And hence the sons of Proselytes in following generations were circumcised indeed but not baptized They were circumcised that they might take upon themselves the obligation of the Law but they needed not baptism because they were already Israelites From these things it is plain that there was some difference as to the end between the Mosaical washings of unclean persons and the baptism of Proselytes and some between the Baptism of Proselytes and John's baptism Not as though they concurred not in some parallel end but because other ends were added over and above to this or that or some ends were withdrawn II. The Baptism of Proselytes was the bringing over of Gentiles into the Jewish Religion The Baptism of John was the bringing over of Jews into another Religion And hence t is the more to be wondered at that the people so readily flockt to him when he introduced a Baptism so different from the known Proselytical baptism The reason of which is to be fetcht from hence that at the coming of the Messias they thought not without cause that the state of things was plainly to be changed and that from the Oracles of the Prophets who with one mouth described the times of the Messias for a new World Hence was that received opinion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That God at that time would renew the World for a thousand years See the Aruch in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and after in Chap. 24. 3. And that also that they used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the world to come by a form of speech very common among them for the times of the Messias which we observe more largely elsewhere III. The baptism of Proselytes was an obligation to perform the Law that of John was an obligation to repentance for although Proselytical baptism admitted of some ends and Circumcisiou of others yet a Traditional and erroneous Doctrine at that time had joyned this to both that the Proselyte covenanted in both and oblig'd himself to perform the Law to which that of the Apostle relates Gal. V. 3. I testifie again to every man that is circumcised that he is a debtor to do the whole Law But the baptism of John was a baptism of repentance Mark I. 4. which being undertaken they who were baptized professed to renounce their own legal righteousness and on the contrary acknowledged themselves to be obliged to repentance and faith in the Messias to come How much the Pharisaical doctrine of Justification differed from the Evangelical so much the obligation undertaken in the baptism of Proselytes differed from the obligation undertaken in the baptism of John Which obligation also holds amongst Christians to the end of the World IV. That the baptism of John was by plunging the body after the same manner as the washing of unclean persons and the baptism of Proselytes was seems to appear from those things which are related of him namely that he baptized in Jordan that he baptized in Enon because there was much water there and that Christ being baptized came up out of the water to which that seems to be parallel Act. VIII 38. Philip and the Eunuch went down into the water c. Some complain that this rite is not retained in the Christian Church as though it something derogated from the truth of baptism or as though it were to be called an innovation when the sprinkling of water is used instead of plunging This is no place to dispute of these things Let us return these three things only for a present answer 1. That the notion of washing in John's baptism differs from ours in that he baptized none who were not brought over from one Religion and that an irreligious one too into another and that a true one But there is no place for this among us who are born Christians the condition therefore being varied the rite is not only lawfully but deservedly varied also Our baptism argues defilement indeed and uncleanness and demonstrates this doctrinally that we being polluted have need of washing but this is to be understood of our natural and sinful stain to be washed away by the blood of Christ and the grace of God with which stain indeed they were defiled who were baptized by John But to denote this washing by a Sacramental sign the sprinkling of water is as sufficient as the dipping into water when in truth this argues washing and purification as well as that But those who were baptized by John were blemished with another stain and that an outward one and after a manner visible that is a polluted religion namely Judaism or Heathenism from which if according to the custom of the Nation they past by a deeper and severer washing they neither underwent it without reason nor with any reason may it be laid upon us whose condition is different from theirs 2. Since Dipping was a rite used only in the Jewish Nation and proper to it it were something hard if all Nations should be subjected under it but especially when it is neither necessarily to be esteemed of the essence of baptism and is moreover so harsh and dangerous that in regard of these things it scarcely gave place to Circumcision We read that some leavened with Judaism to the highest degree yet wish't that Dipping in Purification might be taken away because it was accompanied with so much severity b b b b b b Hieros Beracoth fol. 6. 3. In the days of R. Joshua ben Levi some endeavoured to abolish this dipping for the sake of the women of Galilee because by reason of the cold they became barren R. Joshua ben Levi said unto them do ye go about to take away that which hedges in Israel from transgression Surely it is hard to lay this yoke upon the neck of all Nations which seemed too rough to the Jews themselves and not to be born by them men too much given to such kind of severer rites And if it be demanded of them who went about to take away that dipping Would you have no purification at all by water It is probable that they would have allowed of the sprinkling of water which is less harsh and not less agreeable to the thing it self 3. The following ages with good reason and by Divine Prescript administred a Baptism differing in a greater matter from the Baptism of John and therefore it was less to differ in a less matter The application of water was necessarily of the essence of Baptism but the application of it in this or that manner speaks but a circumstance The adding also of the word was of the nature of a Sacrament but the changing of the word into this or that form would you not call this a circumstance also And yet we read the form of Baptism so changed that you may observe it to have been threefold in the history of the New Testament Secondly In reference to the form of John's Baptism which thing we have propounded
as they would make him Chap. 31. Then Elihu the Pen-man undertakes to moderate but inclining to the same misprision with the others the Lord himself convinceth them all of the uprightness of Job which no arguments of Job could do and this not only by an oracle from Heaven but also by Jobs revived prosperity wherein every thing that he had lost was restored double to him but only his children which though they died yet were not lost His years were doubled for he lived an hundred and forty years after his trouble and so was seventy years old when his trouble came and died two hundred and ten years old the longest liver born since Terah CHAP. II. to Ver. 11. Years of the Promise 341 ISRAELS afflictions increase upon them the cruel King of Egypt commanding Years of the Promise 342 all the Male children to be slain Miriam was born not far from Years of the Promise 343 this time she was able to stand and watch Moses when he was cast into the Years of the Promise 344 river her name signifieth Bitterness and Rebellion both and it is not to be Years of the Promise 345 doubted but holy Amram when he gave her name had regard to that sad Years of the Promise 346 cause and effect of which they had so great cause to be sensible Miriam Years of the Promise 347 was a Prophetess Exod. 15. 20. Micah 6. 4. World 2431 Years of the Promise 348 AARON born a Saint of the Lord Psal. 106. 16. His name soundeth Years of the Promise 349 both of sorrow and joy as the tenor of Psal. 88. 89. made in these afflictions Years of the Promise 350 doth World 2433 Years of the Promise 351 Moses 1 MOSES born supernaturally his mother being exceeding old at his Years of the Promise 352 Moses 2 birth she was his fathers own Aunt the daughter of Levi so is Moses Years of the Promise 353 Moses 3 a Levite both by father and mother He is preserved in an ark like a Years of the Promise 354 Moses 4 second Noah his mother is paid for nursing her own child he is adopted Years of the Promise 355 Moses 5 by Pharaohs daughter for her own son and so the King is his nursing Father Years of the Promise 356 Moses 6 and the Queen his nursing Mother And in this doth Moses typifie Years of the Promise 357 Moses 7 Christ that his true Father is unknown to the Egyptians and he Years of the Promise 358 Moses 8 reputed the son of Pharaoh as the true Father of Christ unknown to Years of the Promise 359 Moses 9 the Jews and he reputed the son of Joseph Years of the Promise 360 Moses 10 Moses was educated and learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians Years of the Promise 361 Moses 11 Years of the Promise 362 Moses 12 Acts 7. 22. Stephen speaketh this from necessary consequence not having Years of the Promise 363 Moses 13 express Text for it for it could no otherwise be conceived of the adopted Years of the Promise 364 Moses 14 Years of the Promise 365 Moses 15 son of a King and of a King of Egypt which Nation was exceedingly Years of the Promise 366 Moses 16 given to learning and study JOB is yet alive and probably out-liveth Years of the Promise 367 Moses 17 Moses In the reading of his Book it may be advantagious to the Years of the Promise 368 Moses 18 Years of the Promise 369 Moses 19 Reader to observe how in very many places it toucheth upon the history Years of the Promise 370 Moses 20 Years of the Promise 371 Moses 21 that is contained in the Book of Genesis though that Book was not then Years of the Promise 372 Moses 22 written The creation is handled Chap. 38. The first Adam mentioned Years of the Promise 373 Moses 23 Chap. 15. 7. The fall of Angels and Man Chap. 4. 20. 5. 2. The miserable Years of the Promise 374 Moses 24 Years of the Promise 375 Moses 25 case of Cain that was hedged in that he could not die Chap. 3. 21. Years of the Promise 376 Moses 26 The old world and the flood Chap. 22. 6. The builders of Babel Chap. 3. Years of the Promise 377 Moses 27 Years of the Promise 378 Moses 28 15. 5. 13. The fire of Sedom Chap. 20. 23 26. and divers such references Years of the Promise 379 Moses 29 may be observed which are closely touched in the Book which Years of the Promise 380 Moses 30 Years of the Promise 381 Moses 31 they came to know partly by tradition partly by living so near the Hebrews Years of the Promise 382 Moses 32 and the places where these things were done and partly by revelation Years of the Promise 383 Moses 33 as Chap. 4. 12. 38. 1 Years of the Promise 384 Moses 34 Years of the Promise 385 Moses 35 The Pen-man of the Book before and after the speeches of Job and his Years of the Promise 386 Moses 36 friends often useth the name Jehovah but in all the speeches never but Years of the Promise 387 Moses 37 once and that is in Chap. 12. 10. speaking there of Gods giving the Creature Years of the Promise 388 Moses 38 Years of the Promise 389 Moses 39 his being CHAP. II. from Ver. 11. to the end World 2473 Years of the Promise 390 Moses 40 MOses by faith at forty years old Acts 7. 23. refuseth the Courts Years of the Promise 391 Moses 41 visiteth his brethren slayeth an Egyptian fleeth into Midian Years of the Promise 392 Moses 42 Years of the Promise 393 Moses 43 Heb. 11. 24 25 26. By faith Moses refuseth to be called the son of Pharaohs Years of the Promise 394 Moses 44 daughter chusing rather to suffer affliction with the people of God then Years of the Promise 395 Moses 45 Years of the Promise 396 Moses 46 to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season Esteeming the reproach of Christ Years of the Promise 397 Moses 47 greater riches then the treasures of Egypt for he had respect unto the recompence Years of the Promise 398 Moses 48 Years of the Promise 399 Moses 49 of the reward In Midian he marrieth Zipporah and hath a son by Years of the Promise 400 Moses 50 her whom he calleth Gershom which signifieth a desolate stranger because Years of the Promise 401 Moses 51 of his remote residence from his own people in a forain land Years of the Promise 402 Moses 52 Years of the Promise 403 Moses 53 Israel is not yet throughly humbled under their affliction and therefore Years of the Promise 404 Moses 54 it is but just they should continue under it they refused the deliverer Years of the Promise 405 Moses 55 Years of the Promise 406 Moses 56 when he offered himself unto them with Who made thee a Prince Years of the Promise 407 Moses 57 and a Ruler over us And therefore they are but answered according to Years of the
our iniquities shall be forgiven for his sake and vers 6. 7. In the Chaldee c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. we all of us have been scattered like Sheep every one strayed and wandred in his own way But it hath seemed good to God to forgive us all our sins for his sake he prayed and was heard nay before he opened his mouth he was accepted It may indeed be some doubt whether the Paraphrast by this He who shall interceed understands the Messias or some other because those things which are spoken from vers 13. of Chap. LII to vers 4. of Chap. LIII He seems to mean them confusedly sometimes of the Messias and sometimes of the people of Israel as many of their modern Authors do But the doubt may soon be resolved by observing that he attributes remission of sins to the same person of whom he saith That he shall gather the captivity of Israel and shall send the wicked to Hell But this cannot be meant of the people of Israel and consequently it must be understood of the Messias Nor is it any wonder that the Jews should do this honour to the Messias when they give so great a part of it to their Ancestors Abraham Isaac c. The Jerusalem Targum Gen. XXII 14. introduceth Abraham desiring of God that when the children of Israel should address themselves to him in time of necessity he would remember Isaac's voluntary oblation of himself to be a sacrifice for so they think it was and pardon them and forgive their sins And in T. B. Ber. 7. 1. there is one Rabi who interprets those words in Daniel's prayer Dan. IX 17. for the Lords sake 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. for Abrahams sake But the plainest and clearest place to this purpose as if it had been written by a Christian under the disguise of a Jewish style is extant in a book of great repute among the Jews for its Antiquity Though for some reasons I conjecture the Author lived after Mahomets time called Pesikta It is quoted in Jalkut on Isa. LX. 1. Buxtorf hath already given us this place largely translated into Latine in Arc. foed cap. 14. I 'le here set down as little as may be of it for brevity sake with an observation or two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 God beginning to make a Covenant with him the Messias thus bespake him Those whose iniquities are hid with you will put you into an iron yoke with which they 'l make you like an heifer almost blind with labour and strangle you for the cause of their iniquities your Tongue shall cleave with grief and drought to the roof of your Mouth Do such things as these like you To which the Messias answers Perhaps those afflictions and sorrows may last for many years God tells him That he had decreed him to suffer them for a whole week of years but if he did not consent thereto he would presently remove them To whom the Messias returns That he would most willingly undergo them upon condition that not one Israelite should perish but that all of them should be saved Those who lived and dyed in his days those who were hid in the Earth those who were dead since Adam even all embryo's and untimely births finally all who had been or should be created Are not these expressions very near the Christian Doctrine of the Messias suffering for the sins of all mankind or of Christs being a propitiation for the sins of the whole World Only these true Jews according to their wonted uncharitableness and arrogance restrain the benefit to themselves Again the same Author Pesikta tells us That it is a tradition of their Masters that in the month Nisan their forefathers are to rise up and say to the Messias O Messias Although we are your Ancestours yet thou art more excellent than we because thou hast born the iniquity of our sons and harder and heavier afflictions have passed over thee than ever yet happened or shall happen to any man c. Is it your pleasure that our children should enjoy the benefits which God will bestow upon them For peradventure because thou sufferest even from them while they cast thee into prison he came unto his own and his own received him not John I. 11. thou mayst be less favourable unto them To whom the Messias answered That what he had done he had done it for the sake of them and their children What 's all this but what the Christians teach that the Messias was to be a person despised 't is there one instance of his condition afflicted and cruelly used even by his own Kindred and Country-men It is true in the same place of the same Author we have two traditions likewise of the victorious pompous splendid and prosperous state of the Messias at last but they are different traditions of different persons the one of R. Isaac the other of R. Simeon And then suppose they had been of the same persons yet still the Messias was to have been a man of mighty sufferings and no marvel if they withal retained their inveterate Opinion of his temporal Power and Greatness In the same place a little before they feign a short Colloquy according to their fashion between God and Satan where God tells Satan That the light which he saw under his Throne of Glory belonged to him who should in time confound him with shame and that Satan when he saw it fell down and trembled crying out that He truly was the Messias who was to cast him and all the Heathen people into Gehenna For this purpose was the Son of God manifested saith St. John I. 3 8. that he might destroy the works of the Devil Much more might be observed and transcribed in this quotation and many more instances might be brought but I am to remember I am writing a Preface not a Treatise But lastly The principal use of Talmudical and Rabbinical Authors is yet behind namely the right interpretation of the Holy Scriptures especially of the New Testament Inspired writings are an inestimable treasure to mankind for so many sentences so many truths but then the true sense of them must be known otherwise so many sentences so many Authorized falshoods Whatever therefore contributes to the finding out of that must in proportion be valuable And no greater help to do it with ease speed and plainness than the knowledge of the Phrases Opinions Laws Rites and Customs as well as other circumstances of the Jews at the time of those writings This appears from the great and frequent ignorance or mistakes of many both ancient and modern interpreters who had as great a share of piety parts and wit and other sutable qualities as other men but wanted this assistance and even Jerom and Origen who had the most skill would have done better if they had had more of it In this age all Commentaries are full of this kind of Learning and none hath more frequently and perhaps
