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A12940 A counterblast to M. Hornes vayne blaste against M. Fekenham Wherein is set forthe: a ful reply to M. Hornes Answer, and to euery part therof made, against the declaration of my L. Abbat of Westminster, M. Fekenham, touching, the Othe of the Supremacy. By perusing vvhereof shall appeare, besides the holy Scriptures, as it vvere a chronicle of the continual practise of Christes Churche in al ages and countries, fro[m] the time of Constantin the Great, vntil our daies: prouing the popes and bishops supremacy in ecclesiastical causes: and disprouing the princes supremacy in the same causes. By Thomas Stapleton student in diuinitie. Stapleton, Thomas, 1535-1598.; Horne, Robert, 1519?-1580. Answeare made by Rob. Bishoppe of Wynchester, to a booke entituled, The declaration of suche scruples, and staies of conscience, touchinge the Othe of the Supremacy, as M. John Fekenham, by wrytinge did deliver unto the L. Bishop of Winchester.; Harpsfield, Nicholas, 1519-1575. 1567 (1567) STC 23231; ESTC S117788 838,389 1,136

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damnationem quia primam fidem irritam fecerunt Incurring damnation because they haue broken their first promise Againe in the first yeare of our gratious Queene the Acte of Parliament for making and consecrating of Bisshoppes made the .28 of kinge Henrye was reuiued And yet the Bisshoppes were ordered not accordinge to the acte but according to an acte made in kinge Edwarde his dayes and repelled by Quene Marye and not reuiued the sayde first yeare And yf they will say that that defecte is nowe supplied let them yet remember that they are but parliament and no Churche Bisshoppes and so no Catholike Bisshoppes as being ordered in such manner and fasshion as no Catholike Church euer vsed But thys is most to be considered and to be lamented of all thinges that wheras no Acte of Parliament can geue anye sufficient warrant to discharge a man from the Catholike faythe and wheras yt was aswel in king Hēries dayes by Acte of Parliament as euer before through out all Churches of Christendome sithens we were christened taken for playne and open heresie to denie the reall presence of Christes bodye in the Sacramente of the aulter for maynteining of the which heresie there is no acte of Parliamēt God be thancked neither of king Edwardes tyme nor in the tyme of our graciouse soueraygne Ladie and Quene that nowe is yet doe these men teache and preache and by writing defend and maynteine the saied greate and abhominable heresie with many other for the which they can shewe no warrante of anye temporall or spirituall lawe that euer hath bene made in Englande All this haue I spoken to shewe it is most true that I haue saied that there will neuer be redresse of errour and heresie or any staie where men are once gone from the vnitie of the See Apostolike which is the welspring and fountaine of all vnitie in the Catholike faith And touching this question of the Supremacie that we haue in hand if we wel consider it we shall find that we doe not agree either with the other Protestantes or with our selues For in this pointe that we make the Prince the supreme head of the Churche we neither agree with Luther him selfe or his scholers which denie this primacie nor with Caluin and his scholers the Sacramentaries Caluin saieth They were blasphemers that called King Henrie head of the Church One of his scholers Iacobus Acontius in a booke dedicated to the Queenes Mai. blameth openly the ciuil magistrate that maketh him selfe the Iudge of controuersies or by the aduise of other commaundeth this doctrine to be published that to be suppressed Nowe some of Caluins scholers and our owne countriemen haue taken forth such a lesson that they haue auouched in their bookes printed and publisshed to the world that a woman can neither be head of the Church nor of any Realme at all Againe manie of the Protestants though they will not the Pope should haue the chiefe gouernement because they like not his true doctrine yet they thinke it meete and conuenient that there be some one person ecclesiasticall that maie haue this supreme gouernement for matters of the Church It is also to be considered that the wordes of the Othe nowe tendered for the mainteining of the Princes Supremacie are other then they were in King Henries or King Edwardes daies with a certaine addition of greatest importance and such as to a ciuil Prince specially to the person of a woman can in no wise be with any conuenient sense applied I meane of these wordes Supreme Gouernour aswell in all spirituall or ecclesiasticall thinges or causes as temporall Such large and ample wordes were in neither of the foresaied Kings times put into the Othe And yet had they bene more tolerable in their persons for that men be capable of spiritual gouernmēt frō the which a woman is expresly by nature and by scripture excluded then they are nowe These wordes are such I saie as can not with any colourable pretext be excused Neither is it inough to saie as the Iniunctions doe that the Quenes Maiestie entendeth not to take more vpon her then King Henrie her father or King Edward her brother did what so euer that were more or lesse but it must be also considered what she or her Successours may take vpon her or them by the largenes of these wordes for an Iniunction can not limit an Acte of Parliament and whether there be any either Scripture or other good doctrine ecclesiastical sufficient to satisfie their consciences that refuse especially this Othe Which doth not only as it did before exclude the Apostolical See and all Generall Councelles also as though not in plaine wordes yet in effect in excluding the ecclesiastical Authoritie of al foren persons and Prelates but doth further adioyne the foresaied newe addition lesse probable and lesse tolerable then was any other parte of the former Othe And therefore certaine Protestants of some name and reputation being tendred this Othe by commission haue refused it Yea and how well trow you is this supreme Gouuernement liked of those Ministers which withstand the Quenes iniunctions touching the order of semely Apparell c Thus ye perceyue that as we are gone from the constante and setled doctrine of the Church touching this primacy so we agree not no not among our selues either in other pointes or in thys very Article of the Supremacy Neither shal we euer fynd anie cause of good and sufficiente contentation or constancye in doctrine vntill we returne thither from whence we first departed that is to the See Apostolike Which of al other people our Nation hath euer most reuerenced and honoured and ought of al other most so to doe As from whence both the Britaines and Saxons receiued first the Christian faith This returne God of his mercie graunt vs when it shall be his blessed pleasure Amen In Louaine the last of September An. 1567. Thomas Stapleton ¶ An Aduertisement to the Lerned Reader TOuching certain Authors alleaged in this Reply about matters of our own Countre it is to be vnderstanded that of certayne writen Copies not yet printed which we haue vsed as of Henricus Huntingtonensis and Gulielmus Neubrigensis or Noueoburgensis or Neoburgensis many thinges are in the said Copies which seme not to be writen of thē but of Some others As in the Copie of Henricus Huntingtonensis certayne thinges are founde which seme not to be writen of him but to haue bene gathered out of his workes and to haue bene writen by some other whom we coniecture to be Simeon Dunelmensis Also in the Copie of our Neubrigensis many thinges are added both at the beginning and at the ende which seme not to haue ben writen by Neubrigensis him self but by some other And that which is added at the beginning was writen as we vnderstand nowe of one Alphredus Beuerlacensis who liued vnder king Steuen The additions which do followe who wrote we yet knowe not except it were Roger Houeden This I
that yt is moste vntrue ād for the which as ye lay forthe no prouf so shal ye neuer be able to proue yt And yet if ye coulde proue yt ye shoulde dooe none other thinge then that whiche yee doe so solemnlye in the rest of youre booke to proue that which being proued doth yet nothing relieue your cause And thinke you M. Horne that we are so bare and naked from many good proufes but that we may and canne roundlie and redely disproue your fond foolish lye Yea and by that booke by the which your Apostle Caluin and your great Iewell of Englande will though not to their great worship defeate the Second Generall Councell of Nice The Churche of Rome saith he is preferred before all other Apostolicall Sees not by the Decrees of Synodes but by the authoritie of our Lord him selfe saying thou art Peter and so forth And saith farder that he doth most desire to obey the holsom exhortatiōs of Pope Adriā and that Italy Frāce and Germanie doe in al things follow the See of Peter And now wot ye what M. Horne Forsoth this his answere proueth M. Iewell as wel in the Apologie or who so euer be the Author as in his Replie to M. D. Harding to haue ouerthrowen not the Nicene Councell wherein this Adrians Legates bare the chiefe sway as they did also in the Councell at Frankfoorde as I haue shewed but hys owne peeuish and fantastical imagination that this Charles should at Frankford disalow the said Nicene Synode But I trow ye be as wery and as much ashamed ere this time of this counterfeit Charles booke wherein by the foolish and fond handling of the iconomache the cause of the Catholike Church is cōfirmed as your fellowes wil be shortly of this your boke that I doubt not to all that be not sinistrallie affectioned shal serue rather for the confirmation then abrogation of the Popes Primacie And because as I say I suppose ye wil your selues shortly disclaime this peuish booke I wil send you to Carolus him selfe in his Ecclesiastical decrees collected by Abbat Ansegisus whome ye authorise in the nexte leafe Where ye shall fynde this playne decree Neque praesul summus a quoquam iudicabitur No man shall iudge the pope whiche was also decreed in the tyme of the great Cōstantyne and pope Syluester yea before that tyme the lyke was sayd in a councel of Marcelline pope and Martyre as I haue otherwhere shewed Nowe then thowghe there was no cause whie Charles shoulde be greaued with this that the whole Clergie and people wel lyked and for the which there wer old aunciēt presidents yet to goe forth and to smothe this tale withal and to shewe why Charles should quietlie beare this grief which was sone born being none at al he addeth an other lie whereof we haue alredie somwhat spoken And that is because the Pope promised him longe before to make him Emperour Yea good M. Horn sone sayd of yowe but not so sone proued For neither your authour Platina sayth so nor any other that I haue hitherto read Phy on your wretched dealīg ād wretched cause that ye maintayne that cā not be vpholdē but with the defacing ād dishonorīg not only of the clergie but of this worthy ād as your self cal him this Noble Prīce Charles withal I would fayne procede to the next matter but that your other vntruthes must or I go be also discouered as that yow say without any prouf yea against good prouf to be layd to the cōtrary that this pope Leo for his streight dealings was hateful to the Romās which your authors Sabellicus and Platina say not but the quite contrary For Platina among his other manifold and notable vertues telleth that he was a man of myld nature so that he loued all men hated no man slowe to wrathe ready to take mercie and pitie of other And Sabellicus of this very matter sayeth thus Coniuratorum odium in Pontificem inde ortum ferunt quòd illi liberius viuere assueti ferre nequiuissent grauem Pontificis Censuram It is saied the hatred of such as cōspired against him spronge hereof that they accustomed to liue more licentiously coulde not abyde the Graue Rebukes and Censures of the pope Nowe further M. Horne being not able to denie but that aswell Carolus as all other gaue ouer for any iudgmēt they wold or could geue agaīst Leo he falleth to quarellīg with Leo for that for the which he owght to haue cōmēded him The matter standing thus and no mā stepping forth lawfully to proue any thing agaīst Leo this good man thowghe no man did or coulde force him to yt yet knowing his owne innocency toke an open othe vppon the holy ghospel that he was gyltlesse from suche matters as were obiected against him And here M. Horne beinge pleasantly disposed sayeth as owte of Platina Leo did earnestlye desire that kynde of iudgmente and addeth by his owne lying liberalyte that Platina mente that Leo was desirouse to geue sentence in his owne cause Wheras Platina meante that Leo was desirouse vppon the assured truste of his owne integritye that the matter might haue bene iudged and so worthie of commendation that he woulde submitte his cause to iudgemente where he neaded not as Symachus and Sixtus did before And so are Platina his wordes qui id iudicium maximè expetebat to be vnderstanded And perchaunce in some copies id is not sene Nauclerus which seameth here as in many other places to followe Platina and to reherse his wordes and whom M. Horne doth here also alleage saith qui iudicium maximè expetebat Whiche did moste ernestly desire to be iudged Whiche iudgement not proceedynge he did as muche as laye in him that is to purge him selfe by his othe Nowe where Sabellicus speaketh of this purgation in the commendation of Leo saying that a mans owne reporte much auayleth made in dewe ceason M. Horn addeth this his pretie glose for wante of good neyghbours Yet I pray yowe good M. Horne take not the matter so greuously against Pope Leo But remember that Leo being pope did more then a protestant Prelate whom ye knowe ful wel of late did being perchaunce more then a suspition that a wrong cocke had troden Cockerelles hen And yet the sayd prelat was not put to his purgation and much lesse him selfe offred to sweare for his owne honesty I medle not with the iustifying of the matter one way or other Some men say that strypes may cause yong striplinges to saye Tonge thoue lyest but not truelie to the eye Eie thowe lyest whiche can not lie in that whiche is hys obiecte But let this goe I saye yt for none other cause but onely that ye haue not M. Horne so greate cause to take the matter so hotte against Leo. And now to make vp this matter gentle reader of Leo this Leo also sendeth Saint Peters keyes yea
