither haue any authoritie of the lawe to maintaine them neyther doth their appealing defend them c. ¶ A briefe Censure vpon the
both by an old chronicle called Chronica gestorum as also by auncient Origen vpon the third booke of Moses bringing in his wordes which be these prouing that this sacramental bread ought not to be reserued Quicunque hunc panem coenae Christi secunda vel tertia die sumpserit non benedicitur anima eius sed inquinabitur Propterea Gabaonitae quia antiquos panes portaueruÌt ad filios Israel oportuit eos ligna ac aquam portare c. That is whosoeuer receiueth this bread of the Supper of Christ vpon the second or iii. day after his soule shall not be blessed but polluted Therfore the Babaonites because they brought olde bread to the children of Israel it was enioyned them to cary wood and water c. D. Austen of whom meÌtion is made before disputing agaynst them about this matter of the holy Eucharist vrgeth them with this interrogation whether it be the same Christ present in the Sacrament which is present at the right hand of the father If it be not the same Christ how is it true in the Scripture Vna fides vnus Dominus nostet Iesus Christus One fayth one Lord Iesus Christ If it be the same Christ theÌ how is he not to be honored and worshipped here as well as there To this the Ualdenses aunswere againe and graunt that Christ is one and the same with his naturall body in the sacrament which he is at the right hand of his Father but not after the same existence of his body For yâ existence of his body in heauen is not personall and locall to be apprehended by the fayth and spirit of men In the sacrameÌt the existence of his body is not personall or locall to be appreheÌded or receiued of our bodies after a personal or corporall maner but after a sacrameÌtal maner that is where our bodies receiue the signe our spirit the thing insignified Moreouer in heauen the existence of his body is dimensiue and complete with the full proportion and quaÌtity of the same body where with he asceÌded here the existeÌce of his complete body with the full proportion measure stature thereof doth not neither can stand in the sacrameÌt Briefly the existence of his body in heauen is naturall not sacramentall that is to be sene and not remembred here it is sacramentall not naturall that is to be remembred not to be sene That aunswere being made to the captious propositioÌ of D. Augustine The Ualdenses retorting the like interrogation to him againe demaund of him to answere them in the like obiection whether it be all on christ substaÌtially naturally which sitteth in heauen which is vnder the formes of bread and wine and in the receiuers of the Sacrament If he graunt to be Then they did him say seing Christ is as well in the sacrament as in heauen as well in the receiuer as in the sacrament all one Christ in substance nature why then is not the same Christ as well in the brest of the receiuer to be worshipped as vnder the formes of bread and wine in the sacrameÌt seing he is there after a more perfect maner in man then in the sacrament for in the sacrament he is but for a tââe and not for the sacraments sake but for the mans cause In man he is not for the sacraments cause but for his owne and that not for a season but for euer as it is written Qui manducat hunc panem viuet in aeternum that is he that eateth this breade shall liue for euer c. Moreouer and besides seing traÌsubstantiation is the going of one substance into an other they question againe with him whether the formes of bread and wine remayning the substauÌce thereof be chauÌged into the whole person of our Lord Christ Iesus that is both into his body soule and diuinitye or not into the whole Christ If he graunt the whole Then say they that is impossible concerning the diuinity both to nature and to our fayth that any creature can be chauÌged into the creator If he say the bread is chaunged into the body and soule of Christ not to his diuinity then he seperateth the natures in Christ. If he say into the body alone and not the soule then he separateth the natures of the true manhood c. And so cannot be the same Christ that was betrayed for vs for that he had both body soule To conclude to what part soeuer he would aunswere this doctrine of transubstantiation cannot be defended without great incoÌuenieÌce of al sides Ouer and besides Eneas Syluius writing of theyr doctrine and assertions perchaunce as he fouÌd them perchaunce making worse of them then they taught or ment reporteth them after this maner which I thought here to set out as it is in the Latin ROmanum praesulem reliquis episcopis parem esse Inter sacerdotes nullum discrimen Praes byterum non dignitatem fed vitae meritum efficere potiorem In English The byshop of Rome to be equall with other bishops Amongst priestes to be no difference of degree No Priest to be reputed for any dignity of his order but for the worthinesse of his life The soules of men departed either to enter into paine euerlasting or euerlasting ioy No fire of Purgatory to be found To pray for the dead to be vaynâ and a thing onely found out for the lucre of Priestes The images of God as of the Trinity and of saintes to be abolished The halowing of water palmes to be a mere ridicle The religion of begging Fryars to be found out by the deuill That priestes should not incroch riches in this world but rather follow pouerty being content with their tythes and mens deuotion The preaching of the word to be free to all men called thereunto That no deadly sinne is to be tollerate for whatsoeuer respect of a greater commodity to insuâ therupon The coÌfirmation which bishops exercise with oyle and extreme vnction are not to be counted amongst the sacraments of the Churche Auriculare confession to be but a toy to suffice for euery man to confesse himselfe in his chamber to God Baptisme ought to be ministred ouely with pure water without any mixture of halowed oyle The temple of the Lord to be the wide world The maiesty of God not to be restrayned more within the walles of temples monastaries and chappelles so that his grace is rather to be found in one place then in an other Priestes apparell ornaments of the high aulter vestimentes corporaces chalices patines and other Churche plate to serue in no stead For the difference and respect of the very place to make no matter where the priest doth consecrate or doth minister to them which do require To be sufficient to vse onely the sacramentall words without all other superfluous ceremonies The suffrages of saintes reigning with Christ in heauen to be craued in vayne being not
and tyranny of the Prelates denying the Popes authoritie to haue groââd of the Scriptures neyther coulde they away with their ceremonies and traditions as Images Pardons Purgatory of the Romish church calling them as some say blasphemous occupyinges c. Of these Albingenses were slayne at times and burned a great multitude by the meanes of the Pope and Symon Ecclesiasticus with other moe It seemeth that these Albingenses were chiefly abhorred of the Pope because they set vp a contrary Pope against him about the coastes of Bugarorum For the which cause the Byshop called Portinensis beyng the popes Legate in those quarters writeth to the Archbishop of Roan and other Byshops in this wise VEnerabilibus patribus Dei gratia Rothomagensi Archiepiscopo eius suffraganeis Episcopis Sal. in Domino Iesu Christo. Dum pro spoÌsa veri crucifixi vestrum cogimur auxilium implorare potiùs compellimur lacerari singultibus plorare Ecce quòd vidimus loquimur quod scimus testificamur Ille homo perditus qui extollitur super omne quod colitur aut dicitur Deus iam habet persidiae suae praeambulum haeresiarcam queÌ haereteci Albingenses Papam suum nominant habitantem finibus Bugarorum Croaticae Dalmitiae iuxta Hungariorum nationem Ad eam confluunt haeretici Albingenses vt ad eoruÌ consulta respondeat Etenim de Carcasona oriundus vices illius Antipapae gerens Bartholomaeus haereticorum Episcopus funestam ei exhibendo reuerentiam sedem locum coÌcessit in villa que Porlos appellatur seipsum transtulit in partes Tholosanas Iste Bartholomaeus in literarum suarum vndique discurrenrentium tenore se in primo salutationis alloquio intitulat in huÌc modum Bartholomaeus seruus seruorum Mâsanctae fidei saluteÌ Ipse etiam inter alias enormitates creat Episcopos Ecclesias perfidè ordinare contendit Rogamus igitur attentiùs per aspertionem sanguinis Iesu Christi propensiùs obsecramus authoritate Domini Papae qua fungimur in hac parte districtè praecipientes quatenus veniatis Senonas in oct Apostorum Petri Pauli proximè futuris vbi alij praelati Franciae fauente Domino congregabuntur parati consilium dare in negotio praedicto cum alijs qui ibidem aderunt prouidere super negotio Albingensi Alioqui inobedientiam vestram D. Papae curabimus significari Datum Apud Plauuium 6. Nonas Iulij For somuch as mention is here made of these superstitious sectes of Fryers and such other beggerly religions it might seeme not much impartinent being moued by the occasion hereof as I haue done in Hildegardis before so now to annexe also to the same a certayne other auncient treatise compyled by Geoffray Chawcer by the way of a Dialogue or questions moued in the person of a certayne vplandish and simple ploughman of the country Whiche treatise for the same the author intituled Iacke vpland wherein is to be seene and noted to al the world the blind ignoraunce and variable discord of these irreligious religions how rude and vnskilfull they are in matters and principles of our Christian institution As by the contents of this present Dialogue appeareth the wordes wherof in the same old English wherein first it was set forth in this wise doe proceede Wherein also thou mayst see that it is no new thing that theyr blasphemous doyngs hath by diuers good men in old tyme bene detected as there are many and diuers other olde bookes to shew A treatise of Geoffrey Chawcer Intituled Iacke vpland I Iacke vpland make my mone to very God and to all true in Christ that Antechrist and his Disciples by colour of holines walking and deceauing Christes Church by many false figures where through by Antechrist and hys many vertues bene transposed to vices But the felliest folke that euer Antechrist found bene last brought into the church and in a wonder wise for they bene of diuers sectes of Antechrist sowne of diuers countreys and kindreds And all men knowne well that they be not obedient to Byshops ne liege men to kinges neyther they tyllen ne sowne weden ne repen woode corne ne grasse neither nothing that man should helpe but onely themselues their lyues to sustayne And these men han all maner power of God as they seyn in heuyn in yerth to sell heuyn and hell to whom that them liketh and these wretches were neuer where to bene themselfes And therfore Frere if thine order rules bene grounded on Goddys law tell thou me Iacke vpland that I aske of thee and if thou be or thinkest to be on Christes side keepe thy paciens SAint Paule teacheth that all our deedes should be do in charite and els it is nought worth but displeasing to God and harme to our owne soules And for that Freres challenge to be greatest Clerkes of the Churche and next following Christ in liuing men should for charite axe theÌ some questions and praye them to grounde theyr aunsweres in reason and in holy write for els their aunswere woulde nought bee worth be it florished neuer so fayre and as mehinke men might skilfully axe thus of a Frere 1. ¶ Frere how many orders be in erth and which is the perfitest order of what order art thou who made thyne order what is thy rule Is there any perfecter rule then Christ himselfe made If Christes rule be most perfite why rulest thou thee not therafter without more why shall a Frere be more punished if he breke the rule that hys patron made then if he breke the heestes that God hymsefe made 2. Approueth Christ any more religions then one that S. Iames speaketh of If he approueth no more why hast thou left his rule and takest an other why is a Frere apostata that leuyth his order taketh an other sect sith there is but one religion of Christ. 3. Why he ye wedded faster to your habites then a man is to hys wife For a man may leaue hys wife for a yeare or two as many men done and if you leue your abitea quarter of a yeare ye shuld beholden apostatase 4. Makith your habite you men of Religion or no If it do then euer as it wereth your religion wereth and after that that your habite is better your religion is better and when ye haue liggin it beside then lig ye your religion beside you and byn apostatase why bye ye you so precious clothes sith no man seekith such but for vayne glory as S. Gregory sayth What betokeneth your great hood your scaplery your knotted girdle and your wide cope 5. Why vse ye all one colour more then other Christen meÌ do what betokeneth that ye bene clothed all in one maner clothing If ye say it betokenith loue and charite certes then ye be oft hipocrites wheÌ any of you hateth other and in that that ye woole be sayd holy by your clothing Why may not
a thumbe in a mans hand helpeth a man to worch and double number of fingers in one hand should let hym more and so the more number the there were passing the measure of Gods ordinaunce the more were a man letted to worke Right so as it seemeth it is of these new orders that ben added to the church without grounde of holy write and Gods ordinaunce 33. Frere what charitie is this to the people to lye and say that ye follow Christ in pouerty more then other meÌ done and yet in curious and costly howling and fine and precious clothing and delicious and liking feeding in treasure and iewels rich ornamentes Freres passen Lordes and other rich worldly men and soonest they shold bryng her cause about be it neuer so costly though Gods lawe be put abacke 34. Frere what charitie is this to gather vp the books of holy write and put hem in treasory and so emprison them from secular priestes and curates by this cautell let hem to preach the Gospell freely to the people without worldly mede and also to defame good priestes of heresie lyen on hem openly for to let hem to shew gods law by the holy gospell to the Christen people 35. Frere what charitie is thys to fayne so much holines in your bodely clothing that ye clepe your habite that many blynd fooles desiren to die therein more then in an other and also that a Frere that leuith his habite late founden of men may not be assoyled till he take agayne but is Apostata as ye seyn and cursed of God and maÌ both The Frere beleueth truth and patience chastitie meeknes and sobriety yet for the more part of his life he may soone be assoyled of his Prior and if he bring home to his house mich goad by the yeare be it neuer so falây begged pilled of the poore and nedy people in in countries about he shal behold a noble Frere O Lord whether this be charitie 36. Frere what charitie is this to prease vpon a richâ man and to entice him to be buryed among you from hys parish Church and to such riche men geue letters of fraternitie confirmed by your generall seale and thereby to beare him in hand that he shall haue part of all your masses mattens preachinges fastinges wakinges and al other good dedes done by your brethren of your order both whiles he liuith and after that he is dead and yet ye wytten neuer whether your deedes be acceptable to God ne whether that man that hath that letter be able by good liuing to receiue any parte of your deedes and yet a poore man that ye wyte well or supposen in certaine to haue no good of ye ne geuen to such letters though he be a better man to God then such a rich man neuerthelesse this poore man doth not retche thereof For as men supposen suche letters and many other that Freres behotten to men be full false deceites of Fryers out of all reasoÌ and gods law and christen mens fayth 37. Frere what charitie is this to be Confessours of Lordes and Ladies and to other mighty men and not amend hem in her liuing but rather as it seemeth to be the bolder to pill her poore tenauntes and to liue in lechery there to dwell in your office of confessour for wynning of worldly goodes and to be holde great by colour of suche ghostly offices this seemith rather pride of Freres than charitie of God 38. Frere what charitie is this to sayne that who so liuith after your order liuith most perfitely and next followeth the state of Apostles in pouertie and penaunce yet the wisest and greatest clerkes of you wend or seÌd or procure to the court of Rome to be made Cardinals or bishops or the popes chaplaines and to be assoyled of the vowe of pouertie and obedience to your ministers in the which as ye sayne standeth most perfection and merite of your orders and thus ye faren as Phariseis that sayen one and do an other to the contrary Why name ye more the Patrone of your order in your Confiteor when ye beginne masse then other Sayntes Apostles or Martyrs that holy Churche hold more glorious then hem and clepe hem your Patrons and your auowries Frere whether was S. Frauncis in making of hys rule that hee set thine order in a foole a lyer or els wyse and true If ye sayne that he was not a foole but wise ne a lyer but true why shewe ye contrary by your doyng whan by your suggestion to the pope ye sayde that your rule that Fraunces made was so harde that ye might not liue to hold it without declaration and dispensation of the pope And so by your deede ne lete your Patrone a foole that made a rule so harde that no man may well keepe and eke your dede proueth him a lyer where he saith in his rule that he tooke and learned it of the holy Ghost For how might ye for shame pray the Pope vndoe that the holy ghost bit as when ye prayed him to dispense with the hardnes of your order Frere whiche of the foure orders of Friers is best to a man that knoweth not which is the best but would fayne enter into the best and none other If thou sayst that thine is the best then sayst thou that none of the other is as good as thine and in this ech Frere in the 3. other orders wolle say that thou lyest for in the selfe maner eche other Freere woll say that hys order is best And thus to eche of the 4. orders bene the other three contrary in this poynt in the which if anye sayth sooth that is one alone for there may but one be the best of foure so followeth it that if each of these orders aunswered to this question as thou doest iij. were false and but one true and yet no man should wyte who that were And thus it seemeth that the most part of Freeres byn or should be lyers in this poynt and they should aunswere thereto If you say that an other order of the Freres is better then thine or as good why tooke ye nat rather therto as to the better when thou mightst haue chose at the beginning And eke why shouldest thou be an Apostata to leaue thine order and take thee to that is better and so why goest thou not from thine order into that Frere is there any perfiter rule of religion than Christ Gods sonne gaue in his Gospell to his brethren Or then that religion that Sainct Iames in his Epistle maketh mention of If you say yes then puttest thou on Christ that is the wisedome of God the father vnkunning vnpower or euill will for than he could not make his rule so good as an other did his And so he had be vnkunning that he might not so make his rule so good as an
you the Church the king and the kingdome from that miserable yoke of seruitude that you doe not intermedle or take any part concerning such exactions or rentes to be required or geuen to the sayd Romaynes Letting you to vnderstand for trueth that in case you shall which God forbid be found culpable herein not onely your goodes and possessions shall be in daunger of burning but also in your persons shall incurre the same perill and punishmeÌt as shall the sayd Romish oppressors themselues Thus fare ye well ¶ Thus much I thought here to insert and notifie coÌcerning this matter for that not onely the greedy and auaritious gredines of the Romish church might the more euidently vnto al Englishmen appeare but that they may learne by this example how worthy they be so to be serued plagued with their owne rod which before would take no part with their naturall king agaynst forreine power of whom now they are scourged To make the story more playne In the raygne of thys Henry the third who succeding as is said after king Iohn his father raygned sixe and fifty yeares came diuers Legates from Rome to Englande First Cardinall Otho sent from the Pope with letters to the king lyke as other letters also were sent to other places for exactions of money The king opening the letters and perceiuing the contentes aunswered that he alone coulde say nothing in the matter which concerned all the clergye and commons of the whole Realme Not long after a Councell was called at Westminster where the letters beyng opened the forme was this Petimus imprimis ab omnibus Ecclesijs Cathedralibus duas nobis praebendas exhiberi vnam de portione Episcopi alteram de capitulo Et similiter de Coenobijs vbi diuersae sunt portiones Abbatis conuentus a conuentibus quantum pertinet ad vnum Monachum aequali facta distributione honorum suorum ab Abbate tantundem That is We require to be geuen vnto vs first of all Cathedrall Churches two Prebendes one for the Byshops part one other for the Chapter And likewise of Monasteryes where be diuers portions one for the Abbot an other for the Couent Of yâ Couent so much as appertayneth to one Monke yâ portion of the goods beyng proportionly deuided Of the Abbot likewise as muche The cause why he required these prehendes was this It hath bene sayth he an old slaunder and a great complaynt agaynst the Church of Rome to be noted of insatiable couetousnes which as ye knowe is the roote of all mischiefe and al by reason that causes be wont commonly not to be handeled nor to proceed in the Church of Rome without great giftes and expense of mony Wherof seyng the pouerty of the Churche is the cause and why it is so slaundered and ill spoken of it is therefore conuenient that you as naturall children should succour your mother For vnlesse we should receaue of you and of other good men as you are we shoulde then lacke necessaryes for our lyfe whiche were a great dishonour to our dignitie c. When those petitions and causes of the Legate were propounded in the foresayde assembly at Westminster on the Popes behalfe the Bishops Prelates of the realme beyng present aunswere was made by the mouth of maister Iohn Bedford on this wise that the matter there proponed by the Lord Legate in especiall concerning the kyng of England but in generall it touched all the archbishops with their Suffraganes the Byshops and al the prelates of the realm Wherfore seing both the king by reason of his sickenes is absent and the Archbishop of Caunterbury with diuers other Bishops also were not there therefore in the absence of them they had nothing to say in the matter neyther could they so doe without preiudice of theÌ which were lacking And so the assembly for that tyme brake vp Not long after the sayd Otho Cardinall De carcere Tulliano comming agayne from Rome cum autentico plenariae potestatis indicted an other Councell at London caused all Prelates Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors and other of the clergy to be warned vnto the same Councell to be had in the Church of S. Paules at London about the feast of S. Martin the pretence of whiche Councell was for redresse of matters concerning benefices and religion but the chiefe principal was to hunt for money For putting them in feare and in hope some to lose some to obtein spirituall promotioÌs at hys hand he thought gayn would rise thereby and so it did For in the meane time as Parisiensis in vita Henrici 3. writeth diuers pretious rewardes were offered him in Palfreis in rich plate and iewels in costly and sumptuous garments richly furred in coyne in vitals c. In so much that onely the bishop of Wintchester as the story reporteth hearing that he woulde winter at London sent him L. fat Oxen an C. come of pure wheat 8. tunne of chosen wine toward hys house keeping Likewise other byshops also for their part offred vnto the Cardinals boxe after their habilitie The time of the Councell drawing nye the Cardinall commanded at the West end of Paules Churche an high soleÌne throne to be prepared rising vp with a glorious scaffold vpon mighty and substantiall stages strongly builded and of a great height Thus agaynst yâ day assigned came the sayd archbishops Bishops Abbotes and other of the prelacy both farre and neare throughout al England weried and vexed with the winters iorny bringing their letters procuratory Who being together assembled the Cardinall beginneth his sermon But before we come to yâ sermon there happened a great discord betweene the 2. archbishops of Caunterbury and of Yorke for sitting at the right hand and left hand of the glorious Cardinal for the which the one appealed agaynst the other The Cardinall to pacifie the strife betwene theÌ both so that he would not derogate from eyther of them brought forth a certayne Bull of the Pope in the middest of which Bull was pictured the figure of the crosse On the right side of the crosse stoode the image of S. Paule and on the left side S. Peter Loe saith the Cardinall holding open the Bull with the crosse here you see S. Peter on the left hand of the crosse and S. Paul on the right side and yet is there betwene these two no coÌtention For both are of equall glory And yet S. Peter for the prerogatiue of his keyes for the preheminence of his Apostleship and Cathedral dignitie seemeth most worthy to be placed on the right side But yet because S. Paul beleued on Christ when he saw him not therfore hath he the right hand of the Crosse for blessed be they sayth Christ which beleue and see not c. And from that tyme forth the Archbishop of Canterbury inioyed the right hand the archbishop of Yorke the left Wherein yet this Cardinall is more to be
recourred Poytiers kept Gascoine vnder the kinges obedieÌce Ex Mat. Parisiens Triuet Flor hist. In the same yeare or as Fabian geueth the next following which was 1224. by the vertue of a certayn Parliament was graunted of the Lordes and Baronie of the laÌd the king and his heyres to haue the ward and maryage of theyr heyres which theÌ was called after so proued to be Initium malorum the beginning of harmes In the same yeare by the count of Gisburne and other writers the said king hoâding an other ParliameÌt at Oxford by the aduise of his counsaile of his clergy did grauÌt and confirme vnder his great seale two chartes of the old liberties and customes of this realme for euer to be kept obserued the one called Magna Charta the other Charta de foresta The contentes whereof fully in the forenamed author be expressed For the which cause was grauÌted agayn by the whole Parliament a Quindecim or a fifteene of all his subiectes as well of lay men as also of the Clergy ¶ Where is to be noted that these liberties were afterwarde broken and confirmed agayne by the sayd king an 1236. An. 1226. dyed pope Honorius a great aduersary against Fredericke the Emperor after whom succeeded Gregory the ix more greeuous then hys predecessor In the whiche yeare also dyed Ludouick the periured French king at the siege of Auinion Whom the pope now the second or thyrd tyme had set vp to fight agaynst Reimund the good Erle of Tholouse and the heretickes Albingensis of that country For so the pope calleth all them which hâld not in all pointes with his glorious pride vsurped power vngodly proceedings The origine whereof was this as in Mat. Parisiens appeareth In the daes of Phillip the FreÌch king this Reimundus Earle of Tholouse was disdayned of the Pope for holding with the Albingenses therefore by the instigation of the pope the landes of the Earle were taken from him geuen to Simon Montfort and instrumentes made vpoÌ the same But when the sayd Erle Reimundus would not be remoued froÌ the right of his possessions by vnrighteous dealing then the pope setteth Phillip the FreÌch king to make open war against him WherupoÌ Lewes the FreÌch kings sonne was sent with a great power as is aboue declared to besiege the City of Tholouse But beyng repulsed from thence by the merueilous band of God fighting for hys people could not preuayle so returned home after he had lost the most part of hys army by pestilence and other calamitie as hath bene before described And thus continued the good Earle still in quyet possession till this present time an 1226. In the whiche yeare the pope not forgetting his olde malice agaynst the Earle and no lesse enflamed with insatiable auarice directeth downe his Legate master Romanus to the partes of Fraunce for 2. seueral purposes One to extirye the Erle the other to enlarge his reuenewes Thus the Legate being entred into Fraunce beginneth to summone a Councell willing the French king with the Archbishops Byshops Clergy of Fraunce to appeare before him at Bitures To whom estsoones repayred vi Arcbishops with the bishops Suffragans of ix prouinces to the nuÌber of 100. besides the Abbates Priours Proctors of al the couentes of Fraunce to heare the popes wil commaundement but because there was a discorde feared to ryse sayth Mathaeus about preheminence of sitting for that the Archbishop of Lyons challenged the superiour place aboue the Archbishop of Sene. Also the archbishop of Roane aboue the archbishop of Britures and aboue the Archbishop of Harbone c. Therfore the session was holdeÌ there not in maner and forme of a Councell but of a certayne parlie or consultation Thus the meke and holy Councel being set the popes maiesties letters read declared appeareth before them Reimund Earle of Tholouse of the one part And Simon Mountfort on the other part Which Symon required to be restored vnto him the lands and possessions of the sayd Reimund which the pope Phillip the French king had geuen to him to hys father before hauing good euidences to shew for the same confirmed by the donation of the pope and of the kyng Adding moreouer that the Earle Reimund was depriued and disherited in the generall Councel at Rome for heresie which is called the heresie of Albingenses At least if he might not haue the whole yelded vnto him yet the most part of hys Lordships he required to be graunted him To this the Earle Reimund aunswered agayne offering himselfe ready to all duetyes office both toward the French king and to the church of Rome whatsoeuer duely to him did appertein And moreouer touching the heresie wherwith he was there charged he did not onely there offer himselfe in that Councell before the Legate but most humbly did craue of him that he would take the paynes to come into euery Citty within hys precinct to enquire of euery person there the articles of his beliefe and if he fouÌd any person or persoÌs holding that which was not Catholike he would see the same to be corrected and ameÌded according to the censure of holy Church to that vttermost Or if he should finde any citty rebelling agaynst hym he to the vttermost of his might with the inhabitance therof would compell them to doe satisfaction therfore And as touching himselfe if he had committed or erred in any thing which he remembreth not to haue done he offered their full satisfaction to God Church as becommed any faithfull christen man to doe requiring moreouer therefore the Legate to be examined of his fayth c. But all this sayth Mathaeus the legate despised neither could the catholike Erle saith he there find any grace vnlesse he would depart from hys heritage both from himselfe and from his heires for euer In fine when it was required by the coÌtrary part that he should stand to the arbitrement of xii peeres of France to that Reimundus answered that if the French king would receaue his homage which he was redy at al times to exhibite he was coÌtented therewith For els they would not sayd he take him as one of their society fellowe subiect After much altercatioÌ on both sides about the matter the Legate willeth euery archbishop to call aside his Suffraganes to deliberate with them vpon the cause and to geue vp in writing what was concluded Whiche being done accordingly the Legate denounceth excommunication to all such as did reueale any peece of that whiche was there concluded before the pope and the king had intelligence there of These things thus in hudder mutter among theÌselues concluded the Legate gaue leaue to al proctors of couents and chapters to returne home onely reteining with him that Archbishops bishops and Abbots certayne simple prelates such as he might be more hold withall to opeÌ