find he hath here taken little notice of the first and I think most genuine interpretation and started a new one Because of the Angels that is saith he because of the messengers or deputies of espousals the Women were permitted the liberty either of unvailing their faces to shew their comliness and beauty or of vailing them to shew their modesty Which interpretation as it shews his notable conjectural faculty so it seems to me remote and improbable For first It is hard to find any instance in the Scripture where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without any addition signifies an office and not an order of beings which we call Angels nor in the Rabbines themselves as he acknowledgeth do we find the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without the addition of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifying those deputies unless they have been before mentioned together Secondly The Apostle speaks not only of Women to be married but of Women in general married or unmarried whereas the reason by this interpretation of the Womens having power on their Heads would reach only the unmarried But this only occasionally and to fill up a Page In the late ill and unjust Times he was not for nothing taken from his Country employment and put into the Mastership of Katherine-Hall in Cambridge By those who out of interest did oftimes respect and draw in Persons of some Account and Reputation for Learning Here he continued till the happy Return of our Sovereign to the rightful possession of his Crown and Kingdom when he soon ranged himself in the Church of England in which his Innocency and Learning were so far taken notice of by his Superiours and especially the late most Reverend and Generous Archbishop and the Lord Keeper Bridgman two impartial countenancers of honest Men and Scholars that as I have been informed they always used him with kindness respect and liberality And indeed his Dedicatory Epistles before his Latine Commentaries on St. Mark and St. John are sufficient witnesses both of his Benefactors and his gratitude By their care and bounty it was that what he had before his Majesties Restauration was continued to him and moreover a Prebendary of Ely bestowed upon him In those Stations he followed his Studies and constantly and honestly discharged his duty till his Death which hapned in December in the year 1675. And thus much of the Author Much more without doubt might be said to his Advantage by those who had more acquaintance with him or knew him better I have done what right I could to his Worth and Memory It remains only in the last place that we say something concerning this Edition of these several pieces of the Author and so conclude this somewhat long Preface All his Writings being in very good esteem here among us and in greater beyond Sea where I have been more than once enquired of about them and his English ones being grown scarce some Booksellers were desirous to reprint these in English and put them altogether in one fair Volume In order to which they requested me to Dispose Revise Correct and put some Preface before them which I have now done I have ordered them according to their more natural use not according to the time of publishing them by the Author and therefore I have put in the first place The general Harmonies of the Old and New Testaments then the particular Books as the Harmony of the four Evangelists his Observations on Genesis and Exodus his Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles and in the rear his two Tracts of the Temple Service and Miscellanies which contain many Observations applicable and useful to the interpretation of the Scriptures The latter of which was written by him when very young and when that Learning was not so much cultivated nor dispersed by others Works and therefore no wonder if there be in it many things now more ordinary and well known I have Corrected hundreds of Errors both in the Texts and History and in the Chronology and Figures In the first notwithstanding I left some small Matters as being uncertain whether they were the Printers faults or the Authors own way of Writing which was sometimes a little out of the common road My principal care was in the Hebrew Talmudical and Rabbinical quotations which were generally misprinted This I thought more worth the pains because the many Citations and Translations of these Authors are a very considerable help for young beginners to understand them otherwise tedious and difficult enough They are many and very useful examples so that many good notions may be gotten at the same time with the Language In the Chronology were a great number of faults likewise to be mended Those which were more manifest and plain I did alter but some which to me seemed mistakes yet uncertain whether it was the Authors opinion I have left to the observation and correction of others if they see cause And indeed it would have been endless to have examined all the little accuracies as the Interregnums the concurrent reigns of several Kings especially the last and first years when they were compleat and in order succeeding one another when they were in part coincident and concurrent so that the last year of one should be the first of another There is one thing generally altered for the best Whereas in the former Edition the numbers of several Epocha's answering one another were set any how as the Printer could hit it now they are put one over against another in the same line except here and there where the Printers have neglected my directions in the Copy of which I shall presently advise by an instance or two There is also a place or two where I know not how to reconcile the numbers as in pag. 99 100. For Jotham's first year and Uzziah's last and the 3252 d year of the World should be concurrent according to the Author himself unless he gives a double sense to the word reign of Jotham namely one more improper as Deputy to his Father Uzziah struck with Leprosie in his last year and the other more proper by himself alone the year after his Fathers death which is a way of Solution he sometimes useth How far it is to be allowed I am not here to say I am not to set down my own but my Authors sense be it what it will or what others can make of it And in general once for all I hope no man will think me oblig'd to applaud or approve every notion or remark of these Treatises It is not my business to make an Author but to give him made not to tell what the Author should say but what he hath said every one may take or leave as he pleaseth For he seems I confess too seriously to make and imitate Cabbalistical and Rabbinical observations such as that of the Talmudists and Baal Hatturim But sometimes perhaps the importance of the matter of the observation more than the certainty or probability of
and Wine in the Lords Supper and he moved that it might be expressed thus It is not only lawful but also sufficient And it was done so accordingly Concerning the Members of a Synod the Proposition was That Pastors and Teachers and other fitting persons are constituent Members of a Synod This our Author opposed and gave his Interpretation of the Brethren and the whole Church Act. XV. viz. that by Brethren was meant the uncircumcised Converts as vers 1 23. And that it was most likely the Churches of the uncircumcised would send their Ministers and not Laymen And that by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was meant not the Church but the meeting of the Council There were many other matters debated in that Assembly in which our Author was greatly concerned and did not fail to argue very strenuously upon occasion against those opinions that were then in vogue I could give a particular account of what he said in the debates touching the admission of persons to the Sacrament of the Lords Supper of Private Baptism of the Learning required in those who were to be Ordained of the raising Doctrines from a Text of the use of learned Languages in Sermons c. But I forbear these things not being willing to exceed that short account of our Author which I only undertook at first In the later end of the year 1643. I find our Author was preferred to the Rectory of Much-Munden in the County of Hertford void by the Death of that excellent Person Samuel Ward D. D. the Lady Margaret Professor in the University of Cambridge In that Rectory he continued to the day of his Death He resided upon his Living as much as was consistent with his relation to Catharine-Hall in Cambridge of which he was Master many years before his Death He was uneasie when he was from his Living and would express a great desire to be at home with his Russet-Coats as he was wont to call his Country neighbours when he was absent from them His Labours in that place were very great and exemplary He was unwearied in his Studies which he followed early and late with indefatigable diligence he was a most constant and painful Preacher His Parsonage House was about a mile distant from his Parish Church whereunto he resorted every Lords-day read the Prayers and Preached Morning and Afternoon and did many times continue there all the day and returned not home till Night remaining in the Church not diverting to any other House to refresh himself until Evening Service was all finished He had for his Flock the care and compassions of a Father he lived among them in great peace and with great Hospitality There he continued without let or disturbance many years Indeed soon after the happy Restauration of his Majesty a Fellow of a College in Cambridge procured a grant of our Authors Living Of this he was soon advertised by his Neighbour and worthy Friend Sir Henry Caesar upon which by the favour of the late Archbishop Sheldon our Author was confirmed in his Rectory This great favour of the Archbishop our Author gratefully acknowledgeth in two Epistles Dedicatory to him prefixed to his Horae Hebraicae upon St. Mark and St. Luke And he would often mention the great favour he received from that worthy and very excellent Person Sir Henry Caesar whose Neighbourhood and encouragement was one of the greatest comforts of our Authors life He commenced Doctor in Divinity in the year 1652. His Latine Sermon was upon those words If any Man love not the Lord Jesus Christ let him be Anathema Maranatha 1 Cor. XVI 22. When he was in the University he Preached frequently and to the great advantage of the Students there He always pressed an exemplary Life upon his Auditors and to very good purpose Preached up the necessity of humane Learning and exploded the Enthusiasm which had at that time gotten a great possession of the minds of unstable Men He Preached up the lawfulness of Forms of Prayer in those times when many Men were so extravagantly vain as to decry it And for Schism and Separation from an Established Church he was so great an Enemy to it that he did in those times urge the necessity of Communion with a Church which had corruption in it And whoever will be at the pains to consider what he hath to this purpose in his Horae Hebraicae upon St. Matthew Chap. VIII vers 4. and especially in his Sermon Preached at St. Michaels Church in Cornhill before his Country-men of the County of Stafford upon St. Joh. X. 22. which is Printed with the rest of his Works will be abundantly convinced of this When he Preached at Cambridge he did generally pitch upon some difficult Text of the Holy Scriptures which he explained to the great satisfaction of the learned Auditors In which I reckon he did very considerable service to the Publick In doing so he relieved the minds of honest and inquisitive Men who were at a stand and defended the Holy Scriptures from the contempt of those who were prophane Scoffers and were ready upon all occasions to lessen their Autority And indeed he was very happy this way I have heard a very Learned and Reverend Divine lately deceased Profess that he never heard our Author preach but he learned something which he did not know before He was of very singular use in the University in those times and his discourses were of that nature that they greatly gained upon the more Studious and inquisitive sort of Men. He laboured much in proving Infants Baptism against the Antipaedobaptists of those times This he did upon most substantial grounds and such as commended themselves to the lovers of Truth I doubt not but that he did confirm many by his way of proof who were wavering before I find among our Authors Papers a letter directed to him from a very Learned Divine William Outram D. D. who was then his Auditor in Cambridge In which he gives our Author all possible thanks for his choice and truly learned Observations as he justly calls them in relation to the Lords Prayer in which he asserted the lawfulness of Forms and is earnest with him to grant him his Notes of his Sermons on Baptism which says he I have most earnestly longed for ever since they were Preached and not without due cause For verily had I not heard them I should not to this day have been so well reconciled to Infants Baptism as I bless God I now am I desire therefore that you would be pleased to consider what real usefulness your notes may be of and how for my own part I am infinitely more perswaded by your way of probation than by some other ratiocinations of Men ordinarily used There are many persons now living that have great cause to bless God for our Author and will confess the eminent service which he did in that time In the year 1655. Our Author was chosen Vice-Chancellor of the University of Cambridge which
goeth from his brethren at Shechem and marrieth Isaac 161 Iacob 101 Ioseph 10 ER born to Judah Isaac 162 Iacob 102 Ioseph 11 ONAN born to Judah Isaac 163 Iacob 103 Ioseph 12 SHELAH born to Judah Judah is now resident at Chezib near the borders of the Philistims observe these particulars concerning Judah 1. That he was but three and forty years old at their going down into Egypt 2. That his son Pharez had then two sons Gen. 46. 12. 3. Observe the story of Er Onan and the birth of Pharez and then guess how very young Judah was when he had his first child these stories of his marriage and birth of his children are laid after the story of the sale of Joseph though they were before because the Holy Ghost would handle all Judahs story together Now there are some things in that Chapter that come to pass after Josephs sale and are laid there in their proper order and so these are laid with them that all that story may be taken up at once CHAP. XXXIV Isaac 164 Iacob 104 Ioseph 13 DINAH ravished giveth cause of tears to the tender eyes of her mother Leah this was the first miscarriage in Jacobs house and it is no wonder if the Lord overtake him with some scourge when he is so slack to purge his family and to pay his vows it is now seven or eight years since the Lord brought him back from Haran and yet he hath not thought of the vow that he made when he went thither Circumcision groweth deadly to the Sichemites CHAP. XXXV from ver 1. to ver 28. Isaac 165 Iacob 105 Ioseph 14 NOW it is time for Jacob to pay his vows and to purge his Isaac 166 Iacob 106 Ioseph 15 house from Idols when he hath neglected it so long and when Isaac 167 Iacob 107 Ioseph 16 so sad a dysaster is befaln him in his family the Lord therefore commands him to Bethel where his vow had been made and there he burieth all his family Idols under an oak and admitteth the Proselytes of Shechem and Syria into his Religion by Baptism for Circumcision was become deadly before their eyes He burieth Deborah at Shechem hath a vision and setteth up a pillar He maketh thence for Hebron hath Benjamin born by the way and burieth Rachel besides Bethlehem and hath Bilhah defiled by Reuben and at length he cometh up to Hebron to his father Isaac when he had now been thirty years absent from him CHAP. XXXVI 1 CHRON. 1. ver 34. to the end THE thirty and sixth Chapter doth very properly come next after these stories for when the Holy Ghost hath related the story of Jacob hitherto and is now to fall upon the story of Joseph he doth first dispatch the story of Esau he had reckoned the sons of Jacob immediately before and now he cometh to reckon up the posterity of Esau that the blessing of Isaac upon Esau may be observed how it took place Observe in this Genealogy of Esau and Seir besides the change of the names of Esaus wives 1. That Esau marrieth Aholibamah the great grand-child of Seir the daughter of Anah the son of Zibeon the son of Seir ver 20 24 25. whereas Eliphaz the son of Esau marrieth Timnah Seirs immediate daughter ver 20 22. and so the fathers wife is of the third generation after the sons 2. That Timna the concubine of Eliphaz is reckoned as his son 1 Chron. 1. 36. 3. That there was a Duke Korah of the stock of Eliphaz in after-times whereas Eliphaz had no immediate son of that name compare ver 11. with ver 16. 4. That whereas it is said that Esau took his wives and his children and his cattel and went into the countrey from the face of his brother Jacob ver 6. It is to be understood that he did this to make room for Jacob against he should come from Haran for when he went thither he left Esau in Canaan and when he came thence he found him in Seir. CHAP. XXXVII World 2276 Isaac 168 Iacob 108 Ioseph 17 JOseph sold he being seventeen years old ver 2. the 36 Chapter handleth the story of Esau the hater of his brother and that lost his birth-right by his own fault Now this 37 Chapter cometh and handleth the story of Joseph the hated of his brethren and he that obtaineth the birth-right by the fault of another Reuben had forfeited his birth-right about a year or two ago by lying with his fathers wife and now Jacob devolveth the birth-right upon Joseph and maketh him a part-coloured coat as the badge of it for this love of Jacob to him and for this priviledge conferred upon him his brethren hate him and for his dreams their hate increaseth that they sell him His father first sets him to feed the flocks with his brethren but the sons of the very hand-maids made * * * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vers. 2. a servant of him then his father sent him to visit his brethren at their flocks at Shechem but there the Amorite had taken possession upon Jacobs departure and theirs after Shechems slaughter so that they are forced to go for pasture at Dothan there Joseph findeth them and by the counsel of Judah as Christ by the villany of Judas he is sold to Medanites Midianites and Ismaelites for by all these names are the merchants that brought him named for these people lived so promiscuously together that any of them did indifferently bear any of these names Jacob is now deceived with the blood of a kid in stead of Josephs as he had deceived his father with the flesh and skin of a kid in stead of venison and his own skin Joseph is sold to Potiphar CHAP. XXXIX Isaac 169 Iacob 109 Ioseph 18 JOseph in Egypt is prosperous in his masters house and the Lord is Isaac 170 Iacob 110 Ioseph 19 with him his master intrusteth him with all that he hath his Isaac 171 Iacob 111 Ioseph 20 black-moor mistress lusting after his beauty causeth his misery she Isaac 172 Iacob 112 Ioseph 21 cloaks her villany under his coat the shewing of his coat had before caused his fathers sorrow and now it doth his own Here the chastity of Joseph now the first-born shameth the unchastity of Reuben the first-born before the one denies his mistress the other solicites his fathers wife CHAP. XXXVIII from ver 6. to the end Isaac 173 Iacob 113 Ioseph 22 ER and Onan about this time miscarry and Judah himself not Isaac 174 Iacob 114 Ioseph 23 very long after incestuates his own daughter-in-law of which Isaac 175 Iacob 115 Ioseph 24 incest Pharez is begotten yet a father of Christ according to the Isaac 176 Iacob 116 Ioseph 25 flesh The story of the affairs of Judahs is laid presently after Isaac 177 Iacob 117 Ioseph 26 the story of the sale of Joseph though some things contained in it Isaac 178 Iacob 118 Ioseph 27 came to pass a long time before