Supremacy to rest in the Clergy ād not in the Prince which must obey as well as the other And therefore it is not true that ye saye that M. Fekenhams cause is no deale holpen by this place nor your assertion any thing improued But let vs steppe one steppe farder with you M. Horne vpō the groūd of your present liberalytye lest as you haue begonne you pinche vs yet farder and take away all together from Bishops and Priestes Subiection you say and obedience to the word of God taught and preached by the Bishops c. is commaūded so wel to Princes as to the inferiour sort of the people If so M. Horne howe did a lay parliament vtterly disobey the doctrine of all their Bishoppes and enacte a new contrary to theirs What obediēce was there in that parliament so expressely required here by S. Paule and so dewe euen of Princes them selues as you confesse to their Bishoppes Will you say the Bishoppes then preached not Gods worde And who shal iudge that Shal a lay parliament iudge it Is that the obedience dewe to Bishoppes In case al the Bishops of a realme erred is there not a generall Councell to be sought vnto Are there not other Bishops of other Coūtries to be coūseled Is not al the Church one body In matters of faithe shal we seuer our selues frō our Fathers ād Brethern the whole corps of Christēdome beside by the vertue of an Acte passed by lay mē onely No bishops no Clerke admitted to speake and say his minde O lamentable case God forgeue our dere Countre this most haynouse trespasse Then the which I feare our Realme committed not a more greuous except the first breache in Kinge Henries dayes these many hundred yeares Yet one steppe farder The Prince must obey and be fedde at the Bishoppes hande you confesse What is that Is it not he must learne howe to beleue and howe to serue God Is it not the pastorall office as S Augustin teacheth to open the springes that are hidden and to geue pure and sounde water to the thirsty shepe Is not the shepeheardes office to strenghthen that is weake to heale that is sicke to binde that is broken to bringe home againe that is caste away to seke that is loste and so forthe as the Prophet Ezechiel describeth And what is all this but to teache to correct to instructe to refourme and amende all such thinges as are amisse either in faithe or in good life If so then in case the realme went a stray shoulde not they redresse vs which were pastours and shepheards in Christes Church If our owne shepheards did amisse was there in all Christendom no true Bishoppes beside no faithfull pastour no right shepeheard Verely S. Augustine teacheth at large that it is not possible that the shepheards shoulde misse of the true doctrine What soeuer their life or maners be But put the case so that we may come to an issewe Must then the Prince fede vs alter our Religion sett vp a newe stop the shepheards mouthes plaie the shepheard him self Is this M. Horne the obedience that you teach Princes to shew to their shepheards God forgeue them that herein haue offended and God in whose hands the harts of Princes are inspire with his blessed grace the noble hart of our most gracious Souerain the Quenes Maiesty that her highnes may see and consider this horrible and deadly inconuenience to the which your most wicked and blasphemouse doctrine hath induced her grace You are the woulfe M. Horne And therfore no marueile if you procure to tie the shepheard fast and to mousell the dogges The .158 Diuision Pag. 97. b. M. Fekenham And when your L. shall be able to proue that these wordes of Paule Mulieres in Ecclesijs taceant c. Let the wemen kepe silence in the Churche for it is not permitted vnto them there to speake but let them liue vnder obedience like as the Law of God appointeth thē and if they be desirous to learne any thing let them aske their husbands at home for it is a shameful and rebukeful thing for a woman to speake in the Church of Christ. When your L. shal be able to proue that these wordes of Paule were not as wel spoken of Quenes Duchesses and of noble Women as of the meane and inferiour sorte of Women like as these wordes of almightie God spoken in the plague and punishment first vnto our mother Eue for her offence and secondarily by her vnto al women without exception vidz Multiplicabo aerumnas c. I shal encrease thy dolours sorowes and conceiuings and in paine and trauaile thou shalt bring forth thy children thou shalt liue vnder the authority power of thy husbād and he shal haue the gouernment and dominion ouer thee Whan your L. shall be able to proue anye exception to be made eyther in these woordes spoken in the olde lawe by the mouth of God eyther in the wordes before spoken of the Apostle Paule in the newe than I shall in like māner yeelde and with most humble thankes thinke my selfe very well satisfied in conscience not onely touching all the afore alleaged testimonies but also in this seconde chiefe pointe M. Horne I doe graunte the vvoordes of the holie Scriptures in bothe these places to be spoken to al states of vvomen vvithout exception But vvhat make they for your purpose hovve doe they conclude and confirme your cause VVomen muste be silent in the Churche and are not permitted to speake That is as your ovvne Doctour Nicolaus de Lyra expoundeth it women muste not teache and preache the doctrine in the Churche neyther dispute openlye Therefore our Sauiour Christe dyd not committe to Kinges Queenes and Princes the Authoritie to haue and take vppon them .538 anye parte of gouernement in Ecclesiasticall causes As .539 though a younge Nouice of your Munkishe ordre shoulde haue argued Nunnes muste keepe silence and maye not speake in the Cloysture nor yet at Dynner tyme in the fraytrie therefore your deceyuer the Pope dyd not committe Authoritie to his Prouincialles Abbottes Priores and Prioresses to haue and take vppon them the gouernement vnder hym selfe in Munkishe and Nunnishe causes and matters VVhat man vvoulde haue thought Maister Feckēham to haue had so .540 little consideration although vnlearned as to vouche the silence of vvomen in the Churche for a reason to improue the Authoritie of Princes in Churche causes The .3 Chapter Of M. Fekenhams third reason taken out of S. Paule also .1 Cor. 14. Stapleton MAister Feckenham his thirde reason is that women are not permitted to speake in the Church and therefore they can not be the heads of the Church To this M. Horn answereth first that this place of S. Paul must be vnderstanded of teaching preaching and disputing and that therfore it wil not follow thereof that they may not take vpō thē any gouernment in Ecclesiastical causes And then being merily
vvil seeme somtime in general speach to attribute vnto her the onely Supremacy vnder God ouer her dominions and subiectes vvhich you meane not for vvithin a vvhile after in plaine vvordes you deny the same And your holy Father vvil geue you his curse for that being his svvorne Aduocate at the first entry into the plea you geue from him the vvhole title of his vniust claime to vvit the supreme gouernaunce ouer the Quenes highnes dominions and people You must novv therefore make some shifte and cal to remembraunce one sleight or other by some distinctiō vvhereby to auoide your holy Fathers curse that you may continue vnder his blessing You vvill expounde your meaning by restreyning the supreme gouernment of the Queenes maiesty onely in causes Temporal and not in causes or things Ecclesiasticall But th●s distinction commeth to late and vvil doe you no ease for that in both these kindes of causes you haue already graunted vnto her the only supreme gouernmēt and that as you verily think persuaded in conscience vvheruppon you offer to receiue a corporal Othe vpon the Euangelistes And this your graunt passed frō you by these vvords Ouer al maner persones borne vvithin her dominions of vvhat estate either Ecclesiastical or Temporal so euer they be In this that you graunt vnto her highnes thouly supreme rule ouer the Lay and Ecclesiastical personnes you haue also concluded therevvith in all causes both Ecclesiastical and Temporal vvhich is plainly and firmely proued by this argument follovving A supreme gouernour or ruler is one vvho hath to ouersee guyde care prouide order and directe the things vnder his gouernment and rule to that ende and in .20 those actions vvhich are appointed and doe properly belonge to the subiect or thing gouerned So that in euery gouernment and rule there are thre things necessarely cōcurrāt the Gouernor the Subiect or mattier gouerned and the obiect or mattier vvherabout and vvherein the gouernement is occupied and doth consiste But the Quenes highnes by your ovvne confession is the only supreme gouernour ouer al manner persones Ecclesiastical borne vvithin her dominions Ergo Her highnes thonely supreme gouernour ouer such persones hath to ouersee guyde care prouide order and directe them to that ende and in those actiōs vvhich are appointed and doe 21. properly belonge to Ecclesiastical persones And so by good consequent you haue renounced al foreine gouernment For this exclusiue Onely doth shut out all other from supreme gouernment ouer Ecclesiastical personnes and also yee doe .22 affirme the Quenes maiesty to be supreme gouernour in those actions vvhich are appointed and that doe properly belong to Ecclesiastical persones vvhich are no other but things or causes Ecclesiastical The 4. Chapter how princes be supreme gouernours ouer al ecclesiastical persons their subiects and yet not in al Ecclesiastical matters HEre is first a worshipfull reason and cause to marueyle at M. Fekenham that he shoulde by writing presently offer him selfe to receiue an othe because he neuer made mention of anie suche Othe before neither any suche was at anye tyme of him required Surelye this is as greate a cause to wonder at as to see a gose goe barefote But nowe will hee playe the worthye Logician and M. Fekenham wil he nil he shal be driuen by fyne force of a Logical definition to graunte the Quene to be supreme head in al causes ecclesiasticall for that he graunteth her to be supreame heade of al persons bothe ecclesiastical and temporal Because saieth he the supreame gouernour or ruler is he that ordereth and directeth al actions belonging and appointed to the subiects ād therby inferreth that the Quenes Maiesty is supreame and onely gouernour euen in those actions that belonge to ecclesiastical persons which are causes ecclesiasticall But as good skil as this man hath in Logike which is correspondent to his diuinity he hath browght vs foorth a faulty and a viciouse definition For a Supreame gouernour is he that hath the chief gouermente of the thīg gouerned not in those Actions that may any way properly belong to the Subiect or thing gouerned as M. Horn saith but in those Actions that belonge to the ende whereunto the gouernour tendeth Which may wel be althowgh he haue not the chief gouerment in al the actions of the thing gouerned but in suche actions as properly appertayne to him as a subiecte to that gouernour For in one man many rulers may and doe dayly concurre whiche in some sense may euery one be called his Supreame gouernours As yf he be a seruant the maister and if he be a son in that respect the Father and yf his father and maister dwel in a city the Maior also is his Fathers and maisters and so his cheif gouernour to for things concerning the ciuil gouernment of the city And of al these the prince chief and supreame gouernour as they be subiects Otherwise the prince doth not intermedle with the fathers office in duetifulnes dewe vnto him by his son nor with the maister for that gouerment he hath vppon his seruante no more then with the schole-mayster for the gouerment of his schollers and their actiōs or the maister of the ship for the actions and doings of the mariners otherwise then any of these offende the positiue Lawes of the realme and so hath the prince to do with him as his subiecte or when he shal haue nede to vse them for the commen welth wherein as subiects and members of the said cōmen welth they must to hī obey Much like it is with the Spiritual mē which be also mēbers of the sayde cōmen welth ād therfore in that respect subiect to the prīce ād his lawes and so is it true that the prīce is supream gouernour of al persons aswel spiritual as tēporal but that therfore he should also be Supreame gouernour in al their actions wil no more follow thē of the actions of them before rehersed Yea much lesse For the better vnderstanding whereof it is to be knowē that before the comming of Christ Kinges wer there many but Christian Kinges none Many cōmen welthes wer there but no Christē cōmē welth nor yet godly cōmō welth properly to speke sauīg amōg the Iewes but ciuil and politik The end and final respect of the which ciuil commēwelth was and is vnder the regimēt of some one or moe persons to whom the multitude cōmitteh thēself to be ordered and ruled by to preserue thēselues from al inward and outwarde iniuries oppressions and enimies and further to prouide not only for their saftie ād quietnes but for their welth and abundance and prosperouse maintenance also To this ende tendeth and reacheth and no further the ciuile gouernment and to the preseruation tuition and furtherance of this end chiefly serueth the Prince as the principal and most honorable person of the whole state which thing is common as wel to the heathenish as to the Christian gouernment But ouer