the whole summe whereof was found yerely to be three score thousaÌd Markes to the which summe the reuenues of the whole crowne of England and not extend Ex Math. Parisiens fol 185. a. The Nobles then vnderstanding the miserable oppression of the Realme being assembled together at Dinistable for certayne causes sent one Fulco in the name of the whole nobility vnto M. Martinus the Popes Marchaunt with this message that he iudelayedly vpon the same warning should prepare himselfe to be gone out of the realme vnder payn of being cut all to pieces At which message the Legate being sore agaâ went straight to the king to know whether his conseÌt was to the same or not Of whom when he found litle better comfort he tooke hys leaue of the king who had him adue in the deuils name faith M. Paris and thus was the realme rid of M. Martinus Ex Mat. Paris 185. b. an 1245. As soone as Pope Innocent had hereof intelligence by the coÌplaynt of his Legate he was in a mighty rage And furthermore remembring how yâ french king the king of Arragon not long before had denied him entraunce into theyr land and being therfore in displeasure with theÌ likewise began in great anger to knit his browes and said it is best that we fall in agreement with our prince whereby we may the sooner bring vnder these little petty kinges and so the great Dragon being pacified these litle serpents we shall handle at our owne pleasure as we lift After this immediarly theÌ folowed the generall councell of Lions to the which councell the states and Lordes of the Realme with the consent of the communaltye sent two Bulles One conteining a generall suplication to the Pope and the councell the other with the Articles of such greuaunces which they desired to be redressed whereof relation is made sufficiently before pag. 267. The other bill of the Supplication because it is not before expressed I thought here to exhibite for two causes First that men now in these dayes may see the pitifull blindnesse of those ignoraunt dayes wherein our English nation here did so blindely humble themselues and stand to the Popes curtesy Whom rather they should haue shaken of as the Grecians did Secondly that the pride of the Pope might the better appeare in his coulours who so disdaynefully reiected the humble sute of our Lordes and Nobles when they had much more cause to disdayne rather to stampe him vnder their feet The tenour of the SupplicatioÌ was this ¶ The copy of the Supplication written in the names of all the nobles and commons of England to Pope Innocent the 4. in the generall Councell at Lyons anno 1245. ¶ To the reuerend Father in Christ Pope Innocent chiefe Byshop the nobles with the whole comminaltye of the Realme of England sendeth commendation with kissing of his blessed feet OVr mother the Church of Rome we loue with all our hartes as our duety is and couet the encrease of her honour with so much affection as we may as to whome we ought alwayes to flye for refuge whereby the griefe lying vpon the childe maye finde comfort at the mothers hand Which succour the mother is bound so much the rather to imparte to her childe how muche more kinde and beneficial she findeth him in relieuing her necessitiee Neither is it to the sayd our mother vnknowne how beneficiall and bountifull a geuer the Realme of England hath bene now of long tyme for the more amplifying of her exaltation as appeared by our yerely subsidie whiche we terme by the name of Peterpence Now the sayd Church not contented with this yearly subsidie hath sent diuers Legates for other contributions at diuers and sondry times to be taxed and leuyed out of the same Realme al which contributions and taxes notwithstanding haue bene louingly and liberally graunted Furthermore neither is it vnknowne to your fatherhood how our forefathers like good Catholickes both louing and fearing their maker for the soules health as well of themselues as of their progenitours and successors also haue founded Monasteryes and largely haue endued the same both with their owne proper landes and also patronages of benefices whereby suche religious persons prosessing the first and chiefest perfection of holy Religion in theyr Monasteries might with more peace and tranquillitie occupy themselues deuoutly in Gods seruice as to the order appertained And also their Clearkes presented by them into their benefices might sustaine the other exteriour labours for them in that seconde order of religion and so discharge and defend them from all hasardes so that the saide religious monasteries cannot be defrauded of those their patronages and collations of benefices but the same must touche vs also very neare and worke intollerable griefe vnto our hearts And now see we beseche you which is lamentable to behold what iniuries we sustaine by you and your predecessors who not considering those our subsidies and coÌtributions aboue remembred doe suffer also your Italians and forreiners whych be out of number to be possessed in our Churches and benefices in Englande pertaining to the right and patronage of those monasteries aforesayde which forreiners neither defending the sayd religious persones whome they ought to see to nor yet hauing the language whereby they may instructe the flocke take no regarde of their soules but vtterly leaue them of wilde wolues to be deuoured Wherefore it may truely be said of them that they are no good shepheards where as neither they know their shepe nor the shepe do know the voyce of their shepherds neither do they kepe any hospitalitie but only take vp the rents of those benefices carying them out of the Realme wherewith our brethren our nephewes and our kinsfolkes might be susteined who coulde and woulde dwell uppon them and employ such exercises of mercie hospitalitie as their dutie required Whereof a great nuÌber now for mere necessitie are lay men and faine to flie out of the realme And now to the enteÌt more fully to certify you of the truth ye shall vnderstand that the sayd Italians and strangers receiuing of yerely rentes out of Englande not so little as 60000. Markes by yeare besides other auailes and exises deducted doe reape in the said our kingdome of England more emoluments of meere rents then doth the king himselfe being both the tutour of the Church and gouernour of the land Furthermore where as at the first creation of your Papacie we were in good hope and yet are that by meanes of your fatherly goodnesse we shoulde enioy our franchises and free collation of our benefices and donatiues to be reduced againe to the former state nowe commeth an other greeuance which we cannot but signifie vnto yoââressing vs aboue measure which we receiue by M. Martinusâ who entring late into our lande without leaue of our king with greater power then euer was sene before in any Legate although he beareth not
woulde geue so impudent an attempt to the blinding and deceiuing of all posterityes inserting for grounded truthes and holy decrees such loude lyes and detestable doctrine what may be thought of the rabble of the rest of writers in those dayes what attemptes hope of gayne might cause them to worke By whom and such like is to be feared the fasifying of diuers other good workes now extant in those perillous tymes writteÌ Thus when the Bishops had once wrested this autoritie out of the Emperours handes they then so fortified armed theÌselues and their dominion that although afterwardes Fredericke the first graundfather vnto this good Emperor Fredericke the second as also Ludouicus Boius and Henricus Lucelburgensis as men most studious and carefull for the dignities of the Empire vnfeined louers and maintainers of the vtilitie of the commoÌ weale and most desirous of the preseruatioÌ and prosperity of the Church did all their indeuors with singular wisedome strength as much as in them lay to recouer agayne from the byshop of Rome this the authoritie of the Imperiall iurisdiction lost most cruelly wickedly abusing the same to the destruction both of the Empyre vndoyng of the coÌmon wealth and vtter subuersion of the Churche of God yet coulde they not be able to bryng the same to passe in those darck and shadowed tymes of peruerse doctrine and errours of the people and most miserable seruitude of ciuile Magistrates The same and like priuilege also in the election of theyr bishops Prelates and disposing of Ecclesiasticall offices as the Emperour of Rome had euery Prince and king in theyr seuerall dominions had the like For by the decree of the Councell of Tolerane which in the 25. canon and 63. distinction is mentioned the authoritie of creating and chusing byshops and Prelates in Hispane was in the power of the king of Hispane The like also by the Histories of Clodoueus Carolus Magnus Ludouicus nonus Philippus Augustus Philippus pulcher Carolus 5. Carolus 6. Carolus 7. Kinges of Fraunce is apparaunt and well knowne that all these kinges had the chiefe charge and gouernement of the French Church and not the byshops of Rome And by our English historyes also as you heard it is manifest that the authoritie of chusing ecclesiasticall ministers and byshops was alwayes in the kings of EnglaÌd till the raygne of king Henry the 1. who by the labour and procurement of Anselmus Archb. of Cant. was depriued and put from the same Also the Princes of Germany and electors of the Emperor till the tyme of Henry the 5. had all euery Prince seuerally in his owne dition and Prouince the same iurisdiction and prerogatiue to geue dispose ecclesiasticall functions to their Prelates at theyr pleasure and after that it appertayned to the people and prelats together And how in the raigne of Fridericke the Prelates gate vnto themselues alone this Immunitie Ioannes Auentinus in his 7. booke of the Annales of the Boiores doth describe Also it is probable that the kinges of Sicilia had the same facultie in geuing and disposing their Ecclesiasticall promotions and charge of churches Andreas de Istmia ad 1. constit Neap. nu 12. And that because Fridericke defended him against the tyranny of the bishop of Rome therfore as Fazellus sayth he was excommunicated of Honorius But that Platina and Blondus allege other causes wherfore he was excommunicate of Honorius I am not ignorant Howbeit he that will compare theyr writings with others that write more indifferently betweene Honorius and hym shall easily finde that they more sought the fauor of the Romayn bishops then to write a veritie But now agayne to the history of Fridericke Nicholaus Cisnerus affirmeth that whilest Friderike the Emperour was in Sicilia hys wife Constantia dyed at Catrana or Catana In the meane time the Christians which was a great nauy sayled into Egipt and tooke the citie Heliopolis commonly called Damatia and long ago named Pelucinum beyng in good hope to haue dryuen Sultanus the SowdaÌ out of Egipt had a great marueilous ouerthrow by the conueiyng of the water of the floude Nilus which then ouerflowed into their Campe were sayne to accord an vnprofitable truce with the Sowldane for certayne yeares and to deliuer the citty agayne and so departing out of Egipt were faine to come to Acone and Cyrus to the no small detriment and losse of the Christian army Wherupon king Iohn surnamed Brennus being king of Ierusalem arriued in Italy and prayde ayd of the Emperor agaynst his enemies in whoÌ he had great hope to finde remedy of the euils and calamities before declared and from thence he went to Rome to the Pope declaring vnto him the great discomfite and ouerthrow past as also the present peril and callamitie that they were in desiring also hys ayd therin By whose meanes as Cisnerus sayth the Emperour was reconciled agayne to the Pope and made friendes together to whome also king Iohn gaue Ioell his daughter in maryage which came of the daughter of Conradus King of Ierusalem and Marques of Mounte Ferrat with whome he had for dowry the inheritaunce of the kingdome of Ierusalem as right heyre thereunto by her mother By whome also he atter obteyned the kingdome of Naples and Sicill and promised that with as much expedient speede as he might he would prepare a power for the recouery agayne of Ierusalem and be there himselfe in proper person whiche thinge to doe for that vppon diuers occasions he deferred whereof some thinke one some an other Honorius vnto whome he was lately reconciled purposed to haue made agaynst hym some great and secrete attempt had hee not bene by death before preuented vppon whome were made these Uerses O pater Honori multorum nate dolori Est tibi decori viuere vade mori After whom succeeded Gregorius the 9. as great an enemy to Frederike as was Honorius whiche Gregory came of the race whom the Emperor as before ye heard condemned of Treason which they wrought against him This Gregory was scarcely setled in hys Papacy when that he threatned hym that greatly with excommunication vnlesse he woulde prepare hymselfe into Asia according to hys promise as ye heard before to king Iohn And what the cause was why the Pope so hastened the iourney of Frederike into Asia you shall heare hereafter In effect he could not wel bring that to passe which in his mischieuous minde he had deuised vnlesse the Emperour were farther from him Notwithstanding Fredericke it shoulde seeme smelling a ratte or mistrusting somewhat as well he might alledged diuers causes and lets as lately and truely he dyd to Honorius Fazellus a Sicilian writer sayth that the special cause of the Emperors stay was for the oathe of truce and peace during certayne yeares whiche was made betweene the Saracens and Christians as you heard which tyme was not yet expired The same
also Fazellus writeth thus of king Iohn of IerusaleÌ that when hys daughter was brought to Rome the Emperour and the pope was reconciled together And being called vp to Rome to celebrate yâ mariage P. Gregory as the maner of those proud prelates is offered hys right foote vnto the Emperour to kisse But the Emperour not stouping so low scarcely with hys lippe touched the vpper part of hys knee and woulde not kisse his foote which thing the pope toke in very euil part and was therwith merueilously offended But for that no oportunitie at that time serued to reuenge hys conceiued grudge and old malice he dissimuled the same as he might for that tyme thinking to recompence it at the full as tyme would serue and fall out therefore After this it fortuned that the Emperor hearing how the Christians were oppressed by the Souldane in Syria and that from Arsacida there came a great power agaynst the christen princes he made the more hast and was with more desire encouraged to set forward hys iourny into Asia Wherefore assembling the Nobilitie of the Empire at Rauenna and Creinona he gaue in commaundement to Henry hys sonne whoÌ not long before he caused to be created Cesar that he should perswade the nobles Princes of the Empire that they all would be ready to put to their helping hands in furthering this hys iourney and enterprise This writeth Fazellus howbeit some other affirme that these thinges were done in the tyme of Honorius But how soeuer the matter is this thing is manifest that Fredericke to satisfie the popes desire which neuer would sin but by al means sought to prouoke him forward gaue hym at length hys promise that by certayn time he would prepare an army and fight himselfe agaynst those whiche kept from hym the citty of Ierusalem which thing he also confesseth himselfe in his epistles and also how he desired and obtayned of the pieres and Nobility of the Empire theyr'ayd thereunto as also to haue a appoynted conuenient tyme when they should be at Brundusium In the meane season he with all hys power and indeuour made hasty and speedy preparation for the warres he rigged manned a puissant nauy he had the pykcost men and best souldiours that were in euery country and made warlike prouison furmture for euery thing that to such a voiage and expedition appertayned Neyther was the matter slacked but at that tyme appoynted great bandes assembled mustred both of Germaine souldiours and others and vnder theyr Captaines appoynted sot forth and marched to Brundusium Theyr generals were Thuringus and Sigebertus and Augustinus the Byshop where they long tyme lying and attending the Emperours coÌming being let by infirmitie and sickenes great pestileÌce and sondry diseases molested them by reason of the great heate and intemperance of that country and many a souldiour there lost his life among whome also dyed Thuringus one of their Generals The Emperour when he had somewhat recouered his health with al his nauy launched out and set forwarde to Brundusium And when he came to the straites of Poliponences and Creta being Ilands lying in the sea and there for lacke of conuenient wynde was stayed sodenly the Emperour hys diseases growing vppon him agayne fell sicke and sending before all or the most part of his bandes and shippes into Palestina promising them most assuredly to come after and follow them so soone as he might recouer and get neuer so litle health he himselfe with a few ships returned and came to Brundusium and from thence for want of health went into Apulia When tidings here of came to the Popes eare He sent out his thundring curses and newe excommunications agaynst the Emperour The causes wherefore I find noted and mentioned by his owne letters that is Now that wheÌ he had robbed and taken from BruÌdusius Prince of Thuring his horses hys mony and other rich furniture of his house at the tyme of hys death hee sayled into Italy not for the entent to make warre agaynst the Turke but to conuey this pray that he had stolne and taken away froÌ Brundusius who neglecting his othe and promise which he had made and feiniug himselfe to be sicke came home agayn And that by his default also Damieta was lost the hoste of the Christians sore afflicted Fazellus besides these causes spoken of before doth write that the pope alledged these also That he defiled a certayne Damosell which was in the Queenes nursery and that he slew hys wife when he had whipped her in the prison for declaring the mischieuous acte to her father king Iohn But all the writers and also Blondus hymselfe doth declare that this Ioell died after the Publication of the proscript and excommunication wherefore the Pope could not without great shame allege the cause vpon the death of Ioell For vndoubtedly the truthe is that she of her sonne Conradus dyed in childebed TheÌ Fredericke to refell and auoyd the foresayd slaunders sendeth the byshop of Brundis and other Legates to Rome whom the Pope would not suffer to come to his presence neither yet to the Councels of the Cardinals to make hys purgation Wherfore the Emperour to purge himselfe of the crymes which the pope did so falsely accuse him of both to all Christen kinges and specially to the Princes of Germany all the nobles of the Empire he writeth hys lettters which are to be seene that those thinges are both false and also fayned of the popes own head muented And sheweth how that his Embassadours with his purgatioÌ could not be suffered to come to the popes preseÌce also doth largly intreat how vnthankfull vngratefull the Byshops of Rome were towardes him for the great benefites whiche both he and also his predecessors had bestowed vpon them and the Romaine Church which letter for that it is ouer tedious here to place considering the discourse of the histostory is somewhat long the summe of the purgation is this He protesteth and declareth vniuersally that he had alwayes great care for the christen common wealth and that he had determined euen from hys youth to fight against the Turke and Saracens And for that occasioÌ he made a promise to the Princes electours of Aquisgraue howe that he would take that warre vpon him Afterward he renewed his promise to Rome when he was coÌsecrated of Honorius Then when he maryed the daughter of the king of Ierusalem which was an heyre of the same And for because that kingdome might be defended kept from the iniuries of the enemies that he fauored it euen as he did his own he prepared an huge nauy and gathered together a strong army of men neither did he neglect any thing that beloÌged to the furniture of the warre But when the tyme was come and his band was gathered together his sickenesse would not suffer hym to be there And afterward when he had recouered
sundry couÌtries As in the countrey of Sucuia about the time of this Emperour an 1240. or neare vpon the same where were many preachers meÌtioned in the Chronicle of UrspergeÌsis and also in Crantzius Lib. 8. cap. 16. 18. which preached freelye against the Pope These Preachers as Crantzius sayth ringing the Belles and calling the Barons in Hallis of Sueuia there preached that the Pope was an hereticke that his Bishops and Prelats were simoniacke and heretickes And that the inferiour Priestes and Prelates had no authority to binde and loose but were all seducers IteÌ that no Pope Bishop or Priest could restrayne meÌ from their duety of seruing and worshipping of God And therfore such cities or couÌtries as were then vnder the Popes curse might notwithstanding lawfully resort to the receyuing of Sacraments as well as before Item that Friers Dominicke and Franciscane did subuert the church with their preaching And as the indulgence of the Pope his Popelings was of no regard so that remissioÌ which they did preach vnto them they preached it not from the Pope but as from the Lord. And thus much I thought here to recite whereby it may appeare how the resisting of the Popes vsurped power and corrupt doctrine is no newe thing in these dayes in the Church of Christ. c. And not long after these aforesayd rose vp Arnoldus De noua villa a Spanyard and a man famously learned a great writer an 1250. Whom the Pope with his spiritualty condemned among hereticks for holding and writing agaynst the corrupt errors of the popish Church His teaching was that SathaÌ had seduced all the world from the truth of Christ Iesus Item that the sayth which then Christen men were commonly taught was such a fayth as the deuils had meaning belike as we now'affirme that the papistes do teach onely the horicall fayth which is the fayth Historiae non fiduciae IteÌ that Christen people meaning belike for the most part are led by the pope vnto hel Item that all cloysters are voyd of charity and damned And that they all doe falsify the doctrine of Christ. Item that the Diuines do euill in mixting Philosophy with d iuinity Item that Masses are not to be celebrated And that they ought not to sacrifice for the dead Certaine other opinions there be which the slaundrous sects of Monks and Friers do attribute vnto him but as they are wont in al other to do rather vpon enuious taking then of any iust cause geuen And as this Arnoldus was condeÌned so also the same time Ioannes Semeca the glose writer of the Popes decrees and Prouost of Halberstate was excoÌmunicated depriued of his Prouostship for resisting Pope Clement the fourth gathering certain exactions in Germany And therfore he appealed from the Pope to a generall councel and had many great fauorers on his side till at last both the Pope and he dyed Consequently in this order and number foloweth the worthy and valiaunt champion of Christ aduersarye of Antichrist Guilielmus de S. Amore a maister of Paris and chiefe ruler then of that Uniuersity This Guilielmus in his time had no small a do writing agaynst the Fryers their hipocrisy But especially against the begging friers both condemning their whole order and also accusing theÌ as those that did disturbe trouble al the churches of Christ by their preaching in churches agaynst the will of the ordinaries and pastors by their hearing of confessions and executing the charges of Curates and pastors in theyr Churches All the testimonyes of Scripture that make agaynst Antichrist he applyeth them against the Clergy of Prelates and the Popes spiritualtye The same Gulielmus is thought to be the author of the booke which is attributed to the schole of Paris and intituled De periculis Ecclesiae Where he proueth by 39. arguments that Friers be false Apostles Moreouer he doth well expound this saying of Christ if thou wilt be perfect go and sell away all thou hast and come follow me declaring there pouerty to be inioyned vs of Christ non actualem sed habitualem not in such sort as standeth in outward action when no need requireth but in inward affection of hart when neede shall require As though the meaning precept of our Lord were not that we should cast away actually al the we haue but that when the confession of the name of God the glory of christ shall so require that then we be ready to leaue reliquish what things soeuer for the sake of him c. As when he requireth in vs after like phrase the hatred of father mother and of our own liues he biddeth vs not to dihonor father or mother much lesse to hate theÌ but that theÌ when case shall require we set all thinges behinde the loue of Christ. Many oth er worthy workes he compiled wherin albeit he vttered nothing but what was truth yet notwithstanding he was by Antichrist his rable condemned for an heritick exiled his bookes burnt Whose hereticall argumeÌtes as they called them that thou mayst better iudge therof here vnder I thought good to place Agaynst false Prophets with signes to know them by in these his wordes do follow For because these seducers sayth he name theÌselues to be Apostles and that they are sent of God to preach to absolue dispeÌse with the soules of men by meanes of their ministery Read the saying of the Apostle in his second Epistle to the Corinthians the xi chap. For such Apostles are subtle and cratty workemen disguising themselues to be like the Apostles of Christ Therfore we mean to shew some certaine infallible tokeÌs and probable by the whic false Apostles may be discerned from the true preachers and Apostles of Christ. The 1. signe or marke is that such as be true preachers do not enter into simple womens houses ladeÌ with sinne and take them as it were captiue as many of the false preachers do as in the second Epistle of S. Paule to Timothy the 3. chapter is manifest saying Of those sortes are they which enter into womens houses c. Therfore those preachers which come into womens houses to the intent they may take theÌ captiue be not true preachers but false Apostles The 2. signe and token is that those that be true preachers do not deceiue simple men with painted and flattering wordes whereby they preferre their owne trash and traditions as all false Prophets do as in the last Chapter to the Romaines appeareth saying By their pleasaunt sugred talk and by their blessing and crossing they deceiue and beguile the hartes of innocent men and women Glo. with gay glorious words they extoll set forth their traditions wherby they deceiue simple meÌ Uery greatly doe they deceiue the soules of simple men which cause them to enter into theyr sect which they terme Religion And they which before led a noughty
bethinking at length with themselues partly what they had done partly howe it would be taken of the higher powers and fearing due punishment to fall vpon them especially seeing the brother of Leoline prince of Wales and sonne of Giffine was newly dead in prison drawing their counsaile and helps together they offer to king Henry 4000. markes to Edwarde his sonne 300. and to the Queene 200. to be released of their trespasse But the king answering them againe that he set more price by the life of one true subiect then by all which by them was offered would in no wise receiue their money And so the studentes without hope of peace went home wyth small triumphe learning what the common Prouerbe meaneth Dulce bellum inexpertis Notwithstanding the King being then occupied in great affaires and warres partly with Leoline and the welshmen partly inwrapped wyth discorde at home with his nobles had no leisure to attend to the correction of these vniuersitie men which was An. 1259. Ex Mat. Pariens Likewise concerning the dissention following the next yeare after in the Uniuersitie of Paris betwene the students there and the Friers the number of whome then did somuch increase that the commons vnneth was able to sustein them with their alines Also betwene the Uniuersities both of Oxford and Cambridge for a certaine prisoner taken out of prisone by strength and brought into sanctuarie the same yeare as is testified in Mathewe Paris An. 1259. In like maner touching the variance betweene the Archbishop of Caunterb and the Chapter of Lincolne Againe betweene the sayde Archbishop of Canterb. and the Chapter bishop of London and how the said Bishop at his consecration woulde not make his profession to the Archb. but wyth this reception Saluis iure libertate Ecclesiae Londinens quae pro posse meo defendaÌ in omnibus c. recorded in Flores Hist. Al which wranglinge and dissentioÌs with innumerable other raigning daily in the Churche at those dayes if I had so much leasure to prosecute them as I find them in stories remaining might sufficiently induce vs to vnderstande what smaâl peace and agreemeÌt was then ioyned with that doctrine and religion in those dayes during the state raigne of Antichrist These with many such other matters moe which here might be discoursed and storied at large being more forein then Ecclesiastical for breuity I do purposely contract and omitte cutting of all such superfluities as may seeme more curious to wryte vpon then necessary to be knowen This that foloweth concerning the pitiful turbulent commotion betwene the king and the nobles which lasted a long season because it is lamentable conteineth much fruitfull example both for Princes and subiects to beholde and looke vppon to see what mischiefe and inconuenience groweth in common weales where study of mutuall concorde lacketh that is where neither the Prince regardeth the offending of his subiects and where the subiects forget the office of christian pacience in suffering their princes iniuries by Gods wrath inflicted for their sinnes Wherfore in explaning the order and storie thereof I thought it not vnprofitable to occupy the reader with a little more tariance in perusing the ful discourse of this so lameÌtable a matter and so pernitious to the publicke weale And first to declare the occasions and first beginnings of this tumult here is to be vnderstode which before was signified howe king Henry maried with Alinor daughter of the Earle of Prouince a stranger which was about the yere of our Lord 1234. Wherupon a great doore was opened for strangers not only to enter the land but also to replenish the court to whome the king seemed more to incline his fauour aduancing them to more preferment then hys owne naturall English Lordes which thing was to them no litle greuance Moreouer before was declared how the king by Isabel hys mother who was a straunger had diuers brethren whom he nourished vp with great liuings and possessions and large pensions of money which was an other hearts sore to diuers also an hinderance Ouer beside hath also ben declared what vnreasonable collectioÌs of mony from time to time as quindecims subsidies tenthes mersements fines paiments lones and taxes haue bene leuied by the king as well of the spiritualtie as of the lay sort partly for maintaining the kings warres against Wales against Scotlande and Fraunce to recouer Normandie partly for helping the kings debtes viagies other expenses partly for the kingdom of Apulia which was promised the kings sonne by the pope partly for moneying and supporting the Pope in his warres against the Emperour By reason of all which sundrie and importable collections the common wealth of the Realme was vtterly excoriate to the great impouerishment of poore English men Neither did it a little vexe the people to see the king call in so many Legates from Rome euery yeare which did nothing els but transporte the English money vnto the Popes cofers Besides all thys what variaunce and altercation hath bene betweene the king and hys subiects about the liberties of Magna charta de foresta graunted by king Iohn and after confirmed by thys king in the former councel holden at Oxford hath bene afore declared Perhaps thys might be also some peece of a cause that the king considering and bearing in minde the olde iniuries done of the Lordes and Barons to his father Kyng Iohn before him did beare some grudge therefore or some priuie hatred vnto the Nobilitie to reuenge hys fathers quarel But of things vncertaine I haue nothing certainly to affirme This is certaine by truth of historie that the yeare next ensuing which was 1260. thus wryteth Nicho. Triuet that the kings Iustices called Itinerarij being sent thether to execute their office were from thence repelled the cause being alledged for that they were against the king in proceeding and enterprising against the forme of the prouisions enacted and stablished a little before at the Towne of Oxford It befell moreouer the same yeare aboue other times as Gualt Demmingford wryteth that a great number of aliens comming out of Fraunce and other prouinces resorted into England and had heere the doing of all principall matters of the Realme vnder the king Unto whome the rewards and reliefes other emoluments of the land did most chiefly redound which thing to see did not a little trouble vexe the nobilitie and baronage of England In so much that Simon Montfort Earle of Leicester offering to stande to death for the liberties and wealth of the Realme conferred together with other Lordes and Barons vpon the matter Who then comming to the king after an humble sort of petition declared to him howe all the doings of his Realme and his owne affaires were altogether disposed by the haâdes and after the willes of straÌgers neither profitable to him nor to the weale publicke for so much as hys treasures being wasted
playne neare vnto S. Iohns towne put him to flight and so chased the Scots that of them were slayne to the number of 7. thousand In the which victory such Byshops and Abbots as were taken he sent theÌ to the Pope the temporall Lordes and other Scots he sent vnto London c. Syr Robert Bruys after this discomfiture when he had thus lost both the field and chiefe frendes seing himselfe not able to make hys party good fled into Norway where he kept hys abode during the time while king Edward liued WheÌ this noble Edward had thus subdued the Scots he yelded thankes to God for hys victory so letting the land in a quiet and an order he returned vnto London which was the 35. yeare and last of his raigne c. Now returning to that which I promised before touching the variaunce and greuous dissention betwene Philip the French king and Pope Boniface the eight of that name After the byshopricke of Rome had bene long voyd through the dissentioÌ of the Cardinals for the space of two yeares and 3. monthes at length Pope Celestinus was chosen successor to pope Nicholas the fourth Which Celestinus in hys first consistory began to reforme the Clergy of Rome thinking to make it an example to al other churches Wherefore he procured to hymselfe such a hatred among hys Clergy men that this Boniface then called Benedictus speaking through a reede by his chamber wall nightly admonished him as it had bene a voyce from heauen that he should geue ouer his Papacie as beyng a burden bigger then he could wyld Ex Masseo This pope Celestine after he had set vi monethes by the trechery falshhoode of this Boniface was induced to geue vp resigne his Bishoprick partly for the voyce spoken of before partly for feare being told of certaine craftely subornated in his chaÌber that if he did not resigne he shold lose his life Who theÌ after his resignation goyng to liue in some solitary defert being a simple man was vilely taken and thrust in perpetuall prison by Pope Boniface crastely pretending that he did it not for any hatred vnto Celestine but that sedetious persoÌs might not haue him as their hed to rayse vp some stirre in the Church And so was brought to his death Wherfore this Boniface was worthely called the eight Nero of whom it was rightly sayd hee came in like a Foxe he reigned like a Lyon and dyed like a dogge This Pope Boniface succeeding or rather inuadyng after Celestinus behaued himselfe so imperiously that he put down princes excommunicated kings such as did not take theyr confirmation at his hand Diuers of his Cardinals he draue away for feare some of them as schismaticks he deposed and spoyled them of all theyr substaunce Philip the French king he excommunicated for not suffering hys money to goe out of the Realme and therefore cursed both his and him to the fourth generation Albertus the Emperour not once nor twise but thrise sought at his handes to be coÌfirmed and yet was reiected neyther could obtain vnlesse he would promise to driue the Frenche king out of his realme The factions discorde in Italy betweene the Guelphes and Gibillines which the part of a good bishop had bene to extinct so little he helped to quench the smoke that he of all other was chiefest fire brande to encrease the flame In so much that vpon Ashwednesday when Porchetus an Archbishop came and kneeled down before hym to receaue hys ashes Pope Boniface looking vpon him perceauing that he was one of the Gibbellines part cast his handfull of ashes in hys eyes saying Memen to homo quòd Gibellinus es c. That is remember man that a Gibeline thou art and to ashes thou shale go This Pope moreouer ordained first the Iubilei in Roâââin the solemnising wherof the first day he shewed hymselfe in his poutificalibus gaue free remission of sinnes to as many as came to Rome out of all the parts of the world The second day beyng arrayed with Imperiall ensignes he commaunded a naked sword to be caryed before him and sayd with a loud voyce Eccepotestatem vtriusque gladij That is Loe here the power and authoritie of both the swords âes From the which very yeare as most stories do record the Turkes doe beginne the first count of their Turkishe Emperours whereof the siât was Ottomannus as you shal heare discoursed hereafter by Gods grace in the history of the Turkes By this sayd Pope Boniface diuers constitutions extrauaganes of his predecessours were collected together with many of his owne newly added thereto and is made the booke called Sextus decretalium c. By whom also first sprang vp pardons and indulgences from Rome These thinges thus premised of Boniface the Pope now will I come to the occasion of the strife betweene him and the French king Concerning whiche matter first I finde in the history of Nicholas Triuet that in the yeare of our Lord. 1301. the Byshop of Oppanubam beyng accused for a conspiracie agaynst the French king was brought vp to hys Court so committed to prison The pope hearing this sendeth word to the kyng by hys Legate to set him at liberty The French king not daring to the contrary looseth the Bishop But wheÌ he had done he dischargeth both the byshop and the Legate commaunding them to voyde hys realme Whereupon Pope Boniface reuoketh all the graces and priuiledges graunted eyther by him or his predecessors before to the kingdome of Fraunce also not long after thundring out the sentence of hys curse agaynst hym Moreouer citeth all the prelates all diuines and lawyers both ciuile and canon to appeare personally before him at Rome at a certain day which was the first of Nouember Agaynst this citation the king againe prouideth and commaundeth by straite proclamation that no maner of persoÌ should export out of the Realme of France eyther gold or siluer or any other maner of ware or marchandise vppon forseting all their goodes and theyr bodyes at the kinges pleasure prouiding with all the wayes and passages diligeurly to be kept that none might passe vnsearched Ouer and besides the sayd French kyng defeited the Pope in geuing and bestowing prebendes and benefices and other ecclesiasticall liuings contrary to the Popes profite For the which cause the pope writeth to the foresayd king in forme and effect as followeth ¶ Boniface Byshop and seruaunt to Gods seruauntes to hys beloued sonne Phillip by the grace of God king of Fraunce greeting and Apostolicall blessing BOniface the seruaunt of Gods seruauntes c. feare God and obserue his commaundementes We will thee to vnderstand that thou art subiect to vs both in spirituall thinges and temporall And that no gift of benefices or prebendes belongeth to thee and if thou haue the keeping of any beyng vacaunt that thou reserue the profites of them to the