is called both Ahashuerus and Artaxerxes Ezra 4. vers 6 7. for Artaxerxes was a common name of the Kings of Persia as Pharaoh was of the Kings of Egypt DANIEL X XI XII DANIEL mourning for the hindrance of the Temple seeth Christ as John did in Patmos And hath a Revelation of the condition of his own people under their powerful Enemies till the madness of Antiochus Epiphanes was over He should violate the Sanctuary and cause Religion and Moses Law to lie in the dirt for a time two Times and half a time or three years and an half or one thousand two hundred and ninety days But he that waiteth and liveth to see five and forty days more or till those one thousand two hundred and ninety days be made up one thousand three hundred and thirty five days he should see an end of Antiochus Artaxerxes Ahashuerus World 3474 Artax Ahashuerus 1 The building of the Temple lieth forgot and forlorn by the command of Artaxerxes Ahashuerosh the present King of Persia Hereupon divers of the Jews that had gone up to Jerusalem in the first of Cyrus return back again in this Kings reign to their old residence in Babylonia or in Persia again Artax Ahashuerus 2 The building of the Temple lieth still quite forlorn ESTHER I. World 3476 Artax Ahashuerus 3 ARTAXERXES who was also called Ahashuerosh after his great Grandfather of the Median blood Dan. 9. 1. is a greater Potentate and Prince by seven Provinces then Cyrus and Darius were compare vers 1. with Dan. 6. 1. To shew and to see his own glory and pomp he maketh a Feast half a year together to his Nobles and seven days more to all Susan and when all this glory of his great command hath been shewed he cannot command his own wife c. ESTHER II. Artax Ahashuerus 4 THREE whole years and above is Ahashuerus without a Queen Artax Ahashuerus 5 his servants and officers in several Countries are making inquiry after Artax Ahashuerus 6 who may be fit for a Queen for him World 3480 Artax Ahashuerus 7 Esther taken into the Kings Palace in the seventh year of his reign in the tenth month vers 16. a Daughter of Benjamin born for the good of her people Mordecai had been captived with Jechoniah above seventy years ago and had been at Jerusalem when the Captivity was sent back to their own Country again and there had helped forward their settlement and prosperity as long as the work of the Temple would go forward but when not he returns to Persia and there doth his people good in that Court when he could no longer do it in their own City Artax Ahashuerus 8 Bigthan and Teresh two of the Kings Porters hanged for Treason The matter discovered by Mordecai and revealed to the King ESTHER III. Artax Ahashuerus 9 HAMAN promoted by the King to the highest honour in the Artax Ahashuerus 10 Kingdom obtaineth not one bowing or cringe from Artax Ahashuerus 11 Mordecai Mordecai disdaineth to homage or to shew reverence to an Amalekite for so Haman was of the Seed of Agag whom Samuel hewed to pieces in Gilgal World 3485 Artax Ahashuerus 12 Haman would buy all the Jews in the Persian Monarchy for ten thousand Talents of silver but they are given him for nothing He goes not about the destruction of them but first useth direction by Magical Lots what day fittest to speed of his request and the Devil allots him the thirteenth of the first month and what month fittest for the execution and the Devils Lot telleth him the month Adar On the thirteenth day of the first month Letters are dispatched through all the Provinces of the Monarchy for the destruction of the Jews at such a time ESTHER IV V. ALL the Provinces perplexed at the tidings the Jews in Shushan keep a Fast of three days and three nights long this time is measured exactly as the three days and three nights of our Saviours death for on the third day Esther puts on the Kingdom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and obtains the Kings favour ESTHER VI VII HAMAN prepares a Gallows for himself and bespeaks Honours for Mordecai his Wife and friends knew the curse upon Amaleck because of the Jews and read his fall ESTHER VIII IX ON the twenty third day of the month Sivan Mordecai and Esther obtain Letters to revoke Hamans bloody purpose and that the Jews should stand in their own defence against their enemies which they do at the time appointed for their destruction and slay 75810 men The feast of Purim instituted ESTHER X. Artax Ahashuerus 13 AFTER this great and wonderful deliverance and prosperity of the Artax Ahashuerus 14 Jews Artaxerxes or Ahashuerosh layeth a Tax upon the whole Empire but in what year of his reign is uncertain and how long he reigned after this is not easily determinable For the Scripture is utterly silent to express the number of the years of his reign or any of the Kings of of Persia that come after him in clear expressions Of this King it saith no more at all of the next it mentioneth his second year Ezra 4. 24. his fourth year Zech. 7. 1. his sixth year Ezra 6. 15. his seventh Ezra 27. 8. his twentieth Neh. 1. 1. his thirty second Neh. 13. 6. but how long he reigned further there is no account at all neither By collection from other places and passages it may be concluded and upon very good ground that this King Artaxerxes Ahashuerosh reigned but fourteen years in all the ground is this Because Zechariah in the second year of Darius doth then but reckon the time of some captivity seventy years The Angel of the Lord answered and said O Lord of Hosts how long wilt thou not have mercy on Jerusalem and on the Cities of Judah against which thou hast had indignation these seventy years Zech. 1. 12. And in Chap. 4. there are some people sent from Babel to Jerusalem and they have this quaere among the rest of the business they came about to speak to the Priests which were in the house of the Lord of Hosts and to ask Should I weep in the fifth month as I have done these seventy years Compare ver 3. 5. Now from the beginning of the seventy years or the fourth of Jehoiakim to the second of Darius were many years above seventy namely the three years of Cyrus all the years of Ahashuerosh which were twelve mentioned in Scripture before his taxing the Empire and two of Darius himself eighty seven in all by this account from the time that the seventy years captivity beginneth to be counted therefore these seventy years mentioned in Zechary must be counted from some other date or else there will be exceeding much hardness and impropriety in the speech Now this date is from the destruction of Jerusalem and firing of the Temple in the nineteenth year of Nebuchad-nezzar to Darius his second namely fifty one years of the seventy of Babell three of Cyrus
his friends to a most miserable and intolerable imprisonment and being solicited and earnestly sued unto that he might be speedily executed and put out of his misery he flatly denyed it saying That he was not grown friends with him yet Such was the penance that he put poor Gallus to a life far worse than a present death for he ought him more spite and torture than a suddain execution The miserable man being imprisoned and straitly looked to not so much for fear of his escape by flight as of his escape by death was denyed the sight and conference of any one whosoever but him only that brought him his pitiful dyet which served only to prolong his wretched life and not to comfort it and he was forced to take it for he must by no means be suffered to dy Thus lived if it may be called a life a man that had been of the honourablest rank and office in the City lingring and wishing for death or rather dying for three years together and now at last he findeth the means to famish himself and to finish his miserable bondage with as miserable an end to the sore displeasure of the Emperour for that he had escaped him and not come to publick execution Such an end also chose Nerva one of his near friends and familiars but not like the other because of miseries past or present but because of fear and foresight of such to come His way that he took to dispatch himself of his life was by total abstinence and refusal of food which when Tiberius perceived was his intent he sits down by him desires to know his reason and begs with all earnestness of him that he would desist from such a design For what scandal saith he will it be to me to have one of my nearest friends to end his own life and no cause given why he should so die But Nerva satisfied him not either in answer or in act but persisted in his pining of himself and so dyed § 6. The miserable ends of Agrippina and Drusus To such like ends came also Agrippina and Drusus the Wife and Son of Germanicus and Mother and Brother of Caius the next Emperour that should succeed These two the Daughter in law and Grandchild of Tiberius himself had about four years ago been brought into question by his unkind and inhuman accusation and into hold and custody until this time It was the common opinion that the cursed instigation of Sejanus whom the Emperour had raised purposely for the ruine of Germanicus his house had set such an accusation on foot and made the man to be so cruel towards his own family but when the two accursed ones had miserably survived the wicked Sejanus and yet nothing was remitted of their prosecution then opinion learned to lay the fault where it deserved even on the cruelty and spite of Tiberius himself Drusus is adjudged by him to die by famine and miserable and woeful wretch that he was he sustaineth his life for nine days together by eating the flocks out of his bed being brought to that lamentable and unheard of dyet through extremity of hunger Here at last was an end of Drusus his misery but so was there not of Tiberius his cruelty towards him for he denyed the dead body burial in a fitting place he reviled and disgraced the memory of him with hideous and feigned scandals and criminations and shamed not to publish in the open Senate what words had passed from the pining man against Tiberius himself when in agony through hunger he craved meat and was denyed it Oh what a sight and hearing was this to the eyes and ears of the Roman people to behold him that was a child of their darling and delight Germanicus to be thus barbarously and inhumanely brought to his end and to hear his own Grandfather confess the action and and not dissemble it Agrippina the woeful Mother might dolefully conjecture what would become of her self by this fatal and terrible end of the poor Prince her Son And it was not long but she tasted of the very same cup both of the same kind of death and of the same kind of disgracing after For being pined after the same manner that it might be coloured that she did it of her self a death very unfitting the greatest Princess then alive she was afterward slandered by Tiberius for adultery with Gallus that died so lately and that she caused her own death for grief of his She and her Son were denyed burial befitting their degree but hid in some obscure place where no one knew which was no little distast and discontentment to the people The Tyrant thought it a special cause of boasting and extolling his own goodness that she had not been strangled nor dyed the death of common base offenders And since it was her fortune to die on the very same day that Sejanus had done two years before viz. Octob. 17. it must be recorded as of special observation and great thanks given for the matter and an annual sacrifice instituted to Jupiter on that day Caius her Son and Brother to poor Drusus took all this very well or at least seemed so to do partly glad to be shut of any one that was likely to have any colour or likelyhood of corrivality with him in his future reign and partly being brought up in such a School of dissimulation and grown so perfect a Scholar there that he wanted little of Tiberius This year he married Claudia the daughter of M. Silanus a man that would have advised him to good if he would have hearkned but afterward he matched with a mate and stock more fitting his evil nature Ennia the Wife of Macro but for advantage resigned by her Husband Macro to the adulterating of Caius and then to his marriage § 7. Other Massacres The death of Agrippina drew on Plancina's a Woman that never accorded with her in any thing but in Tiberius his displeasure and in a fatal and miserable end This Plancina in the universal mourning of the state for the loss of Germanicus rejoyced at it and made that her sport which was the common sorrow of all the State How poor Agrippina relished this being deprived of so rare a Husband can hardly be thought of without joyning with her in her just and mournfull indignation Tiberius having a spleen at the woman for some other respect had now a fair colour to hide his revenge under to call her to account and that with some applause But here his revenge is got into a strait for if he should put her to death it may be it would be some content to Agrippina and therefore not to pleasure her so much he will not pleasure the other so much neither as with present death but keepeth her in lingring custody till Agrippina be gone and then must she follow but her resoluteness preventeth the Executioner and to escape anothers she dieth by her own hand Let us make up the heap
of the slaughtered this year in the words of Dion Such a number of Senators to omit others perished under Tiberius that the Governours of Provinces were chosen by lot and ruled some three years some six because there were not enough to come in their room THE CHRISTIAN HISTORY THE Jewish and the Roman For the Year of CHRIST XXXV And of TIBERIUS XX. Being the Year of the WORLD 3962. And of the City of ROME 787. Consuls Lucius Vitellius P. Fabius Priscus or Persicus PART I. Affairs of ROME §. 1. Thankless officiousness OF the state and occurrences of the Church this instant year there is neither any particular given by S. Luke nor any else where to be found in Scripture save only what may be collected from the words of Paul concerning himself namely that he is this year either in Arabia or Damascus or both spending one part of it in the one place and the other in the other The Church now this great persecutor is turned Preacher injoyned no doubt a great deal of ease in the ceasing of the persecution and benefit by the earnestness of his Ministry And so let us leave her to her peace and comfortable times now growing on and turn our story to the Romans Tiberius his reign being now come to the twentieth year the present Consuls L. Vitellius and Fabius Priscus do prorogate or proclaim his rule for ten years longer A ceremony used by Augustus whensoever he came to a tenth year of his reign but by Tiberius there was not the like cause One would have thought the twenty years past of his inhumane and barbarous reign should have given the City more than enough of such an Emperor and have caused her to have longed rather for his end then to have prolonged his dominion But she will make a virtue now or complement rather of necessity and will get thanks of him for continuing of that which she cannot shake off and is willing that he shall reign still because she knew he would do so whether she will or no. It is the forlorn way of currying favour to please a man in his own humour when we dare not cross it The flattering Consuls received a reward befitting such unnecessary officiousness for they kept the feast saith Dion that was used upon such occasions and were punished Not with death for the next year you shall have Vitellius in Judea but with some other infliction which it may be was pretended for some other reason but intended and imposed upon a profound policy For while they thus took on them to confirm his rule they did but shake his title as he conceived and told him a riddle that he reigned by their courtesie and not by his own interest but when he punished them that would take on them to confirm this superiority he proved it independent and not pinned upon their will §. 2. Cruelties The vein of the City that was opened so long ago doth bleed still and still as fresh as ever For Slaughter saith Tacitus was continual and Dion addeth that none of them that were accused were acquitted but all condemned some upon the letters of Tiberius others upon the impeachment of Macro of whom hereafter and the rest only upon suspition Some were ended by the executioner others ended themselves by their own hands the Emperor all this while keeping out of the City and that as was thought lest he should be ashamed of such doings there Among those that perished by their own hands was Pomponius Labeo and his wife Paxaea who being accused for corruption in his government of Maesta cut his own veins and bled to death and his wife accompanied him in the same fatal end To the like end but upon different occasions and accusations came Mamercus Scaurus and his wife Sextia He some years before having escaped narrowly with life upon a charge of treason is now involved again in other accusations as of Adultery with Livilla magical practices and not at the least for libelling against Tiberius For having made a Tragedy which he titled Atreus and in the same bringing him in advising one of his subjects in the words of Euripides That he should bear with the folly of the Prince Tiberius not so guilty indeed of such a taxation of being a fool as ready to take on to be guilty that he might have the better vie against the Author personated the matter to himself crying out that Scaurus had made him a bloody Atreus but that he would make an Ajax of him again which accordingly came to pass for the Tragedian to prevent the executioner acted his own Tragedy and died by his own hand his wife being both incourager and companion with him in the same death But among these lamentable spectacles so fearful and so frequent it was some contentment to see the accusers still involved in the like miseries with those whom they had accused for that malady of accusing was grown Epidemical and infectious sparing none and as it were catching one of another The tokens hereof appeared in the banishment of Servilius and Cornelius the accusers of Scaurus and of Abudius Rufo that had done the like by Lentulus Getulicus This Getulicus was then commander of the Legions in Germany and being charged with so much intimacy with Sejanus as that he intended to have married his daughter to Sejanus his son he quitted himself by a confident letter to Tiberius In which he pleadeth that his familiarity and alliance to Sejanus had begun by the Emperors own advice and privacy and he was so far from crouching that he profereth terms of partition to Tiberius namely that he should enjoy the Empire and himself would enjoy the Province where he was This it was to have Arms and Armies at his disposal for for all this affront the Emperor is necessarily calm considering partly his own age partly the hatred of the people but chiefly that he stood in that height and sway and power that he was in rather by the timorous opinion of others than by any strength or firmness of his own This year there arose a feigned Drusus in Greece a man as it seemed neither led by common policy that might have told him that so great a Prince of Rome could not possibly have been so long obscured nor by common opinion which greatly suspected that Drusus was made away by the Emperors own consent He found a party as inconsiderate as himself for he was intertained by the Cities of Greece and Jonia and furnished with aid and had like to have come into Syria and surprized the forces there had he not been descried taken and sent to Tiberius To conclude with some other rarity besides these of cruelty there was seen a Phoenix in Egypt this year as Tacitus hath laid it but as Dion two years after which then exercised the wits of the Philosophical Greeks interpreting the presage either to the State or to the Emperor as their fancy led them and in after times it