far greater busines in hande for he must scrape out S. Iohn Oldcastel knight being not onely a traytour but a detestable Donatiste also Nowe al the weight resteth to proue this substancially to you and to M. Foxe and to stoppe al your frowarde quarrelings and accustomable elusions agaīst our proufes Wel I wil bringe you as I thinke a substancial and and an ineuitable proufe that is M. Foxe him selfe and no worse man For lo thus he writethe of this worthy champion and that euen in his owne huge martyrologe who doubteth but to the great exalting and amplification of his noble work and of his noble holy Martyr The tenth article saieth M. Foxe that manslawghter either by warre or by any pretended law of Iustice for any tēporal cause or spiritual reuelation is expressely contrary to the new Testament which is the law of graceful of mercy This worthy article with a .11 other of lyke sewte and sorte in a booke of reformatiō beilke very lyke to Captayn Keets tree of reformatiō in Norfolke was exhibited in open parliament yf we belieue M. Foxe Nowe you see M. Horn where and vpō whome ye may truely vtter ād bestowe al this nedelesse treatise of yours against M. Fekenhā And therefore we may now procede to the remnāte of your book sauīg that this in no wise must be ouerhipped that euē by your own words here ye purge M. Fekenhā from this cryme ye layde vnto him euen now for refusing proufes taken out of the olde testamente For yf as ye say the order and gouernment that Christ lefte behinde in the Gospel and new testament is the order rule and gouernmēt in Ecclesiastical causes practised by the Kings of the olde Testament then wil it follow that M. Fekenham yelding to the gouernment of the new doth not exclude but rather comprehende the gouernment of the olde Testament also both being especially as ye say alone M. Horne The 20. Diuision Pag. 14. a. Novv I vvil conclude on this sorte that vvhich I affirmed namely that Kings and Princes ought to take vpō thē gouernmēt in Ecclesiastical causes VVhat gouernement orde and dutifulnes so euer belonging to any God hath figured and promised before hande by his Prophetes in the holy Scriptures of the old Testamēt to be performed by Christ ād those of his kingdome that is the gouernmēt order ād dutifulnes set forth ād required in the Gospel or nevv testamēt But that faithful Emperours Kings and Rulers ought of duty as belonging to their office to claime and take vppon them the gouernement authority povver care and seruice of God their Lorde in matters of Religion or causes Ecclesiastical vvas an order and dutifulnes for them prefigured and fore promised of God by his Prophets in the Scriptures of the olde Testament as .53 S. Augustine hath sufficiently vvitnessed Ergo. Christian Emperours Kings and Rulers ovve of duty as belonging to their office to clayme and take vpon them the gouernment authority povver care and seruice of their Lord in matters of Religion or Spiritual or Ecclesiastical causes is the gouernment order and dutifulnes sette foorth and required in the Gospel or nevv Testament This that hath been already said might satisfie any man that erreth of simple ignoraunce But for that your vvilfulnes is suche that you .54 delight only in vvrangling against the truthe appeare it to you neuer so plaine and that no vveight of good proufes can presse you you are so slippery I vvil loade you vvith heapes euē of such proufes as ye vvil seeme desirous to haue The holy Ghost describīg by the Prophet Esay vvhat shal be the state of Christs Church in the time of the nevv testamēt yea novv in these our daie for this our time is the time that the Prophet speaketh of as S. Paul vvitnesseth to the Corinthiās addeth many comfortable promises and amongest other maketh this to Christes Catholike Churche to vvitte Kings shal be Nourishing Fathers and Quenes shal be thy nources Nourishing Fathers saith the glose enterlined In lacte verbi In the mylke of the word meaning Gods vvorde Lyra addeth This prophecy is manifestly fulfilled in many Kinges and Quenes who receiuing the Catholike Faith did feede the poore faithful ones c. And this reuerence to be done by Kings saith Lyra was fulfilled in the time of Constātine and other Christian Kings Certainly Constātin the Emperour shevved himself to vnderstand his ovvn duety of nourishing Christes Church appointed by God in his Prophecy for he like a good tender and faithfull Nource father did keep defend maintein vphold and feed the poore faithful ones of Christ he bare thē being as it vvere almost vveried and forhayed vvith the great persecutions of Goddes enemies and maruelously shaken vvith the controuersies and contentions amongest themselues euen as a nource Father in his ovvn bosome he procured that they should be fedde vvith the svveete milke of Gods vvorde Yea he him selfe with his publike proclamations did exhorte and allure his subiectes to the Christian Faith As Eusebius doth reporte in many places vvriting the life of Constātine He caused the Idolatrous religion to be suppressed and vtterly banished and the true knowledge and Religion of Christ to be brought in and planted amōg his people He made many holsome lawes and Godly cōstitutions wherewith he restrayned the people with threates forbiddinge them the Sacrificing to Idols to seeke after the Deuelish ād superstitious soth saiyngs to set vp 55. Images that they shoulde not make any priuie Sacrifices and to be brief he refourmed al maner of abuses about Gods seruice ād prouided that the Church should be fedde with Gods worde Yea his diligent care in furthering and setting foorth the true knovvledge of Christe vvherevvith he fedde the people vvas so vvatcheful that Eusebius doth affirme him to be appointed of God as it vvere the common or Vniuersal Bishop And so Constantine tooke himself to be and therefore said to the Bisshoppes assembled together vvith him at a feast that God had appointed him to be a Bishoppe But of this moste honorable Bishop and nourshing father more shal be saide hereafter as of other also such like The .17 Chapter opening the weakenesse of M. Hornes Conclusion and of other his proufes out of holy Scripture Stapleton NOw ye may conclude that there is some regiment that Princes may take vpon thē in causes ecclesiastical but if ye meane of such regimēt as ye pretend you make your recknyng without your hoste as a man may say and conclude before ye haue brought forth any prouf that they ought or may take vpon them such gouernment For though I graūt you al your examples ye haue alleaged and that the doings of the olde Testament were figures of the new and the saying of Esaye that Kings shoulde be Nowrishinge Fathers to the Church and al things else that ye here alleage yet al wil not reache home no
learned Countrie man whose Homilies were read in our Countrie in the Church Seruice aboue .800 yeares past as also in Fraunce and other where reiected are reade in M. Hornes and other his brethrens Diocesse and are with M. Horne very good stuffe as good perdie as M. Hornes owne booke and as clerkly and faithfully handeled as ye shall see plainly by the very selfe matter we haue in hande Andronicus the elder sonne to this Michaell whome M. Horne calleth ignorantly Emanuel for this Emanuel was not the sonne of this Andronicus but of Caloioānes sonne to Andronicus the yōger to whō our Andronicus was grāfather after his fathers death sūmoned a coūcel of the Greciās wherin he and they annulled ād reuoked that his Father had don at the Coūcel at Liōs namely cōcerning the proceding of the holy Ghoste And for the which Nicephorus M. Hornes Author beīg also caried away with the cōmon errour as with an huge raging tēpest doth so highly auāce this Andronicus And so withal ye see vpō how good a mā and vpō how good a cause M. Horne buildeth his new supremacy to pluck doune the Popes old supremacy For the infringing wherof the wicked working of wretched heretiks is with him here and els where as we shal in place cōuenient shew a goodlye and godlye presidente as it is also with M. Iewel for to mainteine the very same quarrel as I haue at large in my Returne against his fourth Article declared But nowe M. Horne what if these hereticall doinges do nothing relieue your cause nor necessarilye induce the chief Superiority in al causes and perchāce in no cause Ecclesiastical cōcerning the final discussing ād determination of the same Verely without any perchāce it is most plainly and certainly true it doth not For euen in this schismatical Coūcel and heretical Synagog the Bishops plaid the chief part and they gaue the final though a wrong and a wicked iudgemēt Who also shewed their superiority though vngodly vpon this mans Father in that they would not suffer him to be interred Prīcelike thē selues much more worthy to haue ben cast after their decease to the dogs and rauēs vpō a dirty donghil What honor haue ye gotte for al your crafty cooping or cūning ād smoth ioyning for al your cōbining ād as I may say incorporating a nūber of Nicephorus sentences together of the whiche yet some are one some are two leaues a sunder and the first placed after the second and the second before the firste and yet not whole sentences neither but pieces and patches of sentences here and there culled oute and by you verye smoothlye ioyned in one continuall narration in such sort that a man would thinke that the whole lay orderly in Nicephorus and were not so artificially by you or your delegates patched vppe what honor haue you I say wōne by this or by the whole thing it self Litle or nothing furthering your cause ād yet otherwise plaine schismatical and heretical For the which your hansome holy dealing the author of the foresaid Homilie and you yea and M. Iewel too are worthy exceding thanks But M. Horne wil not so leese his lōg allegatiō out of Nicephorus He hath placed a Note in his Margin sufficiēt I trow to cōclude his principall purpose And that is this The Princes Supremacy in repairing religion decayed This is in deed a ioly marginal note But where findeth M. Horn the same in his text Forsoth of this that Nicephorꝰ calleth th' Emperor the mighty supreme ād very holy Anchor ād stay in so horrible wauering c. Of the word Supreme ancher he cōcludeth a Supremacy But ô more thē childish folly could that crafty Cooper of this allegatiō informe you no better M. Horn Was he no better sene in Grāmer or in the professiō of a scholemaister then thus fowly ād fondly to misse the true interpretatiō of the latine word For what other is suprema anchora in good english thē the last ancher the last refuge the extreme holde and staye to reste vppon As suprema verba doe signifye the last woordes of a man in his last will as Summa dies the last daye Supremum indicium the last iudgemēt with a nūber of the like phrases so Suprema Anchora is the last Anchour signifiyng the last holde and staie as in the perill of tempest the last refuge is to cast Ancher In such a sense Nicephorus called his Emperour the last the mightie and the holy Anchour or staie in so horrible wauering and errour signifiyng that now by him they were staied frō the storme of schisme as from a storm in the sea by casting the Ancher the shippe is stayed But by the Metaphore of an Anchour to conclude a Supremacie is as wise as by the Metaphore of a Cowe to cōclude a sadle For as well doth a saddle fitte a Cowe as the qualitie of an Anchor resemble a Supremacie But by suche beggarly shiftes a barren cause must be vpholded First al is said by the way of Amplification to extolle the Emperour as in the same sentence he calleth him the sixth Element reaching aboue Aristotles fift body ouer the foure elemēts with such like Then all is but a Metaphore which were it true proueth not nor concludeth but expresseth and lighteneth a truth Thirdly the Metaphore is ill translated and last of all worse applied Now whereas in the beginning of your matter the substance of your proufes hereafter standing in stories ye haue demeaned your selfe so clerkly and skilfully here the Reader may hereof haue a tast and by the way of preuention and anticipation haue also a certaine preiudicial vnderstāding what he shal looke for at your handes in the residue Wherefore God be thanked that at the beginning hath so deciphired you whereby we may so much the more yea the bolder without any feare of all your antiquitie hereafter to be shewed cherefully procede on M. Horne The .25 Diuision pag. 18. a. These and such like Christian Emperours are not thus much commended of the Ecclesiasticall vvriters for their notable doings in the maintenaunce and furtheraunce of Religion as for doings not necessarilie appertaining to their office or calling but for that they vvere exaumples spectacles and glasses for others vvherein to beholde vvhat they are bound vnto by the vvorde of God and vvhat their subiectes may looke for at their handes as matter of charge and duety both to God and his people VVhich S. Paule doth plainly expresse vvhere he exhorteth the Christians to make earnest and continual praier for Kings and for such as are in authoritie to this ende and purpose that by their rule ministerie and seruice not only peace and tranquilitie but also godlines and religion should be .67 furthered and continued among men attributing the furtherance and continuance of religion and godlines to the Magistrates as an especial fruite and effect of their duety and seruice to God and his people Chrysostome expounding this