38. Item the foresayd Officials call by Citation afore theÌ the honest wedded aswell man as woman charging theÌ that they haue committed adultery to the perpetuall infamy of theyr husbands and wiues And for nothing els but by extortion to wring mony from them 39. Item mention must be made of the multitude number of Proctors which eate and deuoure vp all the world with their citations catching vp clientes and keeping abroad in the countryes courts and Assises who for mony returne not the citations which by extortion they receiue of them which are cited 40. Item there be many other griefes and enormityes which the Chapiters Abbotes Priors Prouostes and other ecclesiasticall persons in the Realme of Fraunce practise agaynst the people As wheÌ they cause to be cited before them many of the kinges burgesies other in diuers places being priuiledged that is to say BaioceÌses Manmectans in Britaine Lugdons Masticous with other more But specially the Prouos of hospitals vse more coÌmonly this trick then any other do wherby the people is much endamaged and wil be euery day more and more if remedy be not had therein 41. Item ecclesiasticall magistrates labor to haue cognition of causes of iniury in whatsoeuer cause it be whether the iniury be committed by word or fact Likewise they take vpon them to heare the causes of maried clerkes and of their wiues although they both vse marchaundise And if at any time such couples be taken by the secular Magistrates the Officiall causeth a suspension to be denounced in that Parish by force of the councell Siluanecten 42. Item they chalenge to haue cognition concerning widowes goods both moueable and vnmoueable And if it happeneth at any time that a Marchaunt widow in any the kings peculiars by way of rest procureth any temporall man to be conuented before the secular iudge and the matter so farre trauised that he should haue bene condemned by the sentence of the secular iudge then come to the eare of the ecclesiasticall magistrates how before whom the widow did conueÌt him The sayd temporal iudge shal be constrayned to withdraw the same And by their monitions and censures to correct the same and this ofteÌ times happeneth 43. Item many of the tenaunts inhabitours of the Bishops landes calleth one an other to the court of the Officials by a kinde of appellation By vertue wherof the Officials take vpon them to proceede in the same and to haue cognition thereof to the preiudice of the temporall iurisdiction of our soueraigne Lord the king 44. Item if any man be apprehended by secular iustice in shedding of bloud by theÌ if he be Lay he is to be ordered If he be a Clerke he is to be restored to the Ecclesiasticall iudge But whether he be a temporall man or clerke that is so takeÌ and appealeth to the Officials court They will be so bold to haue cognition therof requiring herewith amends of the secular court which enterprised the foresayd apprehension If this be suffered the malefactor shal neuer be punished For by and by they will appeale and immediatly after the appellation flye and auoyde away 45. Item when they cause many of Office to be cited before them they will admit them to haue no Proctors To whom when they come at the day of appearance they obiect the crime of vsury And except they answer as the promotors wil theÌselues they are trodeÌ vnder feet although they be mere lay and shall not be dismissed before they fine euen as the Officials list themselues although they be no vsurers But if any be vsurers they take of them satisfaction and bribes and so be permitted to vse their vsury no lesse then before So that they may haue their olde fees and bribes 46. Item they procure theyr officers to apprehend clerks in whatsoeuer soile they be fouÌd albeit by iustice they may appeal therefro But if by any they be let of their will here in they do forthwith by sentence of excommunicatioÌ cause them to desist therfore 47. Item as often times as any temporall Magistrate doth appreheÌd any person which afterward being required of the clergy is quietly deliuered vnto them yet for all that the Officials causeth those Magistrats to be denouÌced excommunicate by law 48. Item the Prelates geue order of Tonsures aswell to men of 30. yeares as vpward as also to maried men wheÌ they come vnto them for feare of imprisonment punishment due vnto them for their criminal offences before coÌmitted And this is often times put in practise 49. Item if it happen any of the kings seruants or any other to be excommunicate would fayne be absolued being glad to pay reasonably for the same The Clergy will not receiue but such satisfaction as shall please theÌ wherby many of them remayne still excommunicate 50. Item when two persons haue bene at strife and law together for the possessioÌ of land and the matter contentious be put into the handes of the king by some seruant or officer of the king for the taking vp of the matter then do the Prelates admonish the one part not to trouble the other which is in possession Otherwise if he do they do excommunicate him 51. Item the foresayd Prelates Deanes Chaplens and other the rout of the Clergy putteth the kinges officers to so much trauaile and expenses in trying out the kinges vsurped iurisdictioÌ as they terme it that often times many of them spend and consume in the trauaell of the right and title thereof all that they haue and more to 52. Item if any secular iusticer in a true and iust cause at the request of the party putteth in his helping hand coÌcerning the inheritaunce of Clerkes the Ecclesiasticall Iudges and their Ministers sendeth out monitioÌs in writing agaynst the sayd Iusticer yea vnder payne of excoÌmunication forfeiture to take away his hand and leaue of Enioyning him further to suffer the other party quietly to enioy the sayd things Otherwise they denounce him excommunicate shall not be absolued before he haue well paid for it euen as pleaseth maister Officiall to the high preiudice of the authority of our soueraigne Lord the king 53. Item the Ecclesiasticall magistrates so soone as they heare any rich or fat Cob to dye or thinke that he will not liue long send out forthwith letters vnder seale to theyr chaplain commauÌding him in any wise not to presume to bury him although he made his Testament and receiued the rites of the Church And when afterward the frendes and kinsfolkes of the dead resort vnto them to know the cause of their inhibition they declare vnto theÌ that he was an vsurer and that he kept not the commaundementes of holy Church And so long keep they the corpes of the dead vnburyed while the frendes of him buy it out with good store of mony heaping hording by these meanes abouÌdance of riches 54. Item if there be any
his assistaunts here assembled alledging the first Epistle of Peter the 2. chapter where he sayth Feare God honour the king By which wordes the holy Apostle S. Peter teacheth vs 2. things First that loue feare obedience is due vnto God for the mightinesse and puissaunce of his Maiesty saying Feare God Secondly how speciall honor reuerence is due to the King for the excellency of his dignity saying Honor the King But note you by the way how the Apostle placeth his woordes First he sayth that feare is due vnto God because principally and in chiefe we ought to feare GOD For if the King or any other should commaund things contrary to God we ought to haue no regard ther of but to contemne the King feare God For it is written in the 5. of the Actes of the Apostles we ought rather to obey God then men and also in the 7. chap. of Machabes the 2. booke where it is sayd I will not obey the commaundements of the king but the law The reason whereof S. Augustine geueth both in the glose vpon the Romaines also in the 11. quaest 1. He that resisteth the superiour power resisteth the will and ordinaunce of God But put case thou art commaunded to do that which thou maist not do or to do not that which thou oughtest to do Doubtlesse thou must neglect the lesser power and feare the higher learning the degrees of worldly thinges As for example be it so that a Proctour commaundeth thee any thing which if the same be agaynst the Proconsull thou oughtest not to follow it Yea and further put case the Proconsull commaundeth one thing the Emperour an other and God willeth the third Thou must not care for theÌ but obey God for God is the greater power For they may threaten thee with prison but GOD may threaten thee with hell fire they may slay and kill thy body but God may send thee body and soule to perpetuall hell fire And therfore worthely it is put first Feare God And here the place in the last of Ecclesiasticus is to be adioyned where it is written Feare God and keep his commaundements And me thinketh that man is bouÌd to feare God chiefly in three sorts That is to say First in the bountifull bestowing of his giftes and benefites Secondly in the euident promoting of his seruauntes And lastly in the full rendring and restoring vnto man that is his First I say in the bountifull c. and for this cause the Emperour Iustinian writeth although there is nothing to be accompted good which doth exceede and is to great yet for a prince to be stow accordingly vpoÌ the church it is very good For why the king and Emperour is bound to bestow so much the more substaunce how much the more God hath geuen to him to bestow the same both franckly and especially to famous Churches wherein the best greatest measure is of the Lordes giftes that is a great gift And to this end Gregory enacteth a law cap. i. extra de donationibus that nobility ought in maner to prescribe this law to himselfe to thinke himselfe bound to geue wheÌ he geueth freely vnlesse he increase in geuing still to think that he hath geuen nothing Wherfore Abell as appeareth in the 4. chapter of Genesis who offered of the best to the Lord was blessed of God And therefore other Kinges the more they offred to God the more they were both spiritually and temporally blessed of him As we read of Iosua Dauid Salomon other in the booke of the Kings and therefore it is so written in the 18. of Numbers And ye shall separate vnto the Lordes treasury thinges that be chiefest and most principall As likewise Dauid sayth in the first of Paralipomenon last chapter I haue geuen all this with a glad hart euen with a good will and now haue I had ioy to see thy people which here are present offer with a free will vnto thee And no maruell for Dauid sayth in that place For of thy hand we haue receiued all and to thee we geue And therefore it seemeth to me that because the Kynges of Fraunce and Barons of the same more then anye other hath geuen to GOD and his Church therefore they were happy and blessed aboue all other kinges and the more they did geue to God the more they receiued at hys handes Examples wherof we haue of Clodoue Charles and S. Lewes the more one geueth to God the more he receiueth of him For he in the 6. of Luke hath promised geue and it shal be geuen vnto you wherfore a gift that a Prince bestoweth vpon the Church is rendered agayne with triple encrease and that no lesse in time of warr then in time of peace I say in warre time because victory proceedeth of no other but onely of God for it is writteÌ in the 1. Machabecs the 3. Chapter The victorye of the battayle standeth not in the multitude of the boast but the strength commeth from heauen And likewise in the 17. Chapter of Exodus it is declared that when Moyses held vp hys handes Israell had the victory but when he let down his handes Amalec had the victory To this end also serueth the last chapter Machabes 2. where Iudas being at the poynt to haue the victory thought he saw Amon and Ieremy which had bene high Priestes and very vertuous men holding vp their handes toward heaueÌ and praying for theyr people and all the whole Citye c. Likewise in peace time now the long dayes of the king and of hys sonnes their peace prosperity obedience by the prayer of the Church is mayntayned supported in the realme For as long as Salomon was bent and geueÌ in building the house of God so long he had peace who thus in the 16. chap. of the Prouerbes teacheth vs. when a mans wayes pleaseth the Lord he maketh his very enemies to be hys frendes And also in 1. Esdras 6. chapter where it is read how the Priestes were commaunded to offer sweet fauors to the God of heauen and pray for the kinges life and hys children And well therefore may it be called a gift both fauorable irreuocable wherby victory is geuen life grauÌted and peace with security conserued To serue therefore God liberally to geue toward the worshipping of him is the chiefest signe and token of diuine feare loue Eccl. cap. 2. O ye that feare the Lord beleue him your reward shall not be empty Secondly coÌcerning the feare of God I do you to vnderstand that among the precepts of the Lord the first and chiefest commaundement of the second table is To honor thy father which precept is very well expouÌded to yâ Hebrues in the 12. chapter where it is not onely ment of the fathers of our bodies but also of the father of spirites For as spirituall
the liberties graunted by his forefathers and predecessours he shall not be of his Realme beloued as it appeareth by Roboam in the 11 chap. of the 3. Reg. All which likewise is to be seene in the Chronicles how that by these meanes many kingdomes and dominioÌs were translated from nation to nation and from their owne natiue regiment to the rule of strauÌge people And now for this time certayne it is that your graunde predecessors Charles the great S. Ludowick Philip the fayre Ludowick and Philip his sonnes with many others haue sealed and confirmed this liberty of the Church Wherfore for a man to councell perswade your highnesse to spoile the Church of any thing it is euen the next way to spoyle and vndoe your self and to bereue you of that by which your dominion is beloued And for this cause I thought good to put your grace in remembraunce of the 20. of Math. where it is written Remember the workes of your forefathersâ which they haue done in their generations and you shal receiue great glory and renowne for euer Note here your highnesse by the way how that king Philip graundfather to S. Lewis fostered and kept in his Realme S. Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury who for that he stoutly defended the libertyes of his Church was banished out of England How much more therefore are you bound to defend and mayntayne your owne Prelates in their liberties ratified and confirmed by your graces predecessors according to the saying of Gregory in 25. quaest cap Si. If I should destroy and put downe those thinges which my predecessours haue built and ordeined I should not be called a builder and maker but iustly acompted a ââroy good and puller downe as the voyce as the Lord sayth Euery kingdome deuided within it selfe shall be confouÌded All knowledge and learning deuided one agaynst the other shall be destroyed In an other place he sayth It is ouer sharpe and agaynst all good maner and ciuility vpon what reason and excuse so euer to breake and subuert those thinges which are well ordayned or by his example to teach other at theyr pleasures to dissolue olde constitutions Marke here a story about a Castle which was geuen to Saynt Romige to the Churches vse by Clodoui the Kyng which afterwarde King Pipine desired to haue by exchaunge and recouery To whome the sayd Saynte Remige appeared in hys dreame and highly blamed him therefore saying a better man then thou gaue it me and yet wilt thou take it away from me And with that he smote him who the next day was founde all blacke Since whiche tyme no Kyng of Fraunce durst euer lye in that Castle Uerely therefore he doth not honour the Kyng which geueth him counsell to passe the olde limittes that his olde Fathers did set Yea rather the Kinges Maiesty ought to say vnto them whiche is written in Saynt Iohn 8. chapter I do honour and glorify my Father that is in keepyng the libertyes of the Church as they did which graunted them but you haue dishonoured me in counselling me that which seemeth best to please your selues as it is written in Ecclesiast 4. The worship of a mans father is his owne worship and where the father is without honor it is the dishonor of the foâne Secondarily I say that he truely doth honor the king who counselleth him whereby his power and dignity is not diminished For as it is great honour to the Kynges highnesse to encrease and augment his power so is it as much dishonour for him to diminish any iote thereof And therefore the Emperours were wont to call themselues victorious of augmenting and encreasing theyr common wealth And to say that you and your predecessours could not graunt these things to the Churche it were to too absurde and to the too muche derogation of your Maiesties most honourable estate And therfore you most soueraign Lorde who holde and possesse so ample right and title in the realme of Fraunce both by election and inheritaunce not to graunt and leaue thys to your posteritie it were to the great debasing of your Maiesties honour crowne and dignitie Yea if it were as God forbid it wold folow that your predecessours liued continually in sinne yea and further it were as much to say which were too vile that blessed S. Lewes by whome all Fraunce is beautified could not be iustly canonized For as the Lord speaker declared if he tooke his othe at his coronation both to alienate nothing and also to call in that which was before alienated which is inseparable froÌ the Crowne it should followe that he was forsworne and consequently committed deadly sinne and so coulde neuer be canonized which is to to absurde to be talked of And if reply be made that hee might haue repented It is soone to be answeared That his sinne is read of but of hys repentaunce it is not founde as is sayde of Salomon But put case it be true that the Lord Peter sayd then it must needes folow that your grace could bestow nothing neither couÌtrey towne nor tower And yet there be few whych willingly would not receiue them notwythstanding their allegiaunce and homage which they pretend to your hyghnes Kepe therefore confirme most renowned Prince that which was graunted by your noble progenitors otherwise your royall honor shall decrease that it may be verified in you which is read of in the 11. to the Rom. I wil honor my ministerie Thirdly I doe affirme that he rightfully honoreth the king which perswadeth him that whereby his honor and renowne is preserued For in matters of weyght and of great importaunce next after conscience we must haue regarde to name and fame as it is wrytten the 22. of Prou. It is better to haue a good name then riches A good name farre passeth all things and is aboue siluer gold And S. Augustine sayeth two things are necessary for thee conscience name Conscience for God and name for thy neighbour And therefore it is wrytten in the 4. chapt of Eccles. Labour to get a good name for that will continue surer by thee then a M. great treasures of golde A good life hath a number of dayes Which renowne name the Lord who annoynted your grace with the oyle of gladnes hath in so litle time more aboundantly blessed you wythall then any other Prince wherfore you ought to be more vigilant and carefull howe to kepe and enioy the same still For it is no lesse vertue to seeke and gette then to keepe that whych is gotten whereby not onely while you lyue but also when you are dead your gloryous renowne may liue for euer yea and farther that by you nothing be done wherby any blotte or foyle shoulde creepe into that your so great renowne alluding that to your grace which is sayde in the tenth of the Prouerbes c. The memoriall of the iust shall haue good report c.
proceeded betwene the Earles sister and the foresayde Peter albeit sore against the Earles mind Gaueston thus restored and dignified was so surprised in pride and exaltation more then euer before that he disdained derided al other whose rule power more more encreased In somuch that he hauing the guiding of all the kings iewels treasure coÌueied out of the kings iewell house at Westminster a table a paire of tressels of gold vnto certain marchants beyoÌd the sea with other iewels âo to his behoofe to the great impouerishing both of the king Quene and of the land And ouer all that brought the king by meane of his wanton conditions to manifold vices as aduoutrie and suche other like Wherfore the Lords seing the mischief that daily increased by occasion of this vnhappie man tooke theyr couÌsell together at Lyncolne and there concluded to voide him again out of England so that shortly after he was exiled againe and went into Flaunders for in Fraunce or hys owne country he durst not appeare for feare of Philip the French king to whoÌ the Queene of England hys daughter had sent ouer great complaintes of the sayd Gaueston who had so impouerished her the whole Court that she had not wherewith to maintaine her state Uppon whych complaint the French king through al his dominioÌs layd strait watch to apprehend the sayd Gaueston but he not vnwarned thereof secretly coasted into Flaunders from wheÌce it was not long but he was fet againe by the king as in further processe followeth so much was the kinges hart infatuated by this wicked person About this yeare or the next before came in first the crowched Friers And also began first the knightes of the order of S. Iohn Baptist otherwise called the knights of Rhodes for that they by manly knighthood put out the Turkes from the Isle of Rhodes In the history of king Edward this kinges father before precedent mention was made of Pope ClemeÌt the 5. who succeeded after Benedict also of putting down of the templaries which in this yeare hapned by the meanes of the French king who as he caused to be burned in the City of Paris this yeare 54. TeÌplaries with the great maister of the same order so by his procurement the foresayd Pope Clement called a Councell at Uienna where the whole order and sect of Templaries being coÌdemned was shortly after by the consent of all Christen kinges deposed all in one day After whome the Frenche king thought to make his sonne king of Ierusalem and to conuert to hym all the landes of the sayd Templaries But Clement the Pope would thereto not agree transferring all their lands to the order of hospitulers for the great summe of money geuen for the same The cause why these impious Templaries were put downe was so abhominable and filthy that for the reuerence of chaste eares it were better not told if it be true that some write An other matter worthy to be noted of like abhomination I thought here to inserte touching a certayne Noonery in Fraunce called Prouines within the which at the clensing and casting of a fishpond were found many bones of young children and the bodyes also of some infantes as yet whole vnconsumed vpon occasion whereof diuers of the Nunnes of the sayd Nunnery to the nuÌber of 27. were had to Paris and there imprisoned what became of them afterward I finde not in mine author Arpontacus Burdegalensis In the the same Counsell also was decreed by the sayd Clement that all religious orders exempted shold be subiect vnder the common lawes as other were But Cistercian Monkes with mony and great giftes redeemed their priuileges and exemption of the pope and so had them grauÌted Tho. Wals. These Cistercians sped better herein then did the Minorites of FranciscaÌs in theyr suite Of the whiche Franciscans when certayne of them had offered vnto the sayd Pope Clement 40. thousand florences of gold beside other siluer that the Pope woulde dispence with them to haue landes and possessions agaynst their rule the Pope asked them where was that money They aunswered in the marchant mens hands So the space of three dayes being geuen theÌ to bring forth these marchants the P. absolued the marchaunts of their bond made to the Fryers and commaunded all that money to be imployed and reuerted to hys vse Declaring to the Fryers that he would not infringe or violate the rule of S. Frauncis lately canonised neither ought he to do it for any money And thus the beggerly riche Fryers lost both their money and theyr indulgence Ex eodem autore Concerning this pope Clement the 5. Sabellicus writeth that he excommunicated the Uenecians for ayding and preferring of Azoda vnto the estate of Ferrary and wrote his letters throughout all Europe condemning them as enemies of the Church and geuing their goods as a lawfull pray vnto all men which caused them to sustaine great harme But Frauncis Dandulus a Noble man of Uenice being Embassadour from the Uenecians to the sayd Clement for the obtayning of their absolution and safegard of their Citty and country and for the pacifying of the popes fury toward them was fayne so to humble himselfe before this proud tyrannicall Prelate that hee suffered a chaine of yron to be tyed about hys neck and so he lye down flat before his table and so to catch the bones fragmentes that fell from his table as it had bene a dog till the Popes fury was toward them asswaged So that after that he in reproche because he so humbled himselfe for the behalfe and helping of his country was of some called a dog But the Citty of Uenice shewed themselues not vnkinde agayn to Dandulus for hys gentle good will declared to his country For as he had abased himselfe before the vile and ignominious condition of a dog for his Countries sake so they extolled him with as muche glory agayne being returned home decking and adourning him after the best aray with the chiefe princely ornamentes of the Citty to make him amendes for his former reproch receaued Sabel Ennead 9. li. 7 Concerning the Constitutions of this pope Clement and of his decretals and Clementines and how Henricus the Emperour in his dayes was poysoned in receauing of the Sacrament ye haue heard before About this tyme Robert Winchelsey Archbishop of Canterbury whoÌ thys kinges father had banished before was released and returned home from Rome Those thinges thus declared let vs proceede by the Lordes grace to the next yeare which is of the Lord. 1311. the fifth yeare after this kings raygne In the which yeare compting the yeare from Michelmasse to the same feast agayne as then the vsage of the Realme was Peter Gaueston who had wandred the countryes about could finde no safe resting place notwithstanding he was vtterly banished vpon forfeiting life and goodes out of the realm yet trusting vpon the kinges
and night that is with theyr filthy liuing ignorance and impiety He citeth also out of the prophesy of Hildegaris these words Therfore doth yâ deuill in himselfe speake of you Priests Dainty bankets feasts wherin is all voluptuousnes do I finde amongst these men In so much that mine eies mine eares my belly and my vaynes be euen filled with the froth of them my brestes stand astrut with the riches of them c. Lastly saith he they euery day more and more as Lucifer did seek to climbe higher and higher till that euery day with hym more and more they fall deeper and deeper About the yeare of our Lord. 1390. there were burned at Bringa 36. Citizens of Moguntina for the doctrine of Waldenses as Brushius affirmeth which opinioÌ was no thing contrary to that they held before wherein they affirmed the Pope to be that great Antechrist which should come Unlesse peraduenture the Pope seemed then to be more euidently conuicted of Antechristianity theÌ at any other time before he was reueled to be For the like cause many other beside these are to be found in storyes which susteined the like persecutioÌ by the Pope if leysure would serue to peruse all that might be searched As where Masseus recordeth of diuers to the nuÌber of 140. which in the prouince of Narbone chose rather to suffer whatsoeuer greuous punishment by fire theÌ to receiue the decretals of the Romish Church contrary to the vpright truth of the Scripture What should I here speake of the 24. which suffered at Paris an 1210 Also in the same author is testified that an 1211. there were 400. vnder the name of heretiques burned 80. beheaded Prince Americus hanged and the Lady of the Castle stoned to death Moreouer in the Chronicles of Houedon and of other writers be recited a maruelous nuÌber which in the countryes of Fraunce were burned for heretiques Of whom some were called Publicans some Catharits some Paterines and other by others names What their assertions were I finde no certayne report worthy of credit In Tritenius is signified of one Eckhardus a Dominican Frier who not long before Wickliffes tyme was condemned and suffered for heresy at Hedelberge an 2330. who as he diffreth not much in name so may he be supposed to be the sawe whom other do name Beghardus and is sayd to be burned at Erphord Of Albingenses because sufficient meÌtion is made before of whom a great number were burned about the time of king Iohn I passe them ouer Likewise I let passe the heremite of whom Iohn Bacon maketh relation in hys 2. Dist. Quaest. 1. Who disputing in Paules church affirmed that those Sacraments which were then vsed in the church were not instituted by Christ An. 1306. Peraduenture it was the same Ranulphus meÌtioned in the floure of hystories is sayd to die in prison for the time of them doth not much differ In Boetius why the Pope should so much commend a certaine king because for one man he had slaine 400. cutting away the genitals from the rest I can not iudge except the cause were that which the Pope calleth heresie But to let these things ouerpasse that be vncertayne because neither is it possible to compreheÌd all them which haue wtstand the corruption of the popes sea neyther haue we any such firme testimony left of their doings credibly to stay vpon we wil now Christ willing coÌuert our story to thyngs more certaine vndoubted grounding vpon no light reportes of feble credit nor vpoÌ any fabulous legendes wythout authority But vpon the true and substantial copies of the publique recordes of the Realme remaining yet to be sene vnder the kings most sure faithfull custody Out of the which records such matter appeareth against the Popish church of Rome and against hys vsurped authority such open staÌding crying against the sayd sea that not priuely but also in open parliament in the daies of this king Edward the third that neyther wil the Romish people of thys our age easely thynke it to be true when they see it neither yet shall they be able to deny the same so cleare standeth the force of those recordes Ye heard a litle before pag. 381. howe Iohn Stratford Archb. of Cant. being sent for and required by the king to come vnto hym refused so to do What the cause was why he denyed to come at the kings sending is neither touched of Poiidore Uirgil nor of any other monkish Chronicler wryting of those aces and times Whose part hath bene faithfully to haue dispensed the simple truth of thyngs don to theyr posterity But that whych they dissemblingly and colourably haue concealed contrary to true lawe of storie the true cause thereof we haue found out by the true Parliament roles declaring the story thus King Edward the 3. in the 6. yeare of hys raigne hearing that Edward Bailol had proclaimed himselfe kyng of Scotland Required counsell of the whole estate to wit whether were better for hym to assayle Scotlande and to claim the demesing or demeines of the same or cls by making hym party to take hys aduauntage And thereby to enioy the seruice as other hys auncesters before hym had done For thys cause he sommoned a Parliament of all estates to meete at Yorke about the begynning of December Where the kyng was alredy come waiting for the comming of such as were warned thereunto For the want of whose comming the parliament was reiourned til monday and from thence to Tuesday next ensuing But forsomuch as most of the states were absent the assembly required the continuance of the parliament vntil the vtas of S. Hillary then ensuing at Yorke whych was graunted And so a new sommons was especially awarded to euery person with special charge to attend so that the affaires of the king and the realme myght not be hindered because of the debate betwene the Archb. of Cant. and Archbishop of Yorke for the superiour bearing of theyr crosse In conclusion for all the kyngs sommoning none other of all the Clergy came but onely the Archb. of Yorke the byshop of Lincolne and of Carliel Abbots of Yorke and Seleby So that hereunto came not the Archb. of CaÌterb nor any other of hys prouince and all for bearing the crosse Wherby the same was not onely a losse to the oportunitie to Scotland but also an importable charge to the whole estate by a newe reassembly And thus much out of the recordes Whereby thou mayest easely iudge prudent Reader what is to be thought of these Pope holy Catholique Churchmen being of the Popes broode and setting vp whom such friuolous causes of contention stirre vp to such disquietnes both among themselues and also to such disobedience against their Prince excuse them who can Ex. An. 6. Regis Edwardi 3. It foloweth moreouer in the same records concerning the abandoning of the popes prouisions how that the coÌmons finde