to end himself with his own hand having left most bitter and invective taunts and taxations in his last Will and Testament against Tiberius and his darling Macro The Executors durst not publish nor prove the Will for fear of the executioner but the Emperor when he heard of the contents of it caused it to be openly read and divulged and prided himself in those just reproaches Nor wanted he more of those reproaches from others also but he repaid the Authors in cruel discontent though he seemed to hear his own disgrace with delight For Sextius Paconianus was strangled in prison for making Verses against him It may be they were those in Suetonius Asper Immitis breviter his omnia dicam Dispeream si te mater amare potest c. Granius Martianus Trebellienus Refus and Poppaeus Sabinus were accused for some other offences and died by their own hands and Tatius Gratianus that had once been Praetor was condemned by a Praetorian Law and escaped his own hands indeed but he did not escape the executioners THE CHRISTIAN HISTORY THE Jewish and the Roman For the Year of CHRIST XXXVII And of TIBERIUS XXII Being the Year of the WORLD 3964. And of the City of ROME 789. Consuls Q. Platius Sextus Papinius or Papirius ACTS IX Vers. 23. And after that many days were fulfilled c. §. Account of the Chronology THE conversion of Paul we observed ere while and proved to be in the year next after our Saviours ascension or Anno Christi 34. Now Paul himself testifieth that three years after his conversion he went up to Jerusalem Gal. 1. 18. That space of time he spent in Damascus in Arabia and in Damascus again For so himself testifieth in the verse before But how long time he took up in these several abodes in these places it is not determinable nor indeed is it material to inquire since we have the whole time of all his abodes summed up in that account of three years Now whereas there is no mention in Lukes relation of his journey into Arabia but he maketh him as one would think to come up to Jerusalem at his first departure from Damascus we have shewed elsewhere that it is no uncouth thing with this and the other Evangelists to make such brief transitions sometimes in stories of a large distance and Paul himself plainly sheweth us in the place alledged how to make the brief story of Luke full and compleat and to speak it out Namely that Paul upon his coming after his conversion into Damascus began there to preach and increased more and more in strength and confounded the Jews that dwelt at Damascus proving that Jesus was the very Christ And having preached a while in Damascus he goeth into Arabia which Country was now under the same Government with Damascus namely under King Aretas and after a while he returned into Damascus again And then do the Jews there seek to kill him and they incense the Governour of the City under Aretas against him so that he setteth a watch to take him but he escapeth over the wall by night in a Basket Acts 9. 25. 2 Cor. 11. 33. We shall see by and by that there were preparations for war this year betwixt Aretas the King of Arabia and Herod the Tetrarch and it is not improbable that the Jews in those times of commotion did accuse Paul to the Governor of Damascus under Aretas for a spie or for a man that was an enemy to the Kings cause and so they interest the Governor in a quarrel against him And this very thing being considered may help somewhat to confirm this for the year of Pauls coming from Damascus for fear of his life to Jerusalem if his own accounting the years did not make it plain enough Vers. 26. And when Saul was come to Ierusalem c. His errand to Jerusalem as himself testifieth was to see Peter Gal. 1. 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not for any homage to his primacy as is strongly pleaded by the Popish crew for he maketh no distinction betwixt him and James and John in point of dignity Gal. 2. 9. nay is so far from homaging him that he rebuketh and reproveth him Gal. 2. 11. But his journey to Peter at this time was that he might have acquaintance with him and some knowledge of him for so the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 more properly signifieth and that he desired the rather because then Peter was the minister of the Circumcision as he himself was to be of the uncircumcision Gal. 2. 8. and because there had been some kind of remarkable parallel betwixt them in their recovery the one from denying and forswearing Christ himself and the other from persecuting of Christ in his members §. But they were all affraid of him and believed not that he was a Disciple This very thing hath caused some to conceive that Paul had a journey to Jerusalem a little after his conversion and before ever he went into Arabia because they cannot conceive how it should be possible that he should have been a convert and a Preacher of the Gospel three years together and yet his conversion and his present qualities should be unknown to the Church at Jerusalem and the rather because he himself saith that the wonder of his conversion was not done in a corner Acts 26. 26. Answ. But these two or three considerations may help to resolve the scruple 1. The distance betwixt Damascus and Jerusalem which was exceeding great 2. The quarrels betwixt Herod and Aretas which were a means to hinder intercourse betwixt those two places 3. The persecution that continued still upon the Church of Judea which would keep Disciples of Damascus from going thither And 4. the just fear that might possess the Disciples at Jerusalem in the very time of persecution For though it was said before the Church at Jerusalem and of Judaea injoyed a great deal of rest and tranquility after the conversion of Paul their great persecutor in comparison of what they had done before yet was not the persecution of the Church utterly extinct to the very time of Pauls coming up to Jerusalem but continued still and therefore it is the less wonder if the Disciples there be the more fearful and cautelous Vers. 27. But Barnabas took him c. How Barnabas came acquainted with the certainty of Pauls conversion better than the other Disciples is not easie to resolve It is like that he being abroad for fear of the persecution as the other of the Preachers were all but the Apostles went in his travails towards Damascus or Arabia and so had heard and learned the certainty of the matter However it is pregnant to our observation that he that was afterwards to be fellow traveller and labourer with Paul in the Gospel to the Gentiles is now made the instrument and means of his first admission to the society of the Apostles It is possible that there had been some acquaintance betwixt
they sought it not and how much more shall they that we are now to bring upon the scene that sought and wooed it with their utmost pains §. 1. The rebellion of some Jews There were in Neardaa the residence and University of the Jews in Babylonia two brethren named Asinaeus and Anilaeus or in their proper language Chasinai and Chanilai These two their Mother their Father being dead had put to a trade and to a Master for the making of sails or other tackle for ships The sturdy youths having one day given their Master some offence and he them some blows did take the matter in such high scorn and disdain that they resolve not only to overrun their Master but indeed to run over all Mastership whatsoever They therefore getting away all the Arms their Masters house would afford betake themselves to a strong place in an Island of Euphrates and there publish and proclaim their rebellious resolution Young men flock in to them apace men of the same desperate minds and fortunes and after building some Castles in the air of future expectations they begin to build a Fort in the Isle for their present security and rendevouz They then command the neighbour Towns to pay them Tribute which the numerousness and resolution of the Commanders made them that they durst not disobey The Governor of Babylonia thinking to quel this growing evil before it should be too strong cometh secretly upon them on the Sabbath day thinking to involve them in their own superstition into the trap that he had prepared for them But the furious youths were not so over-religious as to be kild in devotion nor did they prize the Sabbath above their own lives but for all it was that day they are resolved to fight and they fight resolvedly and kill and rout and soil the forces that made no other account but of victory Artabanus King of Parthia hearing of the power of this newborn Army and the resolution of those upstart Captains and considering how advantageous it might be for his own affairs to have them sure and firm unto himself he sendeth for the two Brethren with assurance of their safety whereupon they come to him and are Royally and bravely intertained by him and when Abdagasis the General of his Army would have slain Asinaeus treacherously the King forbad him sent Asinaeus home with rich gifts and the Government of Babylonia committed to him There he grew greater and greater in power and honour and stood in high repute both with the Babylonians and the Parthians and had all Mesopotamia at his command And thus continued these Brethren in pomp and height for fifteen years together till a miscarriage of Anilaeus began to cloud and eclipse their prosperity For Anilaeus having slain a Parthian Peer that he might enjoy his Lady and she when she was now his wife using her ancient Idolatry as in her first husbands days this became a double offence to his chiefest friends namely for that he had married an Heathen and for that she continued still in her Idolatry They seriously admonish Anilaeus of the matter but he slew one of the chiefest of them for his home-reproof and admonition Therefore the rest address themselves to Asinaeus and demand the vindication of their native Laws and Religion he rebuketh his Brother Anilaeus and is therefore poisoned by the Parthian Lady because that her husband might be from under rebuke and might be commander of all He being now so indeed first invadeth the Country of Mithridates son in Law to Artabanus and forrageth that and by a surprizal getteth Mithridates prisoner yet sendeth him home again to his own possessions having hardly delivered him from his Souldiers fury that they did not kill him Mithridates sensible of the disgrace of his usage for they had set him naked upon an Ass and instigated by the haughty and revengeful spirit of his wife raiseth what force he can get and giveth Anilaeus battel and routeth him But Anilaeus himself escaping and recruiting an Army of dissolute and resolute fellows again he beginneth to spoil some Towns of the Babylonians but the Babylonians finding a fit opportunity fall upon Anilaeus and his troop and slew many of them and Anilaeus himself among the rest This bridle and curb of the Jews which had lain so long and so heavy upon the Babylonians being now taken off they begin now to rise up and to curb and oppress the Jews who for their safety flee to Seleucia and there they reside quietly for the space of five years but in the sixth year a hot Plague driving the rest of them that had staied behind at Babylon into Seleucia also providence did as it were bring them all thither together to execution for a quarrel being first between the Greeks and Syrians that dwelt in that City and the Syrians getting the better through the help of the Jews at last Greeks and Syrians joyn both together against the Jews and destroy fifty thousand of them And this was a second notable vengeance that hath ovetaken that Nation since the murder of the Lord of Life THE CHRISTIAN HISTORY THE Jewish and the Roman Of the Year of CHRIST XLIII And of the Emperor CLAUDIUS II. Being the Year of the WORLD 3970. And of the City of ROME 795. Consuls Claudius II. C. Largus ACTS CHAP. IX Vers. 28. Great dearth throughout all the World which came to pass in the days of Claudius Caesar. THAT this famine was in the second of Claudius we have shewed before not only out of Dion the Roman Historian but even by necessary collection from other things Now whether it proceeded from want of Rain or from what other cause it is not determinable it appeareth by Suetonius that it came to this height through a continued sterility of the ground which it seemeth had been some years together This year was Helena the Queen of the Adiabeni present at Jerusalem and her presence there was a happiness to the City for from Cyprus and Alexandria she sent for Provisions and distributed them among the people when divers had perished of famine before Vers. 30. Sent it to the Elders by the hands of Barnabas and Saul §. Pauls rapture into the third Heaven Although it be not mentioned in this Chapter that Paul went up to Jerusalem but was sent only with provisions to the poor brethren in Judea yet have we also proved before that at this journey he had his trance in the Temple Acts 22. 17. and in that trance he was rapt up into the third Heaven The story of which he himself relateth 2 Cor. 12. 2. I knew a man in Christ above fourteen years ago whether in the body I cannot tell c. And there he relateth also the story of the messenger of Satan buffeting him and himself praying and God giving him a gracious answer all which we shall explain by Gods permission in another place In this trance God bids him get out of Jerusalem and gives him
him Vers. 21. And upon a day Herod arraied in Royal apparel Thâ—…s of this Herod Agrippa after his coming from Rome to Jerusalem and the manâ—…s death are largely described by Josephus and therefore we will trace them in 〈…〉 in our Jewish Story PART II. The ROMAN Story §. 1. Some Acts of Claudius this year THE Roman year was now taken almost wholly up with sacrifices and holy days even as it is at this day to the great hinderance of the people in their imployments and occasions therefore Claudius being now Consul abrogated abundance of these days and solemnities and contracted those that he let remain into as narrow compass as was possible Many things that Caius had foolishly given away he remanded and many again that he had wickedly wronged he repaired He brought Lycia under servitude because in a tumult they had slain some Romans and he joyned it to Pamphylia and disfranchised a Lycian Ambassador that came to treat about the business because he could not speak Latin saying That it was not fit that he should be a Roman that understood not the Roman tongue and many others he disfranchased for other causes yet on the contrary was he most lavish he Messalina and his and her favorites in conferring the Roman freedom and other offices for money insomuch that he was glad to give an account of it in an oration in Campus Martius He exhibited some sword plays this year in the Camp §. 2. The abominable whoredoms and actions of Messalina the Empress She lived in continual lust and uncleanness and was not content to do so her self but she forced divers other women to the same course Nay she caused some women to commit adultery even in the very sight of their own husbands And those that consented to her villany she honoured and rewarded and those that did not she hated and sought to destroy These her detestable carriages she kept long unknown from Claudius providing him lasses for his bed while she took whom she thought good to hers and killing and taking out of the way whomsoever she suspected likely to tell Claudius So slew she Catonius Justus to prevent his telling of tales and the two Julia's upon other occasions A Roman Knight was also this year executed as for some conspiracy against the Emperour §. 3. An expedition into England This year did Aulus Plautius with much ado lead an Army into Britain For one Bericus who had been expelled thence for sedition had perswaded Claudius to send an Army over But hardly would the Souldiers be gotten out of Gaul over thither they being incensed and taking it ill that they should go fight even out of the world Narcissus being sent by Claudius to the Army made a speech to them which exasperated them the more in so much that they made the outery of Jo Saturnialia or All Masters and were ready to make head but at last they willingly followed Plautius He parted his army into three parts because that if they were repelled and opposed in one place they might land in another They had some trouble in their passage through cross winds but they took heart and bare it out and the rather because a bright light or flame ran from the East toward the West even that way that they were to go they entred the Island without opposition for the Britains suspected not their coming but when they were now entred and they not ready to withstand them they ran into the woods and bogs hoping to weary out the Romans with following and seeking them and so to cause them to return without doing any more It cost Plautius a great deal of toil accordingly to find them out which at last he did and overcame first Cataratacus and then Togodumnus the two sons of Cynobellinus who himself was but lately dead These fleeing he took into homage part of the * * * Glocestershire and Oxfordshire Boduni who were subject to the * * * Buckinghamshire and Hartfordshire See Camdens Britan. Catuellani for the Britains were now subject to divers Kings He leaving a Garrison there marched on till he came to a river which the Britains thought he could not have passed without a bridge and therefore they incamped carelesly on the other side But Plautius sent over some * * * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Germane Souldiers who were accustomed to swim over Rivers and they suddenly assault the enemy but wounded not the men but only their horses that should have drawn their Chariots and so spoiled and undid the Riders Then sent he over Flavius Vespasian who was afterwards Emperor and Sabinus his brother who passing the River slew many of the enemies on a suddain yet did not the rest flee but gave battel the next day and the fortune of the fight was doubtful till C. Sidius Geta being in danger to be taken did so stoutly behave himself that he got the victory and triumphal honours though he were not Consul Then did the Britains betake themselves to the Thames towards the place where it falls into the Sea and flows high and they easily get over knowing the convenientest places but the Romans following them were in danger when the Germans had again swum the River and others had passed at a bridge above they fell upon the Britains on all parts and made a great slaughter but in pursuit of them they fell into some marishes and so lost many of their men Upon this mishap and because the Britains were exceedingly exasperated for the death of Togodumnus and made still greater preparations for war Plautius proceeded no further but garrisoning those places that he had gotten he sends for Claudius for so he had been commanded to do if he came to a pinch Claudius receiving the tidings prepares for the expedition and among many other things brings divers Elephants along with him and coming to his army at the Thames and passing the River he fights a pitcht battle and obtains the victory and takes in * * * Maldon Camalodunum the ‖ ‖ ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Regiam chief City of Cynobellinus disarms the Britains leaves them that were conquered to be governed and the rest to be conquered by Plautius and so goes for Rome where the Senate gives him the title of Britanniâ—us appoints triumphs and Statues for him and honors for Messalina §. 3. A Whorish trick of Messalina Little did she either deserve either honour or respect but fear and flattery regard not desert Among her various and continual adulteries she cast her eyes of lust upon one Mnester an Actor or Player a man that had been very intimate with Caius and never the better to be thought of for that This man she sollicites to her bed with words promises and gifts but prevails not with him not for any honesty that was in the man but for fear of the displeasure of Claudius When the shameless strumpet could not prevail with all her sollicitations she goeth to
