that peace was concluded among the kings In which peace first king Richardâ— Philip the French king renewed againe their oth and league before made concerning their mutual aide and societie during the time of that peregrination Secondly peace also was concluded betweene king Richard and Tancred king of Sicily aforesaide with conditions that the daughter of Tancrede in case king Richard should die without issue should be married to Arthur Duke of Britaine the kings Nephew and next heire to his crowne whereof a formall charte was drawen and letters sent thereof to Pope Clement being dated the ninth of Nouember From this time vntill Februarie the next yeere these two kings kept still at Messana either for lacke of winde and weather or for the repairing of their shippes And in the aforesayde Februarie in the yeere 1191. King Richard sent ouer his gallies to Naples there to meete his mother Elinore and Berengaria the daughter of Zanctius king of Nauarre whom he was purposed to marry who by that time were come to Brundusium vnder the conduct of Philip Earle of Flanders and so proceeding vnto Naples they found the kings shippes wherein they sayled to Messana In this meane space king Richard she wed himselfe exceeding bounteous and liberall to all men to the French king first he gaue diuers shippes vpon others likewise he bestowed riche rewardes and of his treasure and goods he destributed largely to his souldiers and seruants about him of whom it was reported that he distributed more in one moneth then any of his predecessors did in a whole yeere by reason whereof he purchased great loue and fauour which not onely redounded to the aduancement of his fame but also to his singular vse and profite as the sequele afterward prooued The first day of March following he left the citie of Messana where the French King was and went to Cathneia a citie where Tancredus king of Sicily then lay where he was honorably receiued and there remained with king Tancredus three dayes and three nights On the fourth day when he should depart the aforesaid Tancredus offred him many rich presents in gold and siluer and precious silkes whereof king Richard would receiue nothing but one little ring for a token of his good will for the which king Richard gaue againe vnto him a riche sworde At length when king Richard should take his leaue king Tancred would not let him so depart but needes would giue him 4. great shippes and 15. gallies and furthermore hee himselfe would needes accompanie him the space of two dayes iourney to a place called Tauernium Then the next morning when they should take their leaue Tancredus declared vnto him the message which the French King a little before had sent vnto him by the Duke of Burgundie the contents whereof were these That the King of England was a false Traytour would neuer keepe the peace that was betweene them and if the sayd Tancredus would warre against him or secretly by night would inuade him he with all his power would assist him to the destruction of him and all his armie To whom Richard the King protested againe that he was no traytour nor neuer had bene and as touching the peace begun betwixt them the same should neuer be broken through him neither could he beleeue that the French King being his good lord and his sworne Compartner in that voyage would vtter any such wordes by him Which when Tancredus heard he bringeth foorth the letters of the French King sent to him by the Duke of Burgundie affirming moreouer that if the Duke of Burgundie would denie the bringing of the said letters he was readie to trie it with him by any of his Dukes King Richard receiuing the letters and musing not a little vpon the same returneth againe to Messana The same day that King Richard departed the French king came to Tauernium to speake with Tancred and there abode with him that night and on the morowe returned to Messana againe From that time King Richard mooued in stomacke against King Philip neuer shewed any gentle countenance of peace amitie as he before was woont whereat the French king greatly marueiling and enquiring earnestly what should be the cause thereof word was sent him againe by Philip earle of Flanders from king Richard what words he had sent to the king of Sicily and for testimony thereof the letters were shewed which he wrote by the duke of Burgundie to the king of Sicily which when the French king vnderstood first he held his peace as guilty in his conscience not knowing well what to answere At length turning his tale to another matter he began to quarrell with king Richard pretending as though he sought causes to breake with him and to maligne him and therfore he forged sayd he these lies vpon him and all because he by that meanes would auoid to marry with Alise his sister according as he had promised Adding moreouer that if he would so do and would not marry the said Alise his sister according to his oth he would be an enemy to him and to his while he liued To this king Richard sayd againe that he could by no meanes marry that woman forsomuch as his father had carnall copulation with her and also had by her a sonne for proofe whereof he had there presently to bring forth diuers sundry witnesses to the kings face to testifie with him In conclusion through counsell and perswasion of diuers about the French king agreement at last was made so that king Philip did acquite king Richard from this bond of marrying his sister and king Richard againe should be bound to pay to him euery yeere for the space of fiue yeeres two thousand markes with certaine other conditions besides not greatly materiall for this place And thus peace being betweene them concluded the 28 day of the sayd moneth of March the French king lanching out of the hauen of Messana the 22 day after in the Easter weeke came with his armie to the siege of Achon After the departure of the French king from Messana king Richard with his armie yet remaining behinde arriued Queene Alinor the kings mother bringing with her Berengaria the king of Nauars daughter to be espoused to king Richard which being done king Richard in April following about the 20 day of the sayd moneth departed from the hauen of Messana with 150 great ships and 53 great gallies well manned and appointed and tooke his iourney toward Achon who being vpon the Seas on Good friday about the ninth houre rose a mighty South winde with a tempest which disseuered and scattered all his Nauie some to one place and some to another The king with a few ships was driuen to the I le of Creta and there before the hauen of Rhodes cast anker The ships that caried the kings sister queene of Sicily and Berengaria the king of Nauars daughter with two ships were driuen to the I le of Cyprus The king
redinesse his armie to the number of three hundreth sayles purposing for to send them against Rhodes if mortalitie had not happened in his hoâ—t and he afterwarde by the will of our lorde was surprised and taken with death wherefore he being in the latter ende of his dayes as some Turkes and false christian men that were at this siege shewed me did charge by his testament or caused to charge his sonne now being great Turke that after his death hee should make his two first enterprises the one against Bellegrado in Hungarie and the other against Rhodes for to get him honour and to set his Countries and subiectes in rest and suretie The which fatherly motion easilie entered into him and was imprinted in the heart and yoong will of the sayde Solyman his sonne the which soone after the death of his father put in effect the first enterprise and raised an huge hoste both by water and by land and went himselfe in person against Bellegrado a right strong place in Hungarie And after that hee had besieged it the space of two moneths or thereabout for fault of ordinance and vitailes it was yeelded to him by composition the eight day of September in the yeere of our lord one thousand fiue hundred twentie and one The sayd Solyman hauing this victory being swollen and raised in pride and vaineglory turned his heart agaynst Rhodes Neuerthelesse he not ignorant of the strength of it and considering the qualities of the people that were within it of whom he should be well receiued as his predecessours had bene aforetimes doubted much and knew not how to furnish his enterprise For his capitaines and Bashas turned him from it as much as they might by many reasons they knowing the force of it saue onely Mustofa Basha his brother in lawe the which counselled and put him in minde to goe thither Finally hee purposed entirely to haue it by treason or by force And also for the same cause and purpose his father in his dayes had sent a Iewe physician into Rhodes as a spie to haue the better knowledge of it the sayd Solyman was informed that he was there yet wherfore he sent him worde that he should abide there still for the same cause And gaue in charge to one of the chiefe men in Sio to send vnto the sayd Iewe all things needefull to maintaine him And the same Iewe wrote to him of Sio vnder priuie wordes all that was done in Rhodes to giue knowledge thereof to the great Turke and the better to hide his treason the sayde Iewe made himselfe to bee baptised And to bee the more named to be expert in Physike he did some faire cures to such as were diseased whereby he began to bee well trusted and came in fauour with many substantiall folkes of the towne Among all other things whereof hee aduertised the great Turke one was of a wall that was taken downe for to be new builded at the bulwarke of Auuergne certifying him that if hee came hastely with his hoste hee might easilie and at vnawares surprise the towne in such estate as it was at that time Many other aduertisements and warnings hee shewed the Turke which shall bee declared hereafter But beside his aduertisement the sayd great Turke stirred and prouoked by a false traitour a Portingale knight of ours that time Chanceller of the sayd holy Religion a man of great authoritie dignitie and vnderstanding and one of the principall lordes of the counsell of the same named Sir Andrew de Merall by little and little was mooued and kindled to the sayd enterprise of treason whereof was no maruell for it was a great hope and comfort to haue such a person for him that knew all the estate and rule of the religion and of the towne And for to declare the occasions of the cursed and vnhappy will of the said traitor that had bene occasion of so great losse and damage and shall be more at the length if the diuine power set not to his hand And here it is manifestly to bee vnderstood of all men that after the death of the noble and right prudent lord Fabrice of Cacetto great master of Rhodes the sayd Sir Andrew enflamed with ambition and couetousnesse to bee great master and seeing himselfe deceiued of his hope by the election made the two and twentieth day of Ianuary of the right reuerend and illustrate lord Philip de Villiers Lisleadam before him from that time hee tooke so great enuie and desperation enmitie and euill will not onely against the sayde lord but against all the holy religion that hee set all his studie and purpose to betray and sell his religion and the citie of Rhodes to the cursed misbeleeuers forgetting the great honours and goodnesse that hee hath had of the religion and hoped to receiue with many other particuler pleasures that the sayd lord master had done to him But the deuill vnkindnesse and wickednesse had so blinded the eyes of his thought that hee in no wise could refraine him but at euery purpose that was spoken afore him hee was short and might not dissemble And one day among other hee sayde before many knights that hee would that his soule were at the deuill and that Rhodes and the religion were lost And many other foolish and dishonest purposes and wordes hee vttered whereat none tooke heed nor thought that hee had the courage to doe that thing that hee hath done Howbeit obstinate as Iudas hee put in execution his cursed will for soone after that the tidings of the election was sent Westward to the sayde noble lord the sayd de Merall did send a Turke prisoner of his to Constantinople vnder shadowe to fetch his ransome By whom hee aduertised the great Turke and his counsell of the maner and degree of Rhodes and in what state and condicion the towne was in of all maner of things at that time and what might happen of it prouoking and stirring him to come with a great hoste to besiege the towne And after the comming of the sayd reuerend lord great master he gaue other aduise to the great Turke shewing him that hee could neuer haue better time to come seeing that the great master was new come and part of the wall taken downe and that all Rhodes was in trouble by occasion of some Italian knights rebels agaynst the lord great master of the which rebellion he was causer the better to bring his cursed mind to passe and also gaue the sayde great Turke knowledge that all Christian princes were busie warring each vpon other and that he should not doubt but if the rebellion lasted among them the towne should be his without faile as it is seene by experience And for lacke of succours of euery part and especially of such as might easily haue holpen vs beyng our neighbours with their gallies and men of warre wherefore it is now in the handes of the enemies of the christian faith The which
with them but themselues True it is that at their comming thither they doe finde in a readinesse all things necessary their â—ouse furniture seruants and all other things in such perfection and plentie that they want nothing Thus the king is well serued without all feare of treason In the principall Cities of the shires be foure chiefe Louteas before whom are brought all matters of the inferiour Townes throughout the whole Realme Diuers other Louteas haue the managing of iustice and receiuing of rents bound to yeelde an accompt thereof vnto the greater officers Other do see that there be no euil rule kept in the Citie ech one as it behoueth him Generally all these doe imprison malefactours cause them to be whipped and racked hoysing them vp and downe by the armes with a cord a thing very vsuall there and accompted no shame These Louteas do vse great diligence in the apprehending of theeues so that it is a wonder to see a theefe escape away in any City towne or village Upon the sea neere vnto the shoare many are taken and looke euen as they are taken so be they first whipped and afterward layde in prison where shortly after they all die for hunger and cold At that time when we were in prison there died of them aboue threescore and ten If happely any one hauing the meanes to get food do escape he is set with the condemned persons and prouided for as they be by the King in such wise as hereafter it shal be said Their whips be certaine pieces of canes cleft in the middle in such sort that they seeme rather plaine then sharpe He that is to be whipped lieth grouelong on the ground vpon his thighes the hangman layeth on blowes mightily with these canes that the standers by tremble at their crueltie Ten stripes draw a great deale of blood 20. or 30. spoile the flesh altogether 50. or 60. will require long time to bee healed and if they come to the number of one hundred then are they incurable The Louteas obserue moreouer this when any man is brought before them to be examined they aske him openly in the hearing of as many as be present be the offence neuer so great Thus did they also behaue themselues with vs For this cause amongst them can there be no false witnesse as dayly amongst vs it falleth out This good commeth thereof that many being alwayes about the Iudge to heare the euidence and beare witnesse the processe cannot be falsified as it happeneth sometimes with vs. The Moores Gentiles and Iewes haue all their sundry othes the Moores do sweare by their Mossafos the Brachmans by their Fili the rest likewise by the things they do worship The Chineans though they be wont to sweare by heauen by the Moone by the Sunne and by all their Idoles in iudgement neuerthelesse they sweare not at all If for some offence an othe be vsed of any one by and by with the least euidence he is tormented so be the witnesses he bringeth if they tell not the trueth or do in any point disagree except they be men of worship and credit who are beleeued without any further matter the rest are made to confesse the trueth by force of torments and whips Besides this order obserued of them in examinations they do feare so much their King and he where he maketh his abode keepeth them so lowe that that they dare not once stirre Againe these Louteas as great as they be notwithstanding the multitude of Notaries they haue not trusting any others do write all great processes and matters of importance themselues Moreouer one vertue they haue worthy of great praise and that is being men so wel regarded and accompted as though they were princes yet they be patient aboue measure in giuing audience We poore strangers brought before them might say what we would as all to be lyes and fallaces that they did write ne did we stand before them with the vsuall ceremonies of that Countrey yet did they beare with vs so patiently that they caused vs to wonder knowing specially how litle any aduocate or Iudge is wont in our Countrey to beare with vs. For wheresoeuer in any Towne of Christendome should be accused vnknowen men as we were I know not what end the very innocents cause would haue but we in a heathen Countrey hauing our great enemies two of the chiefest men in a whole Towne wanting an interpreter ignorant of that Countrey language did in the end see our great aduersaries cast into prison for our sake and depriued of their Offices and honour for not doing iustice yea not to escape death for as the rumour goeth they shal be beheaded Somewhat is now to be said of the lawes that I haue bene able to know in this Countrey and first no theft or murther is at any time pardoned adulterers are put in prison and the fact once proued are condemned to die the womans husband must accuse them this order is kept with men women found in that fault but theeues and murderers are imprisoned as I haue said where they shortly die for hunger and cold If any one happely escape by bribing the Gailer to giue him meate his processe goeth further and commeth to the Court where he is condemned to die Sentence being giuen the prisoner is brought in publique with a terrible band of men that lay him in Irons hand and foot with a boord at his necke one handfull broad in length reaching downe to his knees cleft in two parts and with a hole one handfull downeward in the table fit for his necke the which they incloâ—e vp therein nailing the boord faâ—t together one handfull of the boord standeth vp behinde in the necke The sentence and cause wherefore the feston was condemned to die is written in that part of the table that standeth before This ceremony ended he is laid in a great prison in the company of some other condemned persons the which are found by the king as long as they do liue The bord aforesaid so made tormenteth the prisoners very much keeping them both from rest eke letting them to eat coÌ„modiously their hands being manacled in irons vnder that boord so that in fine there is no remedy but death In the chiefe Cities of euery shire as we haue erst said there be foure principall houses in ech of them a prison but in one of them where the Taissu maketh his abode there is a greater and a more principal prison then in any of the rest and although in euery City there be many neuerthelesse in three of them remaine onely such as be condemned to die Their death is much prolonged for that ordinarily there is no execution done but once a yeere though many die for hunger and cold as we haue seene in this prison Execution is done in this maner The Chian to wit the high Commissioner or Lord chiefe Iustice at the yeres end goeth to the head City where he
