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A76981 An historicall discourse of the uniformity of the government of England. The first part. From the first times till the reigne of Edvvard the third; Historicall discourse of the uniformity of the government of England. Part 1 Bacon, Nathaniel, 1593-1660.; Marshall, William, fl. 1617-1650, engraver. 1647 (1647) Wing B348B; ESTC R8530 270,823 378

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CHAP. LXXI Of the Peace WArre and peace are two births by severall venters and may like the day and night succeed but can never inherit each to other and for that cause they may claime to belong to one father and that one and the same power should act in both and yet it s no good maxime that he that is the chiefe Commander in warre ought to be the chiefe in the order of peace For it naturally befals that warre especially that which we call civill warre like some diseases in the body does rather breed ill humours then consume them and these must be purged by dieting the State and constant course of justice unto which the rugged waves of warre have little or no affinity if not enmity Neverthelesse the wisdome of our ancestors thought it most meet to keep their Kings in worke as well in time of peace as of war and therefore as they anciently referred the principall care thereof to the Lords who together with certaine select persons in every County did administer justice in severall iters or circuits so when Kings had once gotten the name of being chief in civill affaires as they had it in martiall they soon left the Lords behind them who also were willing enough with their own ease and had the name of doing all notwithstanding it was done by advice of the Lords and directory of Ministers or commissioners thereto deputed And thus that peace which formerly passed under the titles of Pax Domini pax vice comitis it is pax Regni became by eminency swallowed up in that which was called the Kings peace and the Justices called the Kings Justices and himself flattered into that title of Fountaine of Justice which belongeth onely to him that is The Most High or Chiefe Law-giver The manner how this honourable care of the safety and peace of the Kingdome was imployed may be referred to a double consideration the one in execution of justice upon delinquents the other in preventing occasions of offence or delinquency by meanes whereof the publique peace might be endangered The first was acted diversly according to the present sence of affaires for what was at first done by the Princes in their circuits Tacitus with one hundred of the Commons called Comites and that done per pagos vicesque was afterwards done by itinerant Judges sent from the King for the greatest matters and by Lords in their Leets Governours or chiefe Magistrates of Towns in their courts and Sheriffs in their Tornes as Judices stati for the ease of the people in matters of lesse moment I say I conceive it was in the Torne for I suppose no emergent court taken up upon occasion could by the Law draw a necessity of a sudden appearance of all above twelve yeeres of age at the same 52 Hen. 3. Marlb cap. 25. and for the same cause it seemeth that one certaine Torne every yeere was holden for inquiries of homicide unto which all above twelve yeere of age were to come except Barons Clergy and women or otherwise all such had been bound to attendance on every Torne Neverthelesse the worke of the Tornes continued not to heare and determine as anciently they had done For in Henry the thirds time and formerly divers men had prisons to their owne use some as Palatines Mitor cap. 2. Sec. 9. other as Lords of Franchise and others by power and usurpation and had the benefit of all fines incident and by this meanes many were fined that deserved it not Mag. cart cap. 19. and some also that deserved worse to prevent which evill Henry the third tooke away that power of holding Crown-pleas Glocest cap. 8. West 1. cap. 3. And Edward the first tooke away their power to determine escapes and left them onely the power of inquiry and to certifie at the next comming of the Justices But these injurious times had holden too long to be forgotten or laid aside by such coole pursuit Men were still ordinarily imprisoned and so continued oftentimes till the comming of the Justices itinerant For whereas in case of bloodshed the Writ de odio gratia was a remedy the other had no remedy but by procuring a Commission of Oyer and terminer which ordinarily was a cure worse then the hurt Stat. Wint. 13 Edw. 1. As a remedy hereof Edward the first found out the new way of making Justices of peace as may appeare by the Statute at Winton which law being purposely made for the conserving of the peace providing for penalty of crimes already committed as well as for the suppressing of future ordaineth that offences against that Law shall be presented to Justices assigned to enquire thereof and though these at the first might be itinerant yet it soone made way to resiant And before that Statute it seemeth the King had found out the way Coke Inst 4. p. 176 if that note be true which is left revived into memory by that honourable reporter which relating to the sixth yeere of Edward the first saith that then prima fuit institutio justiciariorum pro pace conservanda And yet some semblance there is that it was yet more ancient even in the time