Ipsos interpretes cōstituit sacerdotes Behold what the Christiā Emperor hath appointed He would not doe iniury to the Priestes He hath appointed the Priests them selues to examine the matter Was it not this Theodosius the great M. Horne Yes surely it was he Was it not Theodosius to whome Saint Ambrose enioyned penance which he most humbly obeied Where was Theodosius Ecclesiasticall supremacye then Is it not Damasus the Pope that calleth these Bisshops assembled at Constantinople euen to Rome there to aide and assist him in keping of a Councel What Saied they to him Syr we haue nothing to doe with you ye are a forrain Bishop to vs of the East Nay nay they confesse that he called them as his members thē must he needs be the head to the Councell at Rome Yea they confesse that by his letters they came to the Councel at Constantinople they declare their good wil and readines to come to Rome too but for their excuse they alleage many reasonable causes none of those that the Protestants alleage at this day And finally in the name of the whole thei send certaine of their Bishops thither Now further doe not these Fathers decree at this their general Councel that the Church of Cōstantinople shoulde be the first and chiefe of al other after Rome Do they not then therin acknowledge the Popes Primacie It is writen M. Horne Sapientis oculi in capite eius stultus in tenebris ambulat The eies of a wise man are in his head alwaies opē and in a readines to direct him in his way whereas the folish man walketh in darcknesse being vncertaine and vnsure which way to take or to goe Now whether your eyes priyng and seking forth this story of Theodosius were opened or shutte I leaue the iudgement to the indifferent Reader But this dare I firmely auouche that these things whiche I haue nowe last rehearsed beside other that I willingly omitte drawe much nearer to make the Pope supreme head of the Churche then anye thinge ye haue broughte foorth for the doinges of Theodosius to make him Supreame Head Which when ye haue al sayde and done be nothing agreable to the articles in question betwene vs concernyng our princes regiment And therfore yf the matter were much stronger of your side touching Theodosius yet did ye nothing touche that ye owght to touche M. Horne The .42 Diuision pag. 27. b. Theodosius left his tvvoo sonnes Emperours of the vvhich I vvil say but litle yet vvherein it may moste .116 manifestly appeare that the supreme gouernement in causes Ecclesiastical belonged to the Emperours Archadius the Emperour vvhen Nectarius the bishop of Constantinople vvas dead and so the sea vacant .117 vvas certified thereof he causeth Iohn Chrysostome to be called from Antioch he commaundeth the other bishoppes collected into a Synode that they admonish Chrysostome of Goddes graces and vvhat belongeth to suche a chardge and that they choose and order him to be the bishop of Constantinople In which dooinge saith Theodoretus the Emperour declared what careful endeuour he had about the holy .118 Churche matters But this supreme authoritie to care appoint and procure vvoorthy and good Pastours or bishoppes vvhen the seas vvere vacant appeareth more plainly in Honorius the Emperour brother to Archadius vvhome the bishop of Rome him selfe in his decrees and his Glosars on the same cōfesse and acknovvledge to haue the ouersight rule and gouernement in the elections and orderinge of bishops yea 119. ouer the bishoppe of Rome him selfe After the death of Pope Sozimus vvere tvvoo Popes choosen at ones in a great Schisme the one Bonifacius primus the other Eulalius vvhereof vvhen the Emperour Honorius had notice beinge at Millayne he caused them bothe to be banished Rome But after seuen monethes Bonifacius vvas by the Emperours cōmaundement called againe and cōfirmed .120 by his authoritie in the Apostolicall sea This Bonifacius beinge novve settled in the Papacy by humble suite to the Emperour prouideth a remedie against suche mischiefes in time to come The case vvas this saith the Glosator Boniface the first did beseeche Honorius the Emperour to make a Lawe whereby it might appeare what were to be done when twoo Popes were chosen at ones by the vndiscreetnes of the Electours contendinge amōgest them selues Honorius did than constitute that neither of those twaine shoulde be Pope but that in a newe Election a thirde shoulde be chosen by cōmon cōsente If twoo saithe the Emperour in his Lavve made at the humble sute of Bonifacius by chaunce againste righte be chosen thorough the vndiscreete cōtention of the Electours wee permitte neither of them to be Priest or Pope but wee iudge him to remaine in the Apostolike sea whom the diuine iudgemente and the common consente dothe appointe frō amongest the Clergy in a newe Election Vppon this vvoorde vvhere the Emperour saithe wee permitte the Glosar saith and so the Emperour dothe not onely abrogate the clayme of bothe those that be chosen in the contention but dothe make them bothe for that time vnable and dothe decree an other to be takē out of the Clergie for that time Againe the Glosar interpretinge this the diuine iudgement saithe this is the meaninge that the Emperours wil and election muste stande the Clergy and the whole people acceptinge with thankefull minde whome the Emperour doth choose For the Emperours were called in those daies holy and their rescriptes and iudgementes Diuine Here you see by the .121 Popes decrees and Glosars that the Emperour had the supreme rule and gouernement in Churche causes and this vvas the .122 continual practise of the Churche for the most parte yea euen the bishoppes of Rome before they vvere ordered and consecrated had their election ratified and confirmed by the Emperours their Lieutenant or other Princes The .8 Chapter Of the Sonnes of Theodosius Honorius and Archadius Stapleton NOwe folowe in rew Theodosius his sonnes Archadius and Honorius of whome M. Horne sayeth he wil say but litle belike because he hath said to much of they re father alredye and more then he can iustifie or for that he wil make vs a shorte tale but yet a sweete And wherein it shal most manifestly appere that the supreame gouernement in causes ecclesiastical belonged to the Emperours Al Archadius doings here stande in appointinge S. Iohn Chrysostome to be bishop of Constantinople a most worthie man who dowbteth And I woulde to God as this his firste dealing with Chrysostome was to his worthy prayse so he had not by his after dealinge blotted and blemished the same As for this election first Archadius did it not of his own Supreme authoritie but the fame of Iohn Chrysostom being great and after some debate aboute the election Intra modicū tēpus cōmuni decreto omniū clericorū laicorū Imperator Archadius euocauit eum Within a litle while saieth Socrates by the common decree
the Emperour to condemne Theodorus Mopsuestenus a famous aduersary of Origen the vvhich he brought to passe by ouermuch fraude abusing the Emperour to the great slaunder and offence of the Church Thus in all these Ecclesiasticall causes it appereth the Emperor had the .192 chief entermedling vvho although at the last vvas beguyled by the false bisshops yet it is vvorthy the noting by vvhom this offence in the Church came vvhich appeareth by that that follovveth I beleeue that this is manifest to al men saith Liberatus that this offence entred into the Church by Pelagius the Deacō and Theodorus the Bisshop the which euē Theodorus him selfe did openly publishe with clamours crying that he and Pelagius were woorthy to be brente quicke by whome this offence entred into the worlde Stapleton M. Horne nowe will bringe vs a prety conclusion and prove vs because bishopes be at dissention and abuse the Prince assisting nowe the one parte nowe the other that the prince is supreame head Whereof will rather very well followe this conclusion Experience sheweth that princes the more they intermedled in causes of religiō the more they troubled the Churche the more they were thē selues abused and also misused others Therefore prīces are no mete persons to be supreme heads in such causes Examples hereof are plenty Constantin the great persuaded by the Donatistes most importunat suyt waded so farre ouer the borders of his owne vocatiō that as S. Augustin writeth à sanctis antistibus veniam erat petiturus it came to the point he should aske pardon of the holy bishops The same Emperour by the suit of the Arrians medled so far with bishops matters that he banished the most innocent most godly and most lerned bishop Athanasius whereof in his deathebed he repented willing him by testament to be restored Theodosius the first persuaded with the smothe toung of Flauianus the vnlawful and periured bishop of Antioch did take his parte wrongefully against the west bisshops and the greatest parte of Christēdom wwhereof we haue before spoken Theodosius the seconde defended the Ephesine conuenticle against Pope Leo seduced by Dioscorus and Eutyches or rather abused by one of his priuy chamber Chrysaphius an Eunuche and wynked at the m●●dering of holy Flauianus whome the Chalcedon Coun●●ll calleth Martyr Zenon the Emperour deceyued by Acatius of Constātinople banished Iohn Talayda the Catholike patriarch of Alexandria who appealed from the Emperoure to Pope Simplicius And nowe in like maner this Emperour Iustinian while he was ouer busy in ecclesiastical matters as one that toke great delight so noteth Liberatus to geue iudgment in such matters being deceiued by Theodorus of the secte of Acephali condemned Theodorus Mopsuestenus and Ibas two most catholike bishops and highly praysed in the Chalcedon Councel wherof sprong vp in the Church a moste lamentable tragedye for the space of many yeares as all writers doe pitefully report This same Iustinian also banished the good bishop of Constantinople Eutychius for not suffering him to alter Religion But he restored him againe in his deathbed as Constantine dyd Athanasius He woulde haue banished also Anastasius an other Catholyke bishop of Antioche because he would not yeld to his heresy of Aphthartodocitae Such examples ought rather to teach Princes not to intermedle with matters aboue their vocation trulye as muche as the sowle passeth the body then to geue them anye presidentes of supreame gouernemente yea IN ALL CAVSES as Mayster Horne and hys fellowes as long as Princes fauour them woulde geue vnto them M. Horne The .69 Diuision pag. 39. a. This Pelagius as yet vvas but Suffragan or proctour for the Pope vvho aftervvard in the absence of Pope Vigilius his maister crepte into his See in the middest of the broiles that Totylas King of the Gothes made in Italye vvhen also he came to Rome In the vvhiche Historie is to be noted the Popes .193 subiection to Totylas vvhome humblie on his knees he acknovvleaged to be his Lorde appointed thereto of God and him selfe as all the reste to be his seruaunte Note also hovve the King sent him Embassadoure vvhat charge and that by Othe of his voyage of his message and of his returne the King straightlie gaue vnto him hovve buxomelie in all these things he obeyed Hovve last of all tovvard the Emperour being commaunded by him to tell his message he fell doune to his feet and vvith teares bothe to him and to his Nobles he ceased not to make moste lamentable and humble supplication till vvithout speed but not vvithout .194 reproche he had leaue to returne home But least you should take these things to sette foorthe that Princes had onely their iurisdiction ouer the Ecclesiasticall personnes and that in matters Temporall and not in causes Ecclesiasticall marke vvhat is vvritten by the Historians Platina amongest the Decrees of this Pope Pelagius telleth and the same vvitnesseth Sabellicu● that Narses the Emperours other deputie Ioyntelye with Pelagius did decree that none by ambition shoulde be admitted to any of the holye Orders Pelagius moreouer vvriteth vnto Narses desiring him of his ayed against all the Bisshoppes of Liguria Venetiae and Histria vvhich vvould not obey him putting their aff●aunce in the authoritie of the first Councell of Constantinople In vvhiche Epistle amongest other things he vvriteth on this vvise Your honoure must remember what God wrought by you at that time when as Totyla the tyraunt possessing Histriam and Venetias the Frenche also wasting all thinges and you woulde not neuerthelesse suffer a Bis●hoppe of Myllaine to be made vntill he had sente woorde from thence to the moste milde Prince meaning the Emperour and had reciued answere againe from him by writing what shoulde be done and so bothe he that was ordeined Bisshoppe and he that was to be ordeined were brought to Rauenna at the appointment of your high authoritie Not long after Pelagius 2. bycause he vvas chosen In●ussu Principis without the Emperours comaundement and could not send vnto him by reason the tovvne vvas beseged and the huge risyng of the vvaters stopped the passage as soone as he might being elected Pope he sent Gregory to craue the Em●erours pardone ▪ and to obtaine his good vvill For in those dayes sayth Platina the Clergie did nothing in the Popes election except the election had bene allovved by the Emperour Stapleton M. Horne telleth vs a tale after his olde wonte that is without head or taile to abuse his ignorant reader with a confuse heape of disordered and false wordes Pelagius was sente by the Romans to King Totilas to entreat of peace and that he would for a time ceasse from warre and geue them truce Saying that if in the meane whyle they had no succour they would yelde the citye of Rome to him Pelagius coulde wynne none other answere at his hands bu● that they should beate downe the walles receiue his army and stand to his