of his subiects Of his age and demeanour and of his seale Chap. 28. THis Emperour when hee was exalted vnto his gouernment seemed to bee about the age of fourty or fourty fiue yeeres He was of a meane stature very wise and politike and passing serious and graue in all his demeanour A rare thing it was for a man to see him laugh or behaue himselfe lightly as those Christians report which abode continually with him Certaine Christians of his familie earnestly and strongly affirmed vnto vs that he himselfe was about to become a Christian. A token and argument whereof was that hee reteined diuers Cleargie men of the Christians Hee had likewise at all times a Chappell of Christians neere vnto his great Tent where the Clearkes like vnto other Christians and according to the custome of the Graecians doe sing publiquely and openly and ring belles at certaine houres bee there neuer so great a multitude of Tartars or of other people in presence And yet none of their Dukes doe the like It is the manner of the Emperour neuer to talke his owne selfe with a stranger though he be neuer so great but heareth and answeareth by a speaker And when any of his subiects howe great soeuer they bee are in propounding anie matter of importaunce vnto him or in hearing his answeare they continue kneeling vpon their knees vnto the ende of their conference Neither is it lawfull for any man to speake of any affaires after they haue beene determined of by the Emperour The sayde Emperour hath in his affaires both publike and priuate an Agent and Secretary of estate with Scribes and all other Officials except aduocates For without the noyse of pleading or sentence giuing all things are done according to the Emperours will and pleasure Other Tartarian princes do the like in those things which belong vnto thē But be it known vnto al men that whilest we remained at the said Emperors court which hath bin ordained and kept for these many yeeres the saide Cuyne being Emperor new elect together with al his princes erected a flag of defiance against the Church of God the Romane empire and against al Christian kingdomes and nations of the West vnlesse peraduenture which God forbid they will condescend vnto those things which he hath inoined vnto our lord the Pope to all potentates and people of the Christiās namely that they wil become obedient vnto him For except Christendom there is no land vnder heauē which they stand in feare of and for that cause they prepare themselues to battel against vs. This Emperors father namely Occoday was poisoned to death which is the cause why they haue for a short space absteined from warre But their intent and purpose is as I haue aboue said to subdue the whole world vnto themselues as they were commanded by Chingis Can. Hence it is that the Emperor in his letters writeth after this maner The power of God Emperour of all men Also vpon his seale there is this posie ingrauen God in heauen and Cuyne Can vpon earth the power of God the seale of the Emperour of all men Of the admission of the Friers and Ambassadours vnto the Emperour Chap. 29. IN the same place where the Emperour was established into his throne we were summoned before him And Chingay his chiefe secretary hauing written downe our names and the names of them that sent vs with the name of the Duke of Solangi of others cried out with a loude voice rehearsing the said names before the Emperour and the assembly of his Dukes Which beeing done ech one of vs bowed his left knee foure times they gaue vs warning not to touch the threshold And after they had searched vs most diligently for kniues and could not find any about vs we entred in at the doore vpon the East side because no man dare presume to enter at the West doore but the Emperour onely In like maner euery Tartarian Duke entreth on the West side into his tent Howbeit the inferiour sort doe not greatly regard such ceremonies This therefore was the first time when we entred into the Emperours tent in his presence after he was created Emperour Likewise all other ambassadours were there receiued by him but very fewe were admitted into his tent And there were presented vnto him such abundance of gifts by the saide Ambassadours that they seemed to be infinite namely in Samites robes of purple and of Baldakin cloth silke girdles wrought with golde and costly skinnes with other gifts also Likewise there was a certaine Sun Canopie or small tent which was to bee caried ouer the Emperours head presented vnto him being set full of precious stones And a gouernour of one Prouince brought vnto him a companie of camels couered with Baldakins They had saddles also vpon their backs with certaine other instruments within the which were places for men to sitte vpon Also they brought many horses mules vnto him furnished w t trappers and caparisons some being made of leather◠and some of iron And we were demanded whether we would bestow any gifts vpō him or no But wee were not of abilitie so to doe hauing in a maner spent all our prouision There were also vpon an hill standing a good distance from the tents more then 500. carts which were all ful siluer and of gold and silke garments And they were all diuided betweene the Emperour and his Dukes and euery Duke bestowed vpon his owne followers what pleased him Of the place where the Emperor and his mother tooke their leaues one of another and of Ieroslaus Duke of Russia Chap. 30. DEparting thence we came vnto another place where a wonderfull braue tent all of red purple giuen by the Kythayans was pitched Wee were admitted into that also and alwaies when we entred there was giuen vnto vs ale and wine to drinke sodden flesh when we would to eate There was also a loftie stage built of boords where the Emperours throne was placed being very curiously wrought out of iuorie wherein also there was golde and precious stones and as we remember there were certain degrees or staires to ascend vnto it And it was round vpon the top There were benches placed about the saide throne whereon the ladies sate towarde the left hand of the Emperour vpon stooles but none sate aloft on the right hande and the Dukes sate vpon benches below the said throne being in the midst Certaine others sate behinde the Dukes and euery day there resorted great companie of Ladies thither The three tents whereof we spake before were very large but the Emperour his wiues had other great and faire tentes made of white felt This was the place where the Emperour parted companie with his mother for she went into one part of the land and the Emperour into another to execute iustice For there was taken a certaine Concubine of this Emperour which had poysoned his father
beene accustomed in times past and from ancient times Also it is farther concluded and agreed vpon that all lawfull marchants of England whosoeuer shall haue free licence and authority with all kindes of shippes goods and marchandises to resorte vnto euery port of the land of Prussia and also to transport all such goods and marchandises vp farther vnto any other place in the sayde land of Prussia and there with all kindes of persons freely to bargaine and make sale as heretofore it hath from auncient times bene accustomed Which priuiledge is granted in all things and by all circumstances vnto the Prussians in England And if after the date of these presents betweene the sayd kingdome of England and land of Prussia any dissension or discorde which God forefend should arise then the foresayd souereigne prince and king of England and the sayd right reuerend lord the Master generall are mutually by their letters and messengers to giue certificate and intimation one vnto another concerning the matter and cause of such dissension and discord which intimation on the behalfe of the foresaid souereigne prince king of England shall be deliuered in the forenamed castle of Marienburg but on the behalfe of the sayd right reuerend lord the Master generall such intimation shall be giuen in the citie of London aforesayd vnto the Maior of the said city that then such a denunciation or intimation being made the marchants of England and the subiects of the land of Prussia may within the space of one yeere next following freely and safely returne home with al their goods marchandises if at the least in the mean while some composition friendly league betweene the two forâ—sayd countreis be not in some sorte concluded And that all the premisses may more firmely and faithfully be put in due practise aâ—d execution on both partes for the strong and inuiolable keeping of peace and tranquillity and also for the full confirmation and strengthening of all the sayde premisses the three foresayd honourable and religious personages being by the said right reuereÌ„d lord the Master general appointed as coÌ„missioners to deale in the aboue written ordination and composition haue caused their seales vnto these presents to be put and the sayd ordination also and letter in the same tenour word for word and in all points euen as it is inserted into these presents they haue mutually receiued froÌ„ the abouenamed three ambassadours of the right soueraigne king of England vnder their seales Giuen at the castle of Marienburg in the yeare of our lord aforesayd vpon the twentieth day of the moneth of August And we therefore doe accept approue ratifie and by the tenour of these presents doe confirme the composition ordination concorde and treaty aforesayd In testimony whereof we haue caused these our letters to be made patents Witnesse our selues a Westminster the 22. of October in the thirteenth yeare of our reigne By the king and his counsell Lincolne The letters of Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia written vnto Richard the second king of England in the yeere 1398 for the renouncing of a league and composition concluded betweene England and Prussia in regard of manifold iniuries offered vnto the Prussians OUr humble commendations with our earnest prayers vnto God for your Maiestie premised Most renowmed prince and mighty lord it is not we hope out of your Maiesties remembrance how our famous predecessour going immediately before vs sent certaine letters of his vnto your highnesse effectually contayning sundry complaints of grieuances iniuries and losses wherewith the marchants of his lande and Order being woont in times past to visite your kingdome with their goods and marchandises haue bene contrary to their liberties and priuiledges annoyed with manifold iniuries and wrongs Especially sithens they haue beene molested in your realme being contrary to the friendly composition made and celebrated by the hono personages master Nicholas Stocket Thomas Graa and Walter Sibil in the yeare 1388 with the assistance of their coarbiters on our part and contrary to God and all iustice oppressed with manifold damages losses and grieuances as in certaine articles exhibited vnto our predecessors aforesayd it doeth more manifestly appeare In consideration whereof being vehemently moued by the damnified parties he humbly besought your highnesse by his messengers and letters for complement and execution of iustice About the which affayres your Maiestie returned your letters of answere vnto our sayd predecessor signifying that the sayd businesse of articles concerned al the communalty of your realme and that your highnesse purposed after consultation had in your parliament to send a more deliberate auswere concerning the premisses vnto our predecessour aforesayd Howbeit he being by death translated out of this present world and our selues by the prouidence of God succeeding in his roome and also long time expecting an effectuall answere from your highnesse are not yet informed as we looked for albeit the complaints of iniuries and losses offered vnto our subiects doe continually increase But from hencefoorth to prouide a remedie and a caueat for the time to come the sayd complaynt doeth vpon great reasons mooue and inuite me Sithens therefore in regard of the sayd composition neither you nor your subiects may be iudged in the empire and sithens plaine reason requireth that the one be not inriched by the others losse as vndoubtedly our subiects should sustaine great damage by the composition aforesayd by vertue whereof your subiects doe enioy all commodities in our lande and contrariwise our subiects in your realme haue suffered as yet sundrie wayes do suffer manifold discommodities losses and iniuries Wherefore most soueraigne prince and mighty lord being reasonably mooued vpon the causes aforesayd we doe by the aduise of our counsellers reuoke and repeale the sayd composition concluded as is aboue written together with the effect thereof purely and simply renouncing the same by these prefents refusing hereafter to haue either our selues or our subiects in any respect to stand bound by the vertue of the sayd composition but from henceforth and for the times heretofore also bee it altogether voide and of none effect Prouided notwithstanding that from the time of the notice of this denunciation giuen vnto the hono Maior of your citie of London for the space of a yeare next ensuing it shall be lawfull for all marchants of your kingdome whatsoeuer with their goods and marchandises to returne home according to the forme in the foresayd compoâ—ition expressed conditionaly thaâ— our subiects may euen so in all respects be permitted to depart with the safety of their goods and liues out of your dominions this present renunâ—iation reuocation and retractation of the order and composition aforesayd notwithstanding Howbeit in any other affayres whatsoeuer deuoutly to submit our selues vnto your highnesse pleasure and command both our selues and our whole order are right willing and desirous and also to benefite and promote your subiects we wil indeuour to the vtmost of our ability
for the preseruation of his most excellent Maiestie his crown Imperiall of his realmes of England and Ireland and to serue his grace the Realme and this present voyage truely and not to giue vp intermit or leaue off the said voyage and enâ—erprise vntill it shal be accomplished to farre forth as possibilitie and life of man may serue or extend Therfore it behoueth euery person in his degree as well for conscience as for dueties sake to remember his said charge and the accomplishment thereof 3 Item where furthermore euery mariner or passengeâ— in his ship hath giuen like othe to bee obedient to the Captaine generall and to euery Captaine and master in his ship for the obseruation of these present orders contained in this booke and all other which hereafter shal be made by the 12. counsailers in this present book named or the most part of them for the better conduction and preseruation of the flette and atchieuing of the voyage and to be prompt ready and obedient in all acts and feates of honesty reason and duetie to be ministred shewed executed in aduancement and preferment of the voyage and exploit therfore it is conuenient that this present booke shall once euery weeke by the discretion of the Captaine be read to the said companie to the intent that euery man may the better remember his othe conscience duetie and charge 4 Item euery person by vertue of his othe to doe effectually with good wil as farre forth as him shall complie all and euery such act and acts deede and deeds as shal be to him or them from time to time commanded committed and enioyned during the voyage by the Captain generall with the assent of the Counsell and assistants as well in and during the whole Nauigation and voyage as also in discouering and landing as cases and occasions shall require 5 Item all courses in Nauigation to be set and kept by the aduice of the Captaine Pilot maior masters masters mates with the assents of the counsailers and the most number of them and in voyces vniformely agreeing in one to preuaile and take place so that the Captaine generall shall in all counsailes and assemblies haue a double voyce 6 Item that the fleete shal keep together and not separate themselues asunder as much as by winde weather may be done or permitted that the Captaines Pilots masters shall speedily come aboord the Admiral when and as often as he shall seeme to haue iust cause to assemble them for counsaile or consultation to be had concerning the affaires of the fleete and voyage 7 Item that the marchants and other skilful persons in writing shal daily write describe and put in memorie the Nauigation of euery day and night with the points and obseruation of the lands tides elements altitude of the sunne course of the moon and starres and the same so noted by the order of the Master and pilot of euery ship to be put in writing the captaine generall assembling the masters together once euery weeke if winde and weather shal serue to conferre all the obseruations and notes of the said ships to the intent it may appeare wherein the notes do agree and wherein they dissent and vpon good debatement deliberation and conclusion determined to put the same into a common leger to remain of record for the company the like order to be kept in proportioning of the Cardes Astrolabes and other instruments prepared for the voyage at the charge of the companie 8 Item that all enterprises and exploits of discouering or landing to search Iles regions and such like to be searched attempted and enterprised by good deliberation and common assent determined aduisedly And that in all enterprises notable ambassages suites requests or presentment of giftes or presents to Princes to be done and executed by the captaine generall in person or by such other as he by common assent shall appoint or assigne to doe or cause to be done in the same 9 Item the steward and cooke of euery ship and their associats to giue and render to the captaine and other head officers of their shippe weekely or oftner if it shall seeme requisite a iust or plaine and perfect accompt of expenses of the victuals as wel flesh fish bisket meate or bread as also of beere wine oyle or vineger and all other kinde of viâ—â—ualling vnder their charge and they and euery of them so to order and dispeâ—de the same that no waste or vnprofitable excesse be made otherwise then reason and necessitie shall command 10 Item when any inferiour or meane officer of what degree or condition he shal be shal be tried vntrue remisse negligent or vnprofitable in or about his office in the voyage or not to vse him selfe in his charge accordingly then euery such officer to be punished or remoued at the discretion of the captaine and assistants or the most part of them and the person so remoued not to be reputed accepted or taken from the time of his remoue any more for an officer but to remaine in such condition and place as hee shall be assigned vnto and none of the companie to resist such chastisement or worthie punishment as shal be ministred vnto him moderately according to the fault or desert of his offence after the lawes and common customes of the seas in such cases heretofore vsed and obserued 11 Item if any Mariner or officer inferiour shal be found by his labour not meete nor worthie the place that he is presently shipped for such person may bee vnshipped and put on lande at any place within the kings Maiesties realme dominion and one other person more able and worthy to be put in his place at the discretion of the captaine and masters order to be taken that the partie dismissed shal be allowed proportionably the value of that he shall haue deserued to the time of his dismission or discharge he to giue order with sureties pawn or other assurance to repay the ouerplus of that he shall haue receiued which he shall not haue deserued such wages to be made with the partie newly placed as shal be thought reasonable and he to haue the furniture of al such necessaries as were prepared for the paâ—tie dismissed according to right and conscience 12 Item that no blaspheming of God or detestable swearing be vsed in any ship nor communication of ribaldrie filthy tales or vngodly talke to be suffred in the company of any ship neither dicing carding tabling nor other diuelish games to be frequented whereby ensueth not onely pouertie to the players but also strife variance brauling fighting and oftentimes murther to the vtter destruction of the parties and prouoking of Gods most iust wrath and sworde of vengeance These and all such like pestilences and contagious of vices and sinnes to bee eschewed and the offenders once monished and not reforming to bee punished at the discretion of the captaine and master as appertaineth 13 Item
