Christenmasse what condites were made what Maiors and shirifes were in London what battails were fought what triumphs and great feasts were holdeÌ when kings began their raigne and when they ended c. In such vulgare and popular affairs the narration of the Chronicler serueth to good purpose may haue his credite wherein the matter forceth not much whether it be true or false or whether any listeth to beleue them But where as a thyng is denied and in cases of iudgement and in controuersies doubtfull which are to be decided and boulted out by euidence of iust demonstration I take them neither for Iudges of the bench not for arbiters of the cause nor as witnesses of themselues sufficient necessarily to be sticked vnto Albeit I deny not but hystories are takeÌ many times and so termed for witnesses of times and glasses of antiquitie c. yet not such witnesses as whose testimony beareth alwaies a necessary truth and bindeth beliefe The two witnesses whych came against Susanna being seniours both of auncient yeares bare a great countenance of a most euideÌt testimony wherby they almost both deceiued the people oppressed the innocent had not yoÌg Daniel by the holy spirite of God haue take theÌ aside and seuerally examining them one from the other found them to be falsliers both leauing to vs therby a lesson of wholsome circumspection not rashly to beleeue euery one that commeth and also teaching vs how to try theÌ out Wherfore M. Cope following here the like example of Daniel in trying these your records whom ye inferre against these men we wil in like maner examine them seuerally one froÌ an other and see how their testimonie agreeth first beginning wyth your Robert Fabian Which Robert Fabian being neither in the same age nor at the deede doing can of himselfe geue no credite herein without due proofe and euidence conuenient Now theÌ doth Rob. Fabian proue this matter of treason true what probation doeth he bring what authoritie doth he alleage And doth Rob. Fabian thinke if he were not disposed to conceiue of the L. Cobham and those men a better opinion but to be traitors that men are bounde to beleue him only at his word without any ground or cause declared why they shuld so do but only because he so saith and pleased him so to write And if yee thinke M. Cope the word only of this witnes sufficient to make authority speaking against the Lord Cobham and prouing nothing which followed so many yeres after him why may not I as well and much rather take the worde and testimonie of Richard Belward a Northfolke man and of the towne of Crisam who liuing both in his time possible knowing the party punished also for the like trueth is not reported but recorded also in the registers of the church of Norwich to geue this testimonie among other his articles for the foresaid L. Cobham that is that sir Iohn Oldcastle was a true Catholike man and falsely condemned and put to death wythout a reasonable cause c. Ex Regist. Noruic Agaynst this man if you take exception say that one hereticke will hold with an other why may not I with the like exception reply to you agayne say as well one Papist hold with an other and both coÌiure together to make and say the worst agaynst a true Protestant Further yet to examine this foresayd Fabian witnes agaynst Sir Iohn Oldcastle as Daniell examined that witnesses agaynst Susanna I will not here aske vnder what tree these adherentes of sir I. Oldcastle conspired agaynst the king subuersion of that land but in what time in what yeare and moneth this conspiracie was wrought Fabian witnesseth that it was in the moneth of Ianuary CoÌtrary Edward Hall other our Abridgementers followyng him doe affirme that they were condemned in the Guild hall the xij of December and that their executioÌ vpon the same was in Ianuary followyng so that by their sentence the fact was done either in the moneth of DeceÌber or els before so Fabianus mentitus est in caput suum vt cuÌ Daniele dicam or if it were in the moneth of Ianuary as Fabian sayth then is Hall and his followers deceiued testifying the fact to be done in the moneth of December And yet to obiect moreouer against the sayd FabiaÌ for so much as he is such a rash witnes agaynst these burned persons whom he calleth traytors it would be demauÌded further of him or in his absence of Maister Cope in what yeare this treason was conspired If it were in the same yeare as he coÌfesseth himselfe in which yeare Iohn Cleidon the Skinner Richard Turmine Baker were burned then was it neither in the moneth of Ianuary nor in the first yeare of kyng Henry the fift For in the register of CaÌterbury it appeareth playne that Iohn Claydon was condemned neither in the tyme of Thom. Arundell Archbyshop nor yet in the first nor second yeare of kyng Henry the v. but was coÌdemned in the second yeare of the translation of Henry Chichesly Archbyshop of Canterbury the. 17. day of August which was the yeare of our Lord. 1415. So that if this conspiracie was in the same yeare after the witnesse of FabiaÌ in which yeare I. Cleydon was burned then doth the testimony of Fabian neither accord with other witnesses nor with him selfe nor yet with truth And thus much concerning the witnes of Rob. Fabian Let vs next proceede to Polidore Uirgill whose partiall and vntrue handling of our history in other places of of his bookes doth offer vnto vs sufficient exception not to admit his credite in this And yet because we will rather examine him then exclude him let vs heare a little what he sayth how he fayleth in how many pointes numbring the same vpon my fiue fingers First ending with the life of king Henry 4. hee sayeth that hee raigned 14. 