blindnes ād superstitiō ād that heretiks only do se or the vnlerned ōly haue the pure worship of God But so it is That tyme cōdēneth this tyme. That Religiō cōdēneth yours And therefore you must nedes either cal thē blind or cōfesse your self blīd which you cā not possibly do because you are blīd in dede And why Forsoth because euer whē you looke vp toward the former ages you put vpō your eies a paire of spotted spectacles so that al that you se through those spectacles semeth also spotted fowle ād euil fauored vnto you And these spectacles are The cōtempt of the Church traditiōs A pride of your own knowledge in Gods word A lothsomnes of austere ād hard life to beare your own crosse with Christ. A preiudicat opiniō of preferrīg Caluin Melāchtō ād Luther before al the Catholik ād lerned fathers for so you cal thē of that age With such like If you wuld ones put of these foule spotted spectacles M. Horn thē wuld you neuer cal the time of Catholik ād lerned fathers a time of blindnes ād superstitiō but then would you se clerly your own blindnes and superstition Which with al my hart I pray God you may ones doe ere your dye M. Horne The .102 Diuision pag. 63. a. Although herein Lodouicꝰ Charles his son vvere somvvhat inferior to his father Yet notvvithstādīg he .327 reserued these Ecclesiastical causes to hīself ād vvith no lesse care be ordred the same although in some thīgs being a very mild Prīce he vvīked ād bare ouer much vvith the .328 ambitiō of the Popes Shortly after vvhā as the forsaid Leo vvas departed vvas Stephē next elected Pope ād vvithout the cōfirmatiō of thēperour tooke the Papacy vpō hī Al the histories agree that he came shortly after into Fraūce to thēperor but vvherfore most of thē leaue vncertain Platina thinketh to auoid the hursey burley in the City that vvas after the death of Leo. Sabellicus thīketh thēperors coronatiō to be the cause Nauclerus saith he wēt in his own person vnto thēperor Lodouik .329 about or for the Church matters vvhich 330 proueth that thēperour had chief authority in ordering the Church busines But our English Chronicles as some vvriters affirme do plainly declare that his cōming into Fraūce vvas to make an excuse of his vnlaufull consecration against the decrees made to Charles by his predecessours Adriā and Leo fearing therefore the sequele of the matter he first sent his Legats before hī to be a preparatiue to his purgatiō and aftervvards came hīself to craue his pardō And the rather to please thēperor brought a most beautiful crovvn of gold for hī and another for the Empresse 331 vvherof folovved as Naucle saith Oīa quae petiit à pio Imperatore obtinuit he obteined whatsoeuer he asked of the godly emperor Novv vvhē Stephē had dispatched al his matters he retourned home and shortly after an other ecclesiastical cause happened for vvithin a vvhile the bishop of Reatina died and there vvas an other chosen And whē the sea of Reatina saith Nauclerꝰ was void the Pope would not cōsecrat the elect Bishop onles he had first licēce therto of themperor The circūstances of this story make the matter more plaine The erle Guido had vvritē vnto Pope Stephē to cōsecrat that bishop vvhō the Clergy and the people had elect but the Pope durst not enterprice the matter till he vvere certified of thēperors pleasure and therupō vvriteth agaī vnto Th erle the tenor vvhereof folovveth after Gratianus report I haue red your letters wherī you require me to cōsecrat the newly elect Bisshop of Reatin chosen by the cōsent of the Clergy ād people least the Church should be long destitute of a propre pastour I am sory for the death of the other but I haue deferred the consecratiō of this for that he brought not with him themperors licence vt mos est as the maner is I haue not satisfied your mind herein leste that the Emperour should be displeased at my doing Therefore I require you for otherwise I ought not to medle to purchase the Emperours licēce directed vnto me by his letters vt prisca consuetudo dictat as the auncient custome doth wil and then I will accomplishe your desier I praie you take not this my doing in euil parte VVherof it is manifeste inough saith Nauclerus that of the Emperours at that time the Bishops had their inuestitures although Anto doth glosse otherwise saying that perhaps this electe Bisshoppe was belonging to the Court who ought not to be ordered Not only the textes of many decrees in this distinction doth confirme this to be true but also Gratian him self and the glossars do in manie places affirme that this was the auncient custome and cōstitution in the Churche that the election● of the Bishoppes of Rome and of other Bishops also should be presented to the Emperours and Princes before they might be consecrated The .11 Chapter ▪ Of Lewys the first of Steuē .1 Paschalis .1 Eugenius .1 and Gregory the .4 Popes of Rome Stapleton LVdouicus sonne to Charles the great confirmed the popes election and had the inuestitures of bishops Be yt so M. Horn if ye wil what then Haue you forgotten that al that Authoryty was geuē to his father Charles the great by Adrian the pope and that he helde that onely of the Popes gifte Agayne many hundred yeares together ere this tyme Fraunce Italie Spayne England and many other contreis were vnder thempiere of Rome Would ye therfore inferre your argument frō that tyme to our tyme and make those countries nowe subiect to the Empire bicause they were then Yf ye doe litle thank shal ye haue for your labour And truely the argument holdeth aswel in the one as in the other And when al is done your cause of supremacie standeth as yt did before Yet is the fyne and clerkly handlyng of the matter by M. Horne to be withall considered who like a wanton spanell running from hys game at riot hunteth to fynde the cause why Pope Stephen whome the stories call an Angelicall and a blessed man came to this Emperour into Fraūce He telleth three causes out of three certaine and knowē Authours ād then telleth vs that Nauclerus sayeth he came for Churche matters and so ful hādsomly concludeth thereby that the Emperour had the chiefe Authoritie therein which is as good an argument as if a man would proue the woman to whome Kyng Saule came and consulted with for certaine his affaires to haue bene aboue the King Your Authour Nauclerus doth specifie what these causes were that is to intreate themperour for his enemies and for the Romans that had done suche iniurie to Pope Leo of whom ye haue spoken and to pardon other that were in diuerse prisons in Fraūce for the great owtragiouse offences done against the Churche The good Emperour satisfied hys desire ād so he returned to
iustice for that he bestowed spiritual lyuings vpon none but suche as he knewe Onlesse ye did proue withall that he knewe none but honest men But will you see what Nauclerus your owne Author writeth hereof He saith of this Otho This man was praysed of many religious persons and of the clergy for a defendour of Iustice when yet he was altogether a dissembler Nam omnia beneficia tam Ecclesiastica quàm secularia familiaribus suis quos secum ex Saxonia Anglia duxerat contulit For he bestowed all promotions as well Ecclesiastical as temporall vppon his nere acquaintaunce such as he brought with him out of Saxony and out of Englande Lo M. Horne this For he bestowed which you brīg to proue a supreme gouerment Nauclerus reporteth to proue a partial regiment That he telleth to his shame you drawe it to his honour Again what patrone of Iustice call you him that wrongfully toke frō the Church of Rome her olde and rightful possessions and was therfore excommunicated and deposed of Innocētius .3 and Frederik .2 made Emperour in his place And that notwithstanding the diet of Otho his faction holden at Norimberg which you vntruly cal a Synod Neither was it there debated of the Popes Authority in Ecclesiastical matters which is our present matter but only whether the Pope might depose the Emperour which is not now any part of our matter in hande M. Horne The .124 Diuision pag. 78. b. In England as Henry his father had doone before him so folovved Kinge Richard in geuing Ecclesiastical promotions in calling coūcels and ordering other Ecclesiastical matters yea ▪ euen in his absence being in Syria by one that represented his person therin the B. of Ely who called and made a councel at westminster as the kīgs procurator and the Popes Legat ād .432 spake by the Kings power But in this matter kīg Iohn did more then any of his predecessours vvhich purchased him much hatred vvith the Pope and his Monkes The .23 Chapter Of King Richarde the first and King Iohn Kings of England Stapleton NOw M. Horne is returned from Appulia Sicilia Germany and Italy into Englād againe And why thinke you Forsoth to proue him self like a good and faithfull proctour to the Pope that the Pope was the supreame head of the Churche of England Else let him wisely shewe why he telleth that the bisshop of Elie was the Popes Legate But chiefly why he bringeth in or is not asshamed to lay forth for his supremacy Kinge Iohn and to say that he did more in this matter than any of his predecessours Ye say truthe M. Horne he did in dede and being excommunicated of the Pope for his misorder and outragious doinges against the Churche and the whole lande interdicted he gaue ouer to the Pope his crowne and kingdome and receiued it againe at the Popes handes And because this matter shoulde not be kepte in silence which wisedome perchaunce and policie to woulde haue had so kepte Maister Foxe blaseth out the matter at large and laieth forth before all men the copie of the letter obligatorie concerning the yeldinge vp of the crowne into the Popes handes and of certayne money yearelye to be paide I will not nor neede not trauayle in the curiouse triall and examination of the circumstances of the cause but this only wil I say to M. Foxe and to you M. Horne that yf ye proceede on as ye beginne ye are worthy to haue a rewarde at the Popes hande either for that ye are but a dissembling counterfeyte protestante and the Popes pryuie frende or yf ye be angrie with that so wise and skylfull a reasoner that ye speake ye wotte nere what And while ye go about to set the Popes crowne on the Quenes head ye take her crowne and sette yt on the Popes head So that it litle serueth you to tel vs that Kinge Iohn purchased him much hatred with the Pope and the Monks Ye might haue put in and with all the nobilitye and commons to yea moste of all with God and good men to But this is your and your fellowes trade especiallie Maister Foxes in the setting forth of this Kinges storie to lye extremely to bring thereby the clergie into hatred and enuie as in thys storie among other thinges he hath done touching the poisoning of this King by a monke of Swinstead abbey And perchaunce ye M. Horne meante some like matter when ye speake of the monks that hated him But because I can not certainly lay this to you I wil let you goe for a while and be a litle in hand with M. Fox and opē vnto thee good Reader that thou mayst the better vnderstande his substātial dealing and handling of stories and the better beware of his gay gloriouse painted lies what is the common consent of our best chroniclers in this point First then this is a manifest lie that ye say M. Foxe the chroniclers moste agree in this that he was poysoned by the monke at Swinstead Which thing I could easely proue by reciting specially what euery authour writeth concerning the maner of his death But M. Foxe himself hath we thank him prouided that we neade not trauayle so farre for lo he bringeth in Polidorus saying he died of sorowe and heuines of harte Radulphus Niger saying he died of surfeting in the night Roger Houeden saying he died of a bluddie flixe Matheus Parisiensis saying that by heuines of minde he fel into a feruente agewe at the abbey of Swinstead which he encreased with surfeting and nawghty diet by eating peaches and drinkinge of newe Ciser or sydar Then adde ye farder Maister Foxe that some saye he died of a colde sweate some of eatinge apples some of eating peares and some of eating plummes So haue ye here good reader fowre chroniclers by name and at the least fowre other vnnamed that make no mention of any poyson Now could I bring the Polichronicon and Fabian which reciting the sayed Polychronicon saieth that the King died of the fluxe Here also could I bring in that those that write of his poysoning write very diuersly nothing agreing with your authour in the kind of poyson And also that they rehearse it rather as a common tale then for any assured storie or truthe Many other thinges could I bring in but what needeth yt when we haue by hys owne tale store ynoughe of witnesses agaynst him Yet will I adde one more but such a one as ought to be to M. Foxe in steade of a greate sorte that one I say of whome by all that I can iudge for he hath not vouchsafed ones to name him M. Foxe hath taken all his declaration concerning the election of Stephen Langton and of all the greate busines that issued thereof yea the writyng obligatorie touching the resigning of the crowne into the Popes handes Whiche lyeth in our authour worde for worde as M. Foxe hath translated it This
may serue you also for that ye alleage concerning Robert groshead sauing that I may adde this withall that he were a very Groshead in dede that would belieue you either when ye say to M. Fekenham whome ye call S. Robert seing M. Fekenham speaketh no woorde of this Robert no more then he doth of Robyn goodfellowe or that this story should make against the Popes primacie seing that your owne authour Fabian saith that this Robert being accursed of the Pope Innocentius appealed from his courte to Christes owne cowrte A manifeste argument of the popes supremacy As for Frederyk the Emperours episte to Kinge Henry what so euer he writeth against the Pope ye would be loth I suppose it shuld take place in Englād For then farewel your goodly Manours as Walthā Farnhā ād such other Neither were your gētleman Vssher like to ride before you barehead but both he and you to goe a foote or rather your self to go barefoted al alone M. Horne The .128 Diuision pag. 79. a. Levves the Frenche King called S. Levves vvho as Antoninus saith was so instructed euen from his infancy in all the wisedom of diuine and good orders that there was not found his like that kept the law of the high God c. made a lawe against those that blasphemed the name of the Lorde adioyning a penalty of a whote yron to be printed in the transgressours forehead Also in the yere of the Lorde .1228 He made a Law against the Popes fraudes concerning the preuentions and re●eruations of the reuenues and dignities Ecclesiastical complayning that the Pope had pulled from him the collations of all Spirituall promotions ordeining that from hence foorth the election of Bisshops Prelates and al other whatsoeuer should be free forcible ād effectual to the electors Patrones ād collatours of thē Also the same yere he set forth an other Law agaīst Simony cōplainīg of the bieyng ād sellīg of ecclesiastical dignities He made also certain godly Lavves against vvhoredome and Fornicatiō Laste of all in the yeere of the Lorde .1268 he set foorth the Lavve commonly called Pragmatica Sanctio vvherein in amongest other Ecclesiastical matters against the Popes pollinges he saith thus Item in no case we wil that exactions or greuous burdens of money being laide on the Churche of our Kingdome by the Courte of Rome whereby our Kingedome is miserably impouerished be leuied or gathered nor any hereafter to be layed excepte only for a reasonable godly and moste vrgent cause of necessity that can not be auoided ād that the same be don by our expresse .438 biddinge and commaundement of our own accord .439 The .26 Chapter Of S. Lewys the French King Of Manfred and Charles King of Sicilia and Apulia Stapleton LEwes his Lawe against those that blasphemed the name of God maketh not him supreame head of the Churche Ye mowght haue put in as your authour doth those also that blaspheme the name of his blessed mother But the mention of this woulde haue greaued some of your sect that haue compared our Ladie to a saffron bagge making her no better then other women And what yf you or your confederats had liued then that say it is Idolatrie to pray to her and to praye her to pray for vs to her sonne Iesu