countries greeting Before all right great and worthy of honour Edward King of England c. according to our most hearty and good zeale with good intent and friendly desire according to our holy Christian faith great gouernance being in the light of great vnderstāding our answere by this our honourable writing vnto your kingly gouernance at the request of your faithfull seruant Richard Chancelour with his company as they shall let you wisely know is this In the strength of the twentieth yeere of our gouernance be it knowen that at our sea coastes arriued a shippe with one Richard and his companie and sayd that hee was desirous to come into our dominions and according to his request hath seene our Maiestie and our eyes and hath declared vnto vs your Maiesties desire as that we should grant vnto your subiects to goe and come and in our dominions and among our subiects to frequent free Marts with all sortes of marchandizes and vpon the same to haue wares for their returne And they haue also deliuered vs your letters which declare the same request And hereupon we haue giuen order that wheresoeuer your faithful seruant Hugh Willoughbie land or touch in our dominions to be wel entertained who as yet is not arriued as your seruant Richard can declare And we with Christian beliefe and faithfulnes and according to your honourable request and my honourable commandement will not leaue it vndone and are furthermore willing that you send vnto vs your ships and vessels when and as often as they may haue passage with good assurance on our part to see them harmelesse And if you send one of your maiesties counsel to treate with vs whereby your countrey marchants may with all kinds of wares and where they will make their market in our dominions they shall haue their free Marte with all free liberties through my whole dominions with all kinde of wares to come and goe at their pleasure without any let damage or impediment according to this our letter our word and our seale which we haue commaunded to be vnder sealed Written in our dominion in our citie and our palace in the castle of Mosco in the yeare 7060 the second moneth of February This letter was written in the Moscouian tongue in letters much like to the Greeke letters very faire written in paper with a broad seale hanging at the same sealed in paper vpon waxe This seale was much like y e broad scale of England hauing on the one side the image of a man on horseback in complete harnesse fighting with a dragon Under this letter was another paper written in the Dutch tongue which was the interpretation of the other written in the Moscouian letters These letters were sent the next yere after the date of king Edwards letters 1554. The coines weights and measures vsed in Russia written by Iohn Hasse in the yere 1554. FOrasmuch as it is most necessary for al marchants which seeke to haue traffique in any strange regions first to acquaint thēselues with the coines of those lands with which they do intend to ioyne in traffique and how they are called from the valuation of the highest piece to the lowest and in what sort they make their paiments as also what their common weights and measures be for these causes I haue thought good to write some thing thereof according to mine owne knowledge and experience to the end that the marchants of that new aduenture may the better vnderstand how the wealth of that new frequented trade will arise First it is to be noted that the Emperour of Russia hath no other coines then siluer in all his land which goeth for paiment amongst merchants yet notwithstanding there is a coine of copper which serueth for the reliefe of the poore in Mosco no where els and that is but only for quasse water and fruit as nuts apples and such other like The name of which money is called Pole or Poles of which Poles there goe to the least of the siluer coines 18. But I will not stand vpon this because it is no currant money among merchants Of siluer coines there be three sortes of pieces the least is a Poledenga the second a Denga the third Nowgrote which is as much to say in English as halfepenie penie and twopence and for other valued money then this there is none there are oftentimes there coines of gold but they come out of forrein countreys whereof there is no ordinarie valuation but they passe according to the agreement of merchants Their order in summing of money is this as we say in England halfpenie penie shilling and pound so say they Poledenga Denga Altine and Rubble There goeth two Poledengas to a Denga six Dengaes to an Altine and 23 Altines and two Dengaes to a Rubble Concerning the weights of Russia they are these There are two sorts of pounds in vse amōgst them the one great y e other small the great pound is iust two small pounds they call the great weight by the name of Beasemar and the smal they call the Skalla weight with this smal weight they weigh their siluer coines of the which the Emperor hath commanded to put to euery small pound three Rubbles of siluer and with the same weight they weigh all Grocerie wares and almost al other wares which come into the land except those which they weigh by the Pode as hops salt iron lead tinne batrie with diuers others notwithstanding they vse to weigh batrie more often by the small weight then by the great Whensoeuer you find the prices of your wares rated by the Pode consider that to be the great weight and the pound to be the small Also they diuide the small pound into 48 parts and they call the eight and fortieth part a Slotnike by the which Slotnike the retailers sell their wares out of their shops as Goldsmiths Grocers Silkesellers and such other like as we doe vse to retaile by the ounce and as for their great weight which they cal the Beasemar they sel by pode or shippond The pode doth containe of the great weight 40 pounds and of the smal 80 there goe 10. podes to a shippond Yet you must consider that their great weight is not full with ours for I take not their great pound to be full 13 ounces but aboue 12 I thinke it be But for your iust proofe weigh 6 Rubbles of Russia money with our pound weight and then shal you see what it lacketh for 6 Rubbles of Russia is by the Emperors standerd the great pound so that I thinke it the next way to know the iust waight as well of the great pound as of the small There is another weight needfull to be knowen which is the weight of Wardhouse for so much as they weigh all their drie fish by weight which weight is the Beasemar as they of Russia doe vse not withstanding there is another sorte in it the names
keepe a note thereof in your booke secretly to your selfe which you shall open and disclose at your comming home to the gouernours and assistants in such sorte as the trueth of their secret trades and occupyings may be reuealed and knowen You shal need alwayes to haue Argos eyes to spie their secret packing and conueyance aswell on land as aboord the shippe of and for such â—urres and other commodities as yeerely they doe vse to buy packe and conuey hither If you will bee vigilant and secrete in this article you cannot misse to spie their priuie packing one with another either on shore or aboord the shippe worke herein wisely and you shall deserue great thanks of the whole company 10 Also at the lading againe of the shippe you shall continue and abide abord to the ende that you may note and write in your booke all such goods and marchandises as shall be brought and laden which you shall orderly note in all sortes as heretofore as in the second article partly it is touched and in any wise put the Master and the company in remembrance to looke and foresee substancially to the roomaging of the shippe by faire meanes or threats as you shall see and thinke will serue for the best 11 Thus when the shippe is full laden againe and all things aboord in good order and that you doe fortune to goe a shore to the Agent for your letters and dispatch away you shall demand whether all the goods be laden that were brought thither and to know the trueth therof you shal repaire to the companies storehouse there at S. Nicholas to see if there be any goods left in the sayd storehouse if there be you shaldemand why they be not laden and note what kinde of goods they be that be so left and seeing any of the shippes there not fully laden you shall put the Agent in remembrance to lade those goods so left if any such be to be laden as is aforesayd And thus God sending you a faire wind to make speede and away 12 Finally when God shall send you to arriue againe vpon this coast in safetie either at Harewich or elsewhere goe not you aland if you may possiblie to the ende that when you be gone a shore there may no goods be sent priuily ashore to be solde or else to be solde aboord the ship in your absence but keepe you still aboord if you can by any meanes for the causes aforesaid and write the company a letter form the shippe of your good arriuall which you may conuey to them by land by some boy or mariner of the shippe or otherwise as you shall thinke best and likewise when God shall send you and the shippe into the riuer here doe not in any wise depart out of the shippe that you be in vntil the company doe send some other aboord the shippe in your steâ—de and place to keepe the shippe in your absence The Nauigation and discouerie toward the riuer of Ob made by Master Steuen Burrough Master of the Pinnesse called the Serchthrift with diuers things worth the noting passed in the yere 1556. WE departed from Ratclifte to Blackewall the 23 of April Satturday being S. Markes day we departed from Blackewall to Grays The 27 being Munday the right Worshipfull Sebastian Cabota came aboord our Pinnesse at Grauesende accompanied with diuers Gentlemenâ— and Gentlewomen who after that they had viewed our Pinnesse and tasted of such cheere as we could make them aboord they went on shore giuing to our mariners right liberall rewards and the good olde Gentleman Master Cabota gaue to the poore most liberall almes wishing them to pray for the good fortune and prosperous successe of the Serchthrift our Pinnesse And then at the signe of the Christopher hee and his friends banketted and made me and them that were in the company great cheere and for very ioy that he had to see the towardnes of our intended discouery he entred into the dance himselfe amongst the rest of the young and lusty company which being ended hee and his friends departed most gently commending vs to the gouernance of almighty God Tuesday we rode still at Grauesend making prouision for such things as we wanted Wednesday in the morning we departed from Grauesende the winde being at Southwest that night we came to an anker thwart our Lady of Hollands Thursday at three of the clocke in the morning we weyed and by eight of the clocke we were at an anker in Orwell wannes and theâ— incontinent I went aboord the Edward Bonauenture where the worshipfull company of marchants appointed me to be vntill the sayd good ship arriued at Wardhouse Then I returned againe into the pinnesse Friday the 15 of May we were within 7 leagues of the shore on the coast of Norway the latitude at a South sunne 58 degrees and a halfe where we saw three sailes beside our owne company and thus we followed the shoare or land which lieth Northnorthwest North and by West and Northwest and by North as it doth appeare by the plot Saturday at an East sunne we came to S. Dunstans Island which Island I so named It was off vs East two leagues and a halfe the wind being at Southeast the latitude this day at a South sunne 59 degrees 42 minutes Also the high round mountaine bare East of vs at a south sunne and when this hill is East of you and being bound to the Northward the land lyeth North and halfe a point Westerly from this sayd South sunne vnto a North sunne twenty leagues Northwest alongst the shoare Upon Sunday at sixe of the clocke in the morning the farthest land that we could see that lay Northnorthwest was East of vs three leagues and then it trended to the Northwards and to the Eastwards of the North which headland I iudged to be Scoutsnesâ—e At seuen of the clocke we changed our course and went North the wind being at Southsoutheast and it waxed very thick and mistie and when it cleered we went Northnortheast At a South sunne we lost sight of the Serchthrift because of the mist making our way North. And when we lost sight of the shoare and pinnesse we were within two leagues a halfe of the shoare the last land that we saw when this mist came vpon vs which is to the Northwards of Scowtsnesse lay Northnortheast and Southsouthwest and we made our way North vntill a west sunne fiue leagues From that vntill Munday three a clocke in the morning ten leagues Northnortheast and then we went North and by East because the winde came at the Westsouthwest with thicke miste the latitude this day at a South sunne sixtie three degrees and a halfe truely taken at this season we had sight of our Pinnesse againe From that vntill Tuesday a South sunne Northnortheast fortie foure leagues and then Northeast From a South sunne vntill eight of the clocke fifteene leagues Northeast From that vntill Wednesday a South sunne
England receiued and conducted there intertained vsed honoured and finally in good safetie towards his returne and repaire furnished and with much liberalitie and franke handling friendly dismissed to the intent that the trueth of the premisses may bee to the most mightie Emperour of Russia sincerely signified in eschewment of all euents and misfortunes that may chance in this voyage which God defend to the Ambassadours person traine and goods this present memoriall is written and autentikely made and by the sayde Ambassadour his seruants whose names be vnderwritten and traine in presence of the Notarie and witnesses vndernamed recognized and acknowledged Giuen the day moneth and yeere vnderwritten of which instrument into euery of the sayde Shippes one testimoniall is deliuered and the first remaineth with the sayde Companie in London Giftes sent to the King and Queenes Maiesties of England by the Emperour of Russia by the report of the Ambassadour and spoyled by the Scots after the Shipwracke 1 First sixe timber of Sables rich in colour and haire 2 Item twentie entire Sables exceeding beautifull with teeth eares and clawes 3 Item foure liuing Sables with chaines and collars 4 Item thirtie Lusarnes large and beautifull 5 Item sixe large and great skinnes very rich and rare worne onely by the Emperour for woorthinesse 6 Item a large and faire white Ierfawcon for the wilde Swanne Crane Goose and other great Fowles together with a drumme of siluer the hoopes gilt vsed for a lure to call the sayd Hawke Giftes sent to the Emperour of Russia by the King and Queenes Maiesties of England 1 First two rich pieces of cloth of Tissue 2 Item one fine piece of Scarlet 3 Item one fine Uiolet in graine 4 Item one fine Azur cloth 5 Item a notable paire of Brigandines with a Murrian couered with Crimson veluet and gilt nailes 6 Item a Male and Female Lions Giftes giuen to the Ambassadour at his departure ouer and aboue such as were deliuered vnto him at his first arriuall 1 First a chaine of golde of one hundred pound 2 Item a large Bason and Ewer siluer and gilt 3 Item a paire of pottle pots gilt 4 Item a paire of flaggons gift The names of all such Russies as were attendant vpon the Ambassadour at and before his departure out of England Isaak Fwesschencke Demetre Gorbolones Symonde Yeroffia Stephen Lowca Andria Foma Memorandum the day and yeere of our Lord aboue mentioned in the house of the worshipfull Iohn Dimmocke Citizen and Draper of London situate within the famous Citie of London in the Realme of England the aboue named honourable Osep Gregorywich Napea Ambassadour and Orator aboue mentioned personally constituted and present hauing declared vnto him by the mouth of the right worshipfull master Anthonie Hussie Esquire the effect of the causes and contents of and in this booke at the interpretation of Robert Best his interpreter sworne recognized and knowledged in presence of me the Notarie personages vnder written the contents of this booke to be true aswell for his owne person as for his seruants aboue named who did not subscribe their names as is aboue mentioned but onely recognized the same In witnesse whereof I Iohn Incent Notarie Publike at the request of the said Master Anthonie Hussie and other of the Marchants haue to these presents vnderwritten set my accustomed signe with the Subscription of my name the day and yeere aboue written being present the right Worshipfull Aldermen of London Knights Andrew Iudde George Barne William Chester Rafe Greeneaway Iohn Mersh Esquier Iohn Dimmock Blase Sanders Hubert Hussie and Robert Best aboue mentioned The voyage of the foresaid M. Stephen Burrough An. 1557. from Colmogro to Wardhouse which was sent to seeke the Bona Esperanza the Bona Confidentia and the Philip and Mary which were not heard of the yeere before May. VPon Sunday the 23. of May I departed with the Searchthrift from Colmogro the latitude whereof is 64. degrees 25. minutes and the variation of the compasse 5. degrees 10. minutes from the North to the East Wednesday we came to the Island called Pozanka which Island is within foure leagues of the barre Berozoua It floweth here at an East and by South Moone full sea Saturday in the morning we departed from Pozanka and plied to the barre of Berôzoua Gooba whereupon wee came to anker at a lowe water and sounded the said Barre with our two Skiffes and found in the best vpon the shoaldest of the barre 13. foote water by the rule It highâ—th vpon this barre in spring streames 3. foote water and an East Moone maketh a full sea vpon this barre Sunday in the morning wee departed from the barre of Berozoua and plied along by the shoalds in fiue fadome vntill I had sight of S. Nicholas roade and then wee cast about to the Northwards and went with a hommocke which is halfe a mile to the Eastwards of Coya Reca which hommocke and S. Nicholas abbey lye Southsouthwest and Northnortheast and betweene them are 11. leagues Coia Reca is halfe a mile to the Eastwards of Coscaynos Coscaynos the middes of the Island called Mondeustoua ostroue which is thwart of the barre of Berozoua lieth South and by East North and by West and betweene them are 4. leagues or as you may say from the Seaboord part of the barre to Coscaynos are 3. leagues and a halfe Munday at a Northeast and by East sunne we were thwart of Coscaynos Dogs nose lieth from Coscaynos Northnorthwest and betweene them are eight leagues and Dogs nose sheweth like a Gurnerds head if you be inwardly on both sides of it on the lowe point of Dogs nose there standeth a crosse alone Iune FRom Dogs nose to Foxenose are three leagues North and by West The 2. day of Iune I went on shoare 2. miles to the Northwards of Dogs nose and had the latitude of that place in 65. degrees 47. minutes It floweth a shoare at this place at an East Moone full sea and the shippe lay thwart to wende a floodâ— in the off at a Southsoutheast moone So that it is to be vnderstoode that when it is a full sea on the shoare it is two points to ebbe before it be a lowe water in the off The variation of the Compasse at this place is 4. degrees from the North to the East This day the Northnorthwest winde put vs backe againe with Dogs nose where a ship may ride thwart of a salt house in 4. fadome or 4. fadome and a halfe of water and haue Landfange for a North and by West winde which Salt house is halfe a mile to the Southwards of Dogs nose Friday at a Southsouthwest Sunne wee departed from this Salt house It is to be noted that foure miles to the Northwards of Dogs nose there growe no trees on the banke by the water side and the bankes consist of fullers earth Ouer the cliffes there growe some trees so that Dogs nose is the better to be