14. yeares and 6. moneths and 2. dayes Angl. hist. lib. 21. whyche is an vntruth worthy to be punyshed wyth a whole yeares banishment to speake after the maner of Apulenis when as truth is he raigned by the testimony of the story of S. Albones of Fabian of Hall of our old English Chronicle and of Scala mundi but 13. 6. moneths lacking as some say 5. dayes Hal saieth he raigned but 12. yeares The second vntruth of Polydore is this where as hee speaking of this sedition of sir Iohn Oldcastle and his adherents affirmeth the same to be done after the burning of Iohn Hus and of Hierome of Prage whych was sayeth he An. 1415. in which yere sayth he Thomas Arundell died Hys wordes be these In eodem concilio damnata est Ioh. Wicliffi haeresis ac Ioan. Hus Hieronymus Pragensis in ea vrbe combusti sunt Quod vbi reliquis consocijs qui etiam tunc in Anglia erant patefit tanquam furijs agitati primùm
bethinking at length with themselues partly what they had done partly howe it would be taken of the higher powers and fearing due punishment to fall vpon them especially seeing the brother of Leoline prince of Wales and sonne of Giffine was newly dead in prison drawing their counsaile and helps together they offer to king Henry 4000. markes to Edwarde his sonne 300. and to the Queene 200. to be released of their trespasse But the king answering them againe that he set more price by the life of one true subiect then by all which by them was offered would in no wise receiue their money And so the studentes without hope of peace went home wyth small triumphe learning what the common Prouerbe meaneth Dulce bellum inexpertis Notwithstanding the King being then occupied in great affaires and warres partly with Leoline and the welshmen partly inwrapped wyth discorde at home with his nobles had no leisure to attend to the correction of these vniuersitie men which was An. 1259. Ex Mat. Pariens Likewise concerning the dissention following the next yeare after in the Uniuersitie of Paris betwene the students there and the Friers the number of whome then did somuch increase that the commons vnneth was able to sustein them with their alines Also betwene the Uniuersities both of Oxford and Cambridge for a certaine prisoner taken out of prisone by strength and brought into sanctuarie the same yeare as is testified in Mathewe Paris An. 1259. In like maner touching the variance betweene the Archbishop of Caunterb and the Chapter of Lincolne Againe betweene the sayde Archbishop of Canterb. and the Chapter bishop of London and how the said Bishop at his consecration woulde not make his profession to the Archb. but wyth this reception Saluis iure libertate Ecclesiae Londinens quae pro posse meo defendaÌ in omnibus c. recorded in Flores Hist. Al which wranglinge and dissentioÌs with innumerable other raigning daily in the Churche at those dayes if I had so much leasure to prosecute them as I find them in stories remaining might sufficiently induce vs to vnderstande what smaâl peace and agreemeÌt was then ioyned with that doctrine and religion in those dayes during the state raigne of Antichrist These with many such other matters moe which here might be discoursed and storied at large being more forein then Ecclesiastical for breuity I do purposely contract and omitte cutting of all such superfluities as may seeme more curious to wryte vpon then necessary to be knowen This that foloweth concerning the pitiful turbulent commotion betwene the king and the nobles which lasted a long season because it is lamentable conteineth much fruitfull example both for Princes and subiects to beholde and looke vppon to see what mischiefe and inconuenience groweth in common weales where study of mutuall concorde lacketh that is where neither the Prince regardeth the offending of his subiects and where the subiects forget the office of christian pacience in suffering their princes iniuries by Gods wrath inflicted for their sinnes Wherfore in explaning the order and storie thereof I thought it not vnprofitable to occupy the reader with a little more tariance in perusing the ful discourse of this so lameÌtable a matter and so pernitious to the publicke weale And first to declare the occasions and first beginnings of this tumult here is to be vnderstode which before was signified howe king Henry maried with Alinor daughter of the Earle of Prouince a stranger which was about the yere of our Lord 1234. Wherupon a great doore was opened for strangers not only to enter the land but also to replenish the court to whome the king seemed more to incline his fauour aduancing them to more preferment then hys owne naturall English Lordes which thing was to them no litle greuance Moreouer before was declared how the king by Isabel hys mother who was a straunger had diuers brethren whom he nourished vp with great liuings and possessions and large pensions of money which was an other hearts sore to diuers also an hinderance Ouer beside hath also ben declared what vnreasonable collectioÌs of mony from time to time as quindecims subsidies tenthes mersements fines paiments lones and taxes haue bene leuied by the king as well of the spiritualtie as of the lay sort partly for maintaining the kings warres against Wales against Scotlande and Fraunce