him he poured it upon his own feet and this caused the multitude to pelt him with their Pomecitrons At the time of this Libation did the musick and the song begin and * * * Talm. Ierus in Succah per. 5. that song which they sung all the days of the Feast at the daily Sacrifice was the Hallel which we have described before that being renewed daily saith the Jerusalem Talmud as their Lulabh or branches were renewed daily †††Succah in Mishuth per. 3. Now when they came in the Hallel to the beginning of the hundred and eighteenth Psalm O give thanks unto the Lord all the company shook their branches and so did they when they came to these words Hosanna or save now Lord I beseech thee and again at the saying of that clause O Lord I beseech thee send now prosperity and so likewise at the saying of the last verse of that Psalm which was the last verse of the Hallel O give thanks unto the Lord c. After the service of the daily Sacrifice was done then fell they to the offering of the additional Sacrifices which have been mentioned of so many Bullocks Rams Lambs and a Goat at which service the Songs-men sung again some peculiar and appointed part of a Psalm As on the first day Psal. 105. * * * Maym. in Tamid in per. 10. On the second day Psal. 29. On the third day Psal. 50. at vers 16. On the fourth day Psal. 94. at vers 16. On the fifth day Psal. 94. at vers 8. On the sixth day Psal. 81. at vers 6. On the seventh day Psal. 82. at vers 5. When these additional Sacrifices were also finished the people departed home to dinner having first sung their Hosanna about the Altar as hath been related with their palms in their hands unless there were any that had vows or freewil offerings to offer who stayed for that occasion After dinner they went severally to the Divinity Schools or to the Study of the Law for a while and when the time came to the Evening Sacrifice where the service was much answerable to what was in the mornig Towards night they began the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rejoycing for the pouring out or drawing of the water which mirth they continued far in the night every night of the Feast and this their rejoycing was of so high a jollity that they say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * * * Succah per. 5 That he that never saw the rejoycing of the drawing of water never saw rejoycing in all his life At the time when the water was drawn or fetcht from the pool of Siloam and poured out upon the Altar they had not the liberty of their jollity because of the seriousness and solemnity of the service that was then in hand but when all the service of the day was over and night was now come they fall to their rejoycing for that matter which rejoycing is equally strange both for the manner and the cause of it The manner was thus * * * Ih. Maym. in Succah Velulabh per. 8. They went into the Court of the women and there the women placed themselves upon balcones round about the Court and the men stood upon the ground There were four Candlesticks or Beacons rather I might call them of an exceeding great bigness and mounted of an exceeding great height overtopping and overlooking the walls of the Court and of the mountain of the house at a great elevation By every Candlestick which stood on every side of the Court one there was a ladder by which four young men of the Priests did severally go up to the Candlesticks with plenty of Oil and Yarn which was ravelled of the Priests old coats and girdles and they set them a burning The Pipe of the Temple began to play and many Levites with their instruments in great abundance standing upon the fifteen steps that went down out of the Court of Israel into the Court of the Women and whosoever of them and of the Priests was musical either with Instrument or with Voice joined his Musick In the mean while the greatest Grandees of the people as the members of the Sanhedrin Rulers of the Synagogues Doctors of the Schools and those that were of the highest rank and repute for Place and Religion fell a Dancing Leaping Singing and Capering with torches in their Hands with all their skill and might whilest the Women and the common people looked on and thus they spent the most part of the night And the more they abased themselves like David before the Ark in this activity the more they thought they did commendably and deserved praise At last far in the night two Priests standing in the Gate of Nicanor do sound their Trumpets and then they come down to the tenth step and they sound there again they come down into the Court of the Women and there sound a third time and so they go sounding all along the Court till they come to the East-gate of it and there they turn themselves and look back up toward the Temple and they say thus Our Fathers which were in this place turned their backs upon the Temple of the Lord and their faces towards the East towards the Sun but as for us we are towards him and our eyes towards him * * * Talm. Ierus in Succah ◠55 Talm. Bab. ibi fol. 5. As the Crandees danced some of them would say thus Blessed be thou O my youth which hast not shamed my old old age 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 These were called men of performances And others would say Blessed be thou O my old age which hast gainsaid my youth These were Chasidin and men of repentance And both of them would say Blessed is he that hath not sinned and he that hath sinned and his sin is pardoned At length weariness sleepiness and satiety with their mirth concludes the jollity till another night and so they part some to their own homes and others stay the night out in their places still 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nodding and sleeping sometimes as they stood or sat upon one anothers shoulders even while the sport was in hand And now to come to search after the reason of this strange and extraordinary jucundity at this time it were no great difficulty to shew some cause why they might be more merry at the Feast of Tabernacles than at other Festivals namely because they had now inned and gathered all their fruits and therefore this Feast is called The Feast of ingathering in the end of the year Exod. 23. 15 16. But why they should take up so great joviality upon the pouring out or drawing of the water mentioned is somewhat strange to observe and not easie to resolve * * * Tosaphta ubi ante Rabbi Akibah giveth this reason of the pouring out the water The Law saith he saith Bring an Omer of Barly at the Passover for that is the
Bible makes Methushelah live fourteen years after the Flood their reason of this their addition of years many render which I omit But S. Austen saith some fall short of this mans age In three Greek books saith he and one Latine and one Syrian book all agreeing one with another Methusalem is found to die six years before the flood So Austen in Civ Dei lib. 15. cap. 13. Such differences may incite men to apply themselves to the Hebrew Text where is no falsifying nor error CHAP. L. Upon the words The seed of the woman shall break the Serpents head THE New Testament affords a rich Commentary upon these words in the Gospel of Saint Luke who in his third Chapter shews how through seventy five generations Christ is this seed of the woman and in the fourth Chapter how through Jerus and Babilon targums do both apply these words to the Messias three temptations this seed began to bruise the head of the Serpent where the Reader may observe how the Devil tempts Christ in the very same manner that he had tempted Eve though not with the same success All the sins of the world are brought by Saint John to these three heads Lust of the flesh lust of the eyes and the pride of life 1 John 2. 15. By these three Eve falls in the garden She sees the tree is good for meat and the lust of the flesh inticeth her she sees it fair to look on and the lust of the eye provokes her and she perceives it will make her wife and the pride of life perswades her to take it By these three the Devil tempts Christ when he is hungry he would have him turn stones into bread and so tries him by the lusts of the flesh He shews and promiseth him all the pomp of the World and so tries him by the lust of the eyes and he will have him to flie in the air and so tempts him to pride of life But as by these three the Serpent had broken the head of the woman so against these three the seed of the woman breaks the head of the Serpent David Prophecied of this conquest Psal. 91. 13. The Dragon thou shalt tread under thy feet The very next verse before this the Devil useth to tempt Christ withal but to this he dare not come for it is to his sorrow CHAP. LI. Iewish hypocritical prayers reproved by our Saviour Matth. 6. 5. Because they love to stand praying in the Synagogues and corners of the streets THIS Sermon upon the Mount is much in reproof of the Jews Talmudical traditions by which they made the Word of God of none effect This verse reproveth one of their tenets for their high-way Oraisons for which they have this tradition in their * * * In Sepher Beracoth Talmud Rabbi Josi saith On a time I was walking by the way and I went into one of the deserts of Jerusalem to pray then came Eliah ‖ ‖ ‖ Heb. Zacâ—r lâ—ttobh Remembred for good Heb. Morâ— which in the Chaldee and Syrian signifieth a Lord or Master hence is Maran atha our Lord cometh the great excommunication of blessed memory and watched me at the gate and stayed for me till I had ended my prayer after that I had ended my prayer he saith unto me Peace be unto thee Rabbi I said unto him peace be upon thee Rabbi and Master Then said he to me my son wherefore wentest thou into this desert I said unto him To pray He said to me Thou mightest have prayed in the way Then said I I was afraid lest passengers would interrupt me He said unto me Thou shouldest have prayed a short prayer At that time I learned of him three things I learned that we should not go into the desert and I learned that we should pray by the way and learned that he that prayed by the way must pray a short prayer Thus far their Talmud maketh them these Letters Patents for Hypocrisie fathering this bastard upon blessed Elias who was not a high-way prayer 1 Cor. 16. 12. or one that practised his own devotions in publick for he was John Baptists type for retiredness CHAP. LII Israels affliction in Egypt OF Israels being in Egypt many Heathen Authors do touch though every one a several way and all of them the wrong Josephus against Appion is angry at their fables about it Of the famine that brought them thither if we take the want of Nilus flowing to be the natural cause as most like it was there Nilus the wonder of Affrick the river of Egypt flows every year once over his banks and if it flow not at all or not to his right height it causeth famine for Egypt hath no rain From this river under God comes their plenty or famine and it is remarkable that the fat and lean kine in Pharoah his dream which betokened the plenty or scarsity of the Country came out of the River Of the reason of the flowing of this River Pigaffetra especially is large And I wonder that Jordan was not as much wondred at for it did so also Josh. 1. seems then to be some remembrance of those seven years in Seneca in his natural questions where he saith Per novem annos Nilum non ascendisse superioribus saeculis Callimachus est Author that is Callimachus writes that in old time Nilus flowed not of nine years together where he outstrips but two of the number But of Israels affliction in Egypt I find the Heathens silent God had told Abraham of this their hardship long before and shewed him a token of it by the fowls lighting upon his carcasses Gen. 15. A type of Israels being in Egypt and of Pharoahs being plagued for their sakes was when Pharoah suffered for taking Sarah from her husband and keeping her in his house as it is Gen. 12. How long they were in that land few there be but know but how long their affliction lasted is uncertain Probable it is that it was about an hundred and twenty years the time of the old Worlds repentance and Moses his age This is to be searched by Levi his age which within a little one may find certain All the generation of Josephs time die before they are afflicted as all the generation of Joshuahs time die before they fall to Idolatry Judges 2. 10. The reasons why God should thus suffer them to suffer whether it were to fit them for the receiving of him and his Law or whether it were to whip them for their Idolatry or for some other cause I dare not enter too near to search this I see that when the foundation as it were of the visible Church is laid thus in affliction the Church cannot but look for affliction whilest it lives in the Egypt of this World But as Israel increased under persecution so does the Church for even when sparsum est semen sanguinis Martyrum surrexit seges Ecclesiae Nec frustra oravit Ecclesia pro
him go back and burn it before the Temple Where the Gloss thus Zophim is a place whence the Temple may be seen But another Gloss doth not understand the thing here of that proper place but of the whole compass about the City wheresoever the City could first be seen So R. Eliezar of Abraham going from the South to Jerusalem d d d d d d Pirke R. Eliezar cap. 31. The third day they came to Zophim but when he came to Zophim he saw the glory of the divine Majesty sitting upon the Mount Moriah CHAP. XLIII Ramah Ramathaim Zophim Gibeah THERE was a certain Ramah in the Tribe of Benjamin Jos. XVIII 25. and that within sight of Jerusalem as it seems Judg. XIX 13. where it is named with Gibeah and elsewhere Hos. V. 8. which Towns were not much distant See 1 Sam. XXII 6. Saul sat in Gibeah under a grove in Ramah Here the Gemarists trifle a a a a a a Bab. Taanith fol. 5. 2. Whence is it say they that Ramah is placed near Gibeah To hint to you that the speech of Samuel of Ramah was the cause why Saul remained two years and an half in Gibeah They blindly look over Ramah in the Tribe of Benjamin and look only at Ramah in Ephraim where Samuel was born His native Town is very often called Ramah once Ramathaim Zophim 1 Sam. I. 1. There was a certain man of Ramathaim that is one of the two Ramaths which were surnamed also Zophim A like form of speech is that 1 Sam. XVIII 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In one of the two thou shalt be my son in Law That Town of Samuel was Ramath Zophim and this of Benjamin was Ramath Zophim also But by a different Etymology as it seems that it may be from Zuph Sauls great great Grandfather whence that Country was so called 1 Sam. IX 5. this from Zophim of which place we have spoke in the foregoing Chapter Gibeah was Sauls Town b b b b b b Joseph d◠Bell. lib. 5. c. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Town called Gabath-Saul This stynifieth Saulshill which is distant from Jerusalem about thirty furlongs Hence you may guess at the distance of Rama from Jerusalem Josephus calls the neighbouring place of Gibeah 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the long Valley of Thorns perhaps 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Valley under the rock Seneh of which mention is made 1 Sam. XIV 4 CHAP. XLIV Nob. Bahurim THAT Nob was placed in the land of Benjamin not far from Jerusalem whence Jerusalem also might be seen the words of the Chaldee Paraphrast upon Esa. X. 32. do argue For so he speaks Senacherib came and stood in Nob a City of the Priests before the walls of Jerusalem and said to his army Is not this the City of Jerusalem against which I have raised my whole army and have subdued all the Provinces of it Is it not small and weak in comparison of all the fortifications of the Gentiles which I have subdued by the valour of my hand He stood nodding with his head against it and wagging his hand up and down c. Where Kimchi thus Jerusalem might be seen from Nob. Which when he saw from thence he wagged his hand as a man is wont to do when he despiseth any thing c. And Jarchi thus When he stood at Nob he saw Jerusalem c. The a a a a a a Bab. Sanbedr fol. 94. 2. 95 1. Talmudists do concur also in the same sense with the Chaldee Paraphrast and in his very words adding this moreover that all those places which are numbred up by Esaiah in the place alledged were travailed through by the Enemy with his army in one day The Tabernacle sometime resided at Nob when that was destroyed it was translated to Gibeon b b b b b b Maim in Beth-Habbechirah cap. 1. And the days of Nob and Gibeon they are the words of Maimonides were seven and fifty years We meet with mention of Bahurim 2 Sam. XVI 5. It was a Levitical City the same with Almon Jos. XXI 18. which is also called Alemeth 1 Chron. VI. 60. Those words And David came to Bahurim in the place alledged in the book of Samuel the Chaldee renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And David the King came to Almath Where Kimchi thus Bahurim was a City of the Benjamites and is called in the books of the Chronicles Alemeth for Bahurim and Alemeth are the same Both sound as much as Young men CHAP. XLV Emmaus Kiriath-Iearim FROM a a a a a a Hieros Sheviith fol. 38. 4 Beth-horon to Emmaus it was hilly b b b b b b Luk. 24. 13. It was sixty furlongs distant from Hierusalem c c c c c c Joseph de Billo lib. 7. cap. 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To eight hundred only dismissed the Army Vespasian gave a place called Ammaus for them to inhabit it is sixty furlongs distant from Jerusalem I enquire whether this word hath the same Etymology with Emmaus near Tyberias which from the Warm baths was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chammath The Jews certainly do write this otherwise namely either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Jerusalem Talmudists in the place above cited or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Mishnah d d d d d d Eruchin cap. 2. hal 4. The family say they of Beth-Pegarim and Beth Zipperia was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of Emmaus The Gloss is this Emmaus was the name of a place whose inhabitants were Israelite Gentlemen and the Priests married their daughters Josephus mentioning some Noble-men slain by Simeon the Tyrant numbers one Aristeus who was e e e e e e De Bello lib. 5. cap. 33. a Scribe of the Councel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and by extraction from Ammaus By the same Author is mentioned also f f f f f f Ibid. lib. 6. cap. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ananus of Ammaus one of the seditious of Jerusalem who nevertheless at last fled over to Cesar. Kiriath-Jearim was before time called Baale 2 Sam. VI. 2. or Baalath 1 Chron. XIII 6. Concerning it the Jerusalem Writers speak thus g g g g g g Hieros Sanhedr fol. 18. 3. We find that they intercalated the year in Baalath But Baalath was sometimes assigned to Judah and sometimes to Dan. Eltekah and Gibbethon and Baaleth behold these are of Judah Here is a mistake of the Transcribers for it should be written Of Dan Jos. XIX 44. Baalah and Jiim and Azem behold these are of Dan. It should be written Of Judah Jos. XV. 29. namely the houses were of Judah the fields of Dan. In Psal. CXXII 6. We heard of it the Ark in Ephrata that is Shilo a City of Ephraim we found it in the fields of the wood 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is in Kiriath-Jearim 1 Sam. VII 1. c. CHAP.