factors to come aboord the shippe The 29. day their goods were vnladen and carried to the Bashaes garden where he made choyce of such things as he liked taking for custome of euery fiue twenty karsies or whatsoeuer one or after the rate of foure for the hundred The factors after his choyce made determined to send a part of the rest of the goods to Bachu for the speedier making sale thereof for which cause they obtained the Bashaes letter to the captaine of Bachu written very fauourably in their behoofe and thereupon was laden and sent in a small boat of that countrey in merchandize to the value very neere of one thousand pound sterling videlicet one hundreth pieces of karsies seuen broad clothes two barrels of cochenelio two barrels of tinne foure barrels of shaffe There went with the same of the companies seruants William Winckle Robert Golding and Richard Relfe with two Russies whereof one was an interpretor besides foure barkemen They departed from Derbent with the said barke the 19. of Iuly and arriued at Bildih the 25. day their passage and carriage of their goods to Bachu was chargeable although their sales when they came thither were small they had great friendship shewed them of the captaine of Bachu as well for the Bashaes letter as also for the factors sakes who had dealt friendly with him as before is declared Robert Golding desirous to vnderstand what might be done at Shamaky which is a daies iourney from Bachu went thither from whence returning he was set on by theeues and was shot into the knâ—e with an arrow who had very hardly escaped with his life goods but that by good hap he killed one of the theeues horses with his caliuer and shot a Turke thorow both cheâ—ks with a dag On the sixt day of August the factors being aduertised at Derbent that their ship was so rotten weake that it was doubfull she would not carry them backe to Astracan did therupon agree and bargen at that place with an Armenian whose name was Iacob for a barke called a Busse being of burden about 35. tunnes which came that yere from Astracan and was at that instant riding at an Island called Zere about three or foure leagues beyond or to the Eastwardes of Bildih which barke for their more safety they ment to haue with them in their returne to Astracan and therupon wrote vnto Wincoll and the rest at Bachu that they should receiue the same Busse and lade in her their goods at Bildih to be returned to Derbent and to discharge their fiâ—st boate which was obseruâ—d by them accordingly When all their goods were laden aboord the sayd Busse at Bildih and being ready to haue departed thence for Derbent there arose a great storme with the winde out of the sea by force whereof the cables and halsers were broken and their vessell put a shoare and broken to pieces against the rockes euery of them â—hat were in her saued their liues and part of the goods But there was a Carobia or cheste wherein were dollers and golde which they had receiued for the commodities of the company which they sold at Bachu which at the taking out of the Busse fell by the barkes side into the water amongst the rockes and so was lost The packes of cloth which they could not well take out of the Busse were also lost other things that were more profitable they saued The 18. of August the Factors receiued from the Basha 500. Batmans of raw silke parcell of the bargaine made with him who bade them come the next day for the rest of the bargaine The 19. day the Factors went to the Basha according to his appointment but that day they could not speake with him but it was deliuered them as from him that they should looke and consider whether any thing were due vnto him or not which grieued the Factors and thereupon M. Turnebull answered that their heads all that they had were at the Bashaes pleasure But then it was answered there was no such matter in it but that they should cast vp their reckonings to see how it stood betweene them The 20. day they cast vp their reckonings The 21. they went to haue spoken with the Basha but were denied audience The 22. day they heard newes by a Busse that came from Astracan that Arthur Edwards whom the Factors left at Astracan with the moâ—tie of the goods was dead who departed this life the of The 23. day the Factors receiued more from the Basha 500. Batmans of silke The 4. of September newes was brought to Derbent that Golding comming from Shamaky was set on by theeues Turkes and had hurt one of them The 5. Tobias Atkins the gunners boy died of the flure who was buried the 6. day 2. miles to the Southward of the Castle of Derbent where the Armenian Christians do vsually bury their dead About the 20. of September newes came to Derbent that the Busse which they had bought of Iacob the Armenian as before was cast away at Bildih but they receiued no certaine newes in writing from any of our people The 26. of September was laden aboord the ship 40. bales of silke From the 26. till the 2. of October they tooke into the ship bread water and other necessary prouision for their seashore the said 2. day of October the Factors were commanded vpon the suddaine to auoide their house and get them with their prouision out of the towne Whereupon they were constrained to remoue and carry their things to the sea side against the ship and remained there all the night The cause of this sudden auoyding them out of the towne as afterwards they perceiued was for that the Basha had receiued newes of a supplie with treasure that the Turke had sent which was then neare at hand comming toward him The 3. day of October all things were brought from the shoare aboord the ship and that day the Factors went to the Basha to take their leaue of him vnto whom they recommended those the Companies seruants c. which they had sent to Bachu making accompt to leaue them behinde in the Countrey who caused their names to be written and promised they should want nothing nor be iniuried of any After this leaue taken the Factors went aboord purposing presently to haue set saile and departed towards Astracan the winde seruing well for that purpose at South Southeast And as they were readie to set saile there came against the ship a man who weued whereupon the boate was sent a shoare to him who was an Armenian sent from William Wincoll with his writing tables wherein the said Wincoll had written briefly the mishap of the losse of the Busse and that they were comming from Bildih towardes Derbent they and such things as they saued with a small boate forced to put a shoare in a place by the sea side called the Armenian village Whereupon the Factors caused
signet of armes to the letters which we send to so great a Prince as your Maiesty is in any of which points we would haue bene very loth willingly to haue giuen iust cause of offence thereby to our most deare and louing brother And as touching the sayd messenger Ierome Horsey we are sory that contrary to our expectation he is fallen into your Maiesties displeasure whom we minde not to mainteine in any his actions by which he hath so incurred your Maiesties mislike yet that we had reason at such time as we sent him to your Maiesty to vse his seruice as our messenger we referre our selues to your princely iudgement praying your Maiesty to reduce into your minde the especiall commendation which in your letters written vnto vs in the yeere 1585 you made of the sayd Ierome Horsey his behauiour in your dominions at which time your Maiesty was pleased to vse his seruice as your messenger to vs requiring our answere of your letters to be returned by him and by none other That imployment with other occasions taken by your Maiesty to vse the seruice of the sayd Ierome Horsey as namely in the yeere 1587 when your Maiesty sent him to vs againe with your letters and your liberall and princely priuiledge at our request granted to our merchants for which we haue heeretofore giuen thanks to your Maiesty so doe we hereby reiterate our thankefulnesse for the same mooued vs to be of minde that we could not make choise of any of our subiects so fit a messenger to your Maiesty as he whom your Maiesty had at seuerall times vsed vpon your owne occasions into this our Realme But least your highnesse should continue of the minde that the letters which you sent by our ambassador Giles Fletcher wherein some mention was made of your conceiued displeasure against the sayd Horsey came not to our hands and that wee were kept ignorant of the complaint which your Maiesty made therein against the sayd Horsey we do not deny but that we were acquainted aswell by our ambassadour as by those letters of some displeasure conceiued against him by your Maiesty but your sayd letters giuing onely a short generall mention of some misdemeanour committed by him expressing no particulars we were of opinion that this offence was not so hainous as that it might vtterly extinguish all your former princely fauour towards him but that vpon his humble submission to your Maiesty or vpon better examination of the matter of the displeasure conceiued against him the offence might haue beene either remitted or he thereof might haue cleared himselfe And to that end we were not onely by his great importunity long sollicited but by the intercession of some of our Nobility giuing credit to his owne defence we were intreated on his behalfe to vse his seruice once againe into Russia as our messenger to your Maiesty whereby he might haue opportunity to cleare himselfe and either by his answere or by his submission recouer your Maiesties former fauour whereunto our princely nature was mooued to yeeld wishing the good of our subiect so farre foorth as his desert might carry him or his innocencie cleare him Thus noble Prince our most louing and dearest brother it may appeare vnto your Maiesty how we were induced to vse the seruice of the sayd messenger aswell for the recouery of your Maiesties fauor towards him if he had bene found woorthy of it as for experience of the maners and fashions of your countrey where he hath bene much conuersant But sith by your Maiesties letters it appeareth that he hath not cleared himselfe in your Maiesties sight we meane not to vse him in any such price hereafter And as touching your Maiesties conceit of the breuitie which we vsed in the setting downe of your Maiesties stile and titles of honour as nothing is further from vs then to abridge so great and mighty a Prince of the honour due vnto him whom we holde for his greatnesse to deserue more honour then we are able to giue him so shall we need no further nor surer argument to cleare vs of the suspition of the detracting from your Maiesty any part of your iust and princely honor and greatnesse then the consideration of our owne stile which is thus contracted videlicet Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith c. which kingdomes and dominions of ours are expressed by these generall words videlicet England France and Ireland in euery of which there are seuerall principalities dukedomes earledomes prouinces and countreys which being seuerally expressed would enlarge much our stile and make it of great length which by our progenitours hath not bene vsed notwithstanding we thinke it no dishonour to vs compendiously to abridge the same in all our writings and letters written to what Prince King or Potentate soeuer Whereupon we inferre that holding your Maiesties generall stile we offer your Highnesse no dishonour in not expressing all the particular prouinces albeit we can willingly content our selfe vpon the knowledge of your vsages and customes to obserue that course which your selfe shall thinke most honourable And for the sealing vp of our letters which we write to all our allies kinsemen and friends Kings and Princes we haue in vse two seuerall seales both which we esteeme alike honourable bring our princely seales And as the volume of our letters falleth out to be great or small so accordingly is our greater or lesser seale annexed to the sayd letters without esteeming either of them more or lesse honourable then the other So as our most louing and dearest brother in the said letters there was nothing done of purpose to detract from your Maiesty any thing of the vsuall regard which our Highnesse was woont to yeeld vnto your most noble father of famous memory Iuan Basiliuich Emperor of al Russia or to your selfe our dearest brother For the residue of the points of your Maiesties letters concerning the entertainement of our ambassadour and proceeding in the cause of Anthonie Marsh we holde our selfe satisfied with your princely answere and doe therein note an honourable and princely care in your Maiestie to preuent the like troubles controuersies and sutes that Marshes cause stirred vp betweene our merchants and your subiects which is that your Maiestie doeth purpose from time to time to purge your Countrey of such straglers of our subiects as doe or shall hereafter abide there and are not of the Company of our merchants but contemptuously depart out of our land without our Highnesse licence of which sort there are presented vnto vs from our merchants the names of these seuerall persons videlicet Richard Cocks Bennet Iackman Rainold Kitchin Simon Rogers Michael Lane Thomas Worsenham whom it may please your Maiesty by your princely order to dismisse out of your land that they may be sent home in the next shippes to auoid the mislike which their residence in those parts might breed to the
disturbance of our brotherly league and the impeaching of the entercourse And whereas most louing and dearest brother one William Turnebull a subiect of oursis lately deceased in your kingdome one with whom our merchants haue had much controuersie for great summes of money due vnto them by him while he was their Agent in their affayres of merchandises which differences by arbitrable order were reduced to the summe of 3000 rubbles and so much should haue beene payed by hâ—â— as may appeare by your Maiesties councell or magistrates of iustice by very credible information and testimony and whereas also the sayd Turnbull was further indebted by billes of his own hand to diuers of our subiects amounting in the whole to the summe of 1326 pounds which billes are exemplified vnder our great seale of England and to be sent ouer with this bearer of which summes he hath often promised payment it may please your most excellent Maiestie in your approoued loue to iustice to giue order to your fauourable councell and magistrates that those seuerall debts may be satisfied to our merchants and subiects out of the goods merchandise and debts which are due to the state of the sayd Turnbull whereof your Maiesties councell shal be informed by the Agent of our merchants We trust we shall not need to make any new request by motion to your Maiesty that some order might be taken for the finding out of the rest of our merchants goods seised to your maiesties vse in the hands and possession of Iohn Chappel their seruant being a thing granted and no doubt already performed by your Maiesties order We therfore intreat your Maiesty that as conueniently as may be satisfaction or recompense be giuen to our said merchants towards the repairing of their sundry great losses aswell therein as otherwise by them of late sundry wayes sustained And lastly our most deare and louing brother as nothing in all these our occasions is to be preferred before our entire league and amitie descending vpon vs as an inheritance in succession from both our ancestours and noble progenitours so let vs be carefull on both sides by all good meanes to holde and continue the same to our posterity for euer And if any mistaking or errour of either side do rise in not accoÌ„plishing of circumstances agreeable to the fashion of either of our countreys and kingdomes let the same vpon our enterchangeable letters be reconciled that our league and amitie be no way impeached for any particular occasion whatsoeuer And thus we recommend your Maiesty to the tuition of the most High From our royall Palace of Whitehall the 14 of Ianuary anno Domini 1591. The Queenes Maiesties letters to the Lord Boris Pheodorowich ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defendour of the faith c. to the right honourable and noble Prince Lord Boris Pheodorowich Godonoua Master of the horses to the great and mightie Emperour of Russia his Highnesse lieutenant of Cazan and Astracan our most deare and louing cousin greeting Right honourable it hath appeared vnto vs vpon the reading and perusing of the Letters lately sent vnto our Highnesse from our deare and louing brother the Emperour in what part his Maiestie tooke the late imployment of our messenger Ierome Horsey in our affaires into Russia wherein we doe also finde the honourable endeuour vsed by your Lordship to appease his Highnesse mislike and exception taken aswell to the person of our Messâ—nger as to our princely letters sent by him both of which points we haue answered in our letters sent by this bearer directed to our sayd louing brother the Emperour vpon perusing whereof we doubt not but his Maiestie will be well satisfied touching our sayd Messenger and former letters And for the honourable course holden by your Lordship in the interposing of your opinion and fauourable construction in a thing which might grow to the offence of the league and amitie standing betweene your Soueraigne Lord and vs wherein your Lordship performed the office of an honourable and graue Counsellour we take our selfe beholding to your Lordship for your readinesse in that behalfe and doe assure our selfe that the same did proceed of the especiall loue and kinde affection that your Lordship hath euer borne and continued towards vs whereof our princely nature will neuer be vnmindfull We haue bene also from time to time made acquainted by our chiefe and principall Counsellour William Lord Burghley Lord high Treasurour of our Highnesse Realme of England of your letters which haue passed betweene your Lordship and him concerning the entercourse of our Merchants trafficke in your Countreys and of the honourable offices done by your Lordship with the Emperour in fauour of our sayd Marchants And lastly which wee take a most assured argument of your vndoubted loue and affection towards vs that your Lordship hath vouchsafed and of purpose taken into your hands the protection of our sayd Merchants and the heaâ—ing and determining of all their causes and occasions whatsoeuer which shall concerne them or their trade All which wee conceiue to be done for our sake and therefore do acknowledge our selues to be and still will continue beholding vnto you for the same And whereas we haue made mention in our sayd letters written to our louing brother the Emperour of certeine debts due aswell to our merchants as to other of our subiects by one William Turnebull a subiect of ours late deceased in Russia wee pray you to be referred to the sayd letter And forasmuch as the sayd cause will fall vnder your Lordships iurisdiction by reason of your acceptation of all their causes into your patronage and protection we are so well assured of your honourable inclination to iustice and your good affection towards our merchants for our sake that we shall not need to intreat your honourable furtherance either of iustice or expedition in the sayd cause And lastly considering that your noble linage together with your great wisedome and desert hath made you a principall Counsellour and directour of the state of so great a Monarchie whereby your aduice and direction is followed in all things that doe concerne the same we haue giuen order to our sayd principall Counsellour William Lord Burghley treasurour of our Realme of England that as any occasion shall arise to the hinderance of the entercourse betweene these Countreyes or of the priuiledges graunted by his Maiestie to our merchants that he may by aduertisement treat with your Lordshippe thereupon which we by reason of our great princely affayres can not so conueniently at all times doe with such â—â—pâ—â—itâ—on as the cause may require And thus with our princely commendations we bidde you farewell From our royall Pallace of Whitehall the foureteenth day of Ianuariee Anno Domini 1591. To the right honourable my very good Lord the Lord Boris Pheodorowich Master of the horses to the great and mighty Emperour of Russia his Highnesse Lieutenant of Cazan and