declared as it hath bene in times past the which also is done by a maruelous dispensation that through one onely thing both Gods loue iustice should be fulfilled For a while the power of miracles being taken away the holy church appereth the more abiect and forsaken and the reward of good men doth cease which reuereÌced the same for the hope of heaueÌly riches not for any present signes And that the minds of euill men agaynst the same might that sooner be knowne which neglect to folow the inuisible thinges which the church doth promise whiles they be led with visible signes Forsomuch then as the humility of the faithfull is as it were destitute of the multitude and appering of signes by the terrible working of Gods secret dispensation wherby mercy is geueÌ vnto the good and iust wrath heaped vpoÌ the euill For so much then it is truely said that before this Liuiathan shall playnely and manifestly come pouerty shall go before his face for before that time the riches of miracles shal be taken away from the faythfull Then shall that auncient enemy shew himselfe agaynst them by open wonders That as he is extolled through signes wonders so shall he the more manly be vanquished of the faythfull without any signes or miracles Also in his 16. booke vpon this word which the blessed man Iob sayde who shall reprehend his way before him or who shall cast in his teeth what he hath done whilest he did speake of the body of all euill he sodenly connected his speach vnto the head of all the wicked for he did see that toward the end of the world Sathan should enter into man whom the scripture calleth Antechrist he shal be extolled with such pride he shall rule with such power he shal be exalted with such signes wonders vnder the pretence of holmes that his doing can not be coÌtrolled of meÌ for somuch as his signes tokens are ioined with power terror with a certain shew of holynes Wherfore he saith who shall controll his wayes before him what man is he that dare once rebuke or check him whose looke or countenaunce is he afeard of But notwithstanding not onely Enoc Elias the which are brought as ample for his exprobation but also all the elect do argue reproue his way whiles that they do contemne and by the force and power of their minde resist his malice But for somuch as this thing is not done by their owne power or strength but by Gods helpe and grace therfore is it very well sayd who shall argue or reproue his waies before him who but onely God By whose help the elect are ayded and made able to resist And a little after vpon the same booke of Iob Gregory saith in so much as holy men do withstaÌd his iniquity It is not they theÌselues which do so rebuke his wayes but it is he thorowe whose helpe they are strengthened Also in his second booke he sayth now the holy Church doth not regarde but despise the signes and miracles of the heretikes if they do any for so much as the Church doth sufficiently vnderstand that it is no kind of holynes for why the prose of holines is not to make signes or woÌders but to loue euery man as him selfe to thinke truely of the very true God to thinke better of thy neighbor then of thy selfe for trew vertue holynes coÌsisteth in loue and not in shewing of miracles This the veretie declareth saying hereby shall all men know that ye are my disciples if ye loue one an other but he saith not that hereby meÌ shal know that ye are my disciples because ye worke miracles but contrary wise if ye loue one an other declaring plainly therby that it is not miracles but the mere charitie loue of God which maketh vs the seruants of God Wherefore the chiefe testimony of being Gods disciple is to haue the gift of brotherly loue This thorow out doth S. Gregory write and often times in other places he speaketh verye much of miracles howe that they shall cease amongst the iust and abound amongst the wicked Also Chrisostome in his lv Homily sayth thus it is a common an indifferent woorke betwene the ministers of God the ministers of the deuil to cast out deuils but to confesse the trueth and to worke righteousnes is the onely worke of the saints and holy men therefore whomsoeuer thou doest see casting out of deuils if he haue not the confessioÌ of the trueth in his mouth neyther righteousnes in his hands he is not a man of God but if thou doest see a man openly confessing declaring the truthe and doing iustice although he do not cast out no deuils yet he is the man of God And it followeth let vs know that like as at the coÌming of Christ before him the Prophets and with him thapostles wrought miracles thorow the holy ghost for such as the thing is which is sturred such sent sauor wil proceede froÌ the same He writeth also vpon the beginning of Mathew The whole world did maruel woÌder at three things that Christ rose againe after his deth that flesh ascendeth into heaueÌ that he did conuert the whole world by his xi apostles There is iiii causes which wrought the same That is to say the contempt of riches or money The dispising of pomp and glory The seperation of theÌselues from all worldly occupation and busines and the pacient suffering of tormentes Thus much writeth Chisostome also saint Isydore in his first booke and xxv cha De summo bono writeth thus like as in the apostles the maruelous effect power of works was much more coÌmendable then the vertue of their signes euen so now in the Church is it much more better to liue wel theÌ to worke any signes or miracles And the cause why that the church of God doth not at this present worke miracles as it did in the time of the Apostles is this That it was necessary at that time that the worlde should beleue miracles and nowe at this present euery faithful beleuer ought to shine with good workes for to this end were signes miracles then outwardly wrought that their sayth thereby might be inwardly strengthned and stablished for what soeuer faithfull man he be that seketh to worke miracles he seeketh vaine glory to be praysed of meÌ for it is written miracles are signes and tokens vnto the infidels misbeleuers and not vnto the faythfull Thus muche wryteth Isidore Item Saint Augustine in his Booke of coÌfession sayth thus there is no greater miracle amongst meÌ theÌ to loue our enemies By these wordes of these holy men a man may easely gather that both in our dayes and in the time to come the disciples of Antichrist both do shall more florish and shewe theÌselues by strannge signes miracles theÌ the disciples of Christ according to
to Absolon and his talke was with Ioab the sonne of Saruia and Abiaâhar the priest which toke part with Adonias But Sadoc the priest and Banaias the sonne of Ioaida and Nathan the Prophet and Semei and Serethi and Felethi and all the power of Dauids host were not on Adonias part This was the cause of the deposing of Abiathar because hee toke part with Adonia that he shuld be king against Salomon the eldest sonne of king Dauid wherefore it is wrytten in the thirde boke and second chapiter of the kings The king sayd vnto Abiathar the priest goe your wayes vnto Anatoth thine owne fielde for thou art a man of death but this day I will not slay thee because thou hast caried the Arke of the Lorde before my father Dauid and diddest labour in all things wherein my father laboured Then did Salomon cast out Abiathar that hee should be no more the priest of the Lord that the word of the Lord might be fulfilled which he spake vpon the house of Hely in Sylo Beholde the most prudent king Salomon according to the wisdome which was geuen him of God did exercise hys power vpon the sayd priests putting him out of his priesthode setting in his place Sadoc the priest this was a greater matter theÌ to take away the temporalities If then in the law of Christ whych nowe raigneth ouer vs a byshop should likewise rebell against the true heire of the kingdome willing to sette vp another for king why shoulde not the king or his heire haue power in like case to take away the temporalities from him so offending Item it is also euident by the king Nabuchodonozor whych had power geuen him of God to lead away the children of Israel with their priests and Leuites into the captiuity of Babylon as it is wrytten 4. booke of the kings 25. chapter Item it is red in the 4. boke of kings and 12. chapter How that Iosias the most godly king of Iuda according to the wisdoÌ which God had granted him toke away all the consecrate vessels which Iosaphat Ioram and Ochosias his forefathers kings of Iuda had consecrated and those which hee himselfe had offered and all the treasure that could be found in the temple of the Lord and in the kings pallace and sent it vnto Azahel king of Syria he departed from Ierusalem Marke how this most holy king exercised hys power not onely in taking away the temporalities of the priests but also those things which were consecrate in the temple of the Lord to procure vnto the common wealth the benefite of peace Item in the 4. boke and 18. chapter of the kings it is wrytten howe that the holy king Ezechias tooke all the treasure that was found in the house of the Lord and in the kings treasurie brake downe the pillers of the temple of the Lorde and all the plates of gold which he himselfe had fastned therupon and gaue them vnto the king of the Assyrians yet was hee not rebuked of the Lorde therefore as hee was for his other sinnes as it appeareth in the 2. boke of Paral. 32. chapter for so much then as in time of necessity all things ought to be in common vnto Christians it foloweth then that the seculere Lordes in case of necessitie in many other common cases may lawfully take away the mooueable goodes from the cleargie when they do offend Item it is also read in the 12. of Mathewe that the disciples of Iesus for to slake their hunger vppon the Saboth day pulled the eares of corne and did eate them and the Pharisies rebuked them therefore vnto whome Christ aunswered Haue ye not read what Dauid did when hee was hungry and those that were wyth him howe he entred into the house of the Lorde and did eate the shew breades which it was not lawfull for hym neither for them that were with hym to eate but only for the priests This story is written in the 1 boke of the kings and 21. chapter And the commandement in the 12. of Deuteronomie Whereby it appeareth that it is lawfull in time of necessitie to vse any thing bee it neuer so much consecrate Otherwise children by geuing their moueables to the consecration of any temple shoulde not be bound to helpe their parents which is contrary and against the Gospel of S Mathew in the 16. chapter whereas our Sauiour sharply rebuked the Pharisies that for their owne traditions they did transgresse the commaundement of God Item Titus and Vespasian seculer princes had power geuen them of God 24. yeares after the Lordes Ascension to take away the temporallities from the priestes whych had offended agaynst the Lordes holy one And thereby also berest them of their liues and it seemeth vnto many they did and might worthely doe the same according to Gods good wil and pleasure Then forsomuch as our priests in these dayes may transgresse and offend as much and rather more against the Lordes annoynted it followeth that by the pleasure of God the seculer Lordes may likewise punyshe them for their offence Our sauiour being king of kings and high bishop wyth hys disciples did geue tribute vnto Cesar as it appeareth Mathewe 17. and commaunded the Scribes and Pharisies to geue the lyke vnto Cesar Mat. 22. Whereby hee gaue example vnto all priestes that shoulde come after hym to render tribute vnto their kinges whereupon blessed S Ambrose in his 4 boke vppon these wordes in the 5. of Luke cast out your nettes wryteth thus There is an other kinde of fishing amongst the Apostles after which manner the Lord commanded Peter only to fish saying cast out thy hoke and that fish which coÌmeth first vp take hym And then vnto the purpose he sayth It is truely a great spirituall document wherby all Christian menne are taught that they ought to be subiecte vnto the higher powers and that no man ought to thinke that the lawes of a king here on earth are to be brokeÌ For if the sonne of God did pay tribute who art thou so great a man that thinkest thou oughtest not to pay tribute He payed tribute which had no possessions and thou which daily seekest after the luker of the world why doest thou not acknowledge the obedience and duetie of the worlde Why doest thou thorowe the arrogancie of thy minde exault thy selfe aboue the worlde when as thorowe thine owne miserable couetousnesse thou art subiect vnto the worlde Thus writeth S. Ambrose and it is put in the 11. quest 1. Magnum quidem He also wryteth vppon these wordes in the 20 of Luke shewe me a pennie whose Image it hathe if Christ had not the Image of Cesar why did hee pay any tribute He gaue it not of hys owne but rendred vnto the worlde that which was the worldes And if thou wilt not be in daunger of Cesar possesse not those things which are the worldes for if thou hast richesse thou
the kinges power to sette and to ordaine c. Hereby the woordes of Augustine alledged Yee see all thinges belong to the possession of the iust by Goddes lawe Item for so muche as the cleargie by meanes of their possessions are in daunger of the Emperor and King It followeth that if they doe offend the Emperour or King may lawfully take away their possessions from them The consequent dependeth on thys poynte for so much as otherwise they were not in subiection vnder the Emperour or king and the antecedent is manifest by the 11. question and 1. Parag. His ita respondetur Where as it is specified in Latine thus His ita respondetur clerici ex officio Episcopo sunt suppositi ex possessionibus praediorum imperatori sunt obnoxij ab Episcopo vnctionem decimas primitias accipiunt ab imperatore vero praediorum possessiones nanciscuntur that is to say The cleargie by meanes of their office are vnder the Byshoppe but by reason of theyr possessions they be subiect vnto the Emperour Of the Byshoppe they receiue vnction tithes and first frutes of the Emperour they receiue possessions This then it is decreed by the Emperiall lawe that liuelyhoodes should be possessed whereby it appeareth that the cleargie by the possession of their liuelyhodes are in daunger of the Emperour for hym to take away from them or to correcte them accordyng to their deseruings and to haue the controllement of them as it shall seeme good vnto hym Item the temporall Lordes may take away the temporallities from such as vse Simonie because they are heretickes Ergo thys Article is true The antecedent is manifest for so much as the secular Lordes maye refuse suche as vse Simonye and punishe them except they doe repent For by the decree of Pope Paschasius in the first and laste question it appeareth that all suche as vsed Simonie were to be refused of all faythfull people as chiefe and principall heretickes and if they doe not repent after they be warned they are also to bee punyshed by the externe power For all other faultes and crimes in comparyson of Simonie be counted but light and seeme small offences Where vppon the glose expounding the same text sayth that by thys woorde externe is vnderstande the laietie whyche haue power ouer the cleargy besides the Church as in the 17 distinct Non licuit 23 quest 5. principes Whereby it is euident that the temporall Lordes may take away the temporall goodes from the cleargie when as they doe offende Item Saint Gregorie in the Register vppon hys 7. booke 9. Chapiter wryteth thus vnto the Frenche Queene For so much as it is wrytten that ryghteousnesse healpeth the people and sinne maketh them myserable then is that kingdome counted stable when as the offence whyche is knowen is soone amended Therefore for so muche as wicked priestes are the cause of the ruyne of the people for who shall take vppon hym to bee intercessour for the sinnes of the people if the priest which ought to intreate for the same haue committed greater offences and vnder youre dominions the priestes doe liue wickedly and vnchastly therfore that the offence of a few myght not tourne to the destruction of manye wee oughte earnestly to seeke the punyshment of the same And it followeth if wee doe commaunde any personne wee doe sende hym foorthe wyth the consent of your authoritie who together wyth other Priests shall diligently seeke out and according vnto Goddes worde correct and amende the same Neyther are these things to be dissimuled the whyche wee haue spoken of for hee that may correcte any thyng and doeth neglect the same wythout all doubte he maketh hym selfe paâtaker of the sinne or offence Therefore foresee vnto your owne soule prouide for youre neuewes and for suche as you do desire to raigne after you prouide for your countrey and wyth diligence prouide for the correction and punishment of that sinne before our creatoure doe stretch out hys hand to strike And in hys next Chapter hee wryteth vnto the French king what so euer you doe vnderstande to pertaine eyther vnto the honoure and glorye of oure God to the reuerence of the church or to the honour of the priestes that doe you dilligently cause to bee decreed and in all poyntes to be obserued Wherfore once againe wee doe mooue you that you commaunde a Synode to be congregate and as wee wrote lately vnto you to cause all the carnall vices whyche raigneth amongest your Priests and all the wickednesse and Simonie of your Byshoppes whyche is moste harde to be condemned and reprooued vtterly to bee banished oute of your kyngdome and that you wil not suffer them to possesse anye more substaunce vnder your dominion then Goddes commaundement doeth allowe Beholde howe carefully blessed Gregorye doeth exhort the Queene and the Kyng to punishe the vices of the cleargie leaste through theyr negligence they shoulde be partakers of the same and howe they ought to correct their subiectes For as it is conuenient to be circumspect and carefull against the outward enemies euen so lykewyse ought they to bee agaynste the inwarde ennemyes of the soule And lyke as in iuste warre agaynste the outwarde ennemyes it is lawefull to take away theyr goodes so long as they contynue in theyr malyce so also is it lawefull to take away the goods of the cleargie being the inward ennemy The consequent is prooued thus for so much as the domesticall enemies are most hurtfull Item it is thus argued if God bee the temporall Lordes may meritoriously and lawfully take away the temporall goodes from the Cleargie if they doe offende For thys poynt lette vs suppose that we speake of power as the true autentike scripture doth speake Matt. 13. God is able euen of these stones to raise vp children vnto Abraham Whereupon it is thus argued for if God be he is omnipotent and if he so be he may geue like power vnto the seculer Lordes And so consequeÌtly they may meritoriously and lawfully vse the same power But least that any man may obiect that a profe made by a strange thing is not sufficient it is therefore declared howe that the temporal Lords haue power to take away their almes bestowed vpon the church The church abusing the same as ie shall be proued heereafter And first thus it is lawfull for kings in cases limitted by the lawe to take away the moueables from the clergie when they do offend it is thus proued For the temporall Lordes are most bound vnto the workes of greatest mercy most easie for them but in case possible it shuld be greater almes easier temporal dominion to take away their almes froÌ such as build therewithal vnto eternal damnation through the abuse therof then to geue the saide almes for any bodely reliefe Ergo the assumption is true Whereuppon first this sentence of the law of Christ in the 2. Thes. 3. is noted whereas the Apostle
that there do not remain accidencies without substance or subiect after the coÌsecration of the body of Christ. And touching this matter the doctors holde diuers opinions Furthermore as concerning the Pope he said helde and auouched that he is the very Antichrist because yâ in lyfe and maners he is contrary to the lawes doctrines and deedes of Christ our Lord. All and euery of these things were done euen as they be aboue writteÌ and rehearsed in the yeare of our Lord poÌtificall office month day place aforesayd at supper time of the day aforenamed theÌ and there being present the worshipful and discrete men sir Walter Ramsbury chiefe chaÌter of the sayde Cathedrall Church of Hereforde Roger Hoore Chanon of the same Church Walter Wall Chaplain of the said church of Hereford being a vicar of the Choral certaine other worthy witnesses of credit that were specially called and desired to the premisses Ex Regist. Herford And I Richard Lee whelar clerke of Worcester being a publike notarye by the authoritie Apostolike was personally present at all and singuler the premisses whilest that as is before rehersed they were done and a doing in the yere of our lord 1391. pontisical office month day place the houre aforesaid I did see write and heare all and singuler those things thus to bee done and haue reduced theÌ into this publike maner and forme being desired truely to restifie the premisses haue sealed the sayde instrument made hereupon with mine accustomed scale and name In the name of God Amen Be it plainly knoweÌ to all persons by this present publike instrumeÌt that in the yere from the incarnation of the lord after the course and coââpââtation of the church of England 1391. the indiction fifteene in the 3. yere of the pontifical office of the most holy father in Christ and our Lord Lord Boniface Pope by the prouydeÌce of God the 9. in the 19. day of the month of Ianuary Walter Brute layman of Hereford dioces personally appearing before the reuereÌd father in Christ and Lord. Lord Iohn by gods grace B. of Herford in the presence of me being a publike notarie one of the witnesses vnder written did say hold publish affirme the coÌclusioÌs hereafter written the is to say yâ christen people are not bouÌd to pay tithes neither by the law of Moses nor by the law of Christ. Item that it is not lawful for Christians for any cause in any case to sweare by the creator neither by the creature Item he confesseth openly and of his owne accord that within the same month of Ianuary he did eate drink and communicate with William Swinderby not being ignorant of the sentence of the said reuerend father whereby the same William Swinderby was pronounced an heretique schismatique and a false seducer of the common people Which conclusions the same reuerend father caused to bee writteÌ and in writing to be deliuered to the same Walter Which when he had seene and red he sayd also that he did maintaine and iustifie them according to the lawes aforesayd These thinges were done in the chamber oâ the sayd bishop of Herford at his manor of Whitborne of the sayde dioces of Hereford then being there present the same Byshop abouesaid M. Reynold of Wolsten Canon of Hereford sir Phillip Dileske parson of the parish church of Blamurin Thomas Guldefeld parson of the Church of Englisbyknore Iohn Cresset parson of the church of Whytborne and Thomas Wallewayne housholde seruant for witnesses specially called and desired to the premisses of the dioces of Hereford and S. Asse And I Benedict Come clerke of the dioces of S. Asse publike notary by the Apostolike authoritie of the dioces of S. Asse was personally present together with the witnes before named at all and singuler these and other thinges here premised whilest they were so done and a doing did see heare write those things so to be done as is before mencioned and did write the same and reduce them into this publike forme with my wonted accustomed seale and name haue sealed it being desired and required truly to testifie the premisses At the last the aforesaid Walter Brute did present and cause to be presented to vs at diuers places and times assigned by vs to the same Walter to aunswere to yâ former conclusions and articles diuers scroules of paper writteÌ with his owne proper hand for his aunswers to the same Articles and conclusions aboue written he partly appearing by his owne selfe before vs sitting in our iudgement seat and partly by his messengers specially appoynted to that purpose of which scroules the tenors do follow in order worde by worde and be on this maner In the name of the father and of the sonne and the holy ghost Amen I Walter Brute sinner layman husbaÌdmaÌ a Christian hauing mine ofspring of the Brittons both by my father mothers side of the Britons haue ben accused to the B. of Hereford that I did erre in many matters concerning the catholike Christen fayth by whoÌ I am required yâ I should write an aunswere in Latin to all those matters whose desire I wil satisfie to my power protesting first of al before God before al the world the like as it is not my mind through Gods grace to refuse the knoweÌ truth for any reward greater or smaller yea be it neuer so bigge nor yet for the feare of any temporal punishment eueÌ so it is not my mind to maintain any erroneous doctrine for any coÌmodities sake And if any maÌ of what state sect or condition so euer he be wil shew me that I erre in my writings or sayings by the authoritie of the sacred scripture or by probable reason grounded in the sacred scripture I wil humbly and gladly receiue his information But as for the bare wordes of any teacher Christ onely excepted I wil not simply beleue except hee shal be able to stablish theÌ by the truth of experience or of the Scripture for because that in the holy Apostles elected by Christ there hath beue fouÌd errour by the testimony of the holy scripture because that Paule himselfe doth coÌfesse that he rebuked Peter for that he was worthy to be rebuked Galat. the 2. Chapiter There hath ben errors fouÌd in the holy doctors that haue ben before vs as they themselues confesse of them selues And oftentimes it falleth out that there is error founde in the teachers in our age who are of contrary opinions among themselues and sâme of them do sometimes determine mine one thing for truth and others do condemne the selfe same thing to be heresye or error Which protestation premised I wil here place 1. suppositions or cases for a grouÌd and a foundatioÌ of all things that I shall say out of which I would gather two probable conclusions stablished vpoÌ the same and vpon the sacred Scripture By which coÌclusions when as
geuen credible relation of yâ sonne both to the printer to me Furthermore the sayd maister Tindall albeit he did somewhat alter amend the English therof and frame it after our manner yet not fully in al words but that something doth remain fauouring of the old speach of that time What the causes were why this good man seruaunt of Christ W. Thorp did write itâ and pen it out himselfe it is sufficiently declared in hys owne preface set before his booke whiche here is prefixed in maner as followeth ¶ The preface of William Thorpe THe Lord God that knoweth all thinges woreth well that I am right sorrowful for to write to make known this sentence beneath written whereby of mine eueÌ christeÌ set in high state dignitie so great blindnes malice may be knowne that they which doe presume of themselues to destroy vices and to plant in men vertues neither dreade to offend God nor lust to please him as their workes doe shew For certes the bidding of God and hys law whiche in the praysing of his most holy name he commaundeth to be known kept of all men and women yong and old after the cunning power that he hath geuen to them The Prelates of this lande and their ministers with the couent of priests chiefly consenting to them enforce them most busily to withstand and destroy the holy ordinaunce of God And there through God is greatly wroth and moued to take hard vengeance not onely vpon them that do the euil but also on them that consent to these Antichristes limnes which know or might know their malice and falshoode dresse them not to withstand their mallice and theyr great pride Neuertheles 4. things moueth me to write this seÌtence beneath The first thing that moueth me hereto is this that where as it was knowne to certayn frendes that I came from that prison of Shrewsbury and as it befell in deed that I shold to the prison of Caunterbury theÌ diuers friends in diuers places spake to me full hartily and full tenderly and commaunded me then if it so were that I should be examined before the Archb. of Cant. that if I might in any wife I should write mine apposing and mine aunswering And I promised to my special frendes that if I might I wold gladly doe their bidding as I might The second thing that moueth me to write this senteÌce is this diuers frendes which haue heard that I haue bene examined before the Archbyshop haue come to me in prison and counsayled mee busily and coueted greatly that I should doe the same thing And other brethren haue sent to me and required on Gods behalfe that I should write out and make knowne both mine apposing mine aunswering for the profite that as they say vppon my knowledging may come thereof But this they had me that I should be busie in all my wits to go as neare the sentence and the wordes as I could both that were spoken to me that I spake UpaueÌture this writing may come an other time before the archbishop and hys counsaile And of thys counselling I was right glad for in my conscience I was moued to doe this thing to aske hitherto the speciall help of God And so then I considering the great desire of dyuers frendes of sondry places according all in one I occupyed all my minde my wits so busily that through gods grace I perceaued by theyr meaning and their charitable desire some profite might come there through For southfastnes and trueth hath these conditions where euer it is impugned it hath asweete smell and thereof commeth a sweet fauour And the more violently the enemies dresse themselues to oppresse and to withstand the trueth the greater and the sweeter smell commeth therof And therefore this heauenly find of Gods word wil not as a smoke passe away with the winde but it will descende and rest in some cleane soule that thirsteth thereafter And thus some deale by this writing may be perceaued thorough Gods grace how that the enemies of the trueth standing boldly in their malice inforce them to withstand the fredome of Christes Gospell for which freedome Christ became man shed his hart bloud And therefore it is great pitty sorrow that many men women do their own weyward will nor busy theÌ not to know nor to do that pleasant wil of God The men women that heare the truth and southfastnes and heare or know of this perceauing what is nowe in yâ churche ought here through to be the more moued in all their wits to able them to grace to set lesser price by themselues that they without taâieng forsake wilfully bodely all the wrethednes of this life since they know not how soon nor wheÌ nor where nor by whoÌ God wil teach them assay their pacience For no doubt who that euer will liue pittiously that is charitably in Christ Iesu shall suffer now here in this life persecution in one wife or an other That is if we shal be saued it behoueth vs to imagin ful busily the vility and soulnes of sinne and how yâ Lord God is displeased therfore so of this vility of bidiousnes of sinne it behoueth vs to busy vs in al our wits for to abhorre and hold in our mind a great shame of sinne euer so then we owe to sorrow hartely therfore and euer fleing all occasion therof And then behoueth vs to take vpon vs sharpe penaÌce continuing therin for to obtayne of that Lord forgeuenes of our foredone sinnes and grace to abstain vs hereafter from sinne And but if we enforce vs to do thys wilfully and in conuenieÌt time the Lord if he will not vtterly destroy and cast vs awaye will in diuers manners moue tyrantes agaynst vs for to constrayne vs violentlye to do penance which we would not do wilfully And trust that this doing is a special grace of the Lord a great token of life mercy And no doubt who euer will not apply him selfe as is sayd before to punish himself wilfully neither wil suffer paciently meekely and gladly the rod of the Lord howsoeuer that he will punish him their wayward willes and their impacience are vnto them earnest of euelasting damnation But because there are but few in number that do able them thus faythfully to grace for to liue here so simply and purely and without gall of malice and of grudging herefore the louers of this worlde hate pursue them that they knowe patient meek chaste wilfully poore hating and fleing all worldly vanities fleshly lusts For surely their verteous conditions are euen coÌtrary to the manners of this world The third thing that moueth me to wryte this senteÌce is this I thought I shall busie me in my selfe to do faythfully that all men and women occupying all their busines in knowing and in keeping of Gods commaundements able them so
Archbishop to the Pope of Rome therefore he ought he sayd in no cause to be hys iudge And hauing his appeale there at hand ready writteÌ he shewed it with al reuerence to the king Wherewith the king was then much more displeased then afore and sayde angerly vnto him that he should not pursue hys appeale but rather he should tary in hold till suche time as it were of the Pope allowed And theÌ would he or nild he that archbishop should be his iudge Thus was there nothing allowed that the good Lord Cobham had lawfully afore required But for so much as he woulde not be sworne in all things to submit himselfe to the Church and so take what penaunce the archbishop would enioyne him He was arested agayne at the kinges commaundement and so ledde forth to the Tower of London to keepe hys day so was it then spoken that the archbishop had appoynted him afore in the kinges chamber Then caused he the foresayd confession of his fayth to be copyed agayne and the aunswere also which he had made to the foure articles proponed agaynst him to be written in maner of an Indenture in two sheetes of paper That when he should come to hys aunswere he might geue the one copy vnto the archbishop and reserue the other to him selfe As the day of examination was come which was the 23. day of September the Saterday before the feast of saint Mathewe Thomas Arundell the Archbishop sitting in Cayphas rowme in the Chapter house of Paules wyth Richard Clifford Byshop of London and Henry Bolnig broke Byshop of Winchester sir Robert Morley knight and Liefetenant of the Tower brought personally before hym the sayd Lord Cobham and there left him for the time vnto whom the archbishop sayd these wordes * The first examination of the Lorde Cobham SIr Iohn in the last generall conuocation of the clergie of this our Prouince ye were detected of certayne heresies and by sufficient witnesses found culpable Whereupon ye were by forme of spirituall law cited and woulde in no case appeare In conclusion vpon your rebellious coÌtumacie ye were both priuately and openly excommunicated Notwithstanding we neyther yet shewed our selues vnready to haue geuen your absolution nor yet doe not to this houre would ye haue meekely asked it Vnto this the Lord Cobham shewed as though he had geuen no eare hauing hys minde otherwise occupyed and so desired no absolution But sayd he would gladly before him and hys brethren make rehearsal of that fayth which he held and en tended alwayes to stand to if it woulde please them to licence him thereunto And then he tooke out of his vosome a certayn writing endented concerning the articles wherof he was accused and so opeÌly read it before them geuing it vnto the Archbishop as he had made thereof an ende Whereof this is the copy I IOhn Didcastle Knight Lord of Cobham will that all Christen men weet and vnderstaÌd that I clepe almighty God into witnesse that it hath bene nowe is and euer with the helpe of God shall be mine entent and my will to beleue faythfully and fully all the sacramentes that euer God ordayned to be do in holy Church and moreouer to declare me in these foure poynts I beleue that the most worshipfull Sacrament of the aulter is Christes body in forme of bread the same body that was borne of the blessed virgin our Lady sayne Mary done on the crosse dead and buryed the thyrd day rose from death to life the which body is now glorified in heauen Also as for the sacrament of penaunce I beleue that it is needefull to euery man that shal be saued to forsake sinne and do due penaunce for sinne before done with true confession very contrition and due satisfaction as Gods lawe limitteth and teacheth and els may he not be saued which penaunce I desire all men to doe And as of Images I vnderstand that they be not of beleue but that they were ordayned sith the beleue was zewe of Christ by sufferaunce of the Church to be Calenders to lewd men to represent and bryng to minde the passion of our Lord Iohn Christ and martyrdome and good liuing of other sayntes And that who so it be that doth the worship to dead Images that is due to God or putteth suche hope or trust in helpe of them as he should doe to God or hath affection in one more then in an other he doth in that the greatest sinne of maumerry Also I suppose this fully that euery man in this earth is a pilgrime toward blisse or toward payne and that he that knoweth not ne will not know ne keepe the holy comaundementes of God in his liuing here albeit that he be go on Pilgrimages to all the world and he dye so he shal be damned and he that knoweth the holy commaundementes of God and keepeth them to hys ende he shal be saued though he neuer in hys lyfe goe on pilgrimage as men now vse to Caunterbury or to Rome or to any other place This aunswere to hys articles thus ended and read he deliuered it to the Bishops as is sayd afore Than counceled the Archbishop with the other two Bishops and with diuers of the Doctours what was to be done in this matter commaunding hym for the tyme to stand aside In coÌclusion by their assent information he said thus vnto him Come hether Syr Iohn In this your wryting are many good thinges contayned and right Catholicke also we deny it not but ye must consider that thys day was appoynted you to aunswere to other pointes concerning those articles wherof as yet no mention is made in this your Bil. And therefore ye must yet declare vs your minde more playnly And thus whether that ye holde affirme and beleeue that in the sacrament of the aulter after the consecration rightly done by a priest remayneth materiall bread or not Moreouer whether ye do hold affirme and beleue that as concerning the sacrament of penaunce where as a competent nomber of priestes are euery Christen man is necessarely bound to be confessed of hys sinnes to a priest ordained by the Church or not After certayn other communication this was the answere of the good Lord Cobham That none otherwise would he declare his minde nor yet aunswere vnto hys articles then was expressely in his writing there contayned Then sayd the Archbishop agayne vnto hym Syr Iohn beware what ye do For if ye aunswere not clearely to those thinges that are here obiected agaynst you especially at the time appointed you onely for that purpose the law of holy Church is that compelled once by a iudge we may openly proclayme ye an hereticke Unto whome he gaue this aunswere Do as ye shall thinke best for I am at a poynt Whatsoeuer he or the other Byshops did aske him after that he had them resorte to hys Bill for thereby would he