to recouer Normandie partly for helping the kings debtes viagies other expenses partly for the kingdom of Apulia which was promised the kings sonne by the pope partly for moneying and supporting the Pope in his warres against the Emperour By reason of all which sundrie and importable collections the common wealth of the Realme was vtterly excoriate to the great impouerishment of poore English men Neither did it a little vexe the people to see the king call in so many Legates from Rome euery yeare which did nothing els but transporte the English money vnto the Popes cofers Besides all thys what variaunce and altercation hath bene betweene the king and hys subiects about the liberties of Magna charta de foresta graunted by king Iohn and after confirmed by thys king in the former councel holden at Oxford hath bene afore declared Perhaps thys might be also some peece of a cause that the king considering and bearing in minde the olde iniuries done of the Lordes and Barons to his father Kyng Iohn before him did beare some grudge therefore or some priuie hatred vnto the Nobilitie to reuenge hys fathers quarel But of things vncertaine I haue nothing certainly to affirme This is certaine by truth of historie that the yeare next ensuing which was 1260. thus wryteth Nicho. Triuet that the kings Iustices called Itinerarij being sent thether to execute their office were from thence repelled the cause being alledged for that they were against the king in proceeding and enterprising against the forme of the prouisions enacted and stablished a little before at the Towne of Oxford It befell moreouer the same yeare aboue other times as Gualt Demmingford wryteth that a great number of aliens comming out of Fraunce and other prouinces resorted into England and had heere the doing of all principall matters of the Realme vnder the king Unto whome the rewards and reliefes other emoluments of the land did most chiefly redound which thing to see did not a little trouble vexe the nobilitie and baronage of England In so much that Simon Montfort Earle of Leicester offering to stande to death for the liberties and wealth of the Realme conferred together with other Lordes and Barons vpon the matter Who then comming to the king after an humble sort of petition declared to him howe all the doings of his Realme and his owne affaires were altogether disposed by the haâdes and after the willes of straÌgers neither profitable to him nor to the weale publicke for so much as hys treasures being wasted
that there do not remain accidencies without substance or subiect after the coÌsecration of the body of Christ. And touching this matter the doctors holde diuers opinions Furthermore as concerning the Pope he said helde and auouched that he is the very Antichrist because yâ in lyfe and maners he is contrary to the lawes doctrines and deedes of Christ our Lord. All and euery of these things were done euen as they be aboue writteÌ and rehearsed in the yeare of our Lord poÌtificall office month day place aforesayd at supper time of the day aforenamed theÌ and there being present the worshipful and discrete men sir Walter Ramsbury chiefe chaÌter of the sayde Cathedrall Church of Hereforde Roger Hoore Chanon of the same Church Walter Wall Chaplain of the said church of Hereford being a vicar of the Choral certaine other worthy witnesses of credit that were specially called and desired to the premisses Ex Regist. Herford And I Richard Lee whelar clerke of Worcester being a publike notarye by the authoritie Apostolike was personally present at all and singuler the premisses whilest that as is before rehersed they were done and a doing in the yere of our lord 1391. pontisical office month day place the houre aforesaid I did see write and heare all and singuler those things thus to bee done and haue reduced theÌ into this publike maner and forme being desired truely to restifie the premisses haue sealed the sayde instrument made hereupon with mine accustomed scale and name In the name of God Amen Be it plainly knoweÌ to all persons by this present publike instrumeÌt that in the yere from the incarnation of the lord after the course and coââpââtation of the church of England 1391. the indiction fifteene in the 3. yere of the pontifical office of the most holy father in Christ and our Lord Lord Boniface Pope by the prouydeÌce of God the 9. in the 19. day of the month of Ianuary Walter Brute layman of Hereford dioces personally appearing before the reuereÌd father in Christ and Lord. Lord Iohn by gods grace B. of Herford in the presence of me being a publike notarie one of the witnesses vnder written did say hold publish affirme the coÌclusioÌs hereafter written the is to say yâ christen people are not bouÌd to pay tithes neither by the law of Moses nor by the law of Christ. Item that it is not lawful for Christians for any cause in any case to sweare by the creator neither by the creature Item he confesseth openly and of his owne accord that within the same month of Ianuary he did eate drink and communicate with William Swinderby not being ignorant of the sentence of the said reuerend father whereby the same William Swinderby was pronounced an heretique schismatique and a false seducer of the common people Which conclusions the same reuerend father caused to bee writteÌ and in writing to be deliuered to the same Walter Which when he had seene and red he sayd also that he did maintaine and iustifie them according