given me by the Nazareans who use this Book in Berea a City of Syria to write it out It is not at all to be doubted that this Gospel was found in Hebrew but that which deceived the good man was not the very hand writing of Matthew nor indeed did Matthew write the Gospel in that Language but it was turned by some body out of the original Greek into Hebrew that so if possible the Learned Jews might read it For since they had little kindness for forreign books that is Heathen Books or such as were written in a Language different from their own which might be illustrated from various Canons concerning this matter some person converted to the Gospel excited with a good zeal seems to have translated this Gospel of S. Matthew out of the Greek Original into the Hebrew Language that learned Men among the Jews who as yet believed not might perhaps read it being now published in their Language which was rejected by them while it remained in a foreign speech Thus I suppose this Gospel was written in Greek by S. Matthew for the sake of those that believed in Judea and turned into Hebrew by some body else for the sake of those that did not believe The same is to be resolved concerning the original Language of the Epistle to the Hebrews That Epistle was written to the Jews inhabiting Judea to whom the Syriac was the Mother Tongue but yet it was writ in Greek for the reasons above named For the same reasons also the same Apostle writ in Greek to the Romans although in that Church there were Romans to whom it might seem more agreeable to have written in Latine and there were Jews to whom it might seem more proper to have written in Syriac CHAP. II. VERS I. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Now when Iesus was born A calculation of the times when Christ was born WE thus lay down a Scheme of the times when Christ was born I. He was born in the year of the World MMMDCCCCXXVIII For from the Creation of the World to the Deluge are commonly reckoned MDCLVI years From the Deluge to Abrahams promise are CCCCXXVII years This being supposed that Abraham was born the CXXXth year of Tharah which must be supposed From the promise given to the going out of Egypt CCCCXXX years Exod. XII 40. Gal. III. 17. From the going out of Egypt to the laying the foundations of the Temple are CCCCLXXX years 1 King VI. 1. The Temple was building VII years 1 King VI. 38. Casting up therefore all these together viz.  MDCLVI  CCCCXXVII  CCCCXXX  CCCCLXXX  VII the sum of years amounts to MMM And it is clear the building of the Temple was finished and compleated in the year of the world MMM The Temple was finished in the eleventh year of Solomon 1 King VI. 38. and thence to the revolting of the ten Tribes in the first year of Rehoboam were XXX years Therefore that Revolt was in the year of the World MMMXXX From the Revolt of the ten Tribes to the destruction of Jerusalem under Zedekiah were CCCXC years which appears sufficiently from the Chronical computation of the parallel times of the Kings of Judah and Israel and which is implied by Ezekiel Chap. IV. vers 5. Thou shalt sleep upon thy left side and shalt put the iniquities of the house of Israel upon it c. according to the number of the days three hundred and ninety days And when thou shalt have accomplished them thou shalt sleep upon thy right side the second time and shalt take upon thee the iniquity of the house of Judah forty days Concerning the computation of these years it is doubted whether those forty years are to be numbred together within the three hundred and ninety years or by themselves as following after those three hundred and ninety years We not without cause embrace the former opinion and suppose those forty years to be included within the sum of the three hundred and ninety but mentioned by themselves particularly for a particular reason For by the space of forty years before the destruction of the City by the Chaldeans did Jeremiah prophesie daily namely from the third year of Josias to the sacking of the City whom the people not harkning to they are marked for that peculiar iniquity with this note Therefore these three hundred and ninety years being added to the year of the World MMMXXX when the ten Tribes fell off from the house of David the age of the World when Jerusalem perished arose to the year MMMCCCCXX At that time there remained fifty years of the Babylonian captivity to be compleated For those remarkable Seventy years took their beginning from the third year of Jehoiachim Dan. I. 1. Whos 's fourth year begins the Babylonian Monarchy Jer. XXV 1. And in the nineteenth year of Nebuchadnezzar the Temple was destroyed 2 King XXV 8. when now the twentieth year of the Captivity passed and other fifty remained Which fifty being added to the year of the World MMMCCCCXX a year fatal to the Temple the years of the World amount in the first year of Cyrus unto MMMCCCCLXX From the first of Cyrus to the death of Christ are Seventy weeks of years or CCCCXC years Dan. IX 24. Add these to the MMMCCCCLXX and you observe Christ crucified in the year of the World MMMDCCCCLX When therefore you have subtracted thirty two years and an half wherein Christ lived upon the Earth you will find him born in the year of the World MMMDCCCCXXVIII II. He was born in the one and thirtieth year of Augustus Cesar the computation of his Monarchy beginning from the Victory at Actium Of which matter thus Dion Cassius writes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. a a a a a a Dion Cass. lib. 51. in the beginning This their Sed-fight was on the second of September And this I speak upon no other account for I am not wont to do it but because then Cesar first obtained the whole Power so that the computation of the years of his Monarchy must be precisely reckoned from that very day We confirm this our computation by drawing down a Chronological Table from this year of Augustus to the fifteenth year of Tiberius when Christ having now compleated the nine and twentieth year of his age and entring just upon his thirtieth was baptized Now this Table adding the Consuls of every year we thus frame Year of the World City built Augustus Christ born Consuls 3928 754 31 1 Cas. Aug. XIV and L. Aemyl Paulus 3929 755 32 2 Publius Vinicius and Pub. Alfenus Varus 3930 756 33 3 L. Aelius Lamia and M. Servilius 3931 757 34 4 Sext. Aemilius Carus and C. Sentius Saturninus 3932 758 35 5 L. Valerius Messalla and Cn. Corn. Cinna Magn. 3933 759 36 6 M. Aemil. Lepidus and L. Aruntius 3934 760 37 7 A. Licin Nerv Silanus and Q. Cecil Metel Cret 3935 761 38 8 Furius Camillus and Sext. Nonius Quintilianus
tramples under his feet whatsoever is given him is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cardiacus troubled in mind And a little after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 One while he is mad another while he is well while he is mad he is to be esteemed for a mad man in respect of all his actions while he is well he is to be esteemed for one that is his own man in all respects See what we say at Ch. XVII ver 15. VERS XXX 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 An heard of many swine feeding WERE these Gadarens Jews or Heathens I. It was a matter of infamy for a Jew to keep swine k k k k k k Hieros Shekalim fol. 47. 3. R. Jonah had a very red face which a certain woman seeing said thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Seignior Seignior either you are a Winebibber or a Usurer or a keeper of hogs II. It was forbidden by the Canon l l l l l l Maimon in Nizke Mammon cap. 5. The Wise men forbad to keep hogs any where and a dog unless he were chained Hogs upon a twofold account 1. By reason of the hurt and dammage that they would bring to other mens feilds Generally m m m m m m Bava Kama cap. 7. hal 7. the keeping of smaller cattle was forbid in the Land of Israel among which you may very well reckon hogs even in the first place And the reason is given by the Gemarists That they â—â—eak not into other mens grounds 2. The feeding of hogs is more particularly forbidden for their uncleanness For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It is forbidden to trade in any thing that is unclean n n n n n n Gloss. in Kama in the place above III. Yea it was forbid under a curse The o o o o o o Maimon in the place before Wise men say Cursed is he that keeps dogs and swine because from them ariseth much harm p p p p p p Bab. Kama fol. 82. 2. Let no man keep hogs any where The Rabbins deliver When the Asmonean family were in hostility among themselves Hyrcanus was beseiged within Jerusalem and Aristobulus was without The besieged sent mony in a box let down by a rope and they which were without bought with it the daily sacrifices which were drawn up by those that were within Among the beseigers there was one skilled in the Greek learning who said As long as they thus perform the service of the Temple they will not be delivered into your hands The next day therefore they let down their mony and these sent them back a hog When the hog was drawing up and came to the middle of the Wall he fixed his hoofs to the Wall and the Land of Israel was shaken c. From that time they said Cursed be he who keeps hogs and cursed be he who teacheth his son the Wisdom of the Greeks This Story is cited in q q q q q q fol. 64. 2. Menacoth Therefore you will wonder and not without cause at that which is related in their Talmud r r r r r r Bab. Taanith fol. 21. 2. They said sometimes to Rabh Judah There is a plague among the Swine He therefore appoynted a fast What Is a Jew concerned for a plague among swine But the reason is added For Rabh Judah thought that a stroak laid upon one kind of cattle would invade all You may not therefore improperly guess that these hogs belonged not to the Jews but to the Heathen dwelling among the Gadaren Jews for such a mixture was very usual in the Cities and Countries of the land of Israel Which we observe elsewhere of the Town Susitha or Hippo but some small distance from Gadara Or if you grant that they were Jews their manners will make that opinion probable as being persons whose highest Law the purse and profit was wont to be Since Brawn and Swines flesh were of so great account with the Romans and other Heathens there is no reason to believe that a Jew was held so straightly by his Canons as to value them before his own profit when there was hope of gain CHAP. IX VERS IX 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He saw a man sitting at the receit of custom called Matthew FIVE Disciples of Christ are mentioned by the Talmudists among whom Matthew seems to be named a a a a a a Bab. Sanhedr fol. 43. â— The Rabbins deliver There were five Disciples of Jesus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mathai Nakai Nezer Boni Thodah These they relate were led out and killed See the place Perhaps five are only mentioned by them because five of the Disciples were chiefly employed among the Jews in Judea namely Matthew who wrote his Gospel there Peter James John and Judas Matthew seems to have set in the Custom-house of Capernaum near the Sea to gather some certain â—ole or rate of those that sailed over See Mark Ch. II. 13 14. b b b b b b Schabb. cap. 8. hal 2. He that produceth paper on the Sabbath in which a Publicans note is writ and he that produceth a Publicans note is guilty The Gloss is When any pays tribute to the Lord of the River or when he excuses him his tribute he certifies the Publican by a note or some Bill of free commerce that he hath remitted him his duty and it was customary in it to write two Letters greater than ours See also the Gemara there VERS XIV 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 We and the Pharisees fast oft MOnsters rather than stories are related of the Pharisees fasts 1. It is known to all from Luk. XVIII 12. that they were wont to fast twice every week The rise of which custom you may fetch from this Tradition c c c c c c Bab. Bava Kama fol. 82. 1 Ezra decreed ten decrees He appointed the publick reading of the Law the second and fifth days of the week and again on the Sabbath at the Mincha or Evening-service he instituted the Session of the Judges in Cities on the second and fifth days of the week c. Of this matter discourse is had elsewhere f f f f f f Hieros in Megill fol. 75. 1. If you ask the reason why the decree was made concerning the second and fift days c. We must answer saith the Gloss from that which is said in Midras concerning Moses namely that he went up into the Mount to receive the second Tables on the fifth day of the week and came down God being now appeased the second day When therefore that ascent and descent was a time of grace they so determined of the second and fifth day And therefore they were wont to fast also on the second and fifth day II. It was not seldom that they enjoyned themselves fasts for this end to have lucky dreams or to attain the interpretation of some dream or to turn away the ill import
of gold Whereupon Rabban Simeon ben Gamaliel said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 By this Temple I will not lye down this night unless they be sold for pence of silver c. Going into the Council house he thus decreed A woman of five undoubted labours or of five undoubted fluxes shall be bound only to make one offering whereby Doves were sold that very day for two farthings The offering for women after childbirth and fluxes for their purification were Pigeons c. m m m m m m Levit. XII XV. But now when they went up to Jerusalem with their offerings at the Feasts only there was at that time a greater number of beasts Pigeons and Turtles c. requisite See what we have said at the fifth Chapter and the three and twentieth verse VERS XV. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The children crying in the Temple and saying Hosanna CHildren from their first infancy were taught to manage the bundles to shake them and in shaking to sing Hosanna n n n n n n Succah chap. 3. halac last 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A child so soon as he knows how to wave the bundle is bound to carry a bundle Where the Gemara saith thus The Rabbins teach that so soon as a little child can be taught to manage a bundle he is bound to carry one so soon as he knows how to veil himself he must put on the borders as soon as he knows how to keep his fathers Phylacteries he must put on his own as soon as he can speak let his father teach him the Law and to say the Phylacteries c. VERS XIX 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Found nothing thereon but leaves only THIS place is not a little obscure being compared with Mark who seems to say that therefore figs were not found on this tree because it was not yet the time of figs o o o o o o Mark XI 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 why then did our Saviour expect figs when he might certainly know that it was not yet the time of figs And why not finding them did he curse the tree being innocent and agreeable to its own nature I. We will first consider the situation of this tree Our Evangelist saith that it was in the way 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This minds me of a distinction us'd very often by the Talmudists between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is between the fruits of trees of common right which did not belong to any peculiar Master but grew in woody places or in common fields and the fruits of trees which grew in Gardens Orchyards or Fields that had a proper owner How much difference was made between these fruits by the Canonists as to tything and as to eating is in many places to be met with through the whole Classis intitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Seeds This fig-tree seems to have been of the former kind 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a wild fig-tree 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 growing in a place or field not belonging to any one in particular but common to all So that our Saviour did not injure any particular person when he caus'd this tree to wither but it was such a tree that it could not be said of it that it was Mine or Thine II. He found nothing thereon but leaves because the time of figs was not yet a great while p p p p p p As before 1. q q q q q q Bab. Pâ—sacâ—in fol. 52. 2. At what time in the seventh year do they forbear to lop their trees The School of Shammai saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 All trees from that time they bring forth leaves The Gloss the beginning of leaves is in the days of Nisan 2. r r r r r r Jerus Sheviith fol. 35. 4. Rabban Simeon ben Gamaliel saith from the putting forth of leaves till there be green figs is fifty days from the green figs till the buds fall off fifty days and from that time till the figs be ripe are fifty days If therefore the first putting our of the leaves was in the month Nisan and that was five months time before the figs came to be ripe it is plain enough that the figs of that year coming on were not expected by our Saviour nor could be expected That we may pursue the matter somewhat home and make it appear that the Text of Mark as it is commonly read for the time of figs was not yet is uncorrupted I. We must first observe what is said about the intercalation of the year They intercalate the year upon three accounts For the green ear for the fruit of the tree and for Tekupha s s s s s s Baâ— Sanhedr sol 11. 2. Maimonides is more large t t t t t t Kiddush Hodesh chap. 4. whom see Now if you ask what means the intercalation for the fruit of the tree The Gloss answers If the fruit be not ripened till Pentecost is past they intercalate the year because Pentecost is the time of bringing the first fruits and if at that time one should not bring them along with him when he comes to the feast he would be oblig'd to make another journy But now this is not to be understood of all trees but of some only which put forth their fruit about the time of the Passover and have them ripe at the feast of Pentecost For thus Maimonides in the place cited If the Connoil sees that there is not yet any green ear and that the fruit of the trees which used to bud at the feast of the Passover is not yet budded mark that used to bud moved by these two causes they intercalate the year Among these the figtree can by no means be reckoned For since our Saviour being witness u u u u u u Metth. XXIV 32. â— the putting forth of its leaves is a sign that Summer is at hand you could not expect any ripe figs nay according to the Talmudists not so much as the putting out of leaves before the Passover When it is before said that Pentecost was the time of bringing the first fruits it must not be so understood as if the first fruits of all trees were then to be brought but that before Pentecost it was not lawful to bring any for thus it is provided for by a plain Canon The first-fruits are not to be brought before Pentecost The inhabitants of Mount Zeboim brought theirs before Pentecost but they did not receive them of them because it is said in the Law And the feast of harvest the first fruit of thy labours which thou hast sowen in thy field w w w w w w Exod. XXIII 16. Biccurim chap. 1. hal 3. II. There are several kinds of figs mentioned in the Talmudists besides these common ones namely figs of a better sort which grew in gardens and Paradices 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