of Hen. 1. if I mistake not the sence of that clause in his laws concerning vagabonds he ordereth that they shall be carried Iusticiae quae praeest Hen. 1. cap. 58. although the language be not so Clerkly as to speake the sence out Now though their worke as yet was but in triall and they were onely trusted with power of inquiry yet it induced a new way wherein the Sheriffe was not so much as intrusted to intermeddle and which not onely intermitted the course of his proceedings in such matters but also led the way to the dispoiling of the Sheriffs Torne and Lords Leets of that little remainder that was left them of judicatory power in matters that were against the peace and made their inquisitory power lesse regardfull and eased the Justices itinerant of much of their work in regard they were speedily to certifie up to the King and so these matters should be determined in Parliament according as those Justices were elected in Parliament who as it seemes were jealous of giving the power of determining those offences into any sudden hand To summe up then the first part as touching the punishment of offences against the peace the wheele is now in the turning the Leets and Tornes begin to be slighted the labour of the Justices itinerant lessened the Commissions of Oyer and terminer difused by the bringing in of a new order of Justices for the peace especially appointed And the Parliament as the supreame providors left as the reserve for the asserting and maintenance of the same albeit that under it the power of determining much rested upon Justices or Judges that attended the Kings court after that the Common pleas were setled and confined to a certain place The preserving of the peace for the future
the whole Nation and the King amongst the rest as the Priest that many times rendred the answer or sentence of that Oracle in his own sence and had it confirmed to him by an oath se judicium rectum in Regno facturum justiciam per concilium procerum regni sui tenturum Ll. Edw. cap. 16. so as though he was the first in view yet the Councell of Lords was the first in nature and the Cynosure to direct his tongue and actions From this fountaine issued also streams of judicature into all parts by Judges itinerant under the Kings Commission to reforme errours punish defaults in the ordinary rurall judicatories Miror cap. 5. Sec. 1. ca. 1. Sec. 3. and to dissolve hard and knotty cases and these were occasioned at the instance of the party and Alfred whose birth this was sent them forth in way of Association with the Sheriff Lord of the fee or other ordinary Magistrate CHAP. XXXVI Of the proceedings in Judicature by Indictment Appeale Praesentment and Action FOr the proceedings in course the Saxons were wont to begin with matters belonging to the Church and afterward to secular causes In which if the matters were criminall the most ancient way of proceeding was by appeale of the party complaining but afterwards in cases that concerned dammage injury or violence done to the body of a man or his estate the King was found to be therein prejudiced besides the prejudice immediately done to the subject for a man disabled in body or estate is disabled to serve the King and publique Indictment and upon this ground a way was found out to punish the offender by indictment besides the satisfaction done to the party wronged The proceedings against such delinquents were by attachment of the party Lambert Ll. Inae 15. who thereupon gave pledges for his appearance If the party could not be found a fugam fecit was returned and that was a conviction in Law and pursuit was made after the party by huy and cry If he was thereby taken the ancient way was that of Halifax law but in later times he was imprisoned Ll. Inae Lam fo 7. Ll. Alured cap. 6. Miror c. 2. Sec. 24. Ll. Edw. cap. 4. Miror p. 255. Gloss 335. Miror cap. 5. Sec. 9 10. Ll. Edw. cap. 7. Ll. Canut cap. 45. Miror cap. 2. Sec. 22. or admitted to baile if the offences were baileable and if the party bailed made default or did not abide the triall his baile suffered as principall If no baile could be procured the delinquent was imprisoned till he was legally acquitted but this imprisonment was onely in nature of a restraint If the delinquent was found upon the huy and cry and would not yeeld himselfe he was in repute a common enemy and as a wolfe any man might kill him as the Law was also the same in case of Utlary At the time of tryall if at the Kings suit the delinquent was indicted in this manner by any party present I D.C. do say for the King that I. S. is defamed by good men that he upon day of c. into the house and goods of did cast fire and the same did burn or if it were for bloodshed with a Sword did strike and wound him in the left arme and that this was done feloniously or if the case required trayterously and if I. S. deny the same I will for the King prove the matter against him as the King ought to doe that is to say Appeale Miror cap. 2. Sec. 15● by witnesses and twelve men But if the complaint was at the suit of the party then the prosecutor sued him upon Appeale in manner following I. C. appealeth D. H. here present for that E father brother sonne or Vnkle according as the case was to I.C. being in the peace of God and of our Soveraigne Lord the King in the dwelling house of E. at c. the said D.H. upon the day of in the yeere of with a Sword made a