Christe shoulde not ye haue had suppose you great cause to feare the printe of the hotte yron ye speake of As for the collations of spiritual promotions this Lewys bestowed none such as his predecessours by especial licences and priuileges had graunted vnto them frō the bisshops of Rome And that as I haue ofte said proueth no superiority of gouernemēt in Ecclesiastical matters except by the same reason you wil make euery Patrone of a benefice to be supreme gouernour in all Ecclesiasticall matters to his owne Vicar and Curate The embarringe of Exactions from the Courte of Rome is nothing derogatorye from the Spiritual power or Iurisdiction of the Churche of Rome For they are not vtterly embarred but the excesse of thē is denied ād in any reasonable godly or vrgent cause of necessity they are graunted as your selfe alleage But to better a litle your badde cause you haue with a double vntruthe ended your allegation For where the King saieth Nisi de spontaneo expresso cōsensu nostro not without our voluntary and expresse consent you turne it by our expresse bidding and commaundement and that it might seme to hāge of the Kings pleasure only you leaue out ipsarum Ecclesiarum regni nostri and of the Churches of our kingdom But what nede we lese more time in making more ample answer seing it is moste certaine that this Kinge and his realme acknowleadged the Popes Supremacye as muche then as euer since euen to this daye For where was your newe great Charles Friderike the seconde deposed from his Empire by Pope Innocentius the fourth but at Lyons in Fraunce And in whose Kinges dayes but of this Lewys Who defended many yeares together the Popes of Rome Innocentius the .4 Alexander the .4 Vrbanus the .4 and Clement the .4 againste the Emperour Frederike who therefore by treason went about to destroye him but this Kings Lewys Who warred him selfe in person againste the Sarracens at Thunys at Clement the Popes request but this Lewys Who also before that making his voyage into the holy lāde against the Souldā tooke benediction and absolution of Pope Innocentius the .4 lying thē at the Abbye of Cluny in Fraunce but this Lewys And did not the sayed Clement make by his Authoritye Charles this Lewys his brother King of Sicilia and Apulia And wil you make vs nowe beleue M. Horne that this Kinge was suche a Supreme Gouernour as you imagine Princes ought to be or that in his tyme the Popes Supremacy was accompted a forrayne power in Fraunce as it is with you in Englande No. No. M. Horne Seeke what age and what Countre you wil you shal neuer finde it while you liue M. Horne The .129 Diuision pag. 79. b. Conradus Conradinus and Manfredus .440 stil kepte the priuilege of the foresaide Ecclesiastical matters in Sicilia and Apulia Shortly after this tyme Charles the King of Sicilia and Apulia had .441 al or most of the dooing in the elelection and making of diuerse Popes as of Martyn .4 Celestyn .5 Boniface .8 c. Stapleton To these matters of Sicilie I haue already more then ones answered and doe now say again that this priuilege consisted only in inuesturing of bisshops graunted by Alexander the .3 and after reclaymed by Innocentius the .3 Whereby it wel appereth that this allegation maketh rather with the Popes Primacy then against it but most of all in this place For Pope Alexander the .4 declared this Manfredus the Romain Churches enemy as he was in dede and a traytour also both to Conradus his brother and to Conradinus his nephewe both inheritours to that kingdome both
Mortmaine had bene so straightly sene vnto some hundred yeares before ye should haue fownde your reuenewes I suppose very slender and poore But ye beinge as good a Lawier as ye be either diuine or Chronicler think belyke your self to be out of the gōneshotte ād that Mortmaine reacheth onely to men of relligion And yt semeth so he and his mate may be wel prouided for M. Horne forceth litle howe litle other haue and whether they haue ought or nought Suerly M. Horn it semeth to me straunge that you being a man of the Churche and knowinge that the Clergy hath vppon the great truste that good mē haue had of their vpprightnes and vertue bene endewed with great possessions which in dede should be and commonly haue bene imployed vppō the nedy according to the mynd of the doners shuld fynd fault with Mortmaine and with that which good and well disposed men haue voluntarily offered to the Church to be well and charitably bestowed But I perceyue why ye are an enemy to Mortmaine For nowe haue you and your Madge lyue catle of your owne for the which you haue more care to prouide then for any Mortmaine for your successours in the see But as I was about to tell yow ye must vnderstande that the statute of Mortmaine doth not reache to religious men onely but to bisshops and other spirituall men yea to lay men also And was made aswell for the commodity of spiritualty as temporalty to saue aswell to the one as to thother theire wardes eschetes and other commodities that by mortifying of Lands are wont to followe Well as litle vnderstandinge as maister Horne hath of Mortmaine and as farre as yt is from his principall matter yet will he tell vs also out of Polidore a cause of this Lawe of Mortmaine And then as he is wont he telleth vs a cause fantasied of him selfe Trueth it is that Polidore sayeth that the kinge made this Lawe to represse the riot and excesse of the Clergy but Polidore was a straunger and vnskilful in the Lawes of our realme and therfore he did not fully vnderstand the matter thinking as M. Horn doth that Mortmaine touched the clergy only and yet he sayth it not precisely but vt fertur as yt is sayd It is true also that he sayeth this kinge was moste studiouse of relligion but that he sayeth this in respecte of Mortmaine can not be induced and is nothinge but M. Hornes vayne gheasse and lewde vntruth M. Horne The .131 Diuision pag. 80. a. At this time Philip le Beau the Frēch kīg begā his reign brought vp in the studie of diuinity vnder Aegidius the Romain diuine by .423 vvhose admonitions and also of other diuines the Kinge beinge instructed in his duety aboue al other thinges endeuoured him selfe about the reformation of Religion and ordering of Ecclesiastical matters VVheruppō looking to the state of the Cleargy he .424 deposed a certain Bishop for Heresie ād gaue his Bishoprik to an other and besides claymed the inuestiture of al other Bishops in his dominions and calling Councelles at home in his ovvne Realm woulde suffer none of his Cleargy to goo to the Popes .425 Councelles He caused the Popes .426 Bulles to be burned He cōmaunded the Popes .427 Legates to auoyde his realm He commaunded that no money should be caried out of the Realme to the Pope He sette foorth a Law that no mā shuld goo to Rome out of his kingdom He called a Coūcel at Paris and caused to be gathered thither all the Prelates and Barons of Fraunce to iustifie his doinges He shewed vnto thē why he tooke vppō hī to cal a Coūcel He enueighed against the Pope for heresie Symonie Homicide Pride Ambitiō c. ād that of right he ought therfore to be deposed He demaundeth of the Coūcel vnto whom they be lawfully sworne ād of whō they haue receiued their dignities They al answere that they are al the beneficiaries of hī alone ād that mindful of their Faith and the Kīges estate they would suffer death for his glory power and saulfegard Thervppō he setteth foorth a pragmaticall sanctiō or forceable law to diminishe the dignity of the Pope Many other Ecclesiastical Lavves he made agaīst the Ievves agaīst the Tēplars agaīst adultery c. He .428 made also Clemēt the fifth Pope and svvor hī to certain cōditiōs before hand by vvhose importune meanes also the General coūcel of Viēna vvas holdē In which Coūcel he laboured to haue Pope Boniface cōdēned for an Heretique affirminge that he would proue hī so But the matter vvas .429 takē vp ād to satisfie the king it was decreed that all the processes of Bonifacius against the kīg were vniust and the kinges doinges in any poīt agaīst the Pope shuld not be preiudicial to hī or to his heyers The .28 Chapter of Philip le Beau the Frenche kinge Stapleton A man would thincke that nowe at length M. Horne had fownde some good and effectuall matter for his newe primacy He layeth on suche lode againste the Pope aswell in his texte as in his ioly ranck and rewe of his marginall authours that nowe at the least M. Fekenham must yelde ād subscribe But yet for al this M. Horne I must be playne with yow and tell yow that if ye had shewed your reader the whole and entiere story out of any one of all your owne authours for all ye haue so clerkly and cunningly ordered and placed them with Paulus Aemilius thē with Antoninus Nauclerus Blondus then with Platina and after this with Nauclerus Antoninus Sabellicus and forwith with Nauclerus againe with Sabellicus with Aemilius and after al this with Appendix Vrspergensis and eftsone with Antoninus Nauclerus and finallie with Antoninus againe the whole primacy shuld as it dothe in dede notwithstanding haue remayned with the Pope and not with your Philippe le Beau make him as beau and as faire as ye cā Your souldiers be very thicke and warlyk placed but they stryk neuer a stroke for yowe but that that is all againste yowe Neither wil I here for it nedeth not intermedle with the iustice of the cause of either side Let the fault light where it shuld light and let this Bonifacius be as badde as ye make him thowghe your authour Paulus Aemilius a most worthy Chronicler by the common verdit of all learned writers and auauncing Fraunce as highe as he may with the saufgarde of trueth and veritie thinketh rather the epistles writen betwene the kinge and the Pope wherin eche one chargeth the other with many faultes to be counterfeite then true and authenticall For these matters I wil not at this tyme towche you but for your notable and yet accustomable infidelity in the wretched and miserable mangling and mayming of your owne authors I must nedes say somwhat vnto you Ye doe thē in this reporte of stories as your self and your cōpanions do and
disposed he saith this Argumēt is much like as if a yong Nouice shuld reason thus Nūnes must kepe silēce in the Cloisture therfore the Prioresses haue not the gouernment in Nūnish causes and matters Cōcerning the first part of his answere I say that the argument is good ād sufficiēt For if teaching preaching and disputing in matters of religiō be causes and matters ecclesiastical and if womē be imbarred frō this then is there a sufficiēt cause why M. Fekenham may not take this othe that a woman is supreme head in al causes spiritual ād ecclesiastical Namely to erect and enact a new and proper religiō throughout her realme by the vertue of her own proper and supreme gouernmēt For to this end M. Horn is the othe tēd●ed It is to euidēt It can not be dissembled Againe the said place of S. Paul is of the order and māner of expoūding of scripture as it appeareth by the text If then S. Paul forbiddeth a woman to expoūd scripture how can a woman take vpon her to be the chief iudge of al those that expoūd the scripture I mean in that very office of expoūding Scripture in decreeīg determining and enacting what religion what beliefe what doctrine shal take place And such shee must nedes be if she be a supreme head Suche do you and your fellowes make her Such authority you M. Horn throughout all this boke attribute to your new supreme heads Emperours and Kīgs by you alleaged You make them to preache to teache and to prescribe to the Bishops in their Coūcels what and how they shal do in their ecclesiasticall matters If then by you a supreme Gouerner in ecclesiastical maters must be so qualified as to be present in Councels of Bishops to prescribe rules for the Bishops to follow to determine what they shal do and to cōfirme by royal assēt the decrees of bishops yea and to make them selues decrees and cōstitutions ecclesiastical but a woman by S. Paule may not ones speake in the Church that is in the Cōgregatiō or assembly of the faithful and by you a womā may not preache teach or dispute vndoubtedly both by S. Paul and by your own cōfession a womā can not be a supreme Gouernour such as the Othe forceth mē to swere I say supreme gouernour in al ecclesiastical causes No nor in so many causes by a great deale as you pretend in this your booke other Kings and Princes to haue practised supreme gouernmēt in Cōsider now M. Horne how it may stād with S. Paules doctrine that a woman may be a supreme gouerner in al ecclesiastical causes namely such as you in this boke would make your Reader beleue that al Emperours Kings and Princes hitherto haue bene Now put the case as we saw it viij yeres past that in a doubtful matter of doctrine and religion to be tried by scripture the whole number of bishops agree vpō some determinate and resolute exposition with their Clergie and would by an Ecclesiastical law of Cōuocation or Councel set forth the same Al their resolutiō and determination is not worth a rush by your Othe and by your maner of talke in this booke if the Prince doe not allowe and cōfirme the same And how this wil stād with S. Paul in this chapter tel vs I pray you presupposing as the statute requireth that the Princes allowing though she be a woman is necessary And now are ye come to th●s point and driuē therto by the force of this place to say that the place doth not proue but a womā may haue some gouernmēt in ecclesiastical causes As though the Questiō were now of some gouernmēt only and not of Supreme and absolute Gouernment in al maner thinges and causes ecclesiastical If therefore this place do proue that a womā hath not the Supreme and absolute gouernement in all causes ecclesiasticall but that in some and them the chiefest she must holde her peace as yt doth euidētly and ye can not denie yt then is M. Fekenham free frō taking the othe of the supremacy and then hath S. Paule vtterly confuted that Othe and your whole booke withal This I say also as by the way that yf this chapter must be taken for teaching preaching and disputing as M. Horne saith and truely that M. Iewell went far wide frō S. Paules meaning when he applied yt to the cōmon seruice of the Church whereof it is no more meāt thē of the cōmō talke in tauernes As for M. Hornes secōd mery