coniurationes in omnes sacerdotes deinde in regeÌ c. In which words he not onely erreth falsly assigning the cause and occasion of this sedition to the death of Iohn Hus and of Ierome but also misseth as muche in the order and computation of the yeres For neither was sir Roger Acton with his foresaid fellowes aliue at the time of the councell neither doth hee agree therein with any of our English wryters except onely with Hall who also erreth therein as wide as he For the third and fourth vntruth I note this where he addeth and sayth that after this rebellioÌ raised against the king the sayd sir Iohn Oldcastel being there present himselfe was taken and prisoned in the tower and afterward escaped out of the saide tower by night wherein is conteined a double vntruth For neither was Sir Iohn Oldcastle there present himselfe if we beleue Fabian and Cope Dial. 6. pag. 833 lin 11. nether yet did he euer escape out of the Tower after that conspiracie if euer any such conspiracie was His v. but not the last vntruth in Polydore is this that he sayth Tho. Arundel to haue died in the same yeare noting the yere to be An. 1415. where as by the true registers he died An. 1413. To this vntruthe an other also may be ioyned where he erring in the computation of the yeres of the said Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury reporteth hym to sit 33. yeares Who was there Archbishop but onely 18. yeres as is to be sene in the recordes of Canterbury The wordes of Polydore be these Thomas Arundellius Cantuariensis antistes annum iam tunc sedeÌs tertium trigesimum e vita excessit lib. 22. Ang. hist. All be it in thys I doe not greatly contend wyth Polydore and peraduenture the aduersary will finde some easie shift for thys matter But let vs passe now from Polydore not as they say out of the hal into the kitchine but out of the kitchine vnto the hall examining and perpending what sayth Edward Hall an other witnes in this matter vpon whom maister Cope bindeth so fast that hee supposeth hys knot is neuer able to be losed And moreouer so treadeth me downe vnder his feete in the dirt as a man would thinke hym some dirtdaubers sonne so that the spots thereof he sayeth will neuer be gotten out while the world standeth a day longer Notwythstanding I trust M. Cope that your dirtie penne with your cockish brags hath not so bedaubed and bespotted me nor yet conuicted me to be such a deprauer of histories but I hope to spunge it out At least way with a little asperges of the Popes holy water I trust to come to a dealbabor well enough But certes M. Cope your maistership must first vnderstand that if yee thinke so to depresse me and disprooue me of vntruth in my history you must go more grouÌdly to worke and bring against me other authors then Edward Hal You must consider M. Cope if you will be a coÌtroller in storie matters it is not enoughe for you to bryng a railing spirit or a minde disposed to carpe and cauil where any matter may be picked diligence is required and great searching out of bookes and authors not only of our time but of all ages And especially where matters of religion are touched pertaining to the church it is not sufficient to see what Fabian or what Hall sayth but the records must be sought the Registers must be turned ouer letters also and ancient instruments ought to be perused and authors wyth the same compared finally the writers among them selues one to be conferred wyth another And so wyth iudgement to be waied wyth diligence to be labored and wyth simplicitie pure from all addiction and partialitie to be vttered Thus did Auentinus thus did Sleidanus wryte These helpes also the eldest and best Historicians semed to haue both Titus Liuius Salustius Quintus Curtius and suche lyke as by their letters and records inserted may wel appeare The same helps likewise both in your Fabian and in your Edwarde Hall were to be required but especially in you M. Cope your selfe whych take vppon you so cockishly rather then wisely to be a controller and maister moderatour of other mens matters In which matters to say the truth you haue no great skil and lesse experience neyther haue you either suche plenty of authors meete for that purpose nor yet euer trauailed to search out the origens groundes of that whereof ye write But onely contented with such as commeth next to hande or peraduenture receiuing such almose as some of your poore frends bestowe vpon you think it sufficient if you can alledge Fabian and Hall for your purpose Now what purpose affection herein doth lead you rather doeth driue you to the carping and barking against the history of these good men that be hence gone and had their punishment all men may see it to be no simple sinceritie of a mind indifferent but yâ zeale only of your sect of Popery or rather of fury which setteth your railing spirite on fire But now out of the fiery kitchin to come to the hal againe let vs see what matter lyeth in the testimony of Edward Hall to proue these men to be traytors And here for so much Maister Cope as you seeme neither sufficiently acquainted with this your owne maister and authour Master Hall nor yet well experienced in the searchyng out of histories I wil take a litle paynes for you in this behalfe to certifie you concernyng the story of this author wherof percase you your selfe are yet ignoraunt The truth whereof is this that as the sayd Edwarâ Hall your great master testis was about the compiling of his story certayne there were which resorted to hym of whom some were drawers of his petigree vineat some were grauers the names of whom were Iohn Bets and Tyrral which be now both dead And other there were of the same sodalitie who ve yet aliue were then in the house of Richard Grafton both the Printer of the sayd booke also as is thought a great helper of the peÌning of the same It so befell that as Hall was entring into the story of Syr Iohn Oldcastle of Syr Roger Acton their felowes the booke of Iohn Bale touching the story of the L. Cobham was the same time newly come ouer Which booke was priuely coÌueied by one of his seruauÌts into the study of Hall so that in turnyng ouer his bookes it must needes come to his handes At the sight whereof when he saw the grouÌd reasons in that booke contained he turned to the authors in the foresayd booke alledged whereupon within two nightes after moued by what cause I know not but so it was that hee taking his pen rased and cancelled all that he had written before agaynst Syr Iohn Oldcastle his fellowes was now ready to go to the Print containyng
worse of all it is Debacchari in immerentes Because that Deus ipse vltionum Dominus Many times taketh theyr cause in hand according as it is written Opprobria opprobantium tibi cecidersit in me i. The rebukes of thy rebukers fell vpon me And seldome haue I seene any suche blasphemous raylers agaynst the ende or punishment of Gods saintes and seruauntes without great repentaunce to come to anye good ând themselues And admit this as graunted vnto you M. Cope that these meÌ had bene traitors which ye are not able to proue Well they had their punishment therefore the worlde can go no further what would you haue more Who and if they repented why may they not haue as good part in Christes kingdome as your selfe Now forsomuch as the sayd persons also suffering a double punishement were so constant in the way of trueth and most principally for the same were persecuted and chiefly therfore brought to them death that part of example because I sawe it pertayne to the profite of the church why might I not insert it with other church storyes in my booke Let the churche take that which belongeth to the churche Let the worlde take that which to the world pertaineth and go no further And if ye thinke it much that I would exemplifie these whome you call traytors in the booke of marty is first ye âhust vnderstand that I wrote no suche booke bearing the title of the booke of Martyrs I wrote a booke called the Actes and Monumentes of thinges passed in the church c. Wherin many other matters be contayned beside the martyrs of Christ. But this peraduenture moueth your ãâã that in the Callendar I name them for martyrs And why may I not in my CaleÌdar cal them by the name of martyrs which were faythfull witnesses of Christes truth and Testament for the which they were also chiefly brought vnto that cud Or why may I not call them holy shyntes whome Christ hath sanctified with hys blessed bloud And what if I shold also call the theefe and murderer hanging on the right side of the Lord by the name of an holy sainct and confessour for hys witnessing of the Lord what can mayster Cope say agaynst it And as for colouring the names of certaine Martirs in the sayd Calendare in read or scarlet letters althoughe that pertayneth nothing to me whiche was as pleased the Painter or Printer yet if that be it that so muche breaketh pacience why rather doth he not expostulate in thys behalfe with the great saynt maker of rome who hath readed them much more then euer did I. For he did red and dyed them with theyr owne bloude where as I did but onely colour them with redde letters And thus for matter of my Calendar enough Proceeding now out of the Calendar vnto the booke where hee chargeth me with so many lyes impudencies vanities deprauations and vntruthes it remayneth likewise I cleare my self answering first to those lyes and vntruthes which to the story of sir Roger Acton sir Iohn Oldcastle do appertain And after to other particulars as in order of my booke doe follow And first where he layeth against me whole heapes and cartlodes I cannot tel how many of lyes and falsities I here briefly answere maister Cope agayne or what English Harpesseld els soeuer lieth couered vnder this English Cope that if a lye be after the definition of S. Augustine whatsoeuer thing is pronouÌced with the intent to deceaue an other then I protest to you mayster Cope and to all the world there is neuer a lie in all my booke What the intent and custome is of the papistes to doe I cannot tell for mine owne I will say although many other vices I haue yet froÌ thys one I haue alwayes of nature abhorred wittingly to deceaue any maÌ or childe so neare as I could much lesse the church of God whom I with all my hart do reuerence and with feare obey And therefore among diuers causes that haue wythdrawne my minde from the Papistes faction almost there is none greater then thys because I see them so little geueÌ to truth so farre from all serious feeling and care of sincere religion so full of false pretenced hipocrisie and dissimulation so litle regarding the church of Christ in their inward hartes which they so much haue in theyr mouthes so as vnder the title thereof they may hold vp theyr own estate Otherwise so little reuerence they yeld to the true honorable church of Iesus the sonne of God that with vnworthy and rascall ministers they take into it they passe not what fictions what lyes and fables what false miracles and absurde forgeries they inuent to delude it they care not I speake not of all Some there be of that sect vnfayned in coÌsciences and more religious and better disposed natures onely of simple ignoraunce deceaued But such commonly haue bene be the chiefe guides and leaders of the Papistes Churche that little true care and small zeale hath appeared in them toward the churche of Christ not muche regarding what corruption encreased therein so that there commodities might not decrease Thus out of this fountayne haue gushed out so many prodigious lyes in Churche Legendes in Saintes liues in monkishe âictions in fabulous miracles in false and forged Reliques as in peeces of the holye crosse in the bloud of hales in our Ladies milke in the nails of Christ which they make to a great number Likewise in their false and blind errours corrupt doctrines absurd inuentions repugnant to the truth of the worde Item in their bastard bookes forged Epistles their Apocripha and Pseudopigrapha Here commeth in their forged Canons theyr foysting and cogging in ancient councels decrees as in ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in Canons of the Apostles if those Canons were the Apostles Excepta Romana âede foysted into the decrees by Gratianus also the cogging in a false Canon to the councell of Nice for the mayntenaunce of the sea of Rome as appeareth in the 6. Synode of Carthage Here commeth in also the Epistles of Clement and other sondry epistles Decretall which as they are no doubt falsly inserted bâ other so are they the welhead of many superstitious traditions oppressing this day the churche of Christ. To speake moreouer of the liturges of S. Iames of Chrisostome and other of the first masse sayde by sainct Peter at Rome and that S. Peter âate 25. yeares Byshop of Rome To speake also of the works of Augustine Ambrose âierome and Gregorye what doctour or famous writer hath there bene in the churche vnder whose name some counterfayted bookes haue not falsely bene fathered and yet stand still authorised vnder their patronage to the great detriment of the churche What shoulde I speake of Abdias Amphilochius Dionysius Areopagita The Dialoges of Gregory which falsely to this day haue ben ascribed to Gregory the first where in deede they were
saying to him Thou art Peter vpon this rocke I will build my church c. Mat. 16. And agayne he sayth feede my sheepe Ioan. vlt. That is to say be thou Peter the head ouer thy brethren Tedious it were to recite all the bibblebabble of these doctors in this their long responsall Who so lisâeth to see the bottome of their profounde writing knowledge may resort either to the history of Siluius or els to M. Cochleus in his first booke De hist Hussit Thus then M. Iohn Hus being driuen out of Prage as is afore touched by the motion of these Doctours and moreouer being so excoÌmunicate that no Masse nor other must be sayd there where he was present The people begaÌ mightily to grudge and to cry out agaynst the Prelates other popish priests which were the workers therof accusing theÌ to be Simoniacks couetous whoremaisters adulterers proud sparing not to lay opeÌ their vices to their great ignominy and shame And much crauing a reformation to be had of the clergy The king seing the inclination of the people being also not ignorant of the wickednes of the clergy vnder pretence to reforme the church began to require greater exactions vpon such Priestes and men of the Clergy as were knowne and accused to be wicked liuers Whereupon they on the other part that fauored Iohn Hus taking that occasion present complayned of all accused many and spared none Whomsoeuer they knew to be of the Catholicke faction or enemies to Iohn Hus. By reason wherof the priests of the popish Clergy were brought such as were faultye into great distresse and such as were not faulty into great feare In so much that they were glad to fall in at least not to fall out with the Protestantes being afrayd to displease them By this meanes maister Hus beganne to take some more liberty vnto him to preach in his church at Bethleem none to controll him by the same meanes the people also receiued some comfort and the king much gayne mony by the reason And thus the popish Clergy while they went about to persecute Iohn Hus were in wrapped theÌselues in great tribulation and afflicted on euery side as wel of lay meÌ as of learned men of the clergy In so much that womeÌ also children were agaynst theÌ And by that same reasoÌ wherwith they thought to entangle him they were ouerthrown theÌselues For the Doctors which before condemned this doctrine in Iohn Hus for an intollerable heresye cried out so much agaynst him for teaching the teÌporall Lords might take away teÌporall liuings froÌ the clergy sinning habitualiter that is lying and continuing still in the custome of iniquity now when the king and the Lords temporall began to mearse them and berieue them of their teÌporalties for their transgressions the sayd Doctors did keepe silence durst speake neuer a word Agayne where the foresayd doctors before could not abide in Iohn Hus that tithes wer to be couÌted for pure almes now comming to the Guildhal were faine to entreat for theyr temporall goodes not to be taken from them pleading the same temporalties to be mere almose and deuotion of good men geuen vnto the church Ex Cochleo And thus now did they themselues graunt the thing which before they did condemne The more that the popes clergy was pinched the more grudge hatred redounded to Iohn Hus although he was in no cause therof but onely their owne wicked deseruinges for the which cause Stephen Paletz and Andraeas de Broda being the chiefe champions of that faction though they could not remedy the case yet to ease theyr mindes wrote sharpe and cruell letters to Maister Hus. And to helpe the matter forward the Pope also here must helpe at a pinche who likewise writeth hys letters to Wenceslaus king of Bohemia which was brother to Sigismund Emperor for the suppressing of Iohn Hus of his doctrine Which was in the fifth and last yere of his Popedome an 1414. The tenour of whose letters to king Wenceslaus in this wise proceedeth ¶ The letter of Pope Iohn to K. Wenceslaus IOhn Bishoppe seruaunt of Gods seruanntes to his welbeloued sonne in Christ Wenceslaus King of Romaines and of Boheme greeting and apostolicall benediction Among other desires and delightes of our hart who although vnworthy to represent the roome of Christ here in earth this doth chiefly redounde to our singular comfort fo often as we do heare of the brotherly entreaty of peace and of concord by which concord kingdoms do encrease as contrary by discorde they are deminished which is betweene your honour and our welbeloued in the Lord Sigismund your brother germane cosin for the noble king of the Romans c. And furthermore it foloweth in these words And as we haue cause to ioy at the premisses so likewise agayne the heauy rumors which are here do trouble and dampe our mindes For we heare that in diuers places vnder your dominioÌ there be certain which do folow and leane to the errors of that archhereticke Wickliffe whose bookes haue bene long since condemned in the generall Romain councell to bee erroneous hereticall and swaruing from the catholicke fayth And furthermore whiche is worst of all the sayd persons cleauing to the opinions of the heretickes least they should be corrected of their superior powers for their exces to couer theyr naughtines and stubbernesse in despising the commaundements of the Apostolicall seat do openly teach disobedience and contempt of the keies and ecclesiasticall censure to the subuersion of the Apostolicall dignity setting at nought the decrees of the holy fathers canons Wherefore we do exhort your The description of the Popes councell holden at Rome in which appeared a monstrous Owle to the vtter defacing of the Pope and all his Clergy worship for the mercy of our God as hartely as we may or caÌ that it would please you as we desire hope you will so effectuously to shew forth your regall power both for the glory of God defence of the catholicke fayth which you go about to defend and for the conseruation of your kingly name state and honor for the prosperous safe gouernement of your kingdome and dominions as it becommeth a catholicke prince whereby this blot of heresye which doth so lamentably and miserablye spring and creepe in those partes and doth so infect the mindes of mortall men to the destruction of their soules and doth sequester them from the congregation of the pure and catholick fayth and truth may be rooted out c. Geuen at Bononia in the Ides of Iune in the v. yeare of our popedome c. In this epistle of Pope Iohn aboue prefixed forsomuch as mention is made of a certaine councell before holden at Rome which was 4. yeares before agaynst the articles books of Iohn Wickliffe it shall not be impertineÌt nor out of purpose to repeat a certayn mery history worthy otherwise to
Lords depart in peace whereunto the standers by answered Amen Thus the councell being dissolued Frier Iohn Bishop of Catthan by the consent and commandement of the Pope and the Councell went vp into the Pulpit to make a Sermon taking for his theame Vos autem tristitiam habetis iterum autem videbo vos gaudebit cor vestruÌ You are now in sadnes I will see you againe and then your harts shall reioice The which collation being ended an other Cardinall named Anthony was sent vp by the Pope and the Councell with this proclamation first to dismisse the Synode and to geue euery man leaue to depart home Also to declare the Popes indulgence vnto them who by the authoritie of God almighty had granted to them all and euery one preâent at that Councell full absolution once in their life so that euery one within two moneths after the hearing of this indulgence should procure the same in forme of writing Also another indulgence was graunted in like maner of plenary remission at the hour of death and that was vnderstand as well of the houshold as of the maisters themselues But vnder this condition that from the time of notification of the same they should fast by the space of one whole yeare euery Friday for the absolution in their life time And for the absolution at the houre of death to fast the same Friday another yeare except they had some lawfull impediment to the contrary so that after the second yeare they should fast vnto their liues end or else to do some other good worke The which beeing in this maner proclaimed the Synode brake vp and euery man departed home The number of the foriners resorting to this Counsell both spirituall and temporall was 60500. whereof the number of Archbishops and Bishops was 346. Abbots and Doctours 564. Secular men Princes Dukes Earles Knightes Esquiers 16000. Besides common women belonging to the same Councell 450. Barbers 600. Minstrels Cookes and Iesters 320. So that the whole multitude which were vewed to be in the Towne of Constance betweene Easter and Whitsontide were numbred to be 60500. strangers and forreners at that Councell Here is to be noted that in this Councell of Constance nothing was decreed or enacted worthy of memorie but this only that the Popes authoritie is vnder the Councell and that the Councell ought to iudge the Pope And as touching the Communion in both kindes although the Councell did not denie but that it was vsed by Christ and his Apostles yet notwithstanding by the same Councell it was decreed to the contrary Hetherto wee haue comprehended the order and discourse of this Councell with the actes and Sessions concerning the same which Councell although it was principally thought to be assembled for quieting of the schisme betweene the three Popes yet notwithstanding a great part thereof was for the cause of the Bohemians and especially for Iohn Hus As appeared by their preparation before the Councell For before the Councell began the Emperour Sigismund aforesaid sent certain Gentlemen Bohemians which were of his owne houshold giuing them in charge to bring Iohn Hus Bacheler of Diuinitie vnto the saide Councell and that vnder his safe conduict the meaning and intent thereof was that Iohn Hus should purge and cleare himselfe of the blame which they had laid against him and for the more better assurance the Emperour did not only promise him safe conduict that he might come freely vnto Constance but also to returne againe into Boheme without fraud or interruption he promised also to receiue him vnder his protection and vnder sauegard of the whole Empire For the same onely cause the Emperour sent him afterwards the said safeconduicts double written both in Latine and Almaine the forme whereof doth heereafter ensue ¶ Sigismund by the grace of God King of the Romaines of Hungary and Denmarke Croatia c. To all Princes as well Ecclesiasticall as Seculer Dukes Marquesses and Earles Barrons Captaynes Borovvmaisters Iudges and Gouernours officers of townes burgages and villages and vnto all rulers of the comminalty and generally to all the subiects of our Empire to whome these letters shall come grace and all goodnes Wee charge and commaund you all that you haue respect vnto Iohn Hus the which is departed out of Boheme to come vnto the generall Councell the which shall be celebrate and holden very shortly at the towne of Constance The which Iohn Hus we haue receiued vnder our protection and safegard of the whole Empire desiring you that you will chearefully receyue hym when he shall come towards you and that you intreat and handle hym gently shewing hym fauour and good will and shew hym pleasure in all thyngs as touchyng the forwardnes ease and assurance of hys iourney as well by land as by water Moreouer we will that he and all his company with hys carriage and necessaries shall passe throughout all places passages portes bridges lands gouernances Lordships liberties cities townes bourgages castels and villages and all other your dominions wythout payeng of anye manner of imposition or dane money peage tribute or anye other manner of tolle whatsoeuer it be we will also that you suffer hym to passe rest tarie and to soiourne at libertie without dooing vnto hym anye maner of impeachment or vexation or trouble and that if neede shall so require you do prouide a faythfull company to conduct hym withall for the honour and reuerence which you owe vnto our imperiall maiesty Yeuen at Spire the xviij of October in the yeare of our Lord GOD 1414. ¶ By this it may appeare that this safe conduct was graunted not in the time of the Councell by the Bishops but before the Councell by the Emperour who was or ought to be the principall ordeiner and directer of the Councell vnder God Now whether the Bishops in breaking and adnulling this promise of the Emperour against the Emperours mind because the discussion therof belongeth Ad materiam iuris non facti being a matter rather or lawe then of story I will differ to reason this case with maister Cope to such time as may be more conuenient to the full tractation thereof Notwithstanding briefly to touch and passe let vs consider part of the reasons of the saide Cope how friuolous and false they be and easie to be refelled What saith he if he preached by the way comming vp First that is false vide infra page What saith he if he stood obstinate in his heresie What if he sought to escape away after hys comming vp To this the Lords of Boheme doo aunswere that his safeconduct was broken and he imprisoned not onely before he attempted to escape or before hee was condemned for an hereticke but also before he was heard of the Councell what he was Vide infr page Further where Cope sayth that the generall Councell was aboue the Emperour and hath power in case of heresie to breake publique leagues
affirmed and proued that he shoulde ascende and come in another way for Iudas Iscariot was truely and lawfully chosen of the Lorde Iesus Christ vnto his Bishopricke as Christe sayth in the sixt of Iohn and yet he came in an other way into the sheepe folde and was a thefe and a Deuill and the sonne of perdition Did he not come in another waye when as our Sauiour spake thus of him he that eateth breade with me shall lift vp his heele agaynst me The same also is proued by Saynte Bernarde vnto Pope Eugenius Then sayde Paletz beholde the ââror and maddenesse of this man for what more furious or madde thing canne there be then to say Iudas is chosen by Christ and notwithstanding he did ascende an other way and not by Christ. Iohn Husse aunswered verely both partes are true that he was electe and chosen by Christ and also that he did ascende and come in another way for he was a Theefe a Deuill and the sonne of perdition Then sayde Palettez cannot a manne be truely and lawefully chosen Pope or Byshoppe and afterwarde liue contrarye vnto Christe and that notwithstanding he doth not ascende any other wayes But I sayde Iohn Husse doe saye that whosoeuer doth enter into anye Byshoppricke or like office by Simonye not to the intent to labour and trauell in the Church of God but rather to liue delicately voluptuouslye and vnrighteously and to the intent to aduaunce hymselfe with all kinde of pride euery suche man ascendeth and commeth vppe by an other way and according vnto the Gospell he is a theefe and a robber The 7. Article The condemnation of the forty fyue Articles of Wickliffe made by the Doctours is vnreasonable and wicked and the cause by them alleadged is fayned and vntrue That is to say that none of those Articles are Catholicke but that euery of them be either hereticall erronious or offenciue The aunswere I haue wrytten it thus in my treatise the forty fyue Articles are condemned for this cause that none of those forty fyue is a Catholicke Article but eache of them is either hereticall erronious or offenciue O Mayster Doctour where is your proofe you fayne a cause which you doe not poue c. As it appeareth more at large in my Treatise Then sayd the Cardinall of Cambraye Iohn Husse thou diddest saye that thou wouldest not defend any errour of Iohn Wickliffes And now it appeareth in your bookes that you haue openly defended his Articles Iohn Hus aunswered Reuerend Father euen as I sayde before so doe I now say agayne that I will not defende any errours of Iohn Wickliffes neyther of anye other mannes but for so muche as it seemed vnto me to be agaynst conscience simply to consent vnto the condemnation of them no Scripture beyng alledged or brought contrary and agaynst them thereupon I woulde not consent or agree vnto the condemnation of them And for so much as the reason whiche is copulatiue can not be verifyed in euery poynt according to euery part thereof Nowe there remayneth sixe Articles of 39. These are sayd to be drawen out of an other treatise which he wrote agaynst Stanislaus de Znoyma The first Article No man is lawfully elect or chosen in that the Electours or the greater part of them haue consented with a liuely voyce according to the custome of men to elect and choose any person or that he is thereby the manifest and true Successour of Christ or Uicare of Peter in the Ecclesiasticall office but in that that any man doth most aboundantlye worke meritoriouslye to the profitte of the Churche he hath thereby more aboundant power geuen him of God thereunto The answere These things which follow are also written in my booke It standeth in the power and handes of wicked Electours to choose a woman into the Ecclesiasticall office as it appeareth by the election of Agnes whiche was called Iohn who held and occupyed the Popes place dignitye by the space of two yeares and more It may also be that they doe choose a Theefe a Murderer or a Deuil and consequently they may also elect and choose Antichrist It may also be that for loue couetousnesse or hatred they doe choose some person whom God doth not allowe And it appeareth that that person is not lawfully elect and and chosen In so much as the Electours or the greater part of them haue consented and agreed together according to the custome of men vpon any person or that he is thereby the manifest Successour or Uicare of Peter the Apostle or any other in the Ecclesiasticall office Therefore they which most accordingly vnto the scripture doe elect and choose reuelation being sette a parte doe onelye pronounce and determine by some probable reason vppon hym they doe electe and choose wherevppon whether the Electours doe so choose good or euill we ought to geue creditte vnto the workes of hym that is chosen for in that poynt that any manne doth moste aboundauntly worke meritoriously to the profitte of the Church he hath thereby more aboundaunt power geuen him of God thereunto And hereupon sayth Christ in the 10. of Iohn geue credit vnto workes The 2. Article The Pope being a reprobate is not the head of the holy Church of God The aunswere I wrote it thus in my Treatise that I woulde willinglye receiue a probable and effectuall reason of the Doctour howe thys question is contrary vnto the fayth to say that if the Pope be a reprobate how is he the head of the holy churche Beholde the trueth cannot decay or fayle in disputation for did Christ dispute agaynst the fayth when he demaunded of the Scribes and Pharisyes Math. 12. Ye stocke and ofspring of Uypers how can ye speake good thinges when you your selues are wicked and euill and beholde I demaunde of the Scribes if the Pope be a reprobate and the stocke of Uipers how is he the head of the holy Church of GOD that the Scribes and Pharisyes which were in the Councell house of Prage make aunswere hereunto For it is more possible that a reprobate man shoulde speake good thinges for so much as he may be in state of grace according vnto present iustice then to be the head of the holy Church of God Also in the 5. of Iohn our Sauiour complayneth vppon the Iewes saying How can you beleue which doe seeke for glory amongest your selues and doe not seeke for the glory that commeth onely of God And I likewise doe complayne how that if the Pope be a reprobate can he be the head of the Church of God which receiueth hys glory of the world and seketh not for the glory of GOD For it is more possible that the Pope being a Reprobate should beleue then that he should be the head of the Churche of God For so much as he taketh his glory of the world The 3. Article There is no sparke of apparance that there ought to be one head in the spiritualtye to