wound of two inches long and six inches deep in the left pappe of the body of the said E. whereof he died and this was done feloniously and of malice forethought And if the said D.H. shall deny the same the said I.C. is ready to prove the same against him by his body or as a Monk woman or Clerk behooveth to prove the same that is by Champion for neither Monke woman nor Clerke was by Law to justifie by battaile in their own person The severall causes of appeale and indictment may be found in the Law bookes to whom I referre the Reader it not being within the compasse of this discourse to fall upon the particulars I shall onely observe the difference between Indictments former and later and between them and appeales viz. that appeales are positive accusations in the name of the prosecutor of the fact done by the party appealed whereas indictments were onely a publication or affirmation of the fame of a fact done by the party indicted and wherein not guilty pleaded served onely as in nature of a Quere to usher in the votes of the free men Concerning the fact secondly the difference between former Indictments from these in these daies consists in this that the ancient Indictments were in the name of one man those of the later sort are in the name of the Jury and the former were onely of a fame the later of the fact Miror cap. 2. Sec. 23. Presentment A third way of bringing controversies unto judgement concerned onely such matters as were of lesse consequence and these were introduced by way of presentment in the name or behalfe of the King in nature of positive accuse of one for a crime first laid down generally and then asserted by a particular fact in this manner I say for our Soveraigne Lord the King that H. here is perjured and hath broken faith against the King because whereas H. is or was Chancellor of the King and was sworn that he would not sell right or any remediall Writ to any one yet upon the day of c. he sold to B. a Writ of Attaint and would not grant the same under halfe a Marke so as the difference between an Indictment and Presentment in those daies was onely in the degree of crime for which the party delinquent was accused and in the manner of conclusion of the Presentment which was without averment The last way of trials concerns such offences that exceed not the nature of trespasse done to a mans person or his goods Miror cap. 2. Sec. 24. Action and this was by way of Action and it was to obtaine recompence for dammage sustained Now because the former were called personall trespasses the Processe was by attachment of the person who thereupon put in baile or else his person was secured by imprisonment till triall and satisfaction made but in the later that concerned the realty Ll. Aetheldr cap. 20. Ll. Canut c. 10
in the Lawes cap. 2. Rights of Tythes of a Lay fee or where the tenure is in question belong to the Kings court Pleas of debts by troth-plight belong to the Kings Court. cap. 3. These were Saxon Laws and do intimate that it was the indeavour of the Clergy to get the sole cognisance of Tythes because they were originally their dues and of the debts by troth-plight because that oaths seemed to relate much to Religion whereof they held themselves the onely professors The Kings Justice shall reforme errourrs of Ecclesiasticall Courts and Crimes of Ecclesiasticall person cap. 4. Appeales shall be from Archdeacons Courts to the Bishops Courts and thence to the Archbishops courts cap. 5. and thence to the Kings court and there the sentence to be finall No man that ever was acquainted with antiquity will question that these were received Laws in the Saxons time Constit at Clarindon nor did the Clergy ever quarrell them till the Normans taught them by curtesie done to Rome to expect more from Kings then for the present they would grant whereof see Cap. 47. But King Steven that was indebted to the Clergy for his Crowne and could not otherwise content them parted with this Jewel of supreame power in causes Ecclesiasticall to the Roman cognisance as hath been already noted but Henry the second would none of this cheate at so easie a rate This strooke so smart a blow as though the Popedome had but newly recovered out of a paralitique Schisme yet seeing it so mainly concerned the maintenance of the tripple Crown Alexander the Pope having lately been blooded against a brave Emperour made the lesse difficulty to stickle with a valiant King who in conclusion was fain to yeeld up the bucklers and let the Pope hold what he had gotten notwithstanding against this law and all former Law and custome And thus the Popes supremacy in spirituall causes is secured both by a recovery and judgement by confession thereupon Constit at Clarindon The King shall have vacances of Churches cap. 6. and power to elect by his secret Councell The party elected shall doe homage salvo ordine and then shall be consecrated This certainly was none of the best yet it was a custome not altogether against reason although not suitable to opinion of many yet we meet two alterations of the ancient custome First that the election shall be by the King and secret Councell whereas formerly the election of Bishops and Archbishops was of such publique concernment as the Parliament tooke cognisance thereof and that which was worse a Councell was hereby allowed called a secret Councell which in effect is a Councell to serve