all your affaires and being blessed long to preserue you as the chief ornament defence and safegarde of these kingdomes and as the shield and fortresse of his church and hereafter in the life to come to make you shine glorious like a starre amongst the principall nurcing fathers of Gods Church in the perfect ioy of his heauenly kingdome The same most mercifull father likewise grant that these praiers the oftener they be dayly repeated and multiplied in euery corner of your Maiesties most ample territories Islands so much the more sure and certein they may remaine Amen At Haffnia or Copen Hagen 1593. in the moneth of March Y. S. M. most humble subiect Arngrimus Ionas Islander To the courteous and Christian reader Gudbrandus Thorlacius Bishop of Holen in Island wisheth health THere came to light about the yeare of Christ 1561 a very deformed impe begotten by a certain Pedlar of Germany namely a booke of German rimes of al that euer were read the most filthy and most slanderous against the nation of Island Neither did it suffice the base printer once to send abroad that base brat but he must publish it also thrise or foure times ouer that he might thereby what lay in him more deepely disgrace our innocent nation among the Germans Danes and other neighbour countries with shamefull and euerlasting ignominie So great was the malice of this printer his desire so greedy to get lucre by a thing vnlawfull And this he did without controlment euen in that citie which these many yeres hath trafficked with Island to the great gaine and commodity of the citizens His name is Ioachimus Leo a man worthy to become lions foode Moreover there are many other writers found who when they would seeme to describe the miracles of nature which are thought to be very many in this Island the maners customs of the Islanders haue altogether swarued from the matter and truth it selfe following mariners fables more trifling then old wiues tales the most vain opinions of the common sort These writers although they haue not left behind them such filthy reprochful stuffe as that base rimer yet there are many things in their writings that wil not suffer them to be excused altogether acquited from causing an innocent nation to be had in detision by others Wherefore marking reading weighing these things with my selfe considering that there dayly spring vp new writers which offer iniury to the fame reputatiō of the Islanders being such men also as do shamelesly filtch out of other mens labours deluding their readers w t feined descriptions a new rehearsal of monsters I often wished that some one man would come sorth to make answere to the errors of historiographers other vniust censurers and by some writing if not to free our innocent nation from so many reproches yet at leastwise in some sort to defend it among christian friendly readers And for this cause I haue now procured an honest and learned young man one Arngrimus Fitz-Ionas to peruse the works of authors that haue written any thing concerning Island and by sound reasons to detect their errors falshoods And albeit at the first he was very loth yet at length my friendly admonition the common loue of his countrey preuailed with him so farre that he compiled this briefe commentary taking his proofes not out of the vaine fables of the people but from his owne experience and many other mens also of sufficient credit Now he that vndertooke this matter at my procurement did againe as it were by his owne authority chalēge at my hands that I should in two or three words at least make a preface vnto his booke thinking it might gaine some credit and authority thereby Wherfore to speake my minde in a word for my part I iudge him to haue taken both honest necessary paines who hath done his indeuour not onely to weigh the diuers opinions of wrighters concerning things vnknowen and to examine them by the censure of trueth and experience but also to defend his countrey from the venemous bitings of certaine sycophants It is thy part therefore gentle reader to accept this small treatise of his being as it were guarded with the sacred loue of truth and of his countrey against the peruersnes of carpers Farewel Anno 1592. Iuly 29. Here beginneth the Commentary of Island EUen as in war dayly experience teacheth vs that some vpon no iust lawful grounds being egged on by ambition enuie and couetise are induced to follow the armie and on the contrary side that others arme themselues vpon iust and necessary causes namely such as go to battell for the defence and propagation of the Gospel or such as being any way prouoked thereunto doe withstand present violence and wrong or at least not being prouoked by reason of the enemie approching are constrained to be vp in armes right so they that fight vnder Apolloes banner Amongst whom a great part not vpon any honest philosophical or indeede Christian intention addresse themselues to wright especially such as for desire of glory for enuy and spight or vpon malicious and affected ignorance carpe at others and that they may be accompted superiours sometimes whette their stiles against the person name and fame of this or that particular man sometimes inueighing against a whole countrey and by shamelesse vntrueths disgracing innocent nations and people Againe others of an ingenuous minde doe by great industry search and bring to light things profitable namely they that write of Diuinity Philosophy History and such like and they who taking vse and experience for their guides in the said Sciences haue brought things obscure to light things maimed to perfection and things confused to order and they that haue faithfully commended to euerlasting posteritie the stories of the whole world that by their infinite labours haue aduaunced the knowledge of tongues to be short that endeuour themselues to represse the insolencie confute the slanders and withstand the vniust violence of others against themselues their Nation or their Countrey And I for my part hauing scarce attained the sight of good letters and being the meanest of all the followers of Minerua that I may freely acknowledge mine owne wants can do no lesse then become one of their number who haue applied themselues to ridde their countrey from dishonor to auouch the trueth and to shake off the yoke of railers reuilers My estate enabled me onely to write howbeit the excellencie of trueth and the in-bred affection I beare to my countrey enforceth me to do the best I can sithens it hath pleased some strangers by false rumours to deface and by manifolde reproches to iniurie my sayd countrey making it a by-word and a laughing-stocke to all other nations To meet with whose insolencie and false accusations as also to detect the errours of certeine writers concerning this Iland vnto good and well affected men for the common
croaking coax coax Nay it is so palpable that it is not worthy to be smiled at much lesse to be refuted But I will not trifle any longer with the fond Papists let vs rather come vnto our owne writers And first of all I cannot here omit a saying of that most worthie man Doctor Caspar Peucer There is in Islande quoth he mount Hecla being of as dreadfull a depth as any vaste gulfe or as hell it selfe which resoundeth with lamentable miserable yellings that the noise of the cryers may be heard for the space of a great league round about Great swannes of vgly blacke Rauens and Vultures lie hoouering about this place which are thought of the inhabitantes to nestle there The common people of that countrey are verily perswaded that there is a descent downe into hell by this gulfe and therefore when any battailes are foughten else where in whatsoeuer part of the whole world or any bloudie slaughters are committed they haue learned by long experience what horrible tumults and out-cryes what monstrous skritches are heard round about this mountaine Who durst be so bold most learned Sir to bring such an incredible report to your eares Neither hath Island any Uultures but that second kinde of Eagles which Plinie noted by their white tayles and called them Pygarsi neither are there any with vs that can beare witnesse of the foresaid spectacle nor yet is it likely that Rauens and Eagles would nestle in that place when as they should rather be driuen from thence by fire and smoke being things most contrarie to their nature And yet notwithstanding for proofe of this matter as also of a strange tumult heard within the hollow of the mountaine they allege the experience of the inhabitants which indeede testifieth all things to the contrarie But whereabout should that hole or windowe of the mountaine he by the which we may heare outcries noyse and tumults done among them who inhabite the most contrarie distant aud remote places of the earth from vs Concerning which thing I would aske the author of this fable many questions if I might but come to the knowledge of him in the meane time I could wish that from hencefoorth he would learne to tell troth not presume with so impudent a face to enforme excellent Peucer or others of such vnknowen and incredible matters But to returne to Munster who endeuouring to search out the causes of the great and strange fire of that famous hill Aetna is it not monstrous that the very same thing which he there maketh natural he should here imagine to be preternaturall yea infernal But why do I speake of Aetna Let vs rather consider what Munster in another place thinketh of the burning of Hecla It is without doubt saith he that some mountaines and fields burned in old time throughout the whole world and in this our age do burne As for example mount Hecla in Island at certaine seasons casteth abroad great stones spitteth our brimstone and disperseth ashes for such a distance round about that the land cannot be inhabited within 20. miles thereof But where mountaines do continually burne we vnderstand that there is no stopping of the passages wherby they poure forth abundance of fire sometime flaming sometime smoaking as it were a streaming flood But if betweene times the fire encreaseth all secret passages being shut vp the inner parts of the mountaine are notwithstanding enflamed The fire in the vpper part for want of matter somewhat abateth for the time But when a more vehement spirite the same or other passages being set open again doth with great violence breake prison it casteth forth ashes sand brimstone pumistones lumpes resembling iron great stones much other matter not without the domage of the whole region adioyning Thus farre Munster Where consider good Reader how he cutteth his throat with his owne sword consider I say that in this place there is the very same opinion of the burning of Hecla the burning of Aetna which notwithstanding in his 4. booke is very diuerse for there he is faine to run to infernall causes A certaine fierie mountaine of West India hath farre more friendly censurers historiographers then our Hecla who make not an infernall gulfe therof The History of which mountain because it is short sweete I will set downe being written by Hieronimus Benzo an Italian in his history of the new world lib. 2. These be the words About 35. miles distant from Leon there is a mountaine which at a great hole belcheth out such mightie balles of flames that in the night they shine farre and neare aboue 100â— miles Some were of opinion that within it was molten gold ministring continuall matter nourishment for the fire Hereupon a certain Dominican Frier determining to make trial of the matter caused a brasse ketâ—le an iroÌ„ chain to be made afterward ascending to the top of the hill with 4. other Spaniards he letteth downe the chaine the kettle 140. elnes into the fornace there by extreme heate of the fire the kettle part of the chaine melted The monke in a rage ran back to Leon chid the smith because he had made the chaine far more slender then himselfe had coÌ„manded The smith hammers out another of more substance strength then the former The Monke returnes to the mountains and le ts downe the chaine the cauldron but with the like successe that he had before Neither did the caldroÌ„ only vanish melt a way but also vpon the sudden there came out of the depth a flame of fire which had almost coÌ„sumed the Frier his companions Then they all returned so astonished that they had small list afterward to prosecute that attempt c. What great difference is there betweene these two censures In a fiery hill of West India they search for gold but in mount Hecla of Island they seeke for hel Howbeit they wil perhaps reiect this as a thing too new altogether vnknowen to ancient writers Why therefore haue not writers imagined the same prison of soules to be in Chimaera an hill in Lycia which by report flameth continually day and night that is in mount Hecla of Island Why haue they not imagined the same to be in the mountaines of Ephesus which being touched with a burning torch are reported to conceiue so much fire that the very stones sand lying in the water are caused to burne from the which a staffe being burnt vpon them trailed after a man on the ground there proceede whole riuers of fire as Plinie testifieth Why not in Cophantrus a mountaine of Bactria alwayes burning in the night Why not in the Isle of Hiera flaming in the midst of the sea Why not in Aeolia in old time likewise burning for certaine daies in the midst of the sea Why not in the field of Babylon burning in the day season Why not in the fields of Aethiopia glittering alwaies like stars in
of honour yea though they be suspected or conuicted of crimes and dishonestie or be protectours or vniust fauourers of such persons as are suspected and conuicted then what will be thy state oh Island What wil be thy outward shew or condition Doubtlesse most miserable Neither shalt thou by any other meanes more suddenly approch to thy ruine and destruction then if thou committest thy selfe to the gouernment of such men who to the vttermost of their power although they be of thine owne brood dayly seeke thine ouerthrow for their owne priuate aduantage and secret malice Wherefore to be short let these be to aduertise my deare Country how behouefull it is that the matters aforesaid be put in practise But whilest I am speaking these things vnto thee my Countrey oh that my deepe and dolefull sighes which lie hid in the former speach might pierce the eares of our Kings most excellent Maiestie before whom on thy behalfe I doe bewaile the publique miseries which in this respect especially doe arise because wee are so farre distant from the seate and royall presence of our King that many therefore take more libertie and promise more securitie of offending vnto themselues But we will commit all these matters to the most iust Iudge of heauen and earth who beholdeth all things in equitie Nowe it remaineth my beloued Countrey that thou wouldest take in good part these my labours employed in thy seruice and accept them with that fauourable and courteous minde which I haue expected And although they be not of such worth as I could wish yet sith a willing minde is worth all I would not therefore giue ouer because I mistrusted my selfe as one insufficient to contend for thine innocencie for thy reputation and thine honour my deare Countrey But rather whatsoeuer it be if it be ought and how mickle-soeuer which for my slender abilitie I was able to afford in thy defence I thought good not to suppresse it for I esteeme not those men worthy of commendation who despairing To ouergrow the limmes of Lyco stoute Neglect to cure their bodies of the goute And in very deed it doeth no whit repent me of my labour if this little treatise shall tend neither to thine nor to mine owne disgrace But if it shall any thing auaile to thine honour or defence I will thinke my trauaile right well bestowed Yea if by this my slender attempt I may but onely excite other of thy children and my natiue Countreymen being farre my superiours both in learning and industrie to take thy cause in hand either nowe or hereafter what reason is there why any man should say that it is not worth my labour Nowe if they addresse themselues to write howsoeuer my fame shal be obscured yet will I comfort my selfe with their excellencie who are like to impaire my credite for albeit a man ought to haue speciall regard of his name and fame yet is he to haue more of his Countrey whose dignitie being safe and sound we also must needes esteeme our selues to be in safetie Written at Holen Hialtedale in Island the yeere of our Lord 1592. the 17. of the Kalends of May. A letter written by the graue and learned Gudbrandus Thorlacius Bishop of Holen in Island concerning the ancient state of Island and Gronland c. Reuerendissimo viro eruditione virtute conspicuo D. Hugoni Branham Ecclesiae Hareuicensis in Anglia pastori vigilantissimo fratri symmystae obseruando MIrabar equidem vt conjicis reuerende domine pastor primo literarum tuarum intuitu ignotum me ab ignoto scriptis salutari Caeterùm cum vlterius progrederer comperime si non aliter certè nomine tenùs tibi quae tua est humanitas innotuisse Simulabque quòd te nominis Islandorum studiosum experirer exanimo gauisus sum Vndè etiam faciam vt tua pietas tuúmque nomen de Euangelio Iesu Christi nobis congratulantis déque gente nostra tà m benignè támque honorificè sentientis scribentis apud nos ignotum este desinat Quòd verò ad antiquitatis monimeÌ„ta attinet quae hic extare creduntur nihil sanè est preter illa quorum in Commentario isto de Islandia quem vidissete scribis fit mentio de hac nostra insula lectu scriptuuè dignum quod cum humanitate tua communicem De vicinis itidem terris pauca praeter historiam Regum Noruegiae seu veriùs eiusdem historiae fragmenta que alijs alitèr descripta sunt sunt tamen talia quae Krantzius non attigerit aut eorum certè pauca De vicina quoque Gronlandia id veterum opinione habemus eam magno circuitu ab extrema Noruegia vbi Biarmlandia nuncupatur à qua haud vasto interuallo sita sit circum quasi Islandiam exporrigi Illic nostrates aliquando commercia exercuisse eam terram tempore Pontificiorum suos Episcopos habuisse annales nostri testantur Cetera nobis incognita At hodiè sama est vestris Britannis quos ego propè maris dominos appellarim quotannis esse in Gronlandia negotiationes de qua re si me certiorem feceris non erit iniucundum Etiam velim quaecun que noua erunt de rebus vestratium aut vicinorum regnorum ea non omittas Vale foeliciter reuerende Dom. pastor Deo musis commisso gregi quà m diutissime superstes Amen Ex Islandia in festo visitationis D. Mariae Anno 1595 Human. tuae studiosus Gudbrandus Thorlacius Episcopus Holensis in Islandia The same in English To the reuerend learned and vertuous Master Hugh Branham minister of the Church of Harewich in England his brother and felow-pastour c. I Much marueiled euen as your selfe reuerend sir coniectured that I would at the first sight of your letters that being a stranger I should be saluted in writing by one altogether vnknowen vnto mee Howbeit reading a litle further I found my selfe if not otherwise yet by name at least which proceedeth of your courtesie knowen vnto you And also for that I sawe you desirous of the credite and honest report of vs Islanders I greatly reioyced Wherefore I my selfe will be a meane that your vertue and good name because you congratulâ—te with vs for the Gospel of Christ here published and doe thinke and write so louingly and honourably of our nation may cease hereafter to be vnknowen amongst vs. As touching the monuments of antiquitie which are here thought to be extant there is in very deede nothing except those particulars whereof mention is made in the Commentary of Island which you write vnto me that you haue seene worthy to be read or written which I may communicate with you And as concerning our neighbour Countreys we haue litle to shewe besides the history of the Kings of Norway or rather some fragments of the same history which others haue otherwise described howbeit they are all in a maner such things as Crantzius neuer mentioned vnlesse
come in euery ship the fourth part of her Cargason in money which would helpe to put away our commodities at a very good price Also to haue two very good ships to come together would doe very well for in so doing the danger of the voyage might be accompted as little as from London to Antwerpe Master Giles Porter and master Edmund Porter went from Tripolis in a small barke to Iaffa the same day that we came from thence which was the 14. day of this present so that no doubt but long since they are in Ierusalem God send them and vs safe returne At this instant I haue receiued the account of M. Barret and the rest of the rings with two and twentie duckats two medines in readie money So there is nothing remaining in his hands but a few bookes and with Thomas Bostocke I left certaine small trifles which I pray you demaund And so once againe with my hearty commendations I commit you to the tuition of the almightie who alwayes preserue vs. From Aleppo the 29 of May 1583. Yours assured Iohn Newberie Another letter of Master Newberie to the aforesaide M. Poore written from Babylon MY last I sent you was the 29 of May last past from Aleppo by George Gill the purser of the Tiger which the last day of the same moneth came from thence arriued at Foluge the 19 day of Iune which Foluge is one dayes iourney from hence Notwithstanding some of our company came not hither till the last day of the last moneth which was for want of Camels to cary our goods for at this time of the yeere by reason of the great heate that is here Camels are very scant to be gotten And since our comming hither we haue found very small sales but diuers say that in the winter our commodities will be very well sold I pray God their words may prooue true I thinke cloth kersies tinne haue neuer bene here at so low prices as they are now Notwithstanding if I had here so much readie money as the commodities are woorth I would not doubt to make a very good profite of this voiage hither and to Balsara and so by Gods helpe there will be reasonable profite made of the voiage But with halfe money halfe commoditie may be bought here the best sort of spices and other commodities that are brought from the Indies and without money there is here at this instant small good to be done With Gods helpe two dayes hence I minde to goe from hence to Balsara and from thence of force I must goe to Ormus for want of a man that speaketh the Indian tongue At my being in Aleppo I hired two Nazaranies and one of them hath bene twise in the Indies and hath the language very well but he is a very lewde fellow and therefore I will not take him with me Here follow the prices of wares as they are worth here at this instant CLoues and Maces the bateman 5 duckats Cynamon 6 duckats and few to be gotten Nutmegs the bateman 45 medins and 40 medins maketh a duckat Ginger 40 medins Pepper 75 medins Turbetta the bateman 50 medins Neel the churle 70 duckats and a churle is 27 rottils and a halfe of Aleppo Silke much better then that which commeth from Persia 11 duckats and a halfe the bateman and euery bateman here maketh 7 pound and 5 ounces English waight From Babylon the 20 day of Iuly 1583 Yours Iohn Newberie Master Newberie his letter from Ormus to M. Iohn Eldred and William Shal s at Balsara RIght welbeloued and my assured good friends I heartily coÌ„mend me vnto you hoping of your good healths c. To certifie you of my voiage after I departed froÌ„ you time wil not permit but the 4 of this present we arriued here the 10 day I with the rest were committed to prison and about the middle of the next moneth the Captaine wil send vs all in his ship for Goa The cause why we are taken as they say is for that I brought letters from Don Antonio But the trueth is Michael Stropene was the onely cause vpon letters that his brother wrote him from Aleppo God knoweth how we shall be delt withall in Goa and therfore if you can procure our masters to send the king of Spaine his letters for our releasement you should doe vs great good for they cannot with iustice put vs to death It may be that they will cut our throtes or keepe vs long in prison Gods will be done All those commodities that I brought hither had beene very well sold if this trouble had not chanced You shall do well to send with all speed a messenger by land from Balsara to Aleppo for to certifie of this mischance although it cost thirtie or forty crownes for that we may be the sooner released and I shal be the better able to recouer this againe which is now like to be lost I pray you make my hearty commendations c. From out of the prison in Ormuz this 21 of September 1583. His second Letter to the foresaid Master Iohn Eldred and William Shales THe â—arke of the Iewes is arriued here two daies past by whom I know you did write but your letters are not like to come to my handes This bringer hath shewed me here very great courtesie wherfore I pray you shew him what fauor you may About the middle of the next moneth I thinke we shall depart from hence God be our guide I thinke Andrew will goe by land to Aleppo wherein I pray you further him what you may but if he should not goe then I pray you dispatch away a messenger with as much speede as possible you may I can say no more bâ—t do for me as you would I should do for you in the like cause and so with my very hearty commendations c. From out of the prison in Ormuz this 24 day of September 1583. Yours Iohn Newberiâ— His third Letter to Maister Leonard Poore written from Goa MY last I sent you was from Ormuz wherby I certified you what had happened there vnto me and the rest of my company which was that foure dayes after our arriuall there we were all committed to prison except one Italian which came with me from Aleppo whom the Captaine neuer examined onely demaunded what countryman he was but I make account Michael Stropene who accused vs had informed the Captaine of him The first day we arriued there this Stropene accused vs that we were spies sent from Don Antonio besides diuers other lies notwithstanding if we had beene of any other countrey then of England we might freely haue traded with them And although we be Englishmen I know no reason to the contrary but that we may trade hither and thither as well as other nations for all nations doe and may come freely to Ormuz as Frenchmen Flemmings Almains Hungarians Italians Greekes Armenians Nazaranies Turkes and Moores Iewes Gentiles