mad obiectiō no mā is so mad to make such an argumēt but hīself And therfore he may as long and as iolily as he wil triūph with him self in his own folly Yet I would wish M. Horne to speake wel of Nunnes were it but for his grandsir Luthers sake and the heauēly coniunctiō of him and a Nonne together Which vnhappy cōiunction of that Vulcā and Venus engēdred the vnhappy brood of M. Horn ād his felowes But that this folish fond argumēt is nothing like to M. Fekenhās argumente yt may easely be proceiued by that we haue alredy and sufficiently sayde M. Fekenham The .159 Diuision pag. 98. a. The third chiefe point is that I must not only sweare vpon the Euangelists that no foraine personne state or potentate hath or ought to haue any power or authoritie Ecclesiastical or Spiritual within this Realme but also by vertue of the same Othe I must renounce all forraine power and authorities which for a Christian man to doe is directly against these two Articles of our Crede Credo sanctā ecclesiā Catholicā I do beleue the holy catholik ●hurch Credo Sanctorū cōmunionē I do beleue the cōmuniō of saints And that there is a participatiō and cōmunion amongest al the beleuers of Christes Church which of the Apostle Paule are called Saincts Adiuro vos per Dominū vt legatur haec Epistola omnibus sanctis fratribus And herin I do ioyne this issue with your L. that whā your L. shal be able to proue by Scripture Doctor General Coūcell or by the cōtinual practise of any one Church or part of al Christēdome that by the first Article I beleue the holy Catholik Church is meant only that there is a Catholike Church of Christ and not so that by the same article euery Christiā man is bound to be subiect and obedient to the Catholike Church like as euery member ought to haue obediēce vnto the whole mystical bodie of Christ. And further when you shall be hable to proue by the second Article I dooe beleue the Communion of Saints is not so meante that a Christian man oughte to beleeue such attonement suche a participation and communion to be amongest al beleeuers and members of Christes Catholike Churche in doctrine in faith in Religion and Sacramentes but that it is laufull for vs of this Realme therein to dissent from the Catholike Churche of Christe dispersed in all other Realmes and that by a corporal Othe it is laufull for
were a true reporte that it can not be by any meanes wrested to serue M. Fekenhams purpose any whit at all For if it were true yet could he not conclude that because S. Ambrose forbad Theodosius thentrance into the Chauncel that Bishopes haue power to make Lawes and decrees to theyr flockes and cure and to exercise the seconde cohibitiue iurisdiction I nowe perceyue that Horace saying is true Breuis esse laboro Obscurus fio Whiles men seke breuitie they fal into obscuritie So perchaunce M. Horne might haue saied and truelie to M. Fekenham But that he saieth that M. Fekenham maketh a misreporte of the storie that he sayeth verie plainely but as falsely And therefore both to supplie this defecte and shape M. Horne a plaine and a ful answere I wil a litle more open this storie The people at Thessalonica in a sedition and an vprore slewe certaine of the magistrates wherevppon Theodosius though otherwise a good and a verie temperate man in al his doinges being entred into a great rage and choler commaunded the people of that Citie to be destroyed by his armie which in a furiousnes without anie consideration slewe suche as by chaunce they firste mette withal were they Citizens straungers or foreners were they giltie or were they vngiltie After a certaine tyme it chaunced that this Emperour came to Millane and being there after hys custome repayring to the Churche S. Ambrose mette hym and forbadde him to enter moste vehementlie reprouing hym for the sayed shawghter asking howe he coulde finde in his conscience eyher to lyfte vp hys handes to God defiled with suche a foule murther or with the same to receyue the holie bodie of Christe or to receyue with hys mouthe the preciouse bloude of Christe by whose furiouse and ragnge commaundemente so muche bloude had bene shedde Wherefore he woulde that the Emperour shoulde turne home againe and that he shoulde pacientlie suffer the bonde the which God had with his heauenly sentence allowed meaning this sentence of excommunication The Emperour as one browght vppe in Goddes Lawes obeyed hym and with weapinge teares departed where he continued eight monethes and neuer came all thys while to the Churche nor receyued the sacramente of Christes bodie The solemne feast of Christmasse being nowe come he was in great heuines and sorowe to consider that euery poore begger might goe to the Churche and he onelie was shutte owte And full bitterlie complayned and moned with him selfe that he was excluded not onelie from the Churche but from heauen also For he did well remember that Christe sayde plainlie that what so euer was bownde in earthe of Goddes Priestes shoulde be bownde also in heauen At lengthe after he had sent Ruffinus a noble man to entreat with S. Ambrose he went him self neither yet would presume to enter vntill S. Ambrose had absolued him and losed his bōdes which he did most humbly and penitently craue at his handes offering hym selfe to receyue suche farder penaunce as S. Ambrose shoulde enioyne hym Wherevpon S. Ambrose enioyned him for his penaunce to make a Lawe that suche capitall sentences and iudgmentes as shoulde seame to be made extraordinarilye and contrarye to the common order and custome of themperours should not be put in execution til .30 dayes after the sentēce That in this meane while the Prince might yf nede were better aduise him selfe either for the moderation or the abolishing of his cōmaundement Which law was presently made and subscribed with Theodosius handes and doth at this day remain to be sene in the Code The Emperour being at lēgth reconciled and suffered to enter into the church went vp into the chauncel to offer and there remained willinge to receiue the Sacramēt of Christes bodie as the Emperours were wonte to doe But S. Ambrose sent to him a deacō to warne him to depart into the body of the churche for that the inwarde temple was a place for the priestes only And thervpon he departed and thanked S Ambrose And comming afterwarde to Constantinople when he had done his offeringe in the chauncell woulde not tarrie but departed into the body of the Church though Nectarius the Patriarche there were not contente with yt and willed him to remaine still to whome he answered I haue scarsly nowe at lengthe learned the difference betwixte an Emperour and a priest By this story first ye vnderstande what a cauillor and what a quarreller M. Horne is to charge M. Fekenham with the vntrue reporte of this story For as for the first truth yt is S. Ambrose did not fynde faulte that he shoulde enter into the chancel neither M. Fekenham saieth so But sayinge he forbadde him to enter and addinge no more but these wordes the inwarde partes be for the Priestes caetera this caetera declareth that M Fekenhā meante not of the bare ingresse but of the ingresse and tarying withall accordinge to the story to the which he doth referre him selfe with this caetera And therfore as there is no cause why he shoulde vntruely reporte yt making nothing for his purpose nor againste you so consideringe the maner of his vtterance yt is truely reported and ye Mayster Horne shewe your selfe but a wrangler For the .2 poynte though in dede Theodoretus saieth as you reherse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is scarsly or hardlye yet the leauing owte of those two syllables is not any way beneficial to M. Fekenham or preiudiciall to your cause or worthie to be noted for any vntruth For yt is very true that Theodosius had learned a difference betwixt themperour and the priestes thoughe scarslye and hardlye and in longe time Nowe we haue proued M. Fekenham an honeste man and cleared him we geue you warninge to see to your self and that you prouide aswel for your selfe and your honesty which ye shall neuer doe Remēber I pray you what aduantage or what great honesty ye toke before for the alleaging of Theodosius doings Take hede I say least his story yet ones againe put you to as much shame I wil not tarry vppon other incidente though great matters As that this story geueth a sure recorde and testimony againste your synagoges or rather Barnes .1 aswell for the plucking downe of the chauncell and makinge no difference betwene the Priestes and the lay mens place .2 as also for taking away the oblation and presence of the blessed bodie and bloudd of Christe testified by this story In the which oblation the cheife office of the Prieste remaineth and for the which as being one principall cause in the auncient and primitiue Churche the Churches were not barnes or cockpittes as yours are now but semely and orderlie distincted with the Chauncel to the Priestes onlie and with the bodie of the Churche peculiarlie appointed to the people This I say I wil now leaue largelie to discourse vppon .3 and also that this Storie destroyeth your other heresie that Priests do not remit
author Athanasius hym selfe declareth out of the sayde Iulius epistle to the Arrians See Mayster Horne what a materiall thing ye haue lefte out so materiall I say that it maketh all your synodes and all your depriuations of the Catholyke Bishoppes voyde as were the doinges of the Arrians againste Athanasius Nowe as you haue lefte out these materiall thinges so haue ye browght foorth no materiall thing in the worlde to auoyde Athanasius authority And therefore for lacke of sounde and sufficient answere ye are driuē to make penish argumentes of your own and then to father them vppon M. Fekenham saying to him I doubt not but that ye see suche faulte in your fonde sequele that ye are or at the least wise owght to be ashamed thereof But the Sequele of M. Feckenhā is this He saith to you with Athanasius whē was yt heard from the creatiō of the world that the iudgmēte of the Church should take his authority of the Prince When was this agnised for a iudgement And so forth Yf the Prince be supreame head in al causes ecclesiastical if al iurisdictiō ecclesiastical be vnited and annexed to the crowne yf the synodical decrees of Bishoppes be nothing worth withowt the kinges expresse consente yf catholike Bishops be deposed by the Princes commissiō yf lay men only may alter the olde auncient religiō al which things with other like are now done and practised in Englande thē doth the Church iudgmēt in Englande take his authority of the prince and lay mē And then may we wel and ful pitifully cry out whē was there any suche thinge frō the creatiō of the worlde heard of before This this is M. Fekenhams argument M. Horne this is his iuste and godly scruple that staieth him that he rūneth not headlong to the deuill in taking an vnlawful othe against his conscience settled vpō no light but vppon the weighty growndes of holy scripture of general coūcels of the holy and blessed fathers finally of the custome and belief of the whole catholike Churche and namely among all other of this authority brought out of Athanasius who also in an other place saieth that the Arrians assembles coulde not be called synodes wherin the Emperours deputy was president Wherefore it is a most opē an impudent lye that ye say that M. Fekēham causeth Athanasius to beare false witnes against him self how proue you this good Syr By this say you that yt is euident by Athanasius and Hosius to that Princes haue to medle and deale in causes or thinges ecclesiasticall namely in calling of councelles for by this Constantius and his brother Constans the Sardicense councel was summoned A worthie solution perdy for you and a wonderfull contradictiō for Athanasius Ye shew vs that they called this coūcel but that there was any thing spokē or done in that coūcell by Athanasius who was there present or other that should cause Athanasius to be cōtrary to him self ye shew nothing Shal I thē answere you as M. Iewel answereth M. D. Harding naming this councel but referring the Reader to the councel it self This coūcel saith M. Iewell is brought in al in a mummery saying nothing And then he addeth yet forasmuche as these men thincke yt good policy to huddle vppe theire matters in the darke it wil not be amisse to rippe them abrode and bring thē forth to light And yet for all this great brauery and bragge he leaueth the matter of this coūcel as he fownd yt and speaketh no more of yt one way or other Me think M. Horne that you treade much after his steps Ye name the coūcel but ye tel vs not one materiall worde for your purpose out of it I wil therfore furnishe that that lacketh in M. Iewel and you especially seing the matter is suche as toucheth the deposing of Athanasius that is our present matter and withal al this your present Treatise and answere to M. Fekenham I say thē first the conditiōs that ye require in a Bishoplie iudgmēt were here exactly obserued This coūcel was farre ād free frō al feare farre frō the pallace Here were present no Coūties with souldiars as it was wōt to be in the Arriās synodes to extort the cōsent of the Bishops Whervpō the Arriā bishops who were called to this coūcel ād came thither in great nūber seing this and seing Athanasius present whom they had vniustly deposed yea and ready to āswer thē and to disproue their wrōgful doings and finding their own cōsciencs withal gilty had no more hart to abide the triall of this free Synode then you and your other Protestante bretherne had to appeare in the Councell of Trent And therfore ful pretely shronke and stole awaie The order of this Councel was a verie Synodicall and an Episcopal iudgemēt Neither Emperour was present nor anie deputie for him that I haue yet read of though at the request of Constans the Catholike Emperour and by the assent of Constantius the Arrian that councel was assembled Neither was there either in the tyme of the councel or afterwarde the councel being ended anie consent or confirmation required of the Emperour and yet were there a greate number of Bishopes excommunicated and deposed to The sentence of Pope Iulius which in a councel at Rome a litle before restored Athanasius and other Bishopes by the Arrians in the Easte vniustly thruste out was exequuted Manie lawes orders and decrees touching matters ecclesiastical were in this councel ordeined Namely for deposing of Bishopes and placing others in theyr romes in all which yt was decreed that if a Bishope deposed by his fellowe Bishoppes at home for Princes deposed none in those daies though banish and expell they did would appeale to the Bishoppe of Rome that then the Bishops who had deposed the partie appealing should send informations to the Pope and that if he thought good the mater should be tried a freshe otherwise the former iudgement to take effect For final decision also of such appellatiōs made to Rome it was in this general coūcel decreed that the Pope might either appoint cōm●ssioners to sit vpō the matter in the Court from whence the Appeale came or if he thought so meete ▪ to send legates from his owne Consistory to decide the mater In lyke manner it was there decreed that Bishopes s●ould not haunte the Emperours palaice excepte for certaine godly suites there mentioned or inuited ●hi●her of the Emperour himselfe Also of Bishopes not to be made but such as had continewed in the inferiour orders certayne yeres c. it was in that councel decreed All which and diuers other ecclesiasticall maters that councel determined without any superiour Authoritie from the prince And so to conclude this one Councel that ye bring in but in a mummerie your false visor being taken from your face openeth what ye are and answereth fully al this your booke as wel for the principal mater that the Pope ys