the Kings private aimes and unto this Councell power given in the ordering of the publique affaires without advice of the publique Councell of Lords which was the onely Councell of state in former times and thus the publique affaires are made to correspond with the Kings private interest which hath been the cause of much irregularity in the government of this Island ever since The second alteration resteth in the salvo which is a clause never formerly allowed unlesse by practise in Stevens time when as there was little regard of the one or the other Nor doth it concurre with the file of story that it should be inserted within these constitutions Constit at Clarindon seeing that writers agree it was the chiefe cause of quarrell between him and Becket who refused submission without the clause and at which the King stooke with the Archbishop for the space of seven yeeres which was six yeeres after the Constitutions were consented unto and concluded upon cap. 7. No Clergy man or other may depart the Realm without the Kings licence It s a law of Nations and must be agreed on all hands that no reason of state can allow dispensations therein especially in a doubtfull government where the Supremacy is in dispute and this the wilfull Archbishop never questioned till he questioned all authority but in order to his own for but the yeere before when he went to Turonn to the generall Councell upon summons M. Paris he first obtained licence from the King before he went No sentence of excommunication or interdiction to passe against the Kings tenant or any minister of state cap. 8. without licence first had of the King or his chiefe Iustice in the Kings absence Till the Conquest no Excommunication passed without warrant of Law made by the joynt assembly of the Laity and Clergy but the Conquerour having let loose the Canons Constit at Clarindon and the Clergy having gotten the upper hand in Councels made Canons as they pleased and so the Laity are exposed to the voluntary power of the Canon vid. cap. onely as well the Normans as untill these times Kings have saved their owne associates from that sudden blow and upon reason of religious observance least the King should converse with excommunicate persons ere he be aware The Laity are not to be proceeded against in Ecclesiasticall Courts cap. 9. but upon proofe by witnesses in the presence of the Bishop and where no witnesses are the Sheriffe shall try the matter by Iury in the presence of the Bishop A negative law that implieth another course was used upon light fame or suspition ex officio although the oath at that time was not borne into the world and that all this was contrary to the liberty of the Subject and law of the Land and it intimates a ground of prohibition in all such cases upon the common law which also was the ancient course in the Saxons times as hath been formerly noted Excommunicated persons shall be compelled onely to give pledge and not Oath cap. 10. or baile to stand to the judgement of the Church Upon the taking and imprisoning of the party excommunicate Constit at Clarindon the course anciently was it seemeth to give pledge to stand to order of this the Bishops were weary soon as it seemeth and therefore waved it and betooke themselves to other inventions of their own viz. to bind them by oath or baile both which were contrary to law for no oath was to be administred but by law of the kingdome nor did it belong to the Ecclesiasticall laws to order oathes or baile and therefore this law became a ground of prohibition in such cases and of the Writ de cautione admittenda cap. 11. Persons cited and making default may be interdicted and the Kings Officer shall compell him to obey If the Kings Officer make default he shall be amerced and then the party interdicted may be excommunicated So as the processe in the Spirituall Courts was to be regulated according to Law nor did it lie in the power of such Courts to order their own way or to scatter the censure of excommunication according to their own liking This together with all those that foregoe the Archbishop upon his repentance absolutely
like manner 11. That debts between Clerks due are determined in the temporall courts 12. That Bishops are compelled by distresse to cause Clerks to appeare in Lay courts without cause 13. That the Church looseth its right by the ceasing of rent or pension by the space of two yeeres 14. That Nuns are compelled to sue in the Lay courts for their right in possessions befalling by decease of their kindred 15. That Churches are deprived of their priviledges till they shew Quo warranto they hold them 16. That Ecelesiasticall Judges are stopped in their proceedings by Sheriffs and great men 17. That Bishops refusals of Clerks presented are examined in the Lay courts 18. That patrons of Religious Houses do oppresse them by extream Quarter 19. That Bigamy and Bastardy are tried in Lay courts 20. That the King suffers his Livings to be vacant for many yeeres 21. That the Clergie are wronged by the Statute of Mortmaine Here 's all and more then all that 's true and more then enough to let the reader see that the Writ Circumspecte agatis was but a face put on for the present after laid aside and the Clergy left to the bare Canon They likewise shew what the Clergy aimed at and in that they did not obtaine was to be attributed to the resolution of the Laity and not to