and onely libertie vse and priuiledge of trading and traffiking and vsing feate of marchandise by and through the Leuant seas otherwise called the Mediterran seas into and from the sayd dominions of the Grand Signor and dominions of the state of Venice and by and through the sayd Grand Signiors dominions to and from such other places in the East Indies discouered as aforesayd And that they the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of the Leuant and euery particular and seuerall person of that companie their and euery one of their seruants factors and deputies shall haue full and free authoritie libertie facultie licence and power to trade and trafficke by and through the sayd Leuant seas into and from all and euery the sayd dominions of the sayde Grand Signor and the dominions of the state of Venice and the sayde Indies and into and from all places where by occasion of the sayd trade they shall happen to arriue or come whither they be Christians Turkes Gentiles or others And by and through the sayd Leuant seas into and from all other seas riuers portes regions territories dominions coastes and places with their ships barkes pinases and other vessels and with such mariners and men as they will leade or haue with them or sende for the sayde trade as they shall thinke good at their owne proper costes and expenses And for that the shippes sayling into the sayde Countreyes must take their due and proper times to proceede in these voyages which otherwise as wee well perceiue can not be performed in the rest of the yeere following Therefore we of our speciall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion for vs our heyres and successors doe graunt to and with the sayd Gouernour and companie of Marchantes of the Leuant that foure good shippes well furnished with ordinance and other munition for their defence and two hundred marriners English men to guide and sayle in the same foure shippes at all times during the sayde twelue yeeres shall quietly bee permitted and suffered to depart and goe in the sayde voyages according to the purport of these presents without any stay or contradiction by vs our heyres and successors or by the Lorde high Admirall or any other officer or subiect of vs our heires or successours in any wise Any restraint lawe statuâ—e vsage or matter whatsoeuer to the contrarie notwithstanding Prouided neuerthelesse that if wee shall at any time within the sayde twelue yeeres haue iust cause to arme our Nauie in warrelike manner in defence of our Realme or for offence of our enemies and that it shall be founde needefull and conuenient for vs to ioyne to our Nauie the shippes of our subiects to be also armed for warres to such number as cannot bee supplied if the sayd foure shippes should be permitted to depart as aboue is mentioned then vpon knowledge giuen by vs or our Admirall to the sayde Gouernour or companie about the fifteenth day of the moneth of March or three monethes before the saide companie shall beginne to make readie the same foure shippes that we may not spare the sayd foure ships and the marriners requisite for them to be out of our Realme during the time that our Nauie shall be vpon the seas that then the sayde compâ—nie shall forbeare to send such foure shippes for their trade of marchandise vntill that we shall retake our sayd Nauie from the sayd seruice And further our will and pleasure is and wee doe by these presentes graunt that it shall be lawfull to and for the sayd Gouernour and companie of Marchantes of the Leuant to haue and vse in and about the affaires of the sayde companie a common seale for matters concerning the sayde companie and trade And that also it shall be lawfull for the Marchants Mariners and Sea-men which shall be vsed and imployed in the sayde trade and voyage to set and place in the toppes of their ships or other vessels the Armes of England with the redde-crosse in white ouer the same as heretofore they haue vsed And we of our further Royall fauour and of our especiall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion haue graunted and by these presents for vs our heyres and successors doe graunt to the sayd Gouernour and companie of Marchants of the Leuant that the sayde landes territories and dominions of the sayde Grand Signor or the dominions of the Signiorie of Venice or any of them within the sayde Leuant or Mediterran seas shall not be visited frequented or haunted by the sayde Leuant sea by way of marchandize by any other our subiects during the saide terme of twelue yeeres contrarie to the true meaning of these presentes And by vertue of our prerogatiue Royall which wee will not in that behalfe haue argued or brought in question wee straightly charge commaunde and prohibite for vs our heyres and successours all our subiects of what degree or qualitie soeuer they bee that none of them directly or indirectly doe visite haunt frequent trade trafike or aduenture by way of marchandise into or from any of the sayd dominions of the sayd Grand Signor or the dominions of the saide Segniorie of Venice by or through the sayde Leuant sea other then the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of the Leuant and such particular persons as be or shall be of that companie their factors agents seruants and assignes And further for that wee plainely vnderstande that the States and Gouernours of the citie and Segniorie of Venice haue of late time set and raysed a newe impost and charge ouer and besides their auncient impost custome and charge of and vpou all manner of marchandize of our Realme brought into their dominions and also of and vpon all marchandise caried or laden from their sayd Countrey or dominions by our subiects or in the ships or bottoms of any of our subiectes to the great and intollerable charge and hinderance of our sayd subiects trading thither wee therefore minding the redresse thereof doe also by these presents for vs our heires and successors further straightly prohibite and forbid not onely the subiects of the sayde State and Segniorie of Venice but also of all other Nations or Countries whatsoeuer other then the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of the Leuant and such onely as be or shall be of that companie their factors agents seruantes and assignes That they or any of them during the sayde terme of twelue yeeres shall bring or cause to be brought into this our Realme of Englande or any part thereof anie manner of small fruites called corrants being the raysins of Corinth or wine of Candie vnlesse it be by and with the licence consent and agreement of the sayde Gouernour and companie in writing vnder their sayd common seale first had and obteyned vpon paine vnto euery such person and persons that shall trade and traffike into any the sayde dominions of the State and Segniorie of Venice by sea or that shall bring or cause to be brought into our saide
silke bed complayning of a sore leg yet after long conference he walked into another Orchard whereas hauing a faire banketting-house and a great water and a new gallie in it he went aboord the gallie and tooke me with him and passed the space of two or three houres shewing the great experience he had in Gallies wherein as he said he had exercised himselfe eighteene yeres in his youth After supper he shewed me his horses and other commodities that he had about his house and since that night I haue not sâ—ene him for that he hath kept in with his sore legge but he hath sent to me daily The 13 of Iune at sixe of the clocke at night I had againe audience of the king and I continued with him till midnight hauing debated as well for the Queenes commission as for the well dealing with her marchants for their traffike here in these parts saying he would do much more for the Queenes maiesty and the Realme offering that all English ships with her subiects may with good securitie enter into his ports and dominions as well in trade of marcandize as for victuall water as also in time of warre with any her enemies to bring in prises and to make sales as occasion should serue or else to depart againe with them at their pleasure Likewise for all English ships that shall passe along his coast of Barbarie thorow the straites into the Leuant seas that he would graunt safe conduct that the said ships and marchants with their goods might passe into the Leuant seas and so to the Turks dominions and the king of Argiers as his owne and that he would write to the Turke and to the king of Argier his letters for the well vsing of our ships and goods Also that hereafter no Englishmen that by any meanes may be taken captiues shall be solde within any of his dominions whereupon I declared that the Queenes maiesty accepting of these his offers was pleased to confirme the intercourse trade of our marchants within this his countrey as also to pleasure him with such commodities as he should haue need of to furnish the necessities and wants of his countrey in trade of marchandize so as he required nothing contrarie to her honour and law and the breach of league with the Christian princes her neighbours The same night I presented the king with the case of combes and desired his maiestie to haue special regard that the ships might be laden backe againe for that I found litle store of salt-peter in readinesse in Iohn Bamptons hands He answered me that I should haue all the assistance therein that he could but that in Sus he thought to haue some store in his house there as also that the Mountayners had made much in a readinesse I requested that he would send downe which he promised to doe The eighteene day I was with him againe and so continued there till night and he shewed me his house with pastime in ducking with water-Spaniels and baiting buls with his English dogges At this time I mooued him againe for the sending downe to Sus which he granted to doe and the 24. day there departed Alcayde Mammie with Lionell Edgerton and Rowland Guy to Sus and caried with them for our accompts and his company the kings letters to his brother Muly Hammet and Alcayde Shauan and the Uiceroy The 23. day the king sent me out of Marocco to his garden called Shersbonare with his gard and Alcayde Mamoute and the 24. at night I came to the court to see a Morris dance and a play of his Elchies He promised me audience the next day being Tuesday but he put it off till Thursday and the Thursday at night I was sent for to the king after supper and then he sent Alcayde Rodwan and Alcayde Gowry to conferre with me but after a little talke I desired to be brought to the King for my dispatch And being brought to him I preferred two bils of Iohn Bamptons which he had made for prouision of Salt-peter also two bils for the quiet traffique of our English Marchants and bils for sugars to be made by the Iewes as well for the debts past as hereafter and for good order in the Ingenios Also I mooued him againe for the Salt-peter and other dispatches which he referred to be agreed vpon by the two Alcaydes But the Friday being the 20. the Alcaydes could not intend it and vpon Saturday Alcayde Rodwan fell sicke so on Sunday we made meanes to the King and that afternoone I was sent for to conferre vpon the bargaine with the Alcaydes and others but did not agree Upon Tuesday I wrote a letter to the King for my dispatch and the same afternoone I was called againe to the Court and referred all things to the King accepting his offer of Salt-peter That night againe the King had me into his Gallie and the Spaniels did hunt the ducke The Thursday I was appointed to way the 300. kintals grosse of Salt-peter and that afternoone the Tabybe came vnto mee to my lodging shewing mee that the king was offended with Iohn Bampton for diuers causes The Sunday night late being the 7. of Iuly I got the King to forgiue all to Iohn Bampton and the King promised me to speake againe with me vpon Munday Upon Tuesday I wrote to him againe for my dispatch and then hee sent Fray Lewes to mee and said that he had order to write Upon Wednesday I wrote againe and he sent me word that vpon Thursday I should come and be dispatched so that I should depart vpon Friday without faile being the twelfth of Iuly So the fridayâ— after according to the kings order appointment I went to the court whereas motion and petition was made for the confirmation of the demaunds which I had preferred they were all granted and likewise the priuileges which were on the behalfe of our English marchants requested were with great fauour and readinesse yeelded vnto And whereas the Iewes there resident were to our men in certaine round summes indebted the Emperors pleasure and commandement was that they should without further excuse or delay pay and discharge the same And thus at length I was dismissed with great honour and speciall countenance such as hath not ordinarily bene shewed to other Ambassadors of the Christians And touching the priuate affaires intreated vpon betwixt her Maiestie and the Emperour I had letters from him to satisfie her highnesse therein So to conclude hauing receiued the like honourable conduct from his Court as I had for my part at my first landing I embarked my selfe with my foresaid company and arriuing not long after in England I repaired to her Maiesties court ended my Ambassage to her highnesse good liking with relation of my seruice performed The voyage of Thomas Stukeley wrongfully called Marques of Ireland into Barbary 1578. Written by Iohannes Thomas Freigius in Historia de caede Sebastiani Regis Lusitaniae
hazer Y con tanto nuestro Sennor os tenga en su guardia Hecha en nuestra corte real en Marruecos que Dios sostenga el 28. dias del mes de Remodan anno 996. In the Name of the mercifull and pitifull God The blessing of God light vpon our lord and prophet Mahumet and those that are obedient vnto him THe seruant of God both mightie in warre and mightily exalted by the grace of God Myra Momanyn the son of Myra Momanyn the Iariff the Hazeni whose kingdoms God maintaine and aduance his authoritie Unto the right fauous right noble right highly esteemed Erle of Leicester after due praises giuen vnto God due blessings and salutations rendred vnto the prophet Mahumet These are to giue you to vnderstand that your letters arriued here in our royal Court and we wel perceiue the contents thereof And your Ambassador which remaineth here in our Court told me the cause of the slownesse of the gages or pledges vntil this time which reckoning we accept of and holde our selues as satisfied And as touching the matter wherof you write vnto vs concerning Iohn Herman and the selfe same complaint which your Ambassador hath made of him before the comming of your letter we had already commaunded him to be taken vpon the complaint which your Ambassadour had made of him whereupon he stil remaineth in hold and shal so continue vntil further iustice be done vpon him according to his desert And so our Lord keepe you in his safegard Written at our royall court in Marocco which God maintaine the 20. day of the moneth Remodan Anno 996. The Queenes Maiesties letters to the Emperour of Marocco MVy alto y muy poderoso Sennor Auiendo entendido de parte de nuestro Agente la mucha aficion y volontad que nos teneys y quanta honra y fauor le hazeys por amor nuestro par a dar nos tanto mayor testimonio de vuestra amistad hemos recebido de lo vno y de lo otro muy grande contento y satisfacion y assy no podemos dexar de agradesceroslo como mereceys Vuestras cartas hemos tambien recibido y con ellas holgadonos infinitamente por venir de parte de vn Principe à quien tenemos tanta obligacion Nuestro Agente nos ba escripto sobre ciertas cosas que desseays ser os embiadas de aqui Y aâ—nque queriamos poder os en ello pontualmente coÌ„plazer como pidiâ— ha succedido que las guerras en que stamoral presente occupadas nonos lo consienten del todo Hemos però mandado que se os satisfaga en parte y conforme à lo que por agora la necessitad nos permite como mas particularmente os lo declararà nuestro Agente esperando que lo reciberreys en buena parte y coÌ„forme al animo con que os lo coÌ„cedemos Y porque nos ha sido referido que aueys prometido de proceder coÌ„tra vn Iuan Herman vassallo nuestro el qual nos ha grauemente offendido de la manera que or lo demandaremos auemos dado orden à nuestro dicho Agente de deâ—irosmas parcularmente lo que desseamos ser hecho a cerca deste negacio rogando os que lo mandeys assicomplir y que seays seruido de fauorescer siempre al dicho Agente y tener lo â—u buen credito como hasta agora aueys hecho sin permiter que nadie vs hagamando de parecer a cerca de las calumnias que le podrax lenantar ny dudar que no complamos muy por enâ—ero todo lo que de nuestra parte os prometiere Nuestro Sennor guarde vostra muy alta y muy podarosa persona Hecha en nuestra Corte Real de Grenewich a 20. de Iulio 1587. The same in English RIght high and mightie Prince Hauing vnderstood from our Agent the great affection and good wil which you beare vs and how great honour and fauor you shew him for our sake to the end to giue vs more ample testimonie of your friendship we haue receiued very great contentment satisfaction aswel of the one as of the other and withall we could not omit to magnifie you according to your desert We haue also receiued your letters and do not a litle reioyce thereof because they come from a prince vnto whom we are so much beholden Our Agent hath written vnto vs concerning certaine things which you desire to bee sent vnto you from hence And albeit we wish that we could particularly satisfie you as you desire yet it is fallen out that the warres wherin at this present we be busied wil not suffer vs fully to doe the same neuerthelesse wee haue commaunded to satisfie you in part and according as the present necessitie doeth permit vs as our Agent will declare vnto you more particularly hoping you will receiue it in good part and according to the good will wherewith wee graunt the same And because it hath bene signified vnto vs that you haue promised to proceed in iustice against one Iohn Herman our subiect which hath grieuously offended vs in such sort as wee haue sent â—ord vnto you wee haue giuen order to our said Agent to informe you more particularly in thaâ— which we desire to be done in this busines praying you also to command the same to be put in execution and that it would please you alwayes to fauour our said Agent and to hold him in good credite as you haue done hitherto not suffering your selfe to be changed in your opinion for all the false reports which they may raise against him nor to doubt that wee will not accomplish at large all that he shall promise you on our behalfe Our Lord keepe and preserue your right high and mightie person Written in our royall Court at Greenwich the 20. of Iuly 1587. A voyage to the Azores with two pinases the one called the Serpent and the other the Mary Sparke of Plimouth both of them belonging to Sir Walter Ralegh written by Iohn Euesham Gentleman wherein were taken the gouernour of the Isle of Sainct Michael and Pedro Sarmiento gouernour of the Straits of Magalanes in the yeere 1586. THe 10. of Iune 1586. we departed from Plimouth with two Pinases the oâ—e named the Serpent of the burden of 35. Tunnes and the other the Mary Sparke of Plimouth of the burthen of 50. Tuns both of them belonging to sir Walter Ralegh knight and directing our course towards the coast of Spaine from thence towards the Isles of the Azores we â—ooke a small barke laden with Sumacke and other commodities wherein was the gouernour of S. Michaels Island being a Portugal hauing other Portugals and Spaniards with him And from thence we sailed to the Island of Graciosa to the West ward of the Island of Tercera where we discried a saile and bearing with her wee found her to be a Spaniard But at the first not greatly