and belie them And than both I and all other faithfull Christians vvill both better beleeue you and geue God thankes for you Stapleton M. Fekenham concluding his obiections with Ignatius adioyneth a general protestation of his faith taken out of blessed S. Augustin his bookes against the heretike Iulianus Thus. That they belieue I belieue that they hold I hold that they teache I teache that they preache I preach yeld to thē and thow shalt yelde to me Here doth M. Horne so reuell against M. Fekenhā as he hath not don the like in all his answere First he denieth that of this place of S. Augustine may any good sequele be gathered that Bishops may make lawes or vse al cohibitiue iurisdiction Then as hauing now M. Fekenham in such a fowle euident faulte as by no pretext maye be couered he thinketh that for this false dealing his owne frendes wil take him for a deape dissembler yea rather will abhorre him as an open slaunderer and belier of the fathers as a manifest mangler alterer peruerter and corrupter of S. Augustine For in stede of istis cede me non caedes yelde to them and thou shalt strike or whip me he hath put in istis cede mihi cedes Yelde to them and thow shalt yelde to me And then saith further that belike M. Fekenham will not sticke to corrupte that which maketh flatte against him that thus vseth to corrupt that which maketh neither to nor fro with him self nor against him selfe After this he rolleth in S. Augustines sentences and layth them forth against M. Fekēhā for this his euil dealing with him as S. Augustin doth against Pelagius a Brittayn monke Finally as though now the battel were wōne and a ful conquest made vpon poore M. Fekenham he calleth vpon him to yelde and relente Mary sir this is a terrible blaste in dede blowen out of Maister Hornes mouth for his farewell This is such a blustering tempest sturred vp by our newe Aeolus that as it seemeth M. Fekenham must nedes be ouerblowen with the vehemency of yt But we will yet seeke out and see the very foundation and the original cause of all this broyle By al likelihodde M. Fekenham hath founde some good apparance of great aduantage in corrupting these wordes of S. Augustin For no man lightly is so doltish to vse such foule and sluttish shifts without some cōfort and hope to further his matter by According to the old saying Cui bono Nay saith M. Horn The corrupting of the sentence serueth no whit the more for M. Fekenhās purpose No doth it not M. Horne and would M. Fekenhā deale so fondly by opē falshod to staine his honesty ād for whippe me trāslate yelde to me without any benefit of his cause Suerly thē were he worthy aswel as I loue him to be twise whipped once for falshod ād ons more for folly Therefore this your accusation euē by your own tale and by Cui bono is vtterly incredible And yet yf he had so falsly and so folishly demeaned him self seing it toucheth no part of the substance of the questiō that lieth betwixt you ād him you playe with him yf not a folish yet to vehemēt an oratour ād haue sauced your oratory with ouer much gal ād egernes And for al your blowing and blustering your great hil bringeth forth nothing but a poore Aesops mouse Yet say you this is a naughty part of him so manifestly to māgle and to corrupt S. Augustin Perchaunce good reader thou dost now looke for an answer and how M. Fekēham may saue his honesty agaīst this mighty accusatiō And suerly what answer I may best make I can not redely tel but this will I tell you in the meane season that such as vse to play their part very wel otherwise yet somtimes at the very last cast for some folish disorder they are hissed and clapped out by the multitude With what shoting thē ād clapping ought this waynscot faced mā to be driuen as it were frō this stage that hauīg throughout his book plaied so many foule ād vilanouse parts for his Valete ād Plaudite plaieth as euill or a worse part then he hath plaied in all the residewe of his booke There be no moe examples of S. Augustins works printed that I haue sene but four the first printed at Basil the secōd and third at Paris the fourth at Liōs ād al these haue istis cede mihi cedes Yeld to them and thou shalt yeld to me Only the later editiō of Paris readeth in the text as M. F. readeth but putteth in the margent as a diuerse reading me non caedes as M. Horne ful peuishly and wretchedly would make folke beleue it should only be read What detestable impudency thē is this for M. Horn to crie out vpō M. F. being a poore prisoner after this outragiouse sort and for the allegatiō of this place so sternely ād fiercely to vaūt saying How dare ye impudētly say ye preache ād teache that he did whē ye manifestly mangle alter peruerte and corrupt the saying that he did teache And to aske of him where Saint Augustine hath these woordes in all his sixe bookes against Iulian istis cede mihi cedes The truth is thoughe as I sayde all these copyes haue these woordes in this order yet by forgetfulnes M. Fekenham hath not set in the booke And wil ye see howe wel the matter is amended by M. Horne After all this ruffling and blustering he him self hauing al copies against him nameth not either any of theis sixe bokes or any place where any boke of S. Augustines should be printed that shoulde haue any such text of suche tenour as he doth alleage And yet doth M. Horne as ye haue hearde as though it were right true yea and a synne against the holy Ghost all to reuile M. Fekenham and leaueth not there but that which S. Augustine most truely obiected to Pelagius doth he most vntruely obiect against M. Fekenham euen as truely as that the sayd Pelagius was an English monke who was dead and buried before the Saxons entred Britanny For Pelagius died in the time at the least of Theodosius the seconde and the Saxons entred the realme in the tyme of Marcianus as witnesseth S. Bede And before Britanny was commonly called England Pelagius was dead at the lest one hundred yeres But before it was christened more then a hundred and a halfe But nowe concerninge the matter yt selfe whether the Coūcels the fathers both olde and nowe that you M. Horn haue alleaged and especially S. Augustine may not truely say to you that he said to Pelagius I referre it to the indifferent reader Suerly there is none of them al as may easely appeare to the diligent reader but may iustly say to you M. Horne ye fayne me to say that I say not to conclude that I conclude not to graunt that I graunte not and you conclude to your self that which
vntruthe for by ●ou they may take al vpō them ergo this also The .535 vntruthe mere slaūderous Concerning this vvorde Priest Exod. 28. Ioelis 1. Vlulate Ministri altaris Hiere 33. Sacerdotes Ministri mei Heb. 10. Act. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Augu lib. 20. de Ciuitate Dei cap. 10. Hebr. 7. Oecumenius sentence of the sayd sacrifice Sacerdos in aeternū Psal. 19. Tu es sacerdos in aeternū secundū ordinē Melchisedech Consider M. Ievvels ansvvere to the sayed Oecumenius M. Ievvels hypocritall dissimulation In his reply fo 75. Ievvell fol. 503. Vid. 2. Cōc Nicenum actio 4. Non. 1. vt in Ievvell pag. 517. Fol. 580. Nos Christiani propemodum quid sit ara quid sit victima nescimus Nicenae 2. synodi Act. 4. fol. 517. col 2. Pudore sufsundantur Iudaei qui proprios reges et alienos adorātes nos Christianos tāquam idololatras irrident Nos aūt Christiani oībus in ciuitatib regionib indies et in horas singulas cōtra idola stamus armati cōtra idola psallimꝰ cōtra idola preces fundimꝰ Et qua tādem fronte Iudaei nos vocant idololatras Vbi nunc sunt quae olim ab istis oblatae sunt idolis boū ouiū filiorum quoque victimae vbi sacrificiorū fumi vbi arae et perfusiōes sanguinū Nos verò Christiani propemodum quid sit ara quid sit victima ignoramus M. Horn. denying the sacrifice maketh a playne vvay for Antichriste Daniel 12. Quum ablatum fuerit iuge sacrificium Aug. de ciuit Dei lib. 20. ca. 23. 29. Prosper de diuinis pro niss praedict dimid temp cap. 13. Hier. in dict cap. 12. Primas in apoc li. 3. cap. 11. Greg. l 32. in Iob. 14. An ansvvere to M. Horne for M. Fekēhās trāslating of the vvord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pascere vel regere 2. Reg. 5. T● pasces ●opulum meū Israel iueris dux super Israeel Cui praecept vt pasceret populum meū ca. 7. Psalm 77 pauit eos in innocētia cordis sui So dothe also the Englishe trāslation of the nevv testament p●īted at zuric●●n .1550 In his Replie pag. 239. The shepherdes office resembleth most properly the Bishopes Office Genes 31. Chrysostoms saiyngs touching the spirituall gouernement Lib. 3. de dignitate Sac●rdotij Ibidē li. 6. Porrò illū ipsū oportet tantò oībs rebus illis p̄stare ꝓ quib intercedit quātò parē vt subditos praefectus excellat Cū aūt ille spiritum Sanctū inuocauerit sacrificiūque illud horrore ac reuerētia plenissimū perfecerit cōmuni omniū manibus assidue pertractato quaero ex te cat Locus altari vicinus in illius honorē ꝗ imolatur angelorū choris plenus est Id quod credere abūde licet vel ex tanto illo sacrificio quod tū peragitur Iliad ● The Princes supremacy ou●rthrowen by that that M. Horne him selfe graūteth De correptione gratia c. 3 De fide operibus Cap. 2. Cùm in Ecclesiae disciplina visibilis fuerat gladius cessaturus De correp gratia Cap. 15. Con●ra ●duersur legis prophetarum lib. 1. Cap. 17. Luc. 12. Math. 10. c. 28 Augustin vt suprà De fide operibus Cap. 2. Act. 20. De ciuit Dei li. 20. cap. 10. See the force of truthe Heb. 13. The .536 vntruth As before in the 531 532. and 533. vntruthes The 537. vntruth Your assertion is thereby vtterly īproued and ouerthrowen for then the prīce is not supreame gouernor in all causes M. Feckēhams .2 reason Hebre. 13. In Comm. Ibidem 1. Reg. 2. Vide Dionysium 1. reg 2. Augustin epist. 50. 1. Cor. 4. 5. Epiphan haeres 42. li. 1. tom 3 Augustin de verbis Dom. sec. Ioā serm 34. Ezech. 34. In lib. de pastoribus Cap. 10.11 13. 1. Cor. 14. Gen. 3. The .538 vntruthe M Feckenham reasoneth not so But thus Therefore vvomen can not take vppon them the Supreame gouernement in all causes c. The .539 vntruthe The argument is nothing like The .540 vntruthe This argument is made vvith good and greate consideration as shall appeare M. Feckēhams 3. reason 1. Cor. 14. The .541 vntruth It conteineth an argumēt that M Horne shal neuer assoyle The 542. vntruth Slaunderous and iniurious The .543 vntruth For they are 2. diuers articles not one Clemēs in compend de fide The .544 vntruth The cōmō opiniō of lerned mē rekoneth more thē 12. Articles The .545 vntruth As before The .546 vntruth They are plaine cōtradictory one to an other as shal appeare The .547 vntruth ioyned vvith impiety The catholike Churche that you by othe renoūce is the Church of Christe not of antichrist The definition of the catholique Churche* vnperfect as shall appeare The .548 vntruth You haue no agre●ment consent or vnite of doctrine amōge your selues The .549 vntruth mere slanderous The 550. vntruth M. Fekēhā saied not so of the Realme The 551. vntruth It is right true that in effect you do so as it shall appeare The .552 vntruth For M. Fekenham saied not that it is so but that by Othe you make it so vvhich is true as it shal be proued The .553 vntruth Notorious The Othe speaketh of Euery foraine Prelate not of a foraine prelat You are novv ashamed your selfe of the Othe M. Horne The 3. chief pointe In hoc cōmuniter cōcordant Theologi canonistae Gull Linvvood in cōstit prouinc de summae trinit ca. 1. §. item alij D. Thom. 2.2 q. 1. Arti 8. Host. Io. And. in rub de sum trinitate Ruffinus ī symbolo M. Horne depraueth M. Fekenhās argumēt The othe cōtrarye to an Article of our crede An other contradiction betvvē the Othe and an article of our Creede VVat it is to renoūce the authorite of euery forrayn prelate Confes. lib. 3. Cap. 8. Epist. 118. ad Ianua Beda lib. 1. cap. 17. Bed lib. 2. cap. 4. Idem lib. eodem ca. 19. Epist. 48. ad Vincentium Cōt Dona. post collationē ca. 4 Lib. de vnitat Ecclesiae c. 4. Act. 4. pag. 304. 306. To. 2. Concil M Fekenhā clered A foule shift vsed by M. Horne M. Horns definitiō of the Churche M. Horns Church cōpared to the schismatical temple of Samaria Iosephus de bello In daico li. 7. ca. 30. de Antiq. lib. 11. ca. vltimo Ioan. 4. Deut. 12. 2. paral 7. Iosephus antiq l. 11. cap. vlt. Lib. 12. ca. 1. Ant. Idē lib. 13. ca. 6. Ant. Nevves out of Flaūdre● for M. Horn and his brethern Vide Franciscū Philippū Surium Galat. 1. In Cōfut Ministrorum Antvverp fol. 92. 93 Vide Tiletani praesat ad Senatū Antvverp 1. Cor. 14. The .554 vntruth It is not lauful for any Prīce to take it The .555 vntruth Horible and Protestante lyke The .556 vntruth Extreme slaunderous as al the world knoweth yea M. Horne him self The .557 vntruth The companie of catholykes is