* * * Cap. 5. CHAP. XXVI VERS III. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Assembled together unto the palace of the High Priest §. Of the present Authority of the Council and of its place THOSE ominous prodigies are very memorable which are related by the Talmudists to have hapned forty years before the destruction of the Temple d d d d d d 〈…〉 fol. 4â— 3. A tradition Forty years before the Temple was destroyed The Western candle that is the middlemost â—â— the holy candlestick was put out And the crimson Tongue that was fastned to the hoâ—ns of the scape Goat or the doors of the Temple kept its redness And the lot of the Lord for the Goat that was to be offered up on the day of Expiation came out on the left hand And the gates of the Temple which were shut over night were found open in the morning Rabban Jochanan ben Zaccat said therefore O Temple wherefore dost thou trouble us We know thy fate namely that thou art to be destroyed For it is said Open O Lebanon thy gates that the flame may consume thy Cedars e e e e e e Idem Sanh d. fol 24. 2. A Tradition Forty years before the Temple was destroyed Judgment in capital causes was taken away from Israel f f f f f f Bab. Avodah Zarah fol. 8. 2. Forty years before the Temple was destroy'd the Council removed and sat in the sheds With these two last Traditions lies our present business What the Jews said Joh. XVIII 31. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It is not lawful for us to put any man to death signifies the same thing with the Tradition before us Judgments in capital causes are taken away from Israel When were they first taken away Forty years before the destruction of the Temple say the Talmudsits No doubt before the death of Christ the words of the Jews imply so much But how were they taken away It is generally received by all that the Romans did so far divest the Council of its authority that it was not allowed by them to punish any with death and this is gathered from those words of the Jews It is not lawful for us to put any one to death But if this indeed be true 1. What do then those words of our Saviour mean g g g g g g Chap. X. 17 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They will deliver you up to the Councils 2. How did they put Stephen to death 3. Why was Paul so much affraid to commit himself to the Council that he chose rather to appeal to Caesar The Talmudists excellently well clear the matter What signifieth that Tradition say they of the removal of the Council forty years before the ruine of the Temple Rabh Isaac bar Abdimi saith It signifieth thus much That they did not judge of sines And a little after But R. Nachman bar Isaac saith Do not say that it did not judge of sines but that it did not judge in capital causes And the reason was this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Because they saw murderers so much encrease that they could not judge them They said therefore It is sit that we should remove from place to place that so we may avoid the guilt That is The number and boldness of thieves and murderers growing so great that by reason thereof the authority of the Council grew weak and neither could nor dared put them to death It is better say they for us to remove from hence out of this chamber Gazith where by the quality of the place we are obliged to judge them than that by sitting still here and not judging them we should render our selves guilty Hence it is that neither in the highest nor in the inferiour Councils any one was punished with death For they did not judge of Capital matters in the inferiour Councils in any City but only when the great Council sat in the chamber Gazith saith the Gloss. The authority of them was not taken away by the Romans but rather relinquished by themselves The slothfulness of the Council destroyed its own authority Hear it justly upbraided in this matter h h h h h h Maccoth Chap. 1. Hal. 17 The Council which puts but one to death in seven years is called destructive R. Lazar ben Azariah said whichputs one to death in seventy years R. Tarphon and R. Achiba said If we had been in the Council when it judged of capital matters there had none ever been put to death by it R. Simeon ben Gamaliel said These men have encreased the number of murderers in Israel Most certainly true O Simeon for by this means the power of the Council came to be weakned in capital matters because they either by meer slothfulness or by a foolish tenderness or as indeed the truth was by a most fond estimation of an Israelite as an Israelite they so far neglected to punish bloodshed and murder and other crimes till wickedness grew so untractable that the authority of the Council trembled for fear of it and dared not kill the killers In this sense their saying must be understood It is not lawful for us to put any man to death Their authority of judging not being taken from them by the Romans but lost by themselves and despised by their people Notwithstanding it was not so lost but that sometimes they exercised it namely when they observed they might do it safely and without danger Dat veniam corvis c. Spares Crows but vexeth Pigeons thieves murderers and wicked men armed with force they dared not call into their judgment they were afraid of so desperate a crew but to judg condemn torture and put to death poor men and Christians from whom they feared no such danger they dreaded it not they did not avoid it They had been ready enough at condemniag our Saviour himself to death if they had not feared the people and if Providence had not otherwise determined of his death We may also by the way add that also which follows after the place above cited 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i i i i i i Hieros Sanhedr fol. 24. 1. In the day of Simeon ben Jochai judgments of pecuniary matters were taken away from Israel * * * * * * Fol. 18. 1. In the same Tract this is said to have been in the days of Simeon ben Shetah long before Christ was born but this is an error of the transcribers But now if the Jewish Council lost their power of judging in pecuniary causes by the same means as they lost it in capital it must needs be that deceits oppressions and mutual injuries were grown so common and daring that they were let alone as being above all punishment The Babylonian Gemarists alledg another reason but whether it be only in favour of their Nation this is no fit place to examine k k k k k k See Avodah Zarah as before That we may
they could not sit in judgment upon them they said let us remove c. So in the case of Adultery which we also observed in our Notes upon Chap. VIII f f f f f f Maimon in Sotah cap. 3. Since the time that Adultery so openly advanced under the second Temple they lest off trying the Adulteress by the bitter water c. So that we see the liberty of judging in capital matters was no more taken from the Jews by the Romans than the beheading of the Heifer or the tryal of the suspected Wife by the bitter waters was taken away by them which no one will affirm But rather III. When the Sanhedrin saw that it was in vain to struggle against the mighty torrent and inundation of all manner of wickedness that played Rex and encroached so fast upon them and that the interposure of their authority could do nothing in suppressing them they being uncapable of passing judgment as they ought they determine not to sit in judgment at all And whereas they thought themselves bound by the Majesty and awfulness of the place while they sate in the Room Gazith In the very Court of Israel before the Altar to judge according to the sacredness of the place but could not indeed do it by reason of the daring pride and resolution of the Criminals they threw themselves out of that apartment and went further off into the place where the Exchangers shops were kept in the Court of the Gentiles and so to other places which we find mentioned in Rosh hashanah * * * * * * Fol. 31. 1. IV. It is disputed whether they ever returned to their first place Gazith or no. It is affirmed by the Gloss in Avodah Zarah g g g g g g Fol. 8. 2. When for a time they found it absolutely necessary they betook themselves again to that room We have the same also elsewhere upon this Tradition h h h h h h Chetubb fol. 30. 1. It is a Tradition of R. Chaia From the day wherein the Temple was destroyed though the Sanhedrin ceased yet the four kinds of death which were wont to be inflicted by the Sanhedrin did not cease For he that had deserved to be stoned to death he either fell off from some house or some wild Beast tore and devoured him He that had deserved burning he either fell into some fire or some Serpent bit him He that had deserved to be slain i. e. with the Sword was either delivered into the hands of an heathen King or was murdered by Robbers He that had deserved strangling was either drowned in some River or choaked by a squinancy But it may be objected why is it said From the time that the Temple was destroyed and not forty years before the destruction of the Temple To this the Gloss answereth Sometimes according to the urgency and necessity of the time the Sanhedrin returned to the room Gazith c. It is further excepted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But they never returned to sit in capital causes or to try Murders For the reason of their removal at first was because the numbers of Homicides so encreast upon them c. V. When the great Council did not sit in Gazith all Courts for capital matters ceased every where else One Gloss saith thus They took no cognisance of capital matters in any of the lesser Sessions so long as the great Sanhedrin did not sit in the room Gazith Another saith What time the great Sanhedrin sate in its proper place where it ought near the Altar then thou shalt make thee Judges in all thy Gates to judge in capital causes but when that removed then all cognisance about those matters ceased VI. The Sanhedrin removed as we have already seen from Gazith forty years before Jerusalem was destroyed and this is the very thing that was said forty years before the destruction of the City judgment in capital causes was taken away from them And now let the Reader judge what should be the reason of their being deprived of this priviledge whether the Romans were in fault or whether rather the Jews nay the Sanhedrin it self had not brought it upon themselves When the Sanhedrin flitted from Gazith all judgment of this kind vanished and upon what reasons they did thus flit we have learnt from their own Pens We will not contend about the time when these forty years should first begin though I am apt to think they might begin about half a year before Christ's death The words which we have under consideration spoken by the Sanhedrin to Pilate seem to referr wholly to the reason we have already mentioned It is not lawful for us to put any man to death Why is it not lawful Because being forced by the necessity of the times we retired from the Room Gazith where if we sit not neither we our selves nor any Court under us can take any cognisance of causes of life and death But what necessity of times could urge you to remove So greatly did the Criminals multiply and grew to such an head that we neither could nor durst animadvert upon them according to what the Majesty of the place might expect and require from us if we should sit in Gazith That must be observed from the Evangelists that when they had had Christ in examination in the Palace of the High-Priest all night in the morning the whole Sanhedrin met that they might pass Sentence of Death upon him Where then was this that they met Questionless in the Room Gazith at least if they adhered to their own rules and constitutions Thither they betook themselves sometimes upon urgent necessity The Gloss before quoted excepts only the case of murder which amongst all their false accusations they never charged Christ with But however suppose it were granted that the great Council met either in the Taberne or some other place which yet by no means agreed with their own Tradition did they deal truly and as the matter really and indeed was with Pilate when they tell him it is not lawful for us to put any man to death He had said to them Take ye him and judge him according to your Laws We have indeed Judged and Condemned him but we cannot put any one to death Was this that they said in fact true how came they then to stone the Protomartyr Stephen How came they to stone Ben Sarda at Lydda i i i i i i Hieros San. hedr. fol. 25. 4. How came they to burn the Priest's Daughter alive that was taken in Adultery k k k k k k Bab. Saâ—hedr fol. 52. â— Juchasin fol. 51. 1. It is probable they had not put any one to death as yet since the time that they had removed out of Gazith and so might the easilier perswade Pilate in that case But their great design was to throw off the odium of Christ's death from themselves at least
thereof which is the blood thereof shall you not eat The later also is forbidden Thou shalt not eat blood let out by the cutting of a vein or any other way from any beast saith R. Chaninah in the place above quoted See also Pesikta and R. Solomon o o o o o o 〈◊〉 in â—â—â—â—â—â—◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 IX and instead oâ— more that passage p p p p p p 〈◊〉 fol. 76. 2. Wherefore is blood forbidden five times in Scripture Gen. IX 4. Levit. III. 17. VII 26. XVII 10. Deut. XII 16. That the blood of Animals that are holy might be included and the blood of Animals not Holy and the blood that was to be covered in the dust and the blood 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the member of a living Beast 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the blood that is let out by the cutting of a vein or otherwise God himself adjudgeth him that eats blood to be cut off Levit. VII 27 c. But as to this matter there are wondrous nice and subtile questions and distinctions laid down in Maimonides I will only transcribe this one q q q q q q Maimon Maacaloth Asuroth cap. 6. As to the blood that is let out and the blood of the members viz. of the Spleen the Kidneys the Testicles and the blood gathered about the heart in the time of slaying and the blood found about the Liver they are not guilty of cutting off but whoever eateth of any of that blood let him be scourged because it is said Thou shall eat no blood But concerning being guilty to cutting off it is said because the life of the flesh is in the blood A man therefore is not guilty of cutting off unless he eats of that blood with which the life goes out IV. I know what the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 strangled flesh in Atheneus * * * * * * Lib. 9. mean but that hath no place here nor is there any reason why such Meats as he there sets on the Table should be forbidden even to the Jew Nor would I by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 strangled understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the member of a living Beast partly because I suppose that included in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 blood and partly because it is thus determined by the Rabbins concerning it r r r r r r Maim Maacaloth Asuroth cap. 5. They learn by tradition that that which is said in the Law Thou shalt not eat the life with the flesh forbids the eating of a member torn from a living Animal and concerning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the member cut off from a living Beast God saith to Noah But flesh with the life which is the blood thereof shalt thou not eat So that to eat a member so cut off is to eat blood and under that clause 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and from blood is contained the prohibition of eating both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the blood of a living Beast and also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the member of a living Beast And under that clause 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and of things strangled is the prohibition of eating flesh of a Beast not well killed so as the blood issueth not one as it ought to do Concerning which there is a large discourse in the Tract Cholin obscure and tedious enough however I cannot but note one passage out of it s s s s s s Cholin fol. 33. 1. If any one desire to eat of a Beast before the life of it be gone let him cut off a piece of flesh from the killing place to the quantity of an Olive and salt it very well and wash it very well and stay till the life of the Beast be gone out of him and then he may eat it this is equally lawful both to the stranger and to the Israelite When we speak of not eating of flesh which the blood is not duly got out of it is not necessary we should include within this rank 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that which dyes of it self and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that which is torn of wild Beasts CHAP. XXIII VERS II. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ananias the High Priest IT is a question among some Expositors whether this Ananias be the same Ananias that Josephus mentions that was High Priest And I ask again whether 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place be to be necessarily rendred High Priest I. That Ananias the High Priest whom Josephus mentions t t t t t t Antiqu. lib. 20. cap. 5. De Excid lib. 2. cap. 21. was sent bound to Rome by Quadratus the Governour of Syria to render an account of his actions to Claudius Cesar and that before Felix entred upon the procuratorship of Judea but whether he ever returned to Jerusalem again is uncertain still more uncertain whether ever restored to his place of High Priest and most uncertain of all whether he filled the Chair at that time when Paul pleaded his cause which was some years after Felix had been settled in the Government Acts XXIV 10. II. About this time there was one Ananias a man very much celebrated indeed but not the High Priest only the Sagan of the Priests concerning whom the Talmudic Writers record these passages u u u u u u Shekalim cap. 6. hal 1. There were thirteen Corban Chests thirteen Tables thirteen Adorations in the Temple But to them that were of the House of Rabban Gamaliel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to those that were of the House of R. Ananias Sagan of the Priests there were fourteen c. w w w w w w Pesachin c. 1. hal 6. Misn. Hieros R. Ananias Sagan of the Priests saith c. Ananias Sagan of the Priests was slain in the time of the destruction of Jerusalem with Rabban Simeon the Son of Gamaliel x x x x x x Tsemach David R. Ananias the Sagan is said to be slain on the five and twentieth day of the month Sivan together with Rabban Simeon ben Gamaliel and R. Ismael y y y y y y Juchasin fol. 57. 1. If we cannot reconcile the Ananias in Josephus with this in St. Luke let Ananias the Sagan be the Ananias mentioned in this place who may very well be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or High Priest as may be evident from those titles given to Annas and Caiaphas Luk. III. 2. Nor doth any thing hinder but that we may easily suppose that Ananias the Sagan was in the possession of his Saganship at this very time VERS V. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I wist not Brethren that he was the High Priest I. SUppose he might not know that man to have been the High Priest or the Sagan which is hardly probable yet he could not be ignorant from the rank he held and the seat he possessed that he must be at least one of the