their example against any other time of like occasion But because it may bee supposed that heerein wee forgette not the priuate benefite of our selues and are thereby the rather mooued to incline our selues to this composition wee doe therefore thinke good for the clearing of our selues of all such suspition to declare heereby that what part or portion soeuer it bee of this ransome or composition for Cartagena which should come vnto vs wee doe freely giue and bestowe the same wholy vpon the poore men who haue remayned with vs in the Uoyage meaning as well the Sayler as the Souldier wishing with all our hearts it were such or so much as might seeme a sufficient rewarde for their painefull indeuour And for the firme confirmation thereof we haue thought meete to subsigne these presents with our owne hands in the place and time aforesayd Captaine Christopher Carliell Lieutenant Generall Captaine Goring Captaine Sampson Captaine Powell c. But while wee were yet there it happened one day that our watch called the Centinell vpon the Church-steeple had discouered in the Sea a couple of small Barkes or Boates making in with the Harbour of Cartagena whereupon Captaine Moone and Captaine Varney with Iohn Grant the Master of the Tyger and some other Sea-men embarked themselues in a couple of small Pinnesses to take them before they should come nigh the shore at the mouth of the Harbour left by some stragling Spanyardes from the Lande they might bee warned by signes from comming in which sell out accordingly notwithstanding all the diligence that our men could vse for the Spanish Boates vpon the sight of our Pinnesses comming towardes them ranne themselues ashore and so their men presently hidde themselues in bushes hard by the Sea side amongst some others that had called them by signes thither Our men presently without any due regard had to the qualitie of the place and seeing no man of the Spanyards to shew themselues aboorded the Spanish Barkes or Boates and so standing all open in them were suddenly shotte at by a troope of Spanyardes out of the bushes by which volley of shotte there were slaine Captaine Varney which dyed presently and Captaine Moone who dyed some fewe dayes after besides some foure or fiue others that were hurt and so our folkes returned without their purpose not hauing any sufficient number of souldiers with them to fight on shore For those men they caryed were all Mariners to rowe few of them armed because they made account with their ordinance to haue taken the Barkes well enough at sea which they might full easily haue done without any losse at all if they had come in time to the harbour mouth before the Spaniards boates had gotten so neere the shore During our abode in this place as also at S. Domingo there passed diuers courtesies betweene vs and the Spaniards as feasting and vsing them with all kindnesse and fauour so as amongst others there came to see the Generall the Gouernour of Cartagena with the Bishop of the same and diuers other Gentlemen of the better sort This towne of Cartagena we touched in the out parts consumed much with fire as we had done S. Domingo vpon discontentments and for want of agreeing with vs in their first â—reaties touching their ransome which at the last was concluded between vs should be 100 and 10000 Ducats for that which was yet standing the Ducat valued at fiue shillings sixe pence sterling This towne though not halfe so bigge as S. Domingo giues as yon see a farre greater ransome being in very deede of farre more importance by reason of the excellencie of the Harbour and the situation thereof to serue the trade of Nombre de Dios and other places and is inhabited with farre more richer Merchants The other is chiefly inhabited with Lawyers and braue Gentlemen being the chiefe or highest appeale of their suites in law of all the Islands about it and of the maine land coast next vnto it And it is of no such accompt as Cartagena for these and some other like reasons which I could giue you ouer long to be now written The warning which this towne receiued of our comming towards them from S. Domingo by the space of twentie dayes before our arriuall here was cause that they had both fortified and euery way prepared for their best defence As also that they had caried and conueyed away all their treasure and principall substance The ransome of an hundred ten thousand Ducats thus concluded on as is aforesaid the same being written and expressing for nothing more then the towne of Cartagena vpon the payment of the sayd ransome we felt the said towne and drewe some part of our souldiers into the Priorie or Abbey standing a quarter of an English mile belowe the towne vpon the harbour water-side the same being walled with a wall of stone which we told the Spaniards was yet ours and not redeemed by their composition whereupon they finding the defect of their contract were contented to enter into another ransome for all places but specially for the sayde house as also the Blocke house or Castle which is vpon the mouth of the inner harbour And when wee asked as much for the one as for the other they yeelded to giue a thousand Crownes for the Abbey leauing vs to take our pleasure vpon the Blockehouse which they sayd they were not able to ransome hauing stretched themselues to the vttermost of their powers and therefore the sayd Blockehouse was by vs vndermined and so with gunne powder blowen vp in pieces While this latter contract was in making our whole Fleete of ships fell downe towards the harbour mouth where they anchored the third time and imployed their men in fetching of fresh water aboord the ships for our voyage homewards which water was had in a great wâ—ll that is in the Island by the harbour mouth which Island is a very pleasant place as hath bene seene hauing in it many sorts of goodly and very pleasant fruites as the Orâ—nge trees and others being set orderly in walkes of great length together Insomuch as the whole Island being some two or three miles about is cast into grounds of gardening and orchards After sixe weekes abode in this place we put to sea the last of March where after two or three dayes a great ship which we had taken at S. Domingo and thereupon was called The new yeeres gift fell into a great leake being laden with ordinance hides and other spoyles and in the night she lost the company of our Fleete which being missed the next morning by the Generall hee cast about with the whole Fleete fearing some great mischance to bee happened vnto her as in very deede it so fell out for her leake was so great that her men were all tyred with pumping But at the last hauing found her the Barke Talbot in her company which stayed by great hap with her they were ready to take their men out
or three and fiftie peeces In S. Domingo about fourescore whereof was very much great ordinance as whole Cannon Demi-canon Culuerins and such like In Cartagena some sixtie and three peeces and good store likewise of the greater sort In the Fort of S. Augustin were foureteene peeces The rest was Iron ordinance of which the most part was gotten at S. Domingo the rest at Cartagena A relation of the ports harbors forts and cities in the VVest Indies which haue bene surueied edified finished made and mended with those which haue bene builded in a certaine suruey by the king of Spaine his direction and commandement Written by Baptista Antonio surueyour in those parts for the said King Anno 1587. Santa Marta FIrst Santa Marta the principall Citie of the Bishopricke or Dioces of the coast of Tierra firma or the firme land leith in 10. degrees and ½ the city being situated vpon a sandy bay adioyning vnto the sea side conteineth in it about 30. housholds all the houses being made of canes and couered ouer with Palmito trees and some of them be couered with tyle They haue traffike with none but with the Indians of the said country which doe bring vnto the Citie for to sell â—arthen Pots and Pipkins and Couerlits of Cotton wooll and great earthen Iarres Also they doe traffique to Cartagena It is a countrey which hath but small store of cattel because it is all mountainous and hath small store of people There is a very good harbour before the said towne inuironed with mighty hils great rocks which reach euen vnto the sea side the which hie land doth greatly succouâ— the harbour as also two Ilands which lie about ¾ of a league on the North side so that although they be subiect to Easterly winds and that with great stormes yet they doe no great harme to goe on land Within this Harbour there is a place which is called La Caldera where in times past they were woont to trimme and carene their Shippes As touching the Harbour there is no cause to fortifie it nor to make any account of it by reason there is no trade nor traffique to this place from any other places according as I haue certified your Maiestie thereof And also because here are but few dwelâ—ers oâ— inhabitants and loosing euery day so many as it doeth by reason that it is euery dâ—y robbed and spoyled â—y the enemie But if your Maiestie would command that the Fleete of Noua Hispania might direct their course to this Harbour being in their way and here to water and refresh themselues all the Pilots doe say that the Fleete may proceede on their Uoyage from this place still going before the winde and so goe to the Cape of Saint Anthony which lieth on the Iland of Cuba and from thence goe their direct course to Noua Hispania and by this meanes the Fleete should haue no occasion to passe so many dangers as they doe by reason of the Huricanos or stormy windes which many times do come vpon them when they are vpon the coast of Hispaniola and this is the cause that there are so many ships cast away as your Maiestie doeth well know And as concerning this course according as I haue certified your Maiestie they shall come into no danger at all nor shall make any further way about so by this meanes both the Fleetes may come from Spaine in company and then come to S. Marta and the Fleete of Noua Hispaniâ— may come into this Harbour and the Fleete which doeth goe vnto the firme land may goe directly to Cartagena as they doe Then your Maiestie may send to fortifie the said Harbour and the fortification must be thus That on the morro or mount which is in the entring in of the said harbour there be built a litle Fort and so to plant some small quantitie of ordinance And hard by on the South side there to build a litle Towre and another Sconce where wee may plant some more ordinance So by this meanes not onely the Shippes may ride heere in securitie but also it will bee a defence for those which dwell heere in the Towne and the better to effect this purpose there is hard by the Towne great store of Lyme Stone Sande and Tymber if ocâ—casion should serue Cartagena CArtagena is a Citie and the principall place of the Bisâ—opricke it lyeth fourtie leagues from Santa Marta it standeth in scant 11. degrees The sayd Citie is situated vpon a sandy banke or bay like vnto an Iland it hath about 450. dwellers therein There are very faire buildings therein as concerning their houses they are made of stone and there are three Monasteries of which two of them are of Friers which are within the city the one called Santo Domingo and the other called Santo Augustin and the other which is called Saint Francis which standeth without the citie about 30. paces off And for to goe vnto the said Frierie you must goe vpon a Causey made of stone and water on both sides This citie hath great trade out of Spaine and out of The new kingdome of Granada and out of the Ilands there adioyning from Peruâ— and from all the coast of this firme land and of the fishing of the pearles of Rio de la Hacha and of Margarita it is a very sound countrey This Citie hath a very good Harbour and sufficient to receiue great store of Ships this said Harbour hath two entrances in the one of them lyeth halfe a league from the Citie where all the Ships doe enter into the sayd Harbour the mouth or entring in of the sayde Harbour is 1400. yardes or paces in bredth and very deepe water The other entring in which is called La boca chica or litle mouth lieth a league beyond this place to the westwards It is 900. yards in bredth and in the entring in thereof there lieth a channel in the midst of it which is 200. yards broad and 20. or 15 fadome water some plâ—ces more some lesse And to enter into the Harbour you must go through this channel and the land doth double in and out And at the entring in of the sayde Harbour after you haue pasâ— this Channell you must beare vp to the shoare ward neere vnto the Iland of Caâ—es and looke how much is ouerplus more then the two hundred yardes of the Channell all the rest are certaine ledges of Rockes couered with two or three foote water vpon the tâ—ppe of them some places more and some lesse So the ships which must enter in at the mouth must bring very good Pilots with them which must be very skilfull yet all this will not sâ—rue but they must carry their Boate before and sound with their Lead to know where the â—est place of the Channell lyeth for them to goe in so it will be small hinderance to any shippe that shall enter neither yet danger at all of sinking There are three places about the sayde
piece with souldiers and mariners And hauing good ordinance there are fewe or none of our enemies that can offend vs. For wee shall both leaue and take at all times when we list But it behooueth your maiestie to send both souldiers and mariners to man the Frigats For we haue great want of souldiers and mariners with tackling ankers powder shot caliuers and all kinde of furniture for them For these things are not here to bee had for money and likewise to send some great ordinance for the Zabras For the merchants ships are so weake and so vnprouided that they haue almost none to defend themselues Also we shall be constrained to giue the carena againe vnto al the ships for they are very weake by reason of the long voyage and the mariners and souldiers are wearie with their long trauelling and keeping of them here Thus if it would please your maiestie to command with all expedition that these souldiers and mariners with al kinde of other furniture might be sent vs then the fleete may set forward and so proceede on their voyage God preserue your Catholike royal maiestie FroÌ„ Hauana the of 20 October 1590. Your maiesties seruant whose royall feet I kisse IOHN DE ORIMO General of your Fleete A Letter sent from the Gouernour of Hauana Iohn de Trexeda to the King of Spaine the twentieth of October 1590 touching the wants of that place BY three shippes which departed from this Harbour since the Fleetes arriuall here I haue giuen your maiestie at large to vnderstand what hath happened as much as I can and what thing is here to be done in this citie and what your maiestie must prouide And now once againe I will returne to put your maiestie in minde thereof I beseech your maiestie to command to be prouided and to be sent hither two hundred Negros if you will haue this fortification to goe forwardes because your maiestie is here at great charges with the master workeman and the Officers And for want of Pioners the worke goeth not forwardes For as the worke goeth dayly forward and increaseth farther and farther so we want men to worke and to garde it and likewise to keep it We dare not meddle with those of the Galies And likewise it may please your maiestie to send new working tooles of yron according to a remembrance which I haue sent to your maiestie of late which doeth signifie our wants more at large Likewise it is needefull that your maiestie should send powder and match to furnish these forts And likewise to send money to pay those souldiers which are newly come hither for that companie of souldiers which were sent from Mexico to this place For it behooueth your maiestie not to haue them as yet left till such time as the defences about the forts bee finished and that which is in building vpon the hill which will be ended very shortly if you send the Negros and yron tooles Likewise I haue certified your maiestie that with all speed I am making ready of the fiue Frigates that they may cary all the treasure Also Iohn de Orimo seeing that it is of so great importance to haue them dispatched doeth furnish mee with some money although somewhat scantly vntill such time as your maiestie doth send him some order therefore I beseech you to command it to bee done considering the great charges and expences that we are at here as by the accounts your Maiestie shall more at large perceiue what hath bene spent These Frigats will be made an end of without all doubt by the moneth of Februarie but as yet their tackling and sayles are not here arriued but I doe stay the comming thereof euery day according as the Duke of Medina and Iohn de Ibarra haue written vnto me that those ships which should bring the same were readie to depart from thence All these things it behooueth your Maiestie to send in time for I can assure your Maiestie that you shall not haue vpon the sea such good sâ—ippes as these are For as touching the othee ships of the fleete which are in this harbour it is not conuenient to venture the siluer in them This counsell your Maiestie shall not take of mee for I am a souldier and haue but small skill in nauigation But euery day it is tolde me openly and in secret by many of the pilots captaines masters and mariners As touching the copper I haue put it in practise twise more and haue made proofe thereof wherein there hath bene more spent then I was willing there should haue bene because I haue gotten no fruit thereof I know not the cause but that it is not done effectually by those that haue the working thereof Therefore I beseech your Maiestie to send me that same sounder which I wrote to your Maiestie heretofore of Our Lord keepe your Maiestie many yeeres From Hauana the 20 of October 1590. Your Maiesties seruant whose royall feete I kisse IOHN DE TREXEDA gouernour of Hauana A letter sent to Don Petro de Xibar one of his Maiesties priuie Counsel of the West Indies from Don Diego Mendez de Valdes Gouernour of S. Iuan de Puerto Rico the 20 of Nouember 1590 touching the state of that Citie and Island I Recieued your honours letter the 20 of Februarie whereby I receiued great content to heare that your honour is in good health As touching the imprisonment of our cousin Don Pedro de Valdes it doeth grieue me to the very soule I beseech God to send him his libertie and likewise the imprisonment of Diego Flores de Valdes grieueth me very much I pray God to send good iustice The M. of the fielde Iuan de Texela and the M. workeman Iuan Baptista Antonio arriued here in safetie and haue veiwed this Citie with all the circuite round about and the situation as I haue informed his maiestie thereof They haue marked a place to build a strong Fort whereat the countrey remaineth very well contente And it standeth in a good situation and in a conuâ—nient place on a high mount which doeth lye vpon the entering in of the Harbour so cutteth ouer to a point of land leauing in the Fort as much space as wil containe 3000 persons without ioyning thereunto any part of the coast So the M. del campo hath named the fort Citadella He left me great store of yron worke tooles eight workemen and 200 Negros which are the kings And the Island doth finde 400 pioners which are continually at worke His maiestie hath sent me a warrant to spend the prouision of the Island to take those rents which his maiesty hath here to certifie his maiestie what there is wanting for the maintaining of the workmen that they may haue all things necessary So I haue sent to Nueua Espanna for such things as are here wanting I haue writteÌ„ to the M. of the field which is gone to Hauana informing