the Prophette Esay Thy rulers are vnfaythââll misbeleuers fellowes and companions of theeues they all loue bribes and followe after rewardes Beholde the Prophet calieth the rulers of the Church infidels for their offences for all such as do not keep theyr fayth inuiolate vnto theyr principall Lorde are vnfaythfull seruauntes and they also are vnfathfull children wich keepe not theyr obedience feare and loue vnto God their father Item this proposition is verified by the saying of the Apostle the 1. chap. to Titus They doe confesse that they know God but by their works they do deny him And for so much as they which are sinnefull do swerue away from yâ meritorious work of blessednes therfore they do swerue from the true fayth grounded vpon charity for so much as fayth without workes is dead To this end doth also pertaine that which the Lord speaketh Math. 23. of the faythfull and vnfaythfull seruaunt The 4. Article These wordes of Iohn in his 22. chap. Receiue the holy Ghost And whatsoeuer you sholl binde vpon earth c. And Mathew 16. and 18. chapter for lack of vnderstanding shall terrifye many Christians and they shal be wonderfully afrayd and others shal be deceiued by them presuming vpon the fulnes of theyr power and authority The answere This sentence I do approue and allow and therefore I say in the same place that it is first of all to be supposed that the saying of our Sauiour is necessary as touching the vertue of the word forasmuch as it is not possible for a Priest to binde and loose except that binding and loosing be in heauen But for the lacke of the true vnderstanding of those wordes many simple Christians shal be made arrayd thinking with themselues that whether they be iust or vniust the Priestes may at their pleasures whensoeuer they will binde them And the ignorant Priestes do also presume and do take vpon theÌ to haue power to binde and loose whensoeuer they wil. For many foolish and ignorant priestes do say that they haue power and authority to absolue euery man confessing himself of what sinne or offence soeuer it be not knowing that in many sinnes it is forbidden them and that it may happen that an hypocrite do confesse himselfe or such one as is not coÌtrite for his sinne wherof proofe hath oftentimes bene founde and it is euident for so much as the letter doth kill but the spirite doth quicken The v. Article The binding and loosing of God is simply playnly the chiefe and principal The answere This is euident forsomuch as it were blasphemous presumption to affirme that a man may remit and forgeue an euill fact or offence done agaynst such a Lord the Lord himselfe not approuing or allowing the same For by the vniuersall power of the Lord it is necessary that he doe first absolue and forgeue before that his vicare doe the same neyther is there one Article of our fayth which ought to be more coÌmon or knowne vnto vs then that it should be impossible for any man of the militant Church to absolue or binde except in suche case as it be conformable vnto the head of the Churche Iesu Christ. Wherefore euery faythfull Christian ought to take heed of that saying if the Pope or any other pretend by any maner of signe to binde or loose that he is thereby bound or loosed for he that doth graunt or confesse that must also consequently graunt and confesse that the Pope is without sinne and so that he is a God for otherwise he must needes erre and doe contrary vnto the keyes of Christ. This saying proueth the fact of the Pope who alwayes in his absolution presupposeth contrition and coÌfession Yea moreouer if any letter of absolution be geuen vnto any offender which doth not declare the circumstances of the offence which ought to be declared it is sayd that thereby the letter of absolution is of no force and effect It is also hereby euident that many Priestes do not absolue those which are coÌfessed because that either through shamfastnes they do cloke or hide greater offences or els that they haue not due contrition or repentance for vnto true absolution there is first required contritioÌ Secondly a purpose intent to sinne no more Thirdly true coÌfessioÌ And fourthly stedfast hope of forgeuenes The j. appeareth by Ezech. if the wicked do repent him c. The ij in the v. 8. of Iohn do thou not sinne any more The third party by this place of Luke shew your selues vnto the Priestes And the fourth is confirmed by the saying of Christ My sonne beleue and thy sinnes are forgeuen thee I also added many other probations in my treatise out of the holy fathers Augustine Ierome and the maister of the sentences The 6. Article The Priestes do gather and heape vppe out of the Scriptures those things which serue for the belly but such as pertayne to the true imitation and folowing of Christ that they reiect and refuse as impertinent vnto saluation The aunswere This Saynt Gregory doth sufficiently proue in his 17. Homely alledging the sayinge of Christ The haruest is great the workemen are few speaking also that which we cannot say without griefe or sorrow that albeit there be a great number which willingly heare good things yet there lacketh such as should declare the same vnto them for behold the world is full of priests but notwithstanding there is a scarcitye of workemen in the haruest of the Lord. We take vpon vs willingly priesthood but we do not fulfil do the workes office of priesthood And immediately after he sayth we are fallen vnto outward affayres busines for we take vpoÌ vs one office for honour sake and we do exhibite geue an other to ease our selues of labour We leaue preaching and as farre as I can perceiue we are called Bishops to our paine which do retayne the name of honour but not the verity And immediatly after he sayth we take no care for our flocke we dayly call vpon for our stipend wages we couet and desire earthly thinges with a gredy mind we gape after worldly glory we leaue the cause of God vndone and make haste about our worldly affayres busines we take vpoÌ vs the place of sanctity and holines and we are wholy wrapped in worldly cares troubles c. This writeth saynt Gregory with many other thinges more in the same place Also in his Pastorall in his Morals in his register Also Saynt Bernard with many other places Likewise in his xxxiij Sermon vpon the Canonicalles he sayth all frendes and all enemies all kinsfolkes and aduersaryes all of one householde and no peace makers they are the Ministers of Christ and serue Antichrist they goe honourably honoured with the goodes of the Lord and yet they do honour c. The 7. Article The power of the pope which doth not folow Christ is not
to be feared The answere It is not so in my treatise but contrariwise that the subiects are bouÌd willingly gladly to obey the vertuous and good rulers and also those which are wicked and euill But notwithstaÌding if the pope do abuse his power it is not theÌ to be feared as by bondage And so the Lordes the Cardinals as I suppose did not feare the power of Gregory the xij before his deposition wheÌ as they resisted him saying that he did abuse his power contrary vnto his owne othe The 8. Article An euill and a wicked Pope is not the successor of Peter but of Iudas The aunswere I wrote thus in my treatise If the pope be humble and meek neglecting and despising the honors and lucre of the world if he be a shepheard taking his name by the feeding of the flock of God of the which feeding the Lord speaketh sayinge feede my sheepe if he feede the sheepe with the worde and with vertuous example and that he become euen lyke hys flocke with his whole hart and minde if he doe diligently and carefully labour and trauell for the Church then is he without doubt the true Uicare of Christ. But if he walke contrary vnto these vertues for so much as there is no society betwene Christ and Belial and Christ himselfe saith he that is not with me is agaynst me how is he then the true vicar of Christ or Peter and not rather the Uicare of Antichrist Christ called Peter himselfe Sathanas when he did coÌtrary him but onely in one word and that wyth a good affection euen him whom he had chosen his Uicare and specially appoynted ouer his church Why should not any other then being more contrary vnto Christ be truely called Sathanas and consequently Antichrist or at lest the chiefe and principall minister or vicar of Antichrist There be infinite testimonyes of this matter in S. Augustine S. Ierome Ciprian Chrisostom Bernard Gregory Remigius and Ambrose c. The 9. Article The Pope is the same beast of whome it is spoken in the Apot. power is geuen vnto him to make warre vpon the sayntes The answere I deny this Article to be in my booke The 10. Article It is lawful to preach notwithstaÌding the Popes inhibition The answere The Article is euideÌt forsomuch as the Apostles did preach contrary to the commaundement of the bishops at Ierusalem And S. Hillary did the like contrary to the coÌmauÌdement of the pope which was an Arrian It is also manifest by the example of Cardinals which contrary vnto the coÌmaundement of Pope Gregory the xij seÌt throughout all realmes such as should preach agaynst him It is also lawfull to preach vnder appeale contrary vnto the Popes commaundement And finally he may preach which hath the commaundement of God wherunto he ought chiefly to obey The 11. Article If the Popes commaundement be not concordant and agreeable with the doctrine of the Gospell or the Apostles it is not to be obeyed The answer I haue thus written in my booke The faythfull disciple of Christ ought to wey and consider whether the popes commaundement be expressely plainely the coÌmauÌdement of Christ or any of his Apostles or whether it haue any foundatioÌ or grouÌd in their doctrine or no and that being once knowne or vnderstand he ought reuereÌtly and humbly to obey the same But if he do certaynly know that the popes coÌmauÌdement is contrary and agaynst the holy Scripture and hurtful vnto the Church then he ought boldely to resist agaynst it that he be not partaker of the crime and offeÌce by coÌsenting thereunto This I haue handled at large in my treatise and haue confirmed it by the authorityes of Saint Austine Hierome Gregory Chrisostome Bernard and Bede and with the holy Scripture and Canons the which for breuities cause I do here passe ouer I will onely reherse the saying of Saint Isydore who writeth thus He which doth rule and doth say or commaund any thing coÌtrary and besides the will of God or that which is euideÌtly commaunded in the Scriptures he is honoured as a false witnesse of God and a Church robber Whereupon we are bounden to obey no Prelate but in such case as he do commaund or take counsell of the Councels and commaundements of Christ. Likewise S. Augustine vpon this saying vpon the chayre of Moyses c. sayth Secondly they teach in the chayre of Moyses the law of God Ergo God teacheth by them but if they will teach you any of theyr owne inuentions do not geue eare vnto them neither doe as they coÌmaund you Also in the saying of Christ he that heareth you heareth me all lawfull and honest thinges be comprehended in the which we ought to be obedient according to Christes saying it is not you which doe speake but the spirite of my father whiche speaketh in you Let therfore my aduersaryes and slaunderers learne that there be not onely 12. Counsels in the Gospell in the which subiectes ought to obey Christ and his appoynted ministers but that there are so many Counsels and determinations of God as there be lawfull and honest thinges ioyned with preceptes and commaundementes of God bindinge vs thereunto vnder the payne of deadly sinne for euery such thing doth the Lord commaund vs to fulfill in tyme and place with other circumstaunces at the will and pleasure of their minister The 12. Article It is lawfull for the clergy and laytye by their power and iurisdiction to iudge and determine of all things pertayning vnto saluation and also of the workes of the Prelates The aunswere I haue thus written it in my booke that it is lawfull for the clergy and laity to iudge and determine of the works of their heades and rulers It appeareth by this that the iudgement of the secret counselles of God in the court of conscience is one thyng the iudgement of the authority and power in the church is an other Wherefore subiectes first ought principally to iudge and examine themselues 1. Corinthians 11. chapter Secondly they ought to examine all thinges whiche pertayneth vnto their saluation for a spirituall man iudgeth and examineth all thinges And this is alleadged as touching the first iudgement and not the second as the enemy doth impute it vnto me Whereupon in the same place I doe say that the lay man ought to iudge and examine the workes of his Prelate like as Paule doth iudge the doinges of Peter in blaming him Secondly to auoyd them according to this saying Beware of false Prophets c. Thirdly to rule ouer the ministery For the subiect ought by reason to iudge and examine the works of the Prelats And if they be good to prayse God therefore and reioyce But if they be euill they ought with patience to suffer them and to be sorry for them but not to do the like least they be damned with them according to this
the holy communion And I warne you that you enter into no tauernes with ghestes be not a coÌmon coÌpany keper For the more a preacher keepeth him froÌ the company of men the more he is regarded All be it deny not yet your helpe and diligence where soeuer you may profite other Against fleshlye lust preache continuallye all that euer you can For that is the raging beast which deuoureth men for whom the flesh of Christ did suffer Wherfore my heartily beloued I beseech you to flie fornication for where as a man woulde most profite and doe good there this vice vseth most to lurke In any case flie the company of yong women and beleeue not their deuotion For S. Austen sayth the more deuout she is the more procliue to wantonnesse and vnder the pretence of religion the snare and venome of fornication lurketh And this knowe my welbeloued that the conuersation with them subuerteth many whome the conuersation of this worlde coulde neuer blemish nor beguile Admit no womeÌ into your house for what cause so euer it be and haue not much talke with them otherwise for auoiding of offence Finally howsoeuer you do feare God and keepe his precepts so shall you walke wisely and shall not pearish so shall you subdue the flesh contemne the world and ouercome the deuill so shall you put on God finde life and confirme other and shall crowne your selfe wyth the crowne of glory the which the iust iudge shall geue you Amen ¶ This letter of Iohn Hus conteineth a confession of the infirmitie of mans flesh Howe weake it is and repugnant against the spirite Wherein he also exhorteth to perseuere constantly in the truth HEalth be to you from Iesus Christ. c. My deare frend knowe that Palletz came to me to perswade me that I shuld not feare the shame of abiuration but to consider the good which thereof will come To whome I sayd that the shame of condemnation and burning is greater then to abiure and why shuld I feare then that shame But I pray you tel me plainly your minde Presuppose that such articles were laid to you which you knewe your selfe not to be true what would you do in that case Would you abiure Who aunswered The case is sore began to weepe Many other things wee spake which I did reprehende Michael de Causis was some times before the prison with the deputies And when I was wyth the deputies thus I heard him speake vnto the keepers Wee by the grace of God wil burne this hereticke shortly for whose cause I haue spent many Florenes But yet vnderstand that I wryte not this to the intent to reuenge mee of him for that I haue committed to God and pray to God for him with all my heart Yet I exhort you again to be circumspect about our letters for Michael hath taken suche order that none shall be suffered to come into the prisone no not yet the keepers wrues are permitted to come to me O holy God howe largely doth Antichrist extend his power and crueltie But I trust that hys power shall be shortned and his iniquitie shal be detected more more amongst the faithfull people Almighty God shal confirme the hearts of his faithful whom he hath chosen before the costitution of the world that they may receiue the eminall crowne of glory And let Antichrist rage as much as he wil yet he shal not preuaile against Christ which shal destroy him with the spirite of his mouth as the Apostle sayeth And ãâã shall the creature be deliuered out of seruitude or corruptions into the libertie of the glorye of the sonnes of God as sayeth the Apostle in the wordes following we also wythin oure selues doe grone waiting for the adoption of the sonnes of God the redemption of our body I am greatly comforted in those wordes of our Sauiourâ happy be you when men shall hate you and shall seperate you and shall rebuke you and shall cast out your name as execrable for the sonne of man Reioyce and be glad for beholde great is your rewarde in heauen Luke 6. O worthy yea O most worthy consolation which not to vnderstande but to practise in time of tribulation is a hard lesson This rule sainct Iames with the other Apostles did well vnderstand which saieth count it exceeding ioy my brethren when yee shall fall into diuers tentations knowing that the probation of your faith woorketh patience let patience haue her perfecte worke For certainely it is a great matter for a man to reioyce in trouble and to take it for ioy to be in diuers temptations A light matter it is to speake it and to expounde it but a great matter to fulfill it For why our most patient and most valiaunt champion him selfe knowing that hee shoulde rise againe the thirde day ouercomming his ennemies by his death and redeeming from damnation his electe after his last Supper was troubled in spirite and sayde My soule is heauie vnto death Of whom also the Gospell sayeth that hee began to feare to be sadde and heauie Who being then in an agonie was confirmed of the Aungell and his sweat was like the droppes of bloud falling vpon the ground And yet he notwithstanding being so troubled sayde to his disciples let not your hearts be troubled neither feare the crueltie of them that persecute you for you shall haue me with you alwaies that you may ouercome the tyranny of your persecutours Whereupon those his souldiours looking vppon the Prince and king of glory sustained great conflictes They passed throughe fire and water and were saued and receiued the crowne of the Lord God of the which S. Iames in his canonicall Epistle sayeth Blessed is the man that suffereth temptation for when he shall be proued he shall receaue the crowne of life which God hathe promised to them that loue him Of this crowne I trust stedfastly the Lord wil make mee partaker also with you which be the feruent sealers of the trueth and with all them which stedfastly and constantly doe loue the Lord Iesus Christ which suffred for vs leauing to vs example that we should follow his steppes It behooued him to suffer as hee sayeth and vs also it behooued to suffer that the members may suffer together with the head For he sayeth If any man will come after mee let him denie himselfe and take vp hys crosse and followe me O most mercyfull Christ draw vs weake creatures after thee for except thou shouldst draw vs we are not able to follow thee Geue vs a strong spirite that it may be ready and although the flesh be feeble yet let thy grace goe before vs goe with vs and follow vs for without thee we can do nothyng and much lesse enter into the cruell death for thy sake Geue vs that prompt and ready spirite a bold hart an vpright fayth a firme hope and perfect charitie that we may geue our lyues paciently and ioyfully for
hys booke De sacerdotum Monachorum abhominatione desolationis pag. 84. c. I beseech the reader to note Nam ista scribens fateor ê nihil aliud me in illis perurget nisi dilectio Dom. Nostri Iesu crusifixi c. That is For in writing these things I confesse nothinge els to haue moued me hereunto but onely the loue of our Lorde Iesus crucified whose printes and stripes according to the measure of my weakenes and vilenes I couet to beare in my selfe beseeching hym so to geue me grace that I neuer seek to glory in my selfe or in any thing els but onely in his crosse and in the inestimable ignominy of his passion which he suffered for me And therefore I write and speake these thinges which I do not doubt will like all such as vnsaynedly do loue the Lord Christ crucified and contrary will mislike not a little all suche as be of Antichrist Also agayne I confesse before the most merciful Lord Iesus Christ crucified that these thinges which I do now write and those that I haue written before neither I could haue writteÌ nor knew how nor durst so haue written vnlesse he by hys inward vnction had so commaunded me Neither yet do I write these thinges as of authority to get me fame and name For as S. Augustine Hierome do say that is onely to be geuen to the scriptures and writinges of the Apostles Euangelistes and Prophetes and to the Canonicall Scriptures which doe abounde in the fulnes of the spirite of Iesus And whatsoeuer is there sayd is full of veritie and wholesome vtilitie c. And here place also would require something to say to Aeneas Siluius to Antoninus and to Laziardus which falsly impute articles to him whiche he neuer mayntayned But because tyme suffereth not I wil proceed to the story of maister Hierom of Prage The Tragicall and lamentable history of the famous learned man and godly Martyr of Christ maister Hierome of Prage burned at Constance for like cause and quarrell as Maister Iohn Hus was 1416. THese thinges hetherto being discoursed touching the lyfe Actes and Constant martyrdom of M. Iohn Hus with part also of his letters adioyned to the same whose death was on the 6. of Iuly an 1416. now remayneth coÌsequently to describe the like Tragedy and cruell handeling of his Christian companion and fellow in bandes M. Hierome of Prage Who grieuously sorrowing the slaunderous reproch and diffamation of his couÌtry of Boheme and also hearing tell of the manifest iniuries done vnto that man of worthy memory M. Iohn Hus freely and of hys own accord came vnto Constance the 4. day of Iprill an 1415. Who there perceiuing that Iohn Hus was denyed to be heard and that watche and wayte was layd for hym on euery side he departed to Iberling a Citty of the Empire vntill the next day the which Citty was a myle of froÌ Constance and from thence he wrote hys letters by me vnto Sigismund kyng of Hungry and hys Barons and also vnto the Councell most earnestly requiring that the kyng and the Councell would geue him a safe conduct frely to come and go and that he woulde then come in open audience to aunswere vnto euery man if there were any of the Councell that would lay any cryme vnto hym as by the tenour of his intimation shall more at large appeare When as the sayd king of Hungary was required therunto as is aforesayd being in the house of the Lord Cardinall of Cambray he denyed to geue M. Hierome anye safe conducte excusing himselfe for the euil speede he had with the safe conduct of Iohn Hus before and alleadging also certayne other causes The deputies also of the foure nations of the Councell being moued thereunto by the Lords of the kingdome of Boheme aunswered wee say they will geue hym a safeconduct to come but not to depart Whose aunsweres when they were reported vnto maister Hierome he the next day after wrote certaine intimations according to the tenour here vnder written which he sent vnto Constance to be set vpon the gates of the Citty and vpon the gates of the Churches and Monasteries and of the houses of the Cardinals and other nobles and prelates The tenour wherof here followeth word for word in thys maner Unto the most noble Prince and Lord the Lord Sigismund by the grace of God king of the Romanes alwaies Augustus and of Hungary c. I Hierome of Prage maister of Arte of the generall vniuersities of Paris Colleyn Heldeberg Prage by these my present letters do notifie vnto the king together with the whole reuerend Councell and as much as in me lyeth do all men to vnderstand and know that because of the crafty slaunderers backbiters accusers I am ready freely of myne owne will to come vnto CoÌstance there to declare openly before the Councell the puritie and sinceritie of my true fayth and myne innocencie and not secretly in corners before any priuate or particulate person Wherfore if there be any of my slauÌderers of what natioÌ or estate soeuer they be which will obiect agaynst me anye crime of errour or heresie let them come forth openly before me in the presence of the whole Councell and in theyr owne names obiect agaynst me and I will be ready as I haue written to aunswere openly and publikely before the whole Councell of myne innocencie and to declare the puretie and sinceritie of my true fayth And if so be that I shal be fouÌd culpable in errour or heresie then I will not refuse openly to suffer such punishment as shall be meete and worthy for an erroneous person or an hereticke Wherefore I most humbly beseech my Lord the King and the whole sacred CouÌcell that I may haue to this end and purpose aforesayd safe and sure accesse And if it happeÌ that I offering suche equitie and right as I do before any fault be proued agaynst me be arested imprisoned or haue any violence done vnto me that theÌ it may be manifest vnto the whole worlde that this generall Councell doth not proceede according to equitie and iustice if they woulde by any meanes put me backe from this profouÌd and straight iustice being come hether freely and of myne owne minde and accorde The whiche thing I suppose to be farre from so sacred and holy Councell of wise men WHen as yet he through such intimations copied out in the Bohemian Latine and Germayne tongue being set vp as is aforesayd could not get any safeconduct theÌ the Nobles Lords and Knightes specially of the Bohemian nation present in Constance gaue vnto maister Hiârome their letters patentes coÌfirmed with their seales for a testimony and witnesse of the premisses With the which letters the sayd M. Hierome returned agayne vnto Boheme but by the treason and conspiracy of his enemies was taken in Hirsaw by the officers of Duke Iohn and in Zultzbach was brought backe agayne to
with Lordes and cities neither wil they begin to teach you the true foundation of the truth For they do as a dogge which as long as he holdeth a bone in his mouth and knaweth it so long he holdeth his peace cannot barcke Euen so as long as they haue this bone of pleasaunt riches it wyl neuer be well in the world Wherfore all kinges princes and imperiall Citties should doe a great worke of godlines and mercy if by them they were compelled to do this as the dog is when the boane is takeÌ from hym And therfore ye noble men Kinges princes Lordes imperiall Citties and all the communaltie both riche and poore if ye haue bene a sleep yet now awake and opeÌ your eyes and behold the subtiltie of the deuill how he hath blinded the Church of Rome and take agayne that is youres and not theirs And if you wil make a good memoriall for your soules then do as the wyse man saith Eccle. 19 Lay vp almes c. The 6. article is that they are full of pride and of high mynde which is manifestly knowne by their long costlye and superfluous garmentes wherein they walke very vnlike to Christ our Lord who had a garmeÌt without a seam and to the welbeloued Iohn Baptist who had a garment of Camels heare and they wyl be honoured and worshyped and they preach and say that Priesthood ought to be honoured and so it ought in deede to be but there is none that do so much sclander and abase it as they themselues with their euill works gay apparell and with their euil words wherein they passe all other men Paul sayth the i. to Tim. the 3. chapter Let the Elders that gouerne wel be honoured with double honour chiefly they that labour in the word and doctrine of the Lord. Consider that he sayth they that gouerne well The 7. article is that they are couetous from the highest to the lowest and for couetousnes they preach many folish deedes manifest lies sell the holy sacramentes whiche is a great heresie for God commaunded that they shoulde geue freely Paule writeth in the first to Timothy Couetousnesse is the roote of all mischief wherunto many haue ben geuen and therefore they are separated from the fayth and haue denyed the truth The viii article is that they commonly are called notorious whoremongers This is manifestly seene in theyr concubines and children which walke openly in all mens sight and make many mens wiues whoores or corrupte their daughters being virgins and make theÌ priests harlots and rybauldes The ix Article is that they are ful of deuilish enuy and especially in al Monasteries they haue great enuy and hatred amongest themselues because when any thing is geuen or disposed to one Monastery or Colledge then there are others that hate it and enuy at it and woulde more gladly haue it themselues Like as among dogs when any thing is geuen to the one and not to the other which the other seing enuyeth hys fellow the other likewise wil rather deuour all himselfe then geue any part to his fellowe Wherefore it were well that they were brought from that great sin of enuy in geuing nothing vnto theÌ And it were better that their possessions were takeÌ from them and that they should do that which the Lord spake to hys disciples saying Go ye and preach the Gospell to all men The x. article is that they are idle and chiefly the Byshops Chanons and other Prelates which wil not labor dilligently in the holy Scripture wherewith they might cure the miseries of Christendome wherto they haue bouÌd theÌselues and they eate the bread therof in idlenes because when other men watch and labour to mayntaine themselues and their little ones theÌ are they with their lemmons or els they walke in some Cittie carying hawkes on their fistes or els they sit at the good wyne with their Concubines and there they sing and play the Lucians eat of the best and therfore al that willingly bring and geue to them shal be made partners of that curse whiche is geuen them of God because they eate their bread vniustly whereof Paul writeth in the 2. to the Thess. the 3. chapter He that laboureth not let him not eate The 11. article is that they are notorious liers becaââe to the end that they may please men they tel many tales lies which in the holy Scripture haue no foundation nor proofe Of such wryteth Iohn in the Apoca. 21. The 12. article is that they doe not rightly giue or minister to the people the body of our Lord Iesus Christ and they geue it not as God hath instituted it and commanded This is a great a deuilish sinne and to great malapertnesse Heerein we woulde ouercome them wyth the testimonies of the Euangelistes I say we woulde ouercome the Pope and all his Priestes with the authorityes of Marke Luke and Paule Rom. 13. and we woulde suffer that Kinges Princes Lordes and all that are willing to heare should heare it The 13. Article is that they sit in spiritual iudgement and then many times they iudge according to fauour and not according to the righteousnesse of God and they take bribes giuing sentence for hym which in Gods sight hath the wrongfull cause Wo be to such senteÌces as it is wrytten in Isay 5. Wo be to ye that c. The 14. Article is that they sit hearing coÌfessions and when there come to them vsurers raueners and theeues they take bribes of them of their ill gotten goodes to spare them and they willingly suffer them in cities and towns And likewise of adulterers and other notorious whoremongers and whores and they neuer let or stay them in their great sinnes to the end that the scripture may be fulfilled in them which sayeth Giftes and the loue of money do draw to hell and do blinde the eyes of iudges The 15. Article is that they receiue tithes of men and will of right haue them and preache and say that men are bound to giue them tithes and therin they say falsly For they can not proue by the new Testament that our Lorde Iesus Christ commanded it and his disciples warned no man to do so neither did themselues receiue them But although in the old Testament it were commanded to geue tithes yet it can not thereby be prooued that christian men are bound thereto For this precept of the olde Testament had an end in the first yeare of our Lord Iesus Christ like as the precept of CircuÌcision Wherfore welbeloued consider and see how your bishops seduce you and shut youre eyes with things that haue no proofe Christ sayeth in the 11. of Luke Geue almes of those thinges that remaine but he said not geue the tenth of the goodes which yee possesse but geue almes But when they heare the word they may say as the lawyer said to Christ Maister when