any neglect in themselves for the Archbishop died in the service and its thought that grief for these maters was no little cause thereof But the times within a while grew troublesome Antiq. Brit. and the King in pursuit of the French warres being unadvised in in his way angred the people by his arbitrary levies of men and money Articuli cleri as it brought forth a State scoule little inferiour to a quarrell And to pacifie the Clergy he granted them the Writ de consultatione habenda in all matrimoniall and testamentary cases Stat. de consul tat 24. E. i. which were of their least doubted priviledges and this qualified the first Article of complaint next foregoing if such cause they had of complaint and this was all that the Clergy got at Edward the firsts hands Edward the second was a man that was neither well affected to Rome nor weake in spirit and yet so unhappy that his way neither promised good successe nor ever had it and so he became a servant unto the humours of his servants to keep his head above water but especially after he was chased by the Scots and quite out of breath he cals for help of all but first of the Clergy and bespeakes them with the Ordinance of Articuli cleri wherein he gives some satisfaction to the complaints formerly mentioned which it seems by Baronius were exhibited in Parliament Ecclesiasticall cognisance extendeth unto Tythes Oblations cap. 1. and Mortuaries and to pecuniary recompence In the first times neglect or deniall of Church-duties was punished in the Kings court by fine Afterwards the Bishop was joyned in that worke Ll. Alfred c. 9. Ll. Edw. cap. 6. and the tythable goods were seised eight parts whereof was taken to the Lords and the Bishops use by moities a ninth part left to the owner and the tenth to the Church Ll. Canut c. 8. nor had the Bishops any peculiar Courts of cognisance of causes till the times of the Normans nor as yet in those times had they power to all intents for though it be true that the Roman tribute of Peter-pence was allowed by the Conquerours law to the Bishops court Ll. Gul. 20. cap. Spicileg 180. yet we finde no law for Tythes and other profits to be recovered by the Ecclesiasticall court till about the end of Henry the seconds reigne or King Stevens time for at a Councell at London in Henry the seconds time it was ordained that three summons in the Popes name should be made to such as payed not their Tythes Binius Tom. 7 fo 661. An 1173. and in case they then refused they should be anathema and after that time in a Councell at Oxford under Steven Archbishop of Canterbury it was decreed that the Laity should be intreated first to pay their Tythes Baronius Annal. 1222. cap. 19. and then if necessity require that they should be compelled by Ecclesiasticall censure so as their power crept up by degrees in recovering of Church-duties as it did in testamentary matters and at length Henry the third worne and spent with the Barons warres about his latter end yeelded to Boniface the Archbishop his importunate demands and first gave liberty to the Clergy to be their own Judges and yet the Lay Judges although divers of them were Clergy men did not suddenly forbeare till this law came which gave some satisfaction to the first and fourth Articles of complaint foregoing Ecclesiasticall cognisance extendeth not to a fourth part of the Tythes of any Living cap. 2. nor to pecuniary mulcts for sinne saving by way of commutation The complaint of the Clergy in Henry the thirds time was against the Kings prohibition in case of Tythes indefinitly for in those times afterwards in Edw. the firsts time the Kings court had the cognisance of all Tythes and therefore in the Statute of VVestm 2. c. 5. the Writ of Indicavit was allowed in case of right of any portion of Tythes yet the Church still gained ground and about or before the death of Edward the first the Temporall Judge had yeelded unto the Clergy the cognisance of a portion of Tythes under the value of the fourth part Artic. 1. for in the Article next foregoing the Clergies complaint was that the Kings Justices held cognisance of the fourth part here they were confined thereto by this law which the Clergy could never remove For violence done to Clerks the offender shall render dammage in the Kings Court but Excommunication cap. 3. Penance and Commutation shall be in the Bishops court The Canon law had an ancient claime to the Protection of Clerks both as touching their persons and estates and prevailed so farre as they were thereby imboldned to offer violence unto others But as I formerly shewed by a Law in Henry the seconds time the Temporall Judge resumed his originall power and this became a sore evill between the Clergy and Laity for though it were allowed that Clerks should not be sued but before the Ecclesiasticall Judge in such cases yet it was no warrant for the Laity likewise to be called before the Ecclesiasticall Judge in such cases and therefore the Clergies complaints shew that the matter was doubtfull and that the Lay Judge generally maintained his jurisdiction although sometimes he disclaimed it as it may appeare in the case of a trespasse in the nature of a riot committed upon the priory of St Johns of Jerusalem in the seventh yeere of Henry the third when as it was adjudged per curiam that it belonged to the Ecclesiasticall court to punish Fits Harb 7 Hen. 3. prohibition 30 But