construe it according to their own ignorance and to frame stories upon it according to their construction I shall give but one Example and that big enough for many viz. that huge story of John the Evangelist his being boyled in scalding oyl and yet not kild and when buried at Ephesus yet his grave beating as if he lived within it If you trace to the proper spring head you will find it founded upon ignorance of the meaning of those words in XXI John 22. If I will that he tarry till I come what is that to thee Which were mistaken when first spoken as if that Apostle should not dye I might speak how ignorance in other Stories and Sciences hath brought in multitudes of falsities as Domitians killing Davids line c. A second original is over-officiousness of the Relator And that hath outshot the other many bow-lengths Ignorance hath bred its thousands but this its ten thousands The undoing of History is the overdoing When Historians over-sedulous and over-officious to advance the honour of Religion and religious men have thought they could never say enough and said they cared not what and like Poets have never thought enough said till so much is said as none can believe I shall give but one example and that in the very beginning of Ecclesiasticul History Menologia Surius c. will afford thousands The example is this that there is hardly one named in the New Testament with any credit or without a brand but in Ecclesiastical Story he is made either a Planter of Religion in some Country or a Bishop or a Martyr or all See Dorotheus his Synopsis and other Histories of those times and you will find this so Now this is not true neither is it from Ignorance nor indeed from their believing it was so who first asserted it but from officiousness to do these men honour that they might have more than bare naming in the New Testament There is a particular fabulousness in Ecclesiastical History that I know not whether to refer to ignoronce or this or to make it a mungrel of both Such as that That Christ laid in a manger betwixt an Ox and an Asse because it is said Esa. I. 3. The Ox knoweth his owner and the Asse his Masters crib And that That the wise men Matth. II. were three Kings because it is said Psal. LXX 10. The Kings of Tarshish and of the Isles shall bring Presents the Kings of Sheba and Seba shall offer gifts Whether this was the effect of ignorance or officiousness or both its Father was an Amorite and its Mother a Hittite Thirdly A third original of this is studium partium favour to a party This is officiousness sworn and engaged to a side What this hath done in all stories he knows but little of story that hath not observed Officiousness to Religion in general and to good Men in general who were unknown and unrelated to hath done much this more When Writers in their Relations were minded to honour singular places persons actions t is hard to find them keeping within bounds He is an Historian indeed that can keep ab odio procul favore free from envy and affection especially when he writes near that time of those persons and actions which he writes of When I read Eusebius de Vita Constantini and Sozomen and Julian in Coesaribus De Constantino I cannot but be suspitious on both hands that studium partium odium favor have made the contrary parties lay on so much black and white that it is impossible to discern the true visage Thousands of such Relations thus tainted might be produced Hence are more Martyrs in the Calendar than ever were in the World and more miracles than ever men of reason especially that knew Scripture did or well or can believe But to pitch near the case in hand How hath it ever been a partiality and Studium sui in Countries and Cities to father their original upon some transcendent person or other the Heathens on some Deity So Livy Datur haec venia antiquitati ut miscendo humana divinis primordia urbium augustiora fiant Christian Cities or Countries have the like ambition to refer the original of their Religion to some chief Apostle Saint or Martyr Fourthly A fourth origine of falshood in Ecclesiastical history is Animus decipiendi a mind and purpose to deceive And this hath been sometimes done pia fraude out of an holy craft because histories do affect and men are led by example And therefore if Piety and Religion be promoted no matter whether it be done by truth or falshood But sometimes this hath been done impiissima impudentia out of a most wicked shamelesness Some there have been who have made it a trade to impose upon the belief of mankind either to amuse mens minds or to abuse them or to interrupt their study and believing of better things II. Now which of these four originals shall we refer this opinion unto It is no doubt but animus decipiendi in this last and worst sence hath maintained that St. Peter was at Rome but that was not the first cause of that Position Therefore let us try the Original of it by the three forementioned First Might it not be occasioned by ignorance and misconstruction of Scripture To make this appear the more probably to be a cause of it let me preface these few things 1. That from the death of Peter to the asserting of this opinion by authors of less suspition was not an hundred and fifty years 2. Observe that the Scripture is silent of the place of Peters death unless it be to be collected from hence 3. Credulity in those times was better cheap partly because deceit was not then suspected nor discovered partly because neither were Copies of the New Testament so common nor generally were men so well versed in them 4. How easie was it to misconstrue this place and take Babylon to signifie Rome and so to use it as an argument to confirm Peters being there And this mistake might be the original of that opinion But however this might administer some occasion to this error I should ascribe more influence to the two other things before mentioned viz. Officiousness to Peter and a study to advance Rome For observe First In story we find that the Church of Rome was always much spoken of and of great authority And Secondly Observe therefore how History that it might dignifie that Church in respect of its Original hath brought Paul and Peter to be martyred at Rome and John near it and he undoubtedly had been brought thither and Martyred had not the misconstruction of Joh. XXI 22. hindred supposing from that Text that he never died I presume James would have been brought thither too but that Josephus had prevented it by his story relating he was slain at Jerusalem And Ignatius is brought thither from Antioch Thirdly It was thought an honour to have such Patrons And Rome being chief
to that especially and speak to the Comparison as occasion offers it self The Positive being this There is joy in Heaven for a sinner that repenteth Joy in Heaven when a sinner repenteth Or for a sinner that repenteth When we have wondred a while at the thing it self then we may ask Joy among whom And truly we have very just cause to wonder at the thing it self And it is as feeling a passage as likely we can meet with in all the Scripture Joy in Heaven upon a sinners repenting How then may you construe that expression Well done good and faithful servant enter into thy Masters joy Mutual joy thou rejoycing in thy Master and thy Master rejoycing in thee The good servant by his very repentance rejoycing his Lord as well as his salvation with his Lord rejoycing him I cannot but think of that passage concerning the Eunuch Act. VIII That when he was converted and baptized he went away rejoycing And there was rejoycing in Heaven for it by our Saviours relation here as well as there was with him on earth one deep calling upon another through the noise of the water-pipes And like two Lutes tuned in Union the very same string of joy sounding in Heaven that was struck here upon Earth Not much unlike the stile of that passage What ye bind on Earth shall be bound in Heaven We read of some that upon reading or hearing some particular Texts of Scripture have been converted and become new men So was S. Austin by reading a verse or two in Rom. XIII Junius by reading three or four verses of Joh. I. And so others by others Now can you find a more winning melting piercing passage almost any where in all the Bible than this if we well consider of it There is joy in Heaven over a sinner that repenteth That for yours or mine or any of our repentances there should be joy in Heaven Alas if we were all in Hell what were Heaven the worse for it And yet that it should be joyful news to Heaven if we repent Do we not know how joyful news takes upon Earth And do we not wonder that our repentance should bring joyful news to Heaven We read how Jacob was ravished and revived when the joyful news came to him that his son Joseph was alive And are there those in Heaven would be so affected if we repent Yes the great King of Heaven tells us so That there is joy in Heaven c. How full are we if we have good news to tell till we tell it Ahimaaz and Cushi ran as if they ran for their lives who shall first bring the good news of Victory over Absalom And is it possible for any of us to bring good news to Heaven Yes the Text tells us we may For our repentance would set Heaven a rejoycing and be very gladsome tidings there And who is it that runs astrife that he may first bring such rejoycing news thither As the four Lepers said at the Camp of the Syrians We do not well that we tarry here for this is a day of good tidings and we are to blame if we go not and tell them Men and Brethren more joyful news cannot come to Heaven than of our repenting And are we not moved at the thoughts of it and do we not blame our selves for delaying to send such news thither Do we by muddling here for mony and pleasures and preferments and I know not what as those Lepers did in the Tents of the Syrians when our repenting and turning to God would set Heaven it self on rejoycing for us It is no wonder if a Soul rejoyce when it gets to Heaven but it may ravish us with wonder and amazement that Heaven should rejoyce for a mans making thither For what need hath Heaven of such poor wretched creatures as we are Who would not dwell upon such a subject as this But it must be rather in Meditation than Elocution For astonishment at the thing may swallow up words that we are not able to speak of it to speak it out Make out by your memory meditation and admiring what my Tongue wants in expressing and uttering Let such a ravishing truth as this That there is joy in Heaven c. never slip out of your memory Cherish the warm thoughts of it in your spreading meditation Meditate your selves into rapture at such comfortable tidings from Heaven that your repentance would be joyful tidings to Heaven that there would be joy in Heaven for your repenting But joy among whom there And let that be a second thing to meditate of and to warm II. our meditation The Text only tells of joy in Heaven and particularizes no more but the rest of the Chapter speaks out with whom The last Parable in the Chapter tells you there is joy with God the Father by that intimation How the Father rejoyced upon the return of his lost Prodigal son The first Parable in the Chapter tells you there is joy with Christ the great shepherd by that intimation How the man rejoyced upon the finding and bringing again his wandring and lost sheep And the application of the middle Parable speaks it out vers 10. That there is joy in the presence of the Angels of God over one sinner that repenteth Joy with God the Father joy with Christ the Son joy with the holy Angels Do we need to enquire whether with the blessed Saints in Heaven We have more reason to stand admiring at this that is so plain before us than to intricate our selves with that that is more obscure God and Christ and the Angels know a mans repenting here which the glorified Saints in Heaven for ought we know know not And God and Christ and Angels can be helpful to a Soul in the ways of repentance here which the glorified Saints in Heaven cannot be I know who they be that will maintain that the Saints in glory know a mans repentance and can be helpful to him in the ways of repentance And that therefore they are to be prayed unto But we leave them to their proofs and practises we have no such Doctrine nor custom nor the Churches of Christ. We doubt not but First The Saints in glory desire the consummating of the mystical body of Christ in glory It is their desire here and it leaves them not there Rom. VIII 23. They grone here for the Adoption that is the Redemption of the Body And they carry the same affection of desire of it into Heaven Secondly We may very well conceive that the Saints in glory rejoyce as this his mystical Body comes on to be glorified when a Soul comes to Heaven But that they know what men do here below is neither proved nor is it material to be believed Therefore I shall not intangle my self in that question but leave it to them that do believe it to prove it when they are able That God and Christ and Angels rejoyce over a sinner that repenteth is that
the Synagogue were done p. 185. Sabbath from the second first what p. 184. Sabbath to the Jews was a day of junkets and delicious Feasting p. 184. What worldly things were not to be done on it p. 184 187 547. And what worldly things might be done on it p. 186 187 547 The care of the Sabbath lay upon Adam under a double Law p. 186 187. Sabbath days journy what p. 304. The Preparion of the Sabbath what p. 358. Second Sabbath after the first what p. 409. The Jews used to get much and excellent Victuals on that Day for the honour of the Day p. 445 446. The Jews allowed all necessary things to be done on that day as to heal the sick c. p. 446. To save Beasts in danger p. 446. The night before the Sabbath candles were lighted up in honour of it and the Evening of the Sabbath was called Light p. 479. The length of the Sabbath days journey at first was twelve Miles with the reason afterward it was confined to two thousand cubits or one mile p. 485 486 636 637. Circumcision as given by Moses gives a right understanding of the nature of the Sabbath p. 557. The institution of the Sabbath and how God rested on it p. 1325. Resting on it hath four ends Moral to rest from Labours Commemorative to remember God's creating the World Evangelical referring to Christ and Typical to signifie eternal Rest. p. 1327. It was given to the Jews at Sinai to distinguish them from all other people p. 1327 1328. It s antiquity c. Page 1328 Sabbath Christian the Jews say that the Christian Sabbath was the first day of the week why Christ changed it from the seventh to the first p. 271 272 1329 1330. It was not controverted but every where celebrated in the Primitive Times only some Jews converted to the Gospel kept also the Jewish Sabbath 792 793 Sabbatick River said to rest on the Sabbath day suspected 313 Sacrament of the Supper receiving unworthily two dreadful things against it 779 Sacramental Blood as it may be called of the Old and New Testament and the very Blood of Christ harmonized 777 778 Sacraments are visible marks of distinction proved p. 1125. They have several Ends. p. 1125. They are perpetual p. 1126. They are Seals of the life of Faith p. 1126. How they answer Circumcision and the Passover 1126 Sacrifices Spiritual every Christian hath three Spiritual Sacrifices to offer to God p. 1260. The Altar on which these Sacrifices are to be offered 1260 Sadducees their Original whence they came to deny the Râ—â—urrection p. 124 to 126. They did not utterly deny all the Old Testament except the Five Books of Moses but the Five Books were only what they would stand by for the confirmation of matters of Faith p. 542 1101. They denyed the Resurrection what therefore was their Religion and to what end p. 699. They take their Heterodoxy and Denomination say some from Sadoc p. 699 700. At first they denyed the Immortality of the Soul and so by consequence the Resurrection p. 701. The Religion of the Sadducees was not the National Religion of the Jews but a Sect and Excrescence from it p. 1036. They held nothing for a Fundamental Article of Faith but what might be grounded on the Five Books of Moses p. 1102. The Resurrection of the last day demonstrated against the Sadducees and Atheists p. 1235. The difference between the Sadducees and Pharisees in matters of Religion was very great p. 1278. Though the Sadducees and Pharisees greatly differed betwixt themselves yet they easily harmonized to oppose Christianity p. 1278 1279. The Sadducees held several Heretical Opinions about some main Articles of Faith p. 1279 1280. The Sadducees considered in their Persons or Original and Opinions 1280 to 1284 Sadduceism the Foundation of it laid in the days of Ezra 124 Sadoc said to be the first Founder of Sadduceism whether he denied the Resurrection or all the Scripture except Moses 699 700 Sagan was not so much the Vice-High-Priest as one set over the Priest therefore called the Sagan of the Priests he was the same with the Ruler of the Temple p. 397. Because his dignity was higher and independent therefore he was sometimes called High-Priest p. 397. Sagan was the same with the Prefect or Ruler he was to be a Learned Man Page 608 Saints judging the World expounded against the Fifth Monarchists p. 753. Not referred to the Last Judgment but to Christian Magistrates and Judges in the World p. 753 754. Saints in Glory have not the Spirit p. 1150. Saints in Heaven what they do referring to Saints or Sinuers on Earth 1268 Salamean or Salmean or Kenite the same and what 499 Salem the first Name for Jerusalem which was compounded of Jireh and Salem and why under what latitude how holy above other Cities 20 to 22 Salim what and where situate 498 499 Salting with fire and with salt the custom and the meaning of the phrase 346 347 Salvation and Pardon what the sure ground of hope of them is 1277 Salutares some Companies and Wings of the Roman Army being so called in likelihood gave the Title of Healthful to some Countries 294 Salutations were not performed by the Jews at some times 420 Saluting of Women was rarely used among the Jews 385 Samaria under the first Temple was a City under the second a Country called Sebaste the Religion thereof was Heathenism and Samaritanism p. 52 53. Samaria was planted with Colonies two several times 503 504 Samaritanism what 53 Samaritans rejected the Temple at Jerusalem and why p. 540 541. How they rejected all the Old Testament but the Five Books of Moses whether they were not acquainted with the rest and owned them in some cases 541 542 Samaritan Text follows the Greek Version 701 Samaritan Version or Pentateuch three things in it containing matter of notice and a fourth of suspition 504 505 Samochonitis the Lake of Samochonitis is in Scripture called the Waters of Merom c 64 Sampson what were his failings 1215 Sanctification Adam had not the Spirit of Sanctification nor of Prophesie p. 1150. Why we are justified by perfect Justification and yet not sanctified by perfect Sanctification and holiness answered 1153 Sandals and Shoos not the same against Beza and Erasmus 178 Sanhedrim the Jewish Sanhedrim consisted of Priests Levites and Israelites p. 109. Sanhedrim the Lesser and Greater their time of sitting the number that made a Council p. 355. It was against the Sanhedrims own Rule to seek for Witnesses against Christ. p. 355. The whole Sanhedrim was sometimes comprehended under the Name of Pharisees p. 571. The Sanhedrim lost the power of judging in capital Causes by their own neglect being so remiss to the Israelites with the Reasons of it p. 611 to 614. The Sanhedrim removed from the Room Gazith to the Tabernae and from the Tabernae into Jerusalem forty years before the destruction of that City with the Reason of it p.