no further but to Fabian and Hall lacketh no good wil in him but only a little matter to make a perfect sycophant And admit the sayde name of Onley could not be founde in those wryters yet it were not vnpossible for a man to haue two names especially if he were a religious man to beare the name of the towne where he was born beside his own proper surname But nowe what if I M. Cope can auouch and bring foorth to you the name of Roger Onley out of sufficient recorde which you seeme not to haue yet read Haue yee not then done well and properly thinke you so bitterly to flee in my face and to barke so egerly all this while at moneshine in the water hauing no more cause almoste against me theÌ against the man in the Moone And now least you shoulde thinke me so much vnprouided of iust authority for my defence as I see you vnprouided of modestie and patience wryte you to your prompter or suborner where so euer he lurketh here in England to sende you ouer vnto Louane the booke of Iohn Harding a Chronicler more auncient then either Fabian or Hall printed in the house of Richard Grafton Anno 1543. where turne to the fol. 223. fac b. lin 19. and there shall you finde and reade these wordes Againe the Church and the king cursedly By helpe of one maister Roger Onley c. By the whyche woordes yee must necessarily confesse Roger Onley to be the name of the man either els must ye needes deny the author For otherwise that master Roger Bolingbroke was the onely helper to the Duchesse in that fact by no wise it can stande with the story of these authors which say that 4. other besides hym were coÌdemned for the same erune c. And moreouer thought the sayd Sir R. Onley was no knight as I haue saide in my former edition yet this yee cannot deny by the testimonie of them that haue sene his workes but that he was a Priest which you wil graunt to be a knights fellow And thus much for the name and condition of M. Roger Onley Fourthly as concerning Margaret Iourdeman whoÌ ye call the witch of Eye ye offer me herein great wrong to say that I make her a martyr which was a wytche when as I here professe confesse and ascertaine both you and all English men both present al posterity hereafter to come that this Margaret Iourdeman I neuer spake of neuer thought of neuer dreamed of nor did euer heare of before you named her in your booke your selfe So farre is it of that I eyther with my will or against my will made any martyr of her Furthermore I professe and denounce in like manner the neither haue you any iust or congrue occasion in my boke so to iudge much lesse to raile of me For where in expresse words I do speake of the moÌther of the Lady Yong what occasion haue you therby to slander me and my boke with Margarete Iourdeman which Margarete whether shee was a witche or not I leaue her to the Lorde As for me neither did I knowe of her then nor did I meane of her nowe But because I couple her in the same story you say To this I say because shee was the mother of a Ladie I thought to ioyne her w e an other Lady in the same story as in one pue together although in one cause I will not say And yet notwtstanding I doe so couple the saide mother w e the Duchesse in such distinet difference of yeares that you M. Cope might casily haue vnderstande or beside you no man els would haue thought the contrary but that Margaret Iouedeman was neither heere in my booke nor yet many memento For the wooordes of my storie are playne whereas the condemnation of the Lady Eleanor of the mother of Lady Young being referred to the yeare of our Lord 1441. I doe also in the same story through the occasion of that Ladie inforte mention of the mother of the Ladie Yong declaring in expresse woordes that shee folowed certayne yeares after in the end of that chapter do name also the yeare of her burning to be 1490. whiche was 50. yeares after the death of Onely and Margaret Iourdeman by the computatioÌ of which yeares it is playne that no other woman could be noted in that place but only the Lady Younges mother But M Cope continuing still in his wrangling mood obiecteth agayne for that in my Callendar the sayd Ladye Younges mother hath the next day in the Catalogue next after the death of Roger Onley whiche day pertayneth properly to Margaret Iourdeman which was burned the same day in Smithfield not to the Ladyes mother c. What order was taken in placing the names dayes what is that to me If he whiche had the disposing of the Catalogue did place them so in monthes as he sawe them ioyned in chapiters not perusing peraduenture nor abuising the chapters that doth nothing preiudice the truth of my story which sufficiently doth clare it selfe in distincting theÌ rightly in names also in yeares as is afore declared Fiftly and lastly hauing thus sufficiently aunswered to your circumstanunces of persons names and times M. Cope I will nowe enter to encounter with you concerning the fact and crime obiected to the Lady Duches and to the rest with this protestation before premised vnto the reader that if the fact be true and so done is reported in the histories of Fabian Halle and harding I desire the reader then so to take me as though I do not here deale withall nor speake of the matter but vtterly to haue pretermitted and dispuncted the same But for somuch as the deed and offence layd and geuen forth agaynst these parties may be a matter made of euil wil compacted rather then true in deede therefore I doe but onely moue a question by way of history not as defending nor commending nor commemorating the thing if it be true but onely mouing the question whether it is to be iudged true or suspected rather to be false and forged and so hauing briefly propounded certayne coniectural suspicious or supposals concerning that matter to passe it ouer neither medling on the one side nor on the other The first coÌiecture why it may be possible that this act of treason layd to the charge of the Duches Roger Oneley agaynst the king may be vntrue is this that the sayde Oneley otherwise named Bolingbroke tooke it vppon hys death that they neuer intended any such thing as they were condemned for The second coniecture for that the Lady Eleanor and Onely seemed then to fauour and fauour of that religion set forth by wicklesse and therefore like enough that they were haâd of the clergy Furthermore what hatred practise of Papistes can do it is not vnknowne The third coniecture for that the sayd mayster Roger Onely falsly
noted and accused of Nicromancie wrote a booke in purgation of himselfe intituled de Innocentia sua Also an other booke intituled Contra vulgi superstitiones recorded in Centu 8. Bale cap. 4. Whereupon it is not credible that he which wrote professedly agaynst the superstitions of the people was ouertaken with that filth of Nicromancie himselfe The fourth coniecture because this accusation against the Duches of Glocester Duke Humfries wife began not before but after the grudge kindled betweene the Cardinall of Wint. and Duke Humfrey her Husband An other coniecture may be hereof for that if the Duches had entended any suche haynous treason against the kings life as by burning of a waxe candle to consume him it is not like neyther was there anye such neede that she would haue made so many priuy to such a pernicious coucell as the Witch of Eye M. Rog. Bolingbroke M. Tho. Southwest and Iohn Hume Sixtly it is not to be supposed if anye such hie treason had bene wrought or pretended agaynst the kinges person by these that eyther the Duches should so escape with bearing a taper and banishment or that Iohn Hume shoulde be pardoned hys life the fact being so haynous that neyther any durst aske hys pardon nor if it had bene asked it had not bene like to be graunted To these we may also adde an other supposall rising vpon the wordes and forme of theyr accusation as it standeth in Harding Polychronicon and other moe wherein they were accused for working sorcery and inchantmentes agaynst the church and the king Now what sorcery can be wronght agaynst the church that is the whole multitude of Christians let the reader iudge and by the truth of this consider also the truth of the other which was agaynst the king Furthermore if by this Church is ment the Cardinall of Wint as like it is then it may be coniecturall that all this matter rose of that Cardinall who was then a mortall enemy to the house of Gloucester c. Eightly And that all this was done and wrought by the sayd Cardinall of Wint. the witch concerning Eye maketh the matter the more suspitious seeing that towne of Eye as Fabian witnesseth was neare beside Wintchester and sea of that Byshop Moreouer for so much as Polydore Virgill among other story authors being a maÌ as may be supposed rather fauouring the Cardinalls parte then the Dukes made no mention at all touching this treason hys licence therof may minister matter not also to muse but onely to coniecture that he had found something whiche made hym to miststrust the matter Otherwise it is vnlike that he wold haue so mewed vp the matter and passed it ouer without some mention Finally and briefly The frequent practises and examples of other times may make this also more doubtfull coÌsidering howe many subtile pretences after like forte haue bene sought and wrongfull accusations brought agaynst many innocent persons For not to repeate the like forgeries agaynst the Lord Cobham and syr Roger Acron c. why may not this accusation of the Duches and Onley be as false as that in the time of king Edward the 5. whiche was layd to the charge of the Queene and Shores wife by the Protectours for inchaunting bewitching of his withered arme which to be false all the world doth know and but a quarell made only to oppresse the life of the L. Hastings the L. standley c. And thus mayest thou see gentle reader according to the wise mans saying Nihil nouú esâe sub soleâ Nihil que dictum quod non sit dictum prius xc Althoughe these with many mo coniectures may be alledged in some part of Defence of this Duches and of her Chaplaines and Priestes yet because it may be not vnpossible againe the matter laide against them to be true I leaue it therfore at large as I finde it saying as I saide before that if it be true which the stories say in this matter thinke I beseech thee gentle Reader that I haue saide nothing hereof Onely because the matter may bedisputable and not vnpossible to be false I haue but moued thereof a questioÌ and brought my coniectures leauing the determi natioÌ and iudgement hereof to thy indifferent and free arbitrement And if M. Cope be so highly offended with me because in my first edition of Actes and Monumentes I durst name the Lady Eleanor Cobham and Roger Onely let him take this for a short auÌswer because my leisure serueth not to make long braules with him that if I had thought no imperfectioÌs to haue passed in my former editioÌ before I would neuer haue taken in hand the recognition thereof now that secoÌd time wherby to sponge away such motes as I thought would seeme great stombling blockes in suche mens walkes which walke with no charitie to edefie but with malice to carpe and reprehend neither admonishing what they see amisse in others neither tarying while other men reforme themselues finally finding quarels where no great cause is iustly geuen And here an end with M. Cope for this time Forsomuch as in the processe before mentioÌ was touched concerning the grudge betweene the Cardinall calâed the rich Cardinal of Wintchester and the good duke Humfrey duke of Glocester the kings vncle and protector of that realme order of story now requireth to open some parte of that matter more at large Wherein this first is to be vnderstand that long before great flames of grudge and discorde did burst out betweene these two For as the noble hart of the Duke could not abide the proud doinges of the Cardinall so much againe the Cardinall in like maner sore enuied disdayned at the rule of the Duke of Glocester Notwithstanding by the meanes of the Duke of Bedford the brasting out betweene them was before appealed cured yet not so but that vnder imperfect amitie priuy hatred as sparcles vnder the imbers did still remaine So that the Cardinal ioyning with the Archbishop of Yorke attempted many thinges of their owne presumption contrary to the consent not onely of the king being then vnder age but also of the protectour gouernor of the realme Wherwith the Duke like a true harted prince being not without iust cause offended declared in writing to the king certaine complaintes contained in 21. Articles wherein the Cardinall and Archbishop had transgressed both against the king his lawes The tenour whereof more at large is in other stories expressed the briefe abstract therof followeth in a short summarie here to be seene ¶ Certaine pointes or articles obiected by the Duke Humfrey against the Cardinall of Winchester FIrst complayned to his soueraigne Prince his right redoubted Lord duke Humfrey his vncle and protector of the realm that the bishop of Winchester in the dayes of his father king Henry the 5. took vppon him the state of a cardinall being denyed
vsing al celeritie to meete them before they came to London gathered a power such as hee could make about LoÌdon and first coÌmeth to Abyngdon from thence to Marlebridge hearing that the Queene was at Bathe thinking to encounter with them before they diuerted into Wales to the Earle of Pembroke whether he thought as they in deede intended that they woulde take But the Queene vnderstanding the king to be so nie remoueth from Bathe to Bristow sending word in the meane while to the citizens of Gloucester that they would graunt her leaue safely to passe by their Citie Which wheÌ it could not be obteined with her army she departeth froÌ Bristow to Teukesbery where the D. of Somerset knowing king Edward to be at hand at his very backe willed the Queene there to stay in no wise to flie backward for certaine doubts that might be cast Although this couÌsaile was against the consent of many other captaines who thought it best rather to draw aside while the Earle of Pembroke with his army were with them associate yet the mind of the Duke preuailed The place was prefixed the field pitched the time of battaile came the King was loked for who being within one mile of Tewkesbury with like industry policy as his enemies had done disposed his army likewise in their aray This celeritie of the King taking the time was to him great aduantage who otherwise if he had differed till they had conioined with the Earle of Pembroke had put the matter in great hazard Such a matter it is to take a thing in time Of this battayle Hall this reporteth adding more then Polidore that the D. of Somerset although he was stroÌgly intrenched yet through the occasion or policie of the Duke of Gloucâster which had the fore ward of the kings part a little reculing back followed the chase supposing that the Lord Wenlock who had the middle ward would haue followed hard at his backe The duke of Glocester whether for shame rather then of policie espieng his aduaÌtage sodenly turned face to his enemies Whereupon the coÌtrary part was estsoones discomfited and so much the more because they were separate froÌ their company Tho Duke of Somerset not a litle aggyeued at this so vnfortunate case returneth to the middle ward where he seeing the L. Wenlocke abiding still reuileth him and calleth him traytour and with his are striketh the braine out of his head Thus much addeth Hall besides Polydor but sheweth not his author where he had it Polydore writing of this conflict writeth no more but this that the Queenes army being ouerset with the number and multitude of their enemies and she hauing no fresh souldiours to furnish the field was at last ouermatched and for that most part slaine or taken In which battaile were named to be slaine that Earle or Deuonshire the Lord Wenlocke Lord Iohn Duke of Somerset his brother beside other Among theÌ that were taken was Queene Margaret fouÌd in her chariot almost dead for sorow Prince Edward Edmund D. of Somerset Iohn Prior of S. Iohns with xx other knightes all which were beheaded within ij dayes after the Queene only and the yong prince excepted Which prince Edward being then brought to the Kings presence was demaunded of him how he durst be so bold to stand in battaile against him To this Edward Hall addeth more and saith that after the field was finished the King made Proclamation that whosoeuer would bring Prince Edward to him should haue annuitie of an C. li. during his life and the Princes life to be saued Whereupon sir Rich. Croftes not mistrusting the kings promise brought forth his prisoner c. And so the king demanding of the Prince as is said how he durst so presumptuously enter this Realme with his banner displayed against him he answered sayeng that he came to recouer his fathers kingdome and inheritance from his grandfather and father to him descending whereat said Polydor the King with his hande disdainingly thrust him from him Other say that the king stroake him on the face with his gauntlet At the speaking of these words was present George Duke of Clarence Richarde Duke of Gloucester and the Earle Lord William Hastings Who vpon the same vncourteously falling vpon the Prince did slaye hym Queene Margaret being brought prisoner to London was afterwarde raunsomed of hir father Duke of Angeow for a great summe of money which he borrowed of the French King and for the paiment therof was faine to yeeld vnto him the title of the kingdome of Sicile and Naples c. King Edward for these prosperous warres rendred to God his hartie thanks and caused publikely through his realme solemne processions to be kepte three daies together And thus much and too much touchyng the warres of King Edward the fourth which was done anno 1471. Ex Polid. alijs The same yeare and about the same tyme vppon the Ascension euen king Henry being prisoner in the Tower departed after he had reigned in all xxxviij yeares and vi moneths Polydore and Hall folowing him affirme that he was slaine with a dagger by Rich. Duke of Glocester the Kings brother for the more quiet and sauegard of the King his brother In the history intituled Scala mundi I finde these words Quod in turri in vigilia Ascensionis Dominicae ibidem feliciter moriens per Thamesiam nauicula vsque ad Abbathiam de Chertesey deductus ibi sepultus est That is that king Henry being in the Tower vpon the Ascension euen there happely or quietly departing was brought by Thames in a boate to the Abbey of Chertesey and there buried Polydore after he hath described the vertues of thys king recordeth that king Henry the seuenth did afterwarde translate the corps of him froÌ Chertesey to Windsore and addeth moreouer that by him certayne myracles were wrought For the which cause the sayde King Henry the seauenth sayth he laboured with Pope Iulius to haue him canonised for a Saint but the death of the king was the let why that matter proceeded not Edward Hall writing of this matter addeth more declaring the cause why king Henries sancting went not forward to be this for that the fees of canonising of a King were of so great a quantitie at Rome more then of another Bishop or prelaâe that the said king thought it better to keepe the money in his chestes then with the empouerishing of the realme to buy so deare pay so much for a new holy day of sainct Henry in the Calender c. Ex Hallo which if it be true it might be replied then to the Pope Iulius that if Popes be higher then kings in the earth and especially in heaueÌ why then is a Pope Saint so cheape in the market place of Rome and a King Saint so deare Againe if the valuation of things in all markets and buries be according to the
them This Sauonarola aboue mencioned suffered vnder pope Alexander the 6. of which pope more leysure oportunitie shall serue hereafter Christ willing to entreat after that we shall first make a little digression to entreate of certayn cases and complayntes of the Germaynrs incideÌt in the meane time which as they are not to be ouerpast in silence so can they haue no place nor tyme more conuenieÌt to be inferred What complayntes of the Germaines were made and moued vnto the Emperour Fredericke agaynst the popes suppressions and exactions mencion was made before pag. 724. where also was declared howe the sayde Germaines at that time were twise put backe and forsakeÌ of the Emperour whereby they continued in the same yoke and bondage vntill the time of Luther Wherefore it commeth now to hand and we thinke it also good here briefly to declare how the sayd Germaynes in the tyme of Maximilian the Emperour renuing their complayntes agayn deliuered vnto the Emperour x. principall greuaunces whereby the Germaynes haue bene long time oppressed shewing also the remedies agaynst the same with certayne aduisements vnto the Emperours maiesty how he might withstand and resist the popes subtleties and craftes The order and tenour whereof here ensueth ¶ The x. greuaunces of the Germaines 1. THat the Bishops of Rome successors one vnto an other do not thinke themselues bound to obserue keepe the bulles couenauntes priuiledges and letters graunted by theyr predecessours without all derogation but by often dispensation suspension and reuocation euen at the instance of euery vile person they doe gaynsaye and withstand the same 2. That the elections of prelates are ofteÌtimes put back 3. That the elections of Presidentships are withstande which the chapterhouses of many churches haue obtained with great cost and expence as the Church of Spyre and Hasell do well know whose bull touchyng the election of theyr president is made frustrate he being yet aliue which graunted the same 4. That benefices and the greatest ecclesiasticall dignities are reserued for Cardinalles and head notaries 5. That expectatiue graces called vowsans are granted without number and many oftentimes vnto one man Whereupon continuall contentions do ryse and much money is spent both that whiche is layd out for the Bulles of those vowsoÌs which neuer take effet and also that whiche is consumed in goyng to lawe Whereupon this prouerbe is risen whosoeuer will get a vowson from Rome must haue C. or CC. peeces of golde layde vp in his chest for the obtayning of the same which he shall haue neede of to presecute the law withall 6. That Annates or yearly reuenewes are exacted wtout delay or mercy euen of the bishops lately dead and oftentimes more extorted then ought to be through new offices and new seruauntes as by the examples of the churches of Mentz and Strausburgh may be seene 7. That the rule of the churches are geuen at Rome vnto those that are not worthy which were more fitt to keep and feede Mules then to haue the rule and gouernance of men 8. That new indulgences and pardons with the suspension and reuocation of the old are graunted to gather and scrape money together 9. That tenthes are exacted vnder the preteÌce of making warre agaynst the Turke when as no expedition doth follow thereupon 10. That the cause whiche might be determined in Germany wheras there are both learned and iust iudges are indistinctly caryed vnto the Court of Rome which thing S. Bernard writing to Pope Eugenius seemeth woÌderfully to reproue ¶ Here ensueth the remedy agaynst the sayd greuaunces IF it shal seeme good vnto the Emperors maiesty let it be declared vnto the bishop of Rome how greuous and intollerable a thing it is vnto the Germaynes to suffer continually so great charge greeuances to pay so great Annates for the confirmation of the Bishops Archbishops and especially in such Bishoprickes whereas the Annates by successe of time are enhaunced in many as it is sayd doubled For the Archbishops sea of Mentz as it is sayde sometime payd onely 10000. floreines which summe wheÌ as one which was chosen there refused to geue and so coÌtinued euen vnto his death he which was afterward elect being desirous of confirmation fearing to withstande the Apostolicke sea offered the old summe of 10000. floreines But notwithstanding he could not get his confirmation except he would pay yâ other 10000. which his predecessour before him had not payd By this meanes he was compelled to pay 20000. floreines which being enrolled in the register of the chamber hath bene exacted of euery archbishop since vntil these our dayes and not onely 20000. but also 25000. for theyr newe offices new seruants At last the summe drew to 27000. floreines which Iames the Archbishop of Mentz was coÌpelled to paye as his Commissary did report So by this meanes in a litle time there was 7. tymes 25000. floreines payd out of the Archbishopricke of Mentz vnto Rome for the confirmation of the Archbishop And when this Archbishop Iames had kept the Archbishopricke scarce foure yeares the Lord Uriel was elect after him who was compelled to pay at the least 24000. or 25000. foreines whereof a part he borowed of Marchauntes but to satisfy and pay them agayne he was forced to exact a subsidye of his poore subiectes and husband men whereof some haue not yet satisfied and payd the tribute for the Bishops Palle to that by this meanes our people are not onelye tormented and brought to extreme pouertye but also are moued vnto rebellion to seeke theyr liberty by what meanes soeuer they may greeuously murmuring agaynste the crueltye of the Clergy The pope also should be admonished how that through diuers and sundry wars and battels the lands of Germany lye desolate waste and through many mortalityes the number of meÌ is diminished so that for yâ scarcenes of husbandmen the fieldes for the most part lye vntild the roles are by diuers meanes diminished the mines consumed the profites dayly decay whereby the Archbishops Byshops should pay theyr annates vnto the Apostolicke sea besides their other necessary and honest charges insomuch that not without iuste cause Iames the Archbishoppe of Mentz being euen at the poynt of death sayde that he dyd not so much sorrow for his own death as for that his poore subiectes should be agayne forced to pay a greuous exaction for the Palle wherfore let the high Bishop as a godly father and louer of his children and a faythfull and prudeÌt pastor deale more fauourably with his children the Germaynes least that persecution happen to rise agaynst the Priestes of Christ and that men folowing the example of the Bohemians do swarue from the Church of Rome At the least let him be more fauorable as often as any Archbishop or bishop happeneth to rule his Church but a few yeares as it happened to the Bishops of Bamberge wherof 3. dyed within few yeares
8. Cammels and 8. Moyles laden with treasure and also got two red Guidons wyth a whole great peece of rich cloth of gold and with an other fayre and straunge Iewell The horse of this foresayd turkish captayn was betrapped and decked most richly The sadle wherof had the pommell and the backe part couered ouer with plate of fine Arabicke golde and the rest of the sadle beside the sitting place was plated with siluer very fayre gilded The seate of the sadle was couered with purple veluet the trappers and bridle beset with little Turkeys and Rubies Which horse was sent to Uienna vnto the Emperour Maximilian for a present Although the Earle would very fayne haue saued the Captayn not knowing what he was yet the Ianizarites labouring to carry away their captayne so stiffly defended theÌselues that the Earle with his company was constrayned to kill both them and theyr Captayne From whome the said Erle of Serin the same time got xv thousand Turkish and Hungarish Ducates which mony was brought for the payment of the Turkishe souldiours in the towne aforesayd of Finffenkyrchen c. All which be good begynninges of greater goodnes to be hoped for hereafter thorough the grace of Christ our Lord especially if our Christian rulers and potentates first the churchmen prelates for theyr partes then the ciuile powers princes for their partes with holding theyr affections a little will turne their brawles variance into brotherly concord and agrement which the Lord of peace put in theyr mindes to doe Amen Or otherwise if it will so please the Lorde that the turke come further vpon vs so as he hath begonne for our punishment castigation his grace then geue to the flock of his poore Christians constancie of fayth pacience in suffering and amendmeÌt of life For so I vnderstand by publicke fame although vncertaynly rumored by the voyce of some that the Turkes power of late this present yeare of our Lord 1566. hath perced the parties of Apulia within Italy wasting and burning the space of an 100. myles toward Naples Which if it be certaine it is to be feared that the Turke hauing thus set in his foote feeling the sweetnes of Italy wil not so cease before he get in both head and shoulders also so farre into Italy that he will display hys banners within the walles of Rome do with old Rome the like as Mahumete his great granfather did with newe Rome the city of Constantinople and as the Persians did with Babylon The causes why we haue so to iudge he diuers first yâ the sea of Rome hath bene defended hetherto and mayntayned with much bloud and therefore it may seeme not vncredible but that it will not long continue but be lost with bloud agayne according to the verdict of the Gospell He that striketh with the sword shall perish with the sword c. An other cause is the fulfilling of the 18. chapter of the Apocalips where is written that great Babilon shall fall be made an habitation of deuils and a denne of vncleane spirite and a cage of filthye and vncleane byrdes the fall wherof shal be like a milstone in the sea that is which shal not rise agayne And this to come before the day of iudgement the text of the sayd chapter doth apertly declare where the wordes do follow shewing that the kynges of the earth and the marchantes which had to doe with the whoorishe City standing a farre of for feare of the heate and beholding the smoke of the sayd Cittie flaming and burning with fire shall be wayle and rue her destruction and desolacion c. What citty is this called great Babilon whiche like a mylstone shall fall and burne and be made an habitation of vncleane spirites and beastes let the reader construe This is certayn and playne by these her kinges and marchantes standing a far of for feare and beholding her burning that the destruction of this city what cittye soeuer it be shall be seene here in earth before the comming of the Lordes iudgement as may easely be gathered by these iij. circumstances that is by the staÌding the beholding and be wayling of her marchauntes By the which marchauntes and kynges of the earth peraduenture may be signified the Pope the rich Cardinalles the great prelates and fat doctours and other obedienciaries of the Romish sea who at the comming of the Turkes will not auenture theyr liues for theyr Church but will flee the citty no doubt and staÌd a farre of from daunger and when they shal see with their eyes and heare with theyr cares the city of Rome to be set on fire and consumed by the cruell Turks the sight thereof shall seeme to them piteous and lamentable to behold the great and fayre city of Rome the tall castle of S. Angell the Popes mighty sea where they were wont to fishe out such riches dignities treasures and pleasures so to burne before theyr eyes and to come to such vtter desolacion which shal neuer be reedefied agayne but shall be made an habitation of deuils and vncleane spirites that is Turkes and heathen Sultans and barbarous Saracens c. This I say peraduenture may be the meaning of that prophetical place of the Apoc. not that I haue here anye thing to pronounce but onely geue my gesse what may probably be coniectured But the end at length will make this and all other thinges more playne and manifest For mistical prophesies lightly are neuer so well vnderstand as when the euent of them is past and accomplished An other cause concurring with the causes aforesayde may be collected out of Paulus Iouius who writing ofy e subuersion of Rhodes which was as ye heard an 1522. vpon Christmas day sayth that it chaunced sodenly the same day in Rome that as Pope Hadrian the vi was entring into the church to his seruice sodeinly ouer hys head the vpper frontier or toppe of the chappel dore which was of marble immediately as the pope was entring fel downe and slue certayne of hys garde wayting vpon hym Whereby peraduenture may be ment that the ruine of Rome was not long after to folow the losse of Rhodes The fourth cause I borowe out of Ioannes Auentinus who in his thyrd booke alledging the names but not the wordes of Hildegardis Brigitte and other propheticall men hath these wordes Si vera sint carmina vaticinia D. Hildegardae Brigittae Sybillanum Germaniae Bardorum fatidicoruÌ qui ea quae nostro aeuo completa vidimus longo ante tempore nobis cecinerunt A grippinensis Colonia nolimus velimus TurcaruÌ caput erit c. That is if the sayings and prophesies of Hildegarde of Brigitte of other propheticall persoÌs be true which beyng foretold long before we haue seene now in these our dayes accoÌplished the town of Colen wil we nil we must needes be the head city of the turks c. And this I write
Hubert againe to his sanctuary Example of a constant friend in the time of need Three things put to Hubert to chuse Hubert yeldeth himselfe to the Sheriffes Hubert reduceâ again to the Tower Faithfull depââsitaries Hubert berest of all his treasures Anno. 1232. God ruleth the heartes of kings The kings answere in defence of Hubert A worthy wârd of a kyng The kings mynd relenteth toward Hubert Foure Earles sureties for Hubert Hubert put in the Castle of Denisis Anno. 1233. Hubert conueyed out of the Castle into the Parish Church Hubert againe taken out of the church and brought backe to the Castle Hubert deliuered out of prison and caried into Wales Roger B. of LoÌdon goeth to Rome to purge himselfe before the Pope Against Vsurers Vsurers excommunicated and expelled by the Byshop of London Excommunication well vsed against vsurers The ãâã visitation ãâã the Pope through ãâã religious houses Ex Parienââ The greaâ diuersitie âmong all religious oâders noted Olde âeâtures of the kyng pââtect and dischaâged The King forsaketh ãâã nobles and sticketh to straungers Richard ãâã Marschalâ admonisheth the kyng The disdaynfull answere of the B. of Wint. to the nobles Wicked couÌsaile about a kyng Petrus de Rupibus B. of Wint. perter of the kyng A mery Apothegma of the kinges Chaplain The message of the nobles to the kyng Warre railed by the kyng against his nobles Great thunders flouds in England Monasteries builded pro redemptione animae Iohn Archb. of Cant. elected by the Chapter againe vnelected by the Pope Corruption of bribes Edmund archb of Canterbury Saint Edmund Canonysed Robert Grosted made Byshop of Lincolne Anno. 1231. Faithfull counsaile of the Byshops geuen to the kyng The counsaile of Winchest and such other Byshops about the kyng disproued for certayne causes ExcoÌmunicatioÌ denounced by the Bishops against the kyng The kyngs answere to the byshops The pitie of the kyng toward the wife of Hubert Edmund consecrated Archb. of Cant. which was afterward canonised by Pope Innocent the fourth for a Sainct Example of excommunication rightly practised The kyngs promise to the Byshops Peter Biâ of Wiâtââ charge the Court. Peter Kââ called to a count of the kings trâsures Pictauianâ strangeââ sent home by the king into their countrey Reconciliation sought betwene the king and the nobles Richard Earle Marshall fraudulently ti cumuânized and slaire â Ireland Catini ãâã about Almaine iudged of the Papistes for hereticker Albingerâââ slaine in Spaine by the Popes setting on The Klimenteth the death of Richard Earle Marshall The saying of Leonline kyng of Wales The almost of K. Henry more feared theÌ his pâ saunce Peace coÌcluded between the king and the nobles Hubert Earle of Kent restored agayn to the kings fauour Hubert geueth thanks to God âlihood murder commuch out Kings many âimes abused by wicked âounsaile The Bish. of Winchester called to his answere Peter Riual StepheÌ Segraue Rob. Passelew called to their answer Variance betweene the Pope Citizens of Rome The allegation of the Romanes The Popes answere The 2. allegation of the Romanes The Pope bound to pay to Rome yearely tribute The Pope replyeth The 3. cause allegation of the Romanes The Popes answere Excolcational The Pope warreth against the Romanes A great slaughter of the Romanes by the Pope Ex Carienst Pag. 92. The Church of Rome degenerated from the image of the true Church Difference betweene the church of Rome that was the church of Rome that is now Eastchurch Westchurch Catholike The Schilme between the greeke Church and the Church of Rome Equalitie mother of concord The cause occasion why the Greâke Church vtterly brake froÌ the Romanes Mat. Paris fol. 112. All Grecia gone from the obedience of the church of Rome Ex Mat. Parisi fol. 186. Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople writeth to pope Gregory 9. The pope setteth the Westchurch to fight against the Eastchurch Ex. Mat. Parisi fol. 112. Ex libro Math. Paris manu scripto fol. 3. 111. The letter of Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople to Pope Gregory 9. anno 1237. He shewâââ the incoâââ nience of discord Galat. 1. Salomon Whether the Church of the green or the pope Church ââ eth more vnder the daunger or Gods ãâã The Greek asrayd of he popâ oppresisions The Patriarch of Coâstantinople prophecieth of the martyrdome and slaughter of the Grecians The popeâ persecution in the Iâââ Cyprus The tyrany and anaâââ of the pope chastened the words Saint Peter 1. Peter 1. 1. Peter 1. He exhorteth the pope to come and meete with him that they might conferre together about the vnitie of sayth The Greeke church souÌd and sincere in doctrine Fâexhorteth the church of Rome to looke her face in Gods glasse that is to trye heir doctrin by gods âord Another letter of Germanus Patriarch of Constantinople to the Cardinalles 1. Cor. 1. The Tyranny oppressioÌ of the church of Rome is the onely cause of breaking vnitie betwene the Greeke church and the Latine Luc. 18. The old amitie and concord betweene the East church and the West Agapitus Vigilius fled to Constantinople for succour Paule rebuketh Peter Galat. 2. Actes 3. He meaneth of the kingdome of England and other into which were made tribury to the sea of Rome The immoderate auarice of the court of Rome Peters faith shaken Peter an ensample of repentaÌce Christian countries nations in the East parts which are not vnder the Byshop of Rome Christ onely head of the Church The Pope proclaymeth war against the Greek Church The Archb. of Antioch CoÌstantinople excommunicate the Pope 5. Notes to be considered The first Note The true Catholike church where it was and when 1. Vnitie 2. Vniuersalitie 3. Consent The second note The third note The church hath her name of Catholicke wherby wheÌ together the doctrine of traÌsubstantiation made without the free consent of the Eastchurches be Catholicke or no. The fourth note The fifth note The Church of Rome proued not to be Catholicke The procedings of Rome stand vpon no free consent but are coacted The ãâã ble state of the Wesâ partes of christendoâ vnder the Pope The Pope excommunication ãâã to a scolââ dagger The false perswasiââ of the pope supremacy cause of much ãâã chedner A brief â table of the pope spoyling gâââ ting of English monââ in the dayes of K Henry Money ãâã ming to the pope by the elector of Iohn Huford Abbot of S. Alâââ Eight thââ sand man's generoââ the Bishoppricke of Wint. to the pope abââ the elecââ of William Rale anno 1243. Read before pag. 277. The tenth part of all moueables in England and Ireland geueÌ to the pope 1329. Ex. Math. Parisi fol. 6. Mony spent at Rome betweene the K. and the Archb. of Cant. The costly election of the Byshop of Durham Read before pag. 276. Mony comming to the pope for the election of the b. of Coventry and Lichfield Edmunde Archbish. of Cant. condemned at Rome in a