the richest and most plentifull in all the world For here are great store of golde mynes siluer mynes and pearle great store of coâ—tâ—n cloth for the countrey people weareth nothing else but fine cotten cloth which is more accepted then silkes For here is great store of silkes they are good châ—ape Al kinde of victuals as bread slesh wines and hennes and all kindes of foules are very plentifull Here are great store of freâ—h riuers The pâ—ople are very louing Here are very faire cities and townes with cosâ—ly buildings better then those in Spaine And the countrey pâ—ople go very richly apparelled both in sâ—â—kes and gold But here wâ— haue order from the king of Spaine that a Spaniaâ—d may not dwell in China aboue 3 yeres and afterwaâ—ds they must returne again into Nueua Espanna and other souldiers must come in their places The countrey is very vnwholesome for vs Spaniardes For within these 20 yeres of 14000 which haue gone to the Philippinas there are 13000 of them dead and not past 1000 of them left aliue There is a place in China which is an harbour called Macaran which the king hath giuen to the Spaniards freely which shall be the placâ— where the ships shall come and trafficke For in this harbour there is a great riuer which goeth vp into the maine land vnto diuers townes and cities which are neere to this riuer And thus â—râ—nbling you no farther I rest From Mexico the 20 of Iune 1590. Your obedient sonne SEBASTIAN BISCAINO A Letter of Bartholomew Cano to Peter de Tapia in Siuill from Mexico the 30 of May 1590 touching the state of Nueua Espanna and the Fleet of that yeere BEcause I haue answered your letters which I haue receiued in the last Fleet as touching that matter I haue no more to say The occasâ—on of my writing vnto you at this time is to giue you to vnderstand that those commodiâ—ies which came in the last Fleet were sold at the fiâ—st good cheape and those that bought them got much by them For now at this instant â—hite Roan cloth is solde for 8 or 9 reals a vare The cause of this was by reason â—here came a carauel of Aduise from Hauana which brought vs nâ—wes how the armie that his maiâ—stie did sâ—nd for England was all spoiled and cast away and therefore thâ—y of Spaine did write that thâ—râ— would come no Fleet from Spaine hither this yeâ—re And this is the cause that all linnen cloth is very deâ—re in these parts Wines also are very deere for they are sold â—or 90 â—nd 100 deminas a pipe When the Frigats departed from hence in August last 1589. Cochinilla was sold at that instant for 50 pesâ—s the quintall and now it is sold for 55 pesoâ—s And since that nâ—wes came from Spaine in a carauâ—l of S. Lucar that it was solde there for 72 ducates the quintall there are laden in this Fleet 14000 Arouas of Cochinilla and 7000 Arouas more were laden in the Frigats which departed before the Fleet. There is laden in the Fleet great quantitie of treasure more then hath bene sent to Spaine these many yeres both for the Kings and the Uice-royes account And the marchants and gentlemen of all these prouinces doe send great quantitie to supply the Kings wants for that his maiestie hath written to the Uice-roy and to the gentlemen of these countreyes to ayde him with much money towardes the maintenance of his warres against France and other places therefore they haue sent good store God send it well to Spaine There are likâ—wise laden aboord the Fleet to the number of 100000â— hides and great store of other kindes of this countrey commodities So that the the Fleet goeth very richly laden Quicke siluer is here very deere for here is almost none to bee had for any money to worke in the gold mynes for without Quicke siluer wee cannot refine our gold And no man vpon paine of death may bring any from Spaine hither but all must come for the Kings account and so the King doeth sell it here there is exceeding great gaine thâ—rein And thus I rest From Mexico the 30 of May 1590. BARTHOLOMEVV CANO A letter of Frier Alonso new elected Bishop of Mechuacan to the king of Spaine written in Peru in the citie de los Reyes the first of March 1590 touching the state of Arica a chiefe Hauen in Peru. VPon Christmas euen the yere 1589 I receiued your maiesties commission in Potossi For which I am and shall be continually bound to pray for your maiesties long health for the great benefits which your maiestie hath bestowed vpon me in â—ending me to Mechuacan whereby my great trauell and paines may be recompenced which I haue taken with that vngrateful and despâ—rate people of the riuer of Plate which they haue â—ene the occasion of in dealing so badly with me their Pastour which haue counselled thâ—m that they should haue a great care to serue God and be dutifull to your maiestie according as euery good and true subiect ought to do Now for this gift which your maiestie hath bestowed on me I most humbly kisse your maiesties handes a thousand times Thus presently I departed from Potossi somewhat sickely to accomplish that which your maiâ—stie hath commanded me So I arriued at Lima in safetie the first of February by the way of Arica which is an hauen towne where they imbarke all the barres of siluer And there I haue seenâ— whaâ— is done what they haue prouided against the Englishmâ—n in that hauen which is That there is a litle fort made hard by the waters side with certaine small pieces of ordinance in the said fort to offend the enemie if occasion should serue that they should offer to come into the harbour and offer any violence But the principall thing of all that we want is to haue souldiâ—rs foote men and horsemen For according as I am informed here want 100 men which should keepe the coast if they should offer to land and march vp into the countrey And likewise the people of this countrey haue told me that if vpon an high mount which is hâ—re in the harbour neere to the hauâ—ns mouth on the Southside of the harbour where the sea doth beat ther were two or three great Canons planted on the top of the hill where very good watch is continually kept from that place they may reach to doe the enemie great hurt a league into the sea The new Uice-roy Don Garcia Vrtado de Mendoça worthy of that dignitie is in great fauour with al those of these realmes for that he is a great solliciter both by sea and land in all kinde of diligence not loosing one houre in your seruice and that which he hath in charge With as much speed as may be I will depart from hence to Mechuacan to serue that church and your maiesty and there I will remaine according to your maiesties commandement
Thâ—n all these aforesaide matters being vnder Registeâ— by the notarie and all things prepared for the voyage the Iudge doeth command the masters to hoyse vp the yards acrosse vnto the howndes of the mastes and many times if they perceiue the shippe to be waâ—ty and ouerladen as many couetous masters doe thâ—n hee hangeth the boaâ—es in the fore and maine â—ackle to see wheâ—her the sayd shippe will make any helde downewarde in laying downe her side if she doe helde he commandeth barkes abourd to discharge her of such lading as is thought to be too much in her and there can no ship depart before they cary the Register of the said Iudges howe that shee goeth by their order and euery shippe carieth her owne Register and in the Register the quantitie of al the goods that are laden in her and if there be any more goods they be forfayâ—ed in the Indies boâ—h shippe and goods The masters are bound to keepe the course that the Admiral doeth leade and euery shippe to follow her and shee must goe alwayes in the Sea before all the rest of the fleete and by night caâ—y light that all may knowe where she goeth The viceadmirall must come behinde all and so euery shippe in the fleete before herâ— if any be ill of sayle all are bounde to fit their sayles in such order that they goe no faster then she doeth The Admiral and the viceadmirall goe neuer but halfe laden but very well armed of men and artillery three times double and more then any of the other haue because they may help to defend all the rest if neede doe require and the dead freight of these two shippes is alwayes borne vpon the whole goods that are laden in the fleâ—te as also at the least there be two hundred souldiers in euery of thâ—se two shippes besides the mariners great gunners gromettes and other officers The voyages bee so appointed that alwayes they goe and come in the best of Summer aâ—d bee there all the winter in the ports to discharge their lading and recharge backe againe The ships that are Admirall and viceadmirall be neither the greatest nor the smallest shippes but of 3 hundreth or 4 hundreth tunnes at the most but they be very good saylers and strong chosen for the purpose to sayle well and to beare good store of ordinance In these two shippes aâ—e alwayes going and comming two good knights men of warre and Captaines and souldiers expert in the warres And in euery other ship is a Captaine which ruleth in all causes of controuersie or fights in the seas the Pilot directeth onely in gouerment and leading the shippe to her port All the Captaines Masters Pilots Maryners and passengers and all others bee obediâ—nt to the two shippes so appoynted to passe they doe as in all other commandements what is by them appoynted hauing power to hang or doe any iustice vpon any man as to them seemeth good at sea and this is the last commandement vpon payne of death if the General please Concerning the Contractation house there are therein sixe Iudges of the highest sort There are visitours of shippes as it is sayd before to see whether the ships goe in order well and sufficient in al things and what manner of men the Masters of the ships and Pilots are whether they be able to answere to all such articles as the reader is able to obiecte vnto them in matters of Nauigation if they be not found sufficient they are not admitted â—o take charge The maâ—ter must knowe whether the ship be sufficiently talked tackled and furnished in all things accordingly as with mastes sayles cables ankers and all other necessary furniture that at such tâ—â—e as any of the high iudges with their ordinary visitours appointed for such causes doe come there be nothing found out of order or lacking according to The booke of orders which euery shippe proportionable to her burthen ought to haue which is not vnknowen to aâ—y of the masters being in writing common among them and all the charge giuen to the Master and Pilot serueth onely to conduct the ship from port to port The counter Master or masters mate is obedient in all things whereunto hee shall bee commanded by the master and Pilote and at his commandement are all the maryners of the ship The shippes commonly goe deeper laden from Spaine then our shippes doe in any voyage The order of the Carena giuen to the ships that go out of Spaine to the Indies THe shippe of what burthen soeuer shee bee must giue a Carena as they call it in the Spanish tongue which is in English shee must be throughly calked and fortified as well with carpenters to set knees into her and any other â—ymbers appertaining to the strengthening of a shippe as with calking which is to put occam into her sides and that kinde of calking is not vsed as ours is here in England but first before they put in any â—hreede of occam they with certaine crooked yrons with an hammer in one hande and the crooked yron in the other doe forcibly pull out all the olde threede that hath bene in the shippe the voyage before and so driue in new If the seame of the shippe be worne to any bredth as many olde shippes be by reason of often raking them vpon that seame there is clapt a piece of caste leade nayled vpon the calking and seame with speciall nayles which leade is cast a handes bredth and as thinne as may bee for the same purpose and at euery voyage it is taken off and renued and by that meanes their shippes are very stanch a yeere or two The Carenero or the Calker doeth giue in suerties that if the shippe so cast ouer as they doe commonly vse to cast them in such sort as any man may goe drie vpon the keele as I haue done and without any butte pipe or any other kinde of timber vnder her sides more then with counter-poyze of stones in her made within certaine timber as though it were a cheste and with the stones the Carenero doeth bring her as hee will high and low leaning or rysing and if shee miscarrie in her Carena then is the Carenero bound if it bee either by fire water or sinking or any other misfortune to pay for the valew of the ship The Carena of a shippe of one hundred tunnes being done so substantially as they vse to doe it will cost two hundred Duckets of two hundred tunnes foure hundred Duckets of three hundred tunnes sixe hundred Duckets and so according to the greatnesse of the shippe It would be done here in England for one third part of the money by reason that the necessaries that goe to it are better cheape here by much and the calkers farre better châ—ape by two parts This Carena may not be giuen at any hand but in a riuer where no tempest can arise as in this riuer of London
letters This was the fleete wherein Cabot discouered the riuer of Plate 1526 Note The Newe found Islands discouered by the English A Mappe of the world To know the latitudes To know the longitudes Now called the straight of Magelane Note Doctor Leys demand The Pope reprehended The longitudes hard to be found out New found land discouered by the Englishmen Note To saile by the Pole Or the straites of Magelane Note Benefite to England Obiection Answere A true opinioÌ„ A voyage of discouery by the Pole M. Therne and M. Eliot discouerers of New found land The cause why the West Indies were not ours which also Sebastian Gabot writeth in an Epistle to Baptista Ramusius Russia became ciuill in y e yere of our Lord 572. Kiow 1237. These ambassadours were Iohan de â— lano Carpini Frier Benedict of Polonian The citie of Mosco first made the seaâ—e of the great Duke Iuan Vasilowich The name of the Moscouites first aduanced The yoke of the Tartars shaken off Basilius â—â—an Vasilowich Theodore The commodities of traâ—â—ike and of nauigation A minister in the voyage King Edwardâ— corporation Reason voide of experience Iiar I would reade Mair that is in the Sarasen language mirt of Turkish and Aegyptian Februarie interpreted by them the moneth to see ships to the sea The first ship The second ship Iohn Stafford Minister M. William Burrough nowe comptroller of her Maiesties nauie The third ship May. Iune Iuly In this land dwellt Octher as it seemeth Rost Islands Stanfew harbor Lofootâ— August Seyman in 70 degrees Willoughbiâ— his land iâ— 72 degrees September In this hauen they died ‖ Or Ellons Here endeth Sir Hugh Willoughbie his note which was written with his owne hand ‖ Duyna Note Upon what occasions and by whom this voyage was set out and of the discouerie of Moscouie by the North. 3. Ships furnished for the discouerie Prouision of victuaâ—s for 18. moneths Choise of Captaines and Pilots Sir Hugh Willoughbie Master Henry Sidney his Oration They departed from Raâ—eliffe the 20. of May 1553. They returne the next yeere not knowing what was become of the other 2. ships They arriue in the Bay of Saint Nicholas The discouerie of Russia The Emperours courteous letters to M. Chanceler The mightie lake of Bealozera The sharpnes of the winter in Moscouie Their manner of building King Edwards letters deliuered The maners of the Flemmings against our men ‖ Dr Dwina Note Aurea vetulâ— oâ— â—â—loâ—ibaba Iuan Vasiliuich that is to say Iohn the forme of Basilius ‖ That is come into our presence No coinâ—s of gold in Russia but all of siluer The weights in Russia The weight of Wardhouse The Russia measures The measure of Wardhouse in cloth is the measure of Danske The Turkes and Armenians pay custome The Emperors beame The Dutch nation lost their priuilâ—dges renued them with a great summe The commodities of Russia Vologda and the state thereof The Emperor of Moscouie is a marchant himselfe Two sorts of â—â—axe Note Inquiâ—ie for the way to Catbaya The Philip and Maâ—y Note Note Note Queene Maries letters to the Emperour of Russia The Italians counsell to our people The diuersitie of weights meaâ—ures in Russiâ— Colmogro Vologda Nouogrode The Russian secretary his name The discouerie principally intended for Gods glory Sebastian Cabota first gouernour of the Moscouie companie Sir George Barnes William Garret Anthony Husie Ioh. Suâ—hcot the first 4. Consulâ— K. Philip and Queene Mary hereby â—o disanull Pope Alexanders diuision Conquest permitted ‖ Anno 1554. The Moscotutes priuiledges vnto the English The largâ—nes of the priuiledge of the Moscouite companie Anno 1555. April 23. Note May 15. Kedelwike chappell The North cape so named by Steuen Burrowe The latitude of Cola. â— Russe Lodia Lodias hauing 24 men a pâ—â—ce From Cola to Pechora is but 7 or 8 dayes sayling The â—â—â—â—esse of one Gabriel A good necessarie note Twentie eight Lodias belonging to Cola. The latitude of Cape S. Iohn 66 degrees 50 minutes Earth swimming aboue water like wood The latitude 68 degrees and a halfe Morgiouets an harbour Drift wood A Samoed Dolgoieue an Island Pechora The variation of the Compas Ice The lat 70 degrees 11 min. S Iames Island The variation of the Compas 7 degrees and a halfe The relation of Loshak The way to the riuer of Ob. A mighty hill in Noua Zembla Loshak The Islands of Uagaits Samoeds The maners of the Samoeds The Samoeds of the Ob very hurtfull and shrewd people Naramzay The latitude The variation of the compas They land vpon Vaigats The vncerâ—entie of â—â—bing flowing They were within 15 leagues of Pechora They returne the 22 of August 1556 Norway Roste Lofoot Finmarke Wardhouse Lappia The Scricfinnes The Lappians Corelia Nouogardia The Russes Tartaria Lampas a mart or faire of the Russes Tartars and Samoeds The Samoeds countrey Or. Pechoraâ— Vaegatz Noua Zembla Store of foule White Foxes White beares The maner of the Samoeds sacrifices about the riuer of Pechere Foure ships The Edward Bonauenture arriued in Scotlandâ— in the Bay of Pettislego Nouemb 7. 1556. Rich. Chancelor drowned His departure from Scotland towards England 1557. Febr. 27. His honourable receiuing into the citie of London A league and articles of amitte concluded and confirmed vnder the great seale of England Foure goodly ships of the merchants prouided for Russia 1557. The King and Queens secoÌ„d letters to the Emperour of Russia Coia Reca Coscaynos Dogs nose The variation of the Compasse 4. degrees Foxe nose Poynt Pentecost Crosse Island Cape good fortune Cape grace Cape Race Frost in Iune Tri Ostroue Ice The variation Corpus Christi poynt Cape Gallant Iuana Creos S. Georges Islands Cape comfort S. Peters Islands S. Pauls Islands Cape Sower beere Kildina Cape Bonauenture â—egor Domshaff Wardhouse ‖ Which were the Bona Esperanza the Bona confidentia and the Philip and Marie Whereof the two first were lost ‖ Or â—rondon The Philip and Marie The bona Confidentia cast away A gainefull trade of fishing at Kegor Commodities fit for Kegor 1557. Wares sent into Russia out of England The Arshinâ— is a Russie measure 7. Ropemakers sent into Russia Cables and Ropes a principall commoditie Danske the old chiefe place for Cables Commodities not bearing the charges of long fraight Furres most vendible Steele Copper Wollen cloth of Rie and Reuel of Poland and Lettowe Russian lether Things goodâ— to die withall Ten yong men sent into Russia Henry Lane Agent The fourth voyage The olde traffike of Russia to Rei Reuel and Poland turned to Saint Nicholâ—â— The articles of their first Commission giuen 1555. Leonard Brian sent to search out Yewe in the North parts of Russia 2. Coopers sent into Russia The marchaÌ„ts letters ouer land written in cyphers The voyag of Steuen Burrowe for the discouerie of the riuer of Ob. M. Anthonie Ienkinson his first trauaile inteÌ„ded for Cathay by the Caspian sea and Boghar Good caske made in Russia 1557 Iohn