prison and so kept a long time The birth of prince Edward The expedition of king Edward into Scotland The Scottish times K. Edward wasâââh and destroyeth the realme of Scotlande Barwicke besieged and yeelded vp to the king The K. entreth the towne of Barwicke appointeth the captaine therof Sir Robâ de Aâtois a ââble maâââ Fraâââ inciteth the â to prolecââ his title in Fraunce The king delibeââââ with his councell ââcerning the title of Fraunce Embassadors are ââ to the ãâã of Heynaâ concerning the title The Embassadours âeturne with answere Ed the Erle ãâã pleaseth the kyng K. Philip of France heareth of the kings purpose and stayeth his viage of the Croisie K. Edward assigned lieâtenant Generall of the Empyre The first viage of kâââ Edward iâââ Fraunce Southampton buâââ of the French men The Scottes styrâed vp against England by the French K. The Pope cause of the kings remoâing out of Fraunce Anno. 1340. The king of England taketh the title of Fraunce K. Edward to the nobles and coÌmons of Fraunce The title of France how it came to K. Edward Note the grosenes of this tyme when the blâud of Christ was thought but only dedicated to the holy land Southampton burnt spoyled by the French men Counsaile of the Archb. geuen to the king Battel vpon the sea betweene kyng Edward and Frenchmen The Frenchmen beaten vpon the sea The wordes of the foole to the French kyng The letters of K. Edward to the Byshops of England A cââncâl at Villenorth Flaunders Brabant and Hennalt take part with kyng Edward The letter of king Edward to the FreÌch kyng The answere of the FreÌch K to K. Edward The Scottes ââde Englâââ Henborough recoâered from the Englishmen by the Scottes Tourney besieged Articles of truce K. Edward returneth from Tourney The kyng deceiued by his officers No bishop must be imprisoned by the Popes lawe Couetous officers Iohn Stratford Archb. of Cant. The kyngs letter to the Dean and chapter of Paules Archbish. of Cant falâe to the king Euil officers displaced by the kyng Archbish. of Cant. ãâã to all the clergie The Archb. of Cant. de ãâã to ãâã to the ãâã The Archb. ãâã with ãâ¦ã ingratitude The Archb. ãâã of the âyng The Archb. ââuseth his office ãâ¦ã The letter of the Archbishop to the kyng Good counsellers necessary about a kyng Excommunication in his owne priuate cause abused The returne of the kings army from Tourney Anno. 1341. Truce taken for three yeares betweene K. Edward and the French king Anno. 1342. Pope Clement 6. Ex Chron. Albanens The kyng disanulleth the Popes prouision The Poges procurators driuen out of England A letter of the Nobles commons of England to the pope Decay of the Church of England by the Pope The Popes message to the king The kings aunswere to the Popes message Anno. 1344. The Castle in Windsore enlarged The rounde table builded in Windsore Tenthes graunted to the king by the clergy for 3. yeares Priuileges granted by the king to the clergie By this it is lyke that priestes had wiues Prince Edward first prince of Wales Anno. 1345. Henry Erle after made duke of Lancaster sent ouer to Gasconie A rare example of a liberal captaine to his soldiours The liberall heart and constant voyce of a worthy captain The Scots partly a meane of breaking truce Anno. 1346. The 1. viaââ of K. Edw. into France The battell at Caââân The kingâet ters of defiance against the French king The Popes legate surreth vp war ââke legate ââke Pope A letter of the kings coÌâcllor touching his actes doing at Cardoyn The Cardinalâ againe entreate for peace The kyngs answere to the Cardinals The French kyng sheweth no carefull study of peace The kings comming to Pusiacke Anno. 1346. Siege of Calys Dauid king of Scots inuadeth England The Scots ouerthrowen Dauid the Scottishe K. taken prisoner K. Edward answereth to the pope The kyng appealeth from the P. to God Offers made to the men of Flaunders to forsake K. Edwarde The Dolphin with the French discomfited at Casseles Anno. 1347. The French king flyeth before the battaile The towne of Calice wonne Truce coÌcluded betweene England Fraunce Anno. 1348. A vehement pestilence in England Now called the Charterhouse church yard Anno. 1350. Calice almost lost by treason The death of the French king Anno. 1351. The towne of Gwynes taken Anno. 1352. Victory of Syr Roger Bentele First Duke of Lancaster Anno. 1354. Pope innocent 6. Chron. Adamâ Murimouth canonici D. Paulâ de gestis Edw. I. Ann. 1355. The third viage of K. Edward into Fraunce The French K. refuseth to ioyne in battell with kyng Edward Fiftie shillings for euery sack of wooll caryed out of England The custome of wooll for sixe yeres 1500000. poundes sterling to king Edward Anno. 1356. The French K. taken prisoner by prince Edward Euery Scute valuing 6. shillings 8. pence Marsilius Patauinus author of the booke called Defensor paces Article of Marsilius against the Pope Merites cause of saluation sine qua non Marsilius condemned of the Pope Extrau cap. Licet intra doctrinam Ioannes GaÌdenensis condemned by the pope Guillermus Ockam wrote against the pope Michael generall of the gray fryers excommunicated for an heretike Ascentionis in praesatione eius aeutoris The dialogue betwene the souldier and the clarke of Ockams making Eight questions disputed by Ocham Gregorius Ariminensis mainteineth the same doctrine nowe receiued Ex Trithemio Andreas de Castro and Burdianus both gospellers 200. yeares agoe Eudo duke of BurguÌdy against the popes decrees about 200. yeares since Ex Charolo Molinao Dante 's an ItaliaÌ writer against the Pope Donation of Constantine a thing forged The pope the whore of Babilon Ex lib. Iornandi Pope Antichrist An admonition to the Romans Taulerus of Germany a preacher against the popes proceedings Franciscus petrarcha Vide 20 epistolam Francisci Petrarcha Rome the mother and schole of errour Ioannes de rupe scissa Iohn cast into pââââ Church of Rome the whore of Babilon The reformation of the Church before prophesied Conradus Hager The Masse to be no sacrifice Conradus cast in prison Ex bullis quibusdam Otthonis Epis Herbipeli Ponitentiarius Asini. The pope and his spiritualitie coÌfederate against the laitie The pope maketh the Emperour lay meÌ Aâââ Gerhardus Ridder a writer against moÌkes and friers Michael Cesenas Petrus de Corbaria condemned of the Pope Ioannes de Poliaco The opinioÌs of Michael against the Pope Michael Cesenas depryued and coÌdemned of the Pope Martyres Ioannes de Castilione Franciscus de Arcatara burned Archbyshoppes of Cant. the ãâã succeeding the other New Colledge in Oxforde founded an 1366. Pope Innocent 6. Two Franciscanes burned at Auinion Ioan. Rochtaylada Martyr Ex Chron. Henrici de Herfordia The church of Rome declared to be the whore of Babilon by Gods reuelatioÌ Kochtaylada with an other Frier Martyrsâ A priest for casting the popes bull before the popes feete scourged cast in
bee noted in the turks how many victories they haue got howe cruelly they haue vsed their victories Ex Marino Barletio de Scodr ex pugnat lib. 2. Ex Michael Sottero lib. 1. de Bello Pannonico fol. 525. Ex Bernardo de Breydenbach Decano Eccl. Maegunâ The superstitious vse of the materiall crosse Vide supra pag. 755. Ex Bernardo Breydenb A notable example of maydenly chastitie Vid. supra pag. 7â4 The miserable spillyng of Christen mens bloud by the wretched turkâ A briefe recitall of Christen townes forts wonne of the tuâke in Europe The crueltie of the turk against the Citizens of Constantinople Vide supra pag. 706. The crueltie of the turk against the prisoners of Methone Ex Leonico Chalcondyla de rebus Turcicis lib. 10. A straunge and a prodigious wonder of a brute beast towarde a dead Christian body More humanitie seene in a brute beast then in the turke The Byshop with the Citizens of Methone slayne of the turke Ex Andrea de Lâcuna aliss Ex Ioanne Fabro in oratione ad Regem Henr. 8. The crueltie of the turke in Euboâa The prince of Seruia slayne slayne of the turke âet neuer Christen prince trust the turke The turkes stirred vp of the deuil to fight against Christ. The turkes are butchers of the Christians The miserable state of the Christian captiues vnder the turke The buying and sellyng of Christen captiues vnder the turks Christen capriues tythed of the turke O wickednes passing all miserie O miserie aboue all miseries The seruitude of yong women captiues Ex Bartholomeo Georgioniz Peregrina lib. de afflictionibus Christianorum sub Tuica The miserable calamitie of Christen women being in captinitie vnder the turkes The maner of Christen captiues how they are brought to markets and solde Christians in their captiuitie put to drawe in the plough like horses The great daungers of Christen captiues which flye out of turky The maner and shift of our men in getting ouer the sea The manifold daungers by the way in flying The mysery of Christian cities prouinces which line vnder the turkes tribute If Christians may not goe lyke turkes why should our Gospellers goe like Papistes The turkes haue their fire fagots as well as our papistes The Christians must light from their horse meting a turkish priest and adore hym An other miserie most lamentable in takyng away Christen mens children from their parentes to serue the turke O myserie This is with teares rather theÌ with words to be expressed Priuy Gospellers in Turkie An olde Prophesie of the turkes touching the sword of the Christian. Necessary for many causes that the troubles of the church beknowen The largenes of the Turkes dommions declared A pamea is a citie in Bithinia also another in Mesopotamia Apamea Cybotus also a citie in great Phrygia and another also in parthia Phrygia Minor in Ptolomy is called Iroas At Carura a certayne baude with a company of harlots beeing there lodged sodenly hapned an earthquake in the citie wherein the sayde baude with al his strompettes were swallowed vp Pius 2. papa lib. Descriptione cap. 16. Here Basilius Magnus was Bishop The couÌtrey where S. Paule was borne * Another Corycus is also in the I le of Creta Bessabee is a citie in Iury also an other in Ipumaea * Antiochia apud Orentem chiefe citie in Siria where the disciples of christ were first named Christians Acts. 11. * Nicopolis is a City also in Macedonia mentioned in the Epistle of S. Paule to Titus Cap. 3. * Seleucia is a citie in Siria Also another in Pamphilla another in Cilicia pisidiae an other in Coelisyria and in Mesopotamia another * In this Laodicaea was the councell kept which is called Concilium Laodicense There is another Laodicaea in Lydiae neare to Colosâae in Asia minor Coloss 5. Lacodicae a also is the chief Citie in Phrigia pa catiana neare to Galatia Act. 18. 1. Tim. 6. In Edessa raigned king Abgarus mentioned in Euseb. lib. 1. cap. 15. to whome Christ wrote promysing to send vnto him after his death Babylon in Chaldoea where Nabuchodonoser raigned and was after destroyed and translated by Seleucus Nicanor Another is in Egypt called Alcayââs Ilands belonging to Asia Minor This Cyprus K. Rich. the first did once subdue fighting agaynst the Saracens Ex Aene. syluio Lib. De Orbis Descrip. cap 74. A memorable facte of a virgine in defence of her countrey Ex Sebast. Munst Cosmo lib. 5. in praefat Vide supra pag. 98.99 Argos is a citie in Amphilochia and an other also in Peloponesus Of Corinthus Strabo writeth that more then a thousande virgines there in the temple of Venus vsed yearely to be set out to bee made common and therfore not without cause Saint Paule writeth Eratis Scortatores Idololatrae c. 1. Cor. 6. The Ilands about Graecia Vide supra pag. 719. In Creta S. Paule ordained Titus to be Byshop and ouerieer Corcica is an Iland beyond Italy whiche the Turkes nauie ioynyng with the French dyd ouercome an 1553. The region of Mysia is deuided into two partes wherof the one is in Asia is deuided into Mysia maior and Mysia minor The other is in Europa is deuided into Mysia or Moesia superior and Mysia inferior Epidaurus is a citie in Illiria and also an other in Peloponesus These regions were in the former tyme called by the name of Illyria or Illyricum and Afterward by reason of certaine Scythians commyng thether they were also called Sclauonia Stephanus kyng of Bosna afterward of Rascia and Mysia was by subtil trayne allured to come and speake with Mahumete the Turk who being come was taken and his skinne flayne off All this tracte of Bulgaria Walachia Transyluania Seruia Rascia Moldauia was wont to be called Dacia but afterward was seuered into diuers lands and dominions Of Ioannes Huniades read before pag. 720.721 At Columbetz Sigismunde loste the fielde fightyng against the Turkes Vide supra pag. 719. In Varna a Citie in Rascia Ladislaus K. of Hungary fought with the Turke and was ouercome an 1444. Vide supra pag. 720. Prophesies considered for the beginning and falling of the Turkes kingdome Two things to be considered in the tyme and order of the olde Testament The scriptures the people In Dan. Prophe Phil. Melanct Gen. 4. The Saracens come of Ismael ResemblaÌce betweene the 12. soÌnes of Ismaell and the 12. Ottoman Turkes 4. Reg. 17. The olde church of the Israelites beareth a representatioÌ or image of the publicke church of Christ Iesus 1. Cor. 10. The church of the Iewes a figure of Christes Church Ex Phil. Melanct in Danielem cap. 9. The tymes and yeares of the old church compared with the newe The rule and dominion of the high priestes in the Iewes common wealth and of our prelates compared Antiochus beareth a figure of Antichrist The family of Antiochus The family of the Turkes ResemblaÌce betwene the Syrian kings and
held his peace as dombe speachles The boy ranne it was then night vnto the minister who at the same time being sicke could not come with the messenger but sayde for somuch as he willed herretofore as he sayde that such as lay a dying if they couet to be receaued reconciled and especially if they required it earnestly should be admitted wherby with the better hope confidence they may depart hence therefore he gaue to the boy a litle of the Eucharist willing him to crumble it into the cup so to drop it into the mouth of the olde man With this the boy returned bringing with him the holy Eucharist As he was now nere at haÌd before he had entred in SerapioÌ the old maÌ speaking againe coÌmest thou sayd he my sonne The Priest quoth the messenger is sicke can not come but do as he willeth you let me go And the boy immixed the Eucharist dropt it in softly into the mouth of the old maÌ Who after he had tasted a litle immediatly gaue vp the Ghost c. Haec Dionys. ex Eus. In the Citie of Troade as the Proconsul was grieuously tormenting one Nicomachus he cried out that he was no Christian and so was let downe againe And when after he had sacrificed he was taken eftsoones with a wicked spirite and so throwen downe vpon the ground where he byting of his toung with his teeth so departed Henr. de Erfordia Dionysius in his Epistles also writyng to Fabius and lamentyng the great terrour of this persecution declareth how that many woorthy and notable Christians for feare and horror of the great tiranny therof did shew themselues feeble and weake men Of whome some for dread some of their owne accord other after great torments suffered yet after reuolted from the constancy of their profession Also S. Cyprian in his treatise De lapsis reciteth with great sorrow and testifieth how that a great number at the first threatnyng of the aduersary neither beyng coÌpelled nor thrown downe with any violence of the enemy but of their voluÌtary weakenes fell downe themselues Neither sayth he tarying while the iudge should put incense in their hands but before any stroke stroken in the fielde turned their backes played the cowards not only commyng to their sacrifices but preueÌtyng the same and pretending to come without compulsion bringing moreouer theyr infantes children eyther put into their hands or taking them with them of their owne accord and exhortyng moreouer other to do the lyke after their example Of this weaknesse and falling the said author sheweth two causes either loue of their goodes and patrimonie or feare of torments And addeth moreouer examples of the punishmentes of them which so reuolted affirmyng that many of them were taken and vexed with wicked sprites And of one man among other which after his voluntary deniall sodainly was stroken dombe Agayn an other after his abiuration as he should communicate with other in stead of bread receiued ashes in his haÌd IteÌ of a certayn mayden who beyng taken vexed with a sprite did teare her owne toung with her teeth and tormented with paine in her bellie and inward partes so deceased Among other of this sort S. Cyprian Lib. 2 cap. 8. maketh also mention of one Euaristus a Bishop in Aphrica who leauing his charge and making a shipwracke of his faith went wandering about in other countreys forsakyng his owne flocke In like maner he maketh also mention of Nicostratus a Deacon who forsakyng his Deaconship and takyng the goods of the Church with him fled away into other countreys c. Albeit Bergomensis geueth that this Nicostratus the Deacon afterward dyed a Martyr Thus then although some did relent yet a very great nuÌber saith he there was whom neither feare could remoue nor pain could ouerthrow to cause them to betray their confession but that they stoode like glorious Martyrs vnto the ende Cyprian The same Cyprianus also in an other booke De mortalitate reciteth a notable story of one of his owne Colleges and fellow Priest who beyng oppressed with weaknesse and greatly afrayd with death drawyng at hand desired leaue to depart and to be discharged As he was thus entreating and almost now dying there appeared by him a yong man of an honorable and of reuerend maiestie of a tall stature and comely behauior so bright cleare to behold that scarce mans carnall eyes was able to beare the beholding of him but that he was able so to do which was now redy to depart this world To whom this yong man speaking with a certaine indignation of mynd and voyce thus said Pati timetis exire non vultis quid faciam vobis To suffer ye dare not to goe out ye will not what would ye me to do vnto you Upon the occasion of these and such other which were a great number that fell and did renounce as is aforesaid in this persecution of Decius rose vp first the quarell heresie of Nouatus who in these dayes made a great disturbance in the church holding this opinion that they which once renounced the faith and for feare of torments had offred incense to the idols although they repented therefore yet could not afterward be reconciled nor admitted to the Church of Christ. This Nouatus beyng first Priest vnder Cyprian at Carthage afterward by stirring vp discord and factions began to disturbe the Bishopricke of Cyprian to appoint there a Deacon called Felicissimus agaynst the bishops mynd or knowledge also to allure and separate certayne of the brethren from the Bishop all which Cyprian Lib. 2. Epist. 8. doth well declare After this the sayd Nouatus goyng to Rome kept there the like stirre with Cornelius as the same Cornelius in Eusebius Lib. 6. cap. 43. doth testifie settyng himselfe vp as Bishop of Rome against Cornelius which was the lawfull Bishop of Rome before The which to bring to passe he vsed this practise first he had allured to him to be his adherents thre or foure of good men and holy confessours which had suffered before great tormentes for their confession whose names were Maximus Vrbanus Sydonius and Celerinus After this he entised three simple bishops about the coastes of Italy to repayre to Rome vnder pretence to make an end of certain coÌtrouersies then in hand This done he caused the same whether by making them dronke or by other craftye counsell to lay theyr handes vpon him and to make him Bishop so did Wherefore the one of those three Byshops hardly was receiued to the communion by the great intercession of his people the other two by discipline of the church were displaced from their Byshoprickes other possessed with their roomes Thus then were there two Byshops together in one church of Rome Nouatus and Cornelius which was vnsemely contrary to the discipline of the Church And hereupon riseth the true cause and meaning of S.
bee damned with her We haue erred fro the waye of trouth and rightwisnes light haue not shined to vs and the sonne of vnderstonding haue not resen to vs we haue be made weery in euerich way of wickednes and of lust and haue gone hard wayes but the wayes of God we knew nought what hath pride profited to vs or the boast of riches what hath it brought to vs All this is as a shadow of death and we mow now shew no token of holynes in our wickednes we be wasted away Thinke therefore I read that thou shalt yelde rekening of thy bayly Here endeth the first part of this Sermon and beginneth the second part IN which secoÌd part with the helpe of God I will shew first who shall clepe vs to this recKenyng Afterward to fore what iudge we shall reckyn and last what punishyng shall be do to them that ben found false seruauntes and wicked and what reward shall be gyue to them that be founde good and true For the first ye shall wetoen that there shall be twey domes The first doome anone after the departyng of body and of soule an this shall be speciall And of this rekenyng or doome speaketh the Gospell of Luke The second reckenyng or doome shal be anone after the generall resurrection shal be vniuersal And of this is to spekeÌ in the Gospel To the first euery man shal be cleped after other as the wolrde passeth To the secunde shall comeo togedre in the stroke of an eye all mankynde To the first men shal be cleped with three sumners other Sergeauntes the firstlis sicknesse the second is age and the third is death the first warneth the second thretneth and the third taketh This is a kyndly order but otherwise it fayleth for sume we seeth dyeth that neuer wist what was sicknes ne age as children that ben sodenly slayne And sume ye the most part that deyeth now a dayes deyeth byfore her kynde agee of deeth therefore I say that the first that clepeth to this speciall reckning is sicknes that followeth all mankind so that euery man hath it and sum is sicknesse that sume men haueth but nought all Yet the first sickenesse is double for sume is withinne in the mightes of the soule and sume is without in feblenes of the bodie that needis mo be stroyed whan time by hem selfe is cause of corruption as Philosophie sayth that thereby feblenes and sicknes And so may we see hereby though that a man shut out of the house of hys hart all maner of worldlie and fleshlie thoughtes yet vnneth shall a man for ought that he can doo thinke on God onelie the space of o Pater noster but that some other thing that is passing entreth into the soule and draweth her from contemplation But O Lorde God what seekenes is this an heuie burden on the sonnes of Adam that on fowle moock and fen of the world we may thinke long ynow But on that the soule should most delectation haue by kinde mow we nought thinke so little a space but if the cokle enter among the whete Of this seekenes speaketh Poule where he sayth I see a lawe in my limmes fighting agenes the lawe of my sprite and taking me into the law of sinne So that it fares by vs as by a man that would looke ageyns the sun and may nought do it long for nothing And forsoth that is for no default that is in the sunne for she is most cleere in her selfe and so by reason best should be seyn but it is for feblenes of mans eye Ryght so syth Adam our first fader was put out of Paradyse all hys offpring haue ben thus sicke as the Prophet seyth Our fadres haue eat a bitter grape and the teeth of the children be wexe an edge The second sicknes that is commune to all mankind commyth of feblenes of the body as hunger and thorst cold and heate sorow werines and many other as Iob. 18. sayth A man that is ibore of a woman liuing a little whyle is fulfilled with many miseases Yet there is other sicknes that commeth to some men but not to all as Lepvr Palsey Feuer Dropsie Blindnes and many other as it was seyden to the people of Israell in holy writ But thou keepe the commaundements that be writ in this booke God shal echen the sicknes of thee and of thy seede great sickenes and long abiding Yet yee shall vnderstond that God sendeth other while such sicknes to good men and other while to shrewes To good men God doth it for two causes and that is sooth Of sicknes I wol to be vnderstond also of all maner of tribulations The first cause for they shold alway euer know that they haue none perfection of them selfe but of God onely and to echen theyr meekenes And thus sayth Poule least the greatnes of reuelations rere me vp into pride is giuen a pricke of my fleshe the Aungell of Sathanas to smite me on the necke wherefore I haue thrise prayed God that he shuld go fro me and he answered me My grace is suffisant to thee for vertue is fulfilled in sicknes where on thus sayn the glose The fend axing Iob to be tempted was herd of God and nought the Apostle axing his temptation to be remoued God herd him that shuld be damned and he herd nought him that he shuld saue For oft the sick maÌ axit many things of the leche that he wol not geue him that is for to make him whole of sicknes Also God sendeth Saincts oft sicknes poââution to giue vs sinfull wretches example of patience For if he suffer his Saincts to haue such tribulation in this world and they thankin him thereof much more wretchis that God sendeth not the hundred aparty of their sorowe shulden beare it meekely sith we haue diserued a thousand so much as they haueth Whereof Tobie that one day whan he was wery of byrying of poore men the which shulden haue ley vnburyed and haue be etene of houndis and foules as caraynes of other vnreasonable bestes whan for werynesse he had leide him to reste through Goddis sufferaunce the swallowes that bredden aboue on his hous maden ordure into his eyen and he wexet blind Thus it is writ of this temptation for soth Therefore God suffered to come to him that to them that comen after shuld be geuen ensample of pacience as by the temptation of holie Iob. For sith from his childhod euermore he drede God and euer kept his hestes He was not agreeued ayenst God that the misthiefe of blindnesse fell to him but vnmoueable dwelled in the dread of God thanking him all the dayes of his life Lo that holy writ sayth expresly that God suffered this holie man to haue that sicknes to geue them that should come after him ensample of pacience Also other whyle God sendeth syckenes and tribulation to wicked men and for two causes
First for that they should the rather dreade God and leaue their sinne As it is writ their sickenes hath bene multiplied and after they haue hyed to Godward For we see oft men in sicknes know their God that neuer would haue turned to him whyle they had beene whole Also God sendeth them sicknes oft to agast other men lest they follow their sin As the sickenes of kyng Antioche whome God smote with such a sickenes that wormes fell out of hys body whyle he lyued in so farforth that he stanke so foule that his frends were so wearye of it that they might not suffer it And at the last when he himselfe might not suffer his owne stinch then he began to know himselfe and sayd It is rightfull to be subiect to God and a deadly man not to hold himselfe onely euen with God and the story saith he asked mercie of God and made a vowe to God that he would make the Citie of Ierusalem free and the Iewes to make them as free as the men of Athens and that hee would honour Gods temple wyth pretious ary and multiply the holy vessels and finde of his owne rent and spenses perteining to the sacrifice And he would become a Iew and go ouer all the lond to preach Goddes might And yet God gafe him not such mercy as he desired And I trow certein that it was for good In as much as God knew he would not afterward hold his couenaunt or els for he axket it too late What mede was it for him to forsake his wickednes whan hee was vnmightie to doo good or euill Neuertheles I trow he was not dampned in as much as he had such repentaunce for repentaunce in this life come neuer too late if it be trew But by thys vengeaunce that God tooke on thys king should men see what it is to be vnobedient to God And also it is to take heede that whan euer sickenes commeth euer it sheweth that hee that suffreth this deadly shall nedes dye For though he may skape of his sicknes yet hee may not skape death And so thou must needs come giue rekening of thy bayly The second somnour that shall clepe thee to this particuler doome is elde or age And the condition of him is this though that he tarie with thee he will not leue thee till he bring thee to the thirde that is death But there be many that though they haue this somnour with them they take none hede though they see ther he are hore her back crook her breth stynke her teeth fayle her yen derk her visage riuely her crene wexit heuy to her What meneth all this but that age sunneth to the dome But what more madhead may be than a man to be cleped and drawe to so dreadfull a reckenyng there where but he aunswere well he forfeteth both body and soule to damnation for euer If seing a litle wordly merth on the way he thinketh so mekill theron that he forgetteth who draweth him or whether he draweth So doth he that is smiten with age and liketh so on the false world is wealth that he forgetteth whether he is away Herefore sayth an holy Doctour that among all abusions of the world most is of an old man that is obstinate for he thinketh not on his out going of this world ne of passing into the lyfe that is to come he heareth messengers of death and he leueth hem not and the cause is this for the threfold cord that such an old maÌ is bounden with is hard to breke This cord is custome that is of three plightes that is of idel thought vnhonest speach and wicked deede the whiche if they groweth in a man from the childhood into mans age they maketh a treble cord to bynde the old man on custome of sinne Herefore sayth Esay breake the bondes of sinne Thinke herefore whosoeuer that thou be that art thus sumned that thou might not scape that thou ne shalt yeld the rekenyng of thy baily The third somner to this reckenyng is death And the condition of him is that whan euer he come first other the secoÌd other the last houre he ne spareth neither power ne yougth ne he dreadeth no thretning ne he ne taketh hede of no prayer ne of no gift ne he graunteth no respit but withouten delay he bringeth forth to the dome Herefore seyth Sainct Austen Well ought euerie man drede the day of his death For in what state a mans last day findeth hym whan he dyeth out of this worlde in the same state he bringeth hym to hys dome Herfore seyth the wise man Sonne thinke on thy last day and thou shalt neuer sinne Therfore I rede that thou thinke that thou shalt geue reconing of thy bayly I sayd also that there shall be another doome to the which all men shall come together and this shall be vniuersall And right as to the other dome euery man shall be cleped with these three sumnours so to this dome all this world shall be cleped with three generall clepers And right as the other three messengers tell a mans end so these tell the end of the world The first cleper is the worldly sicknes the second cleper is feblenes and the third is the ende The sicknes of the world thou shalt know by charitie a cooling His elde and febles thou shalt knowe by tokens fulfilling and hys end thou shalt know by Antichristes pursuing First I sayd thou shalt knowe the worldes sicknes by charitie a cooling Clerkes that treate of kynde sayne that a bodie is sicke when his bodely heate is to lite or when his vnkindely heate is too muche Sythe then all mankynde is one bodye whose kindly heate is charity that is loue to God and to our neighbors vnkindly heate is lustfull loue to other creatures When therefore thou seest that the loue of men to Godwaâde and to their neigbour is litle and faynt and the loue of worldlye thynges and lustes of the flesh is great and feruent then wit thou well that vnkindly heate is too great and kindly heate is too little That this be acknowlich of this sicknes I may proue by autoritie of Christ. For he himselfe gaue them as a signe of the drawing to the ende of the world For that wickednes shall be in plente charitie shall acoole Therfore whan thou seest charitie this little in the worlde and wickednes encrease know well that this world passeth and hys welth and that this somner is come And thus seyth Seint Poule Wit ye well that in the laste dayes shall come perilous times and there shall be men louing them selfe that is to say their bodyes couetous by pride vnobedient to father and mother vnkynd fellons withouten affection withouten peace blamers incontinent vnmylde withonten benignitie traytours rebels swelling louers of lustes more then of God hauing a lykenes of pietie and denying the vertue thereof And these flee thou If thou seest