to the lawes aforesayd These thinges were done in the chamber oâ the sayd bishop of Herford at his manor of Whitborne of the sayde dioces of Hereford then being there present the same Byshop abouesaid M. Reynold of Wolsten Canon of Hereford sir Phillip Dileske parson of the parish church of Blamurin Thomas Guldefeld parson of the Church of Englisbyknore Iohn Cresset parson of the church of Whytborne and Thomas Wallewayne housholde seruant for witnesses specially called and desired to the premisses of the dioces of Hereford and S. Asse And I Benedict Come clerke of the dioces of S. Asse publike notary by the Apostolike authoritie of the dioces of S. Asse was personally present together with the witnes before named at all and singuler these and other thinges here premised whilest they were so done and a doing did see heare write those things so to be done as is before mencioned and did write the same and reduce them into this publike forme with my wonted accustomed seale and name haue sealed it being desired and required truly to testifie the premisses At the last the aforesaid Walter Brute did present and cause to be presented to vs at diuers places and times assigned by vs to the same Walter to aunswere to yâ former conclusions and articles diuers scroules of paper writteÌ with his owne proper hand for his aunswers to the same Articles and conclusions aboue written he partly appearing by his owne selfe before vs sitting in our iudgement seat and partly by his messengers specially appoynted to that purpose of which scroules the tenors do follow in order worde by worde and be on this maner In the name of the father and of the sonne and the holy ghost Amen I Walter Brute sinner layman husbaÌdmaÌ a Christian hauing mine ofspring of the Brittons both by my father mothers side of the Britons haue ben accused to the B. of Hereford that I did erre in many matters concerning the catholike Christen fayth by whoÌ I am required yâ I should write an aunswere in Latin to all those matters whose desire I wil satisfie to my power protesting first of al before God before al the world the like as it is not my mind through Gods grace to refuse the knoweÌ truth for any reward greater or smaller yea be it neuer so bigge nor yet for the feare of any temporal punishment eueÌ so it is not my mind to maintain any erroneous doctrine for any coÌmodities sake And if any maÌ of what state sect or condition so euer he be wil shew me that I erre in my writings or sayings by the authoritie of the sacred scripture or by probable reason grounded in the sacred scripture I wil humbly and gladly receiue his information But as for the bare wordes of any teacher Christ onely excepted I wil not simply beleue except hee shal be able to stablish theÌ by the truth of experience or of the Scripture for because that in the holy Apostles elected by Christ there hath beue fouÌd errour by the testimony of the holy scripture because that Paule himselfe doth coÌfesse that he rebuked Peter for that he was worthy to be rebuked Galat. the 2. Chapiter There hath ben errors fouÌd in the holy doctors that haue ben before vs as they themselues confesse of them selues And oftentimes it falleth out that there is error founde in the teachers in our age who are of contrary opinions among themselues and sâme of them do sometimes determine mine one thing for truth and others do condemne the selfe same thing to be heresye or error Which protestation premised I wil here place 1. suppositions or cases for a grouÌd and a foundatioÌ of all things that I shall say out of which I would gather two probable conclusions stablished vpoÌ the same and vpon the sacred Scripture By which coÌclusions when as
Turkes or Infidels or in their doctrine were any Idolatrous impitie or detestable iniquitie in their liues if they went about any deadly destruction or priuy conspiracies to oppresse your liues or by fraudulent dealing to circuÌuent you then had you some cause to coÌplaine and also to reuenge Now seing in their doctrine ye haue neyther blasphemy idolatry superstition nor misbeliefe to obiect vnto them seing they are baptised in the same beliefe and beleue the same articles of the Crede as ye do hauing the same God the same Christ sauiour the same baptisme and are ready âs conâerre with you in all kinde of Christen doctrine neyther do refuse to be tryed by any place of the scripture how then riseth this mortall malice of you agaynst them If you thinke them to be herâtickes then bring forth if ye can any one sentence which they arrogantly hold contrary to the minde of holy scripture expounded by the censure of most auncient Doctours Or what is there in all yâ scripture to be required but they acknowledge confesse the same See try the order of their liues doinges what great fault find you They serue God they walke vnder his feare they obey his law as men may do and though they be transgressors toward him as other men are yet toward you what haue they done what haue they committed or deserued why you should be so bitter agaynst them What offended the poore habitants of Merindal Cabriers when the bishop of Aix the Cardinall of Turon and other Bishops of France wrasting from Fraunces the French king a commission sent Menârius with his Captayne Iohn de Gay to destroy theyr countrey an 1530. who driuing the poore people there into a barn ful of straw set the barn on fire burned vp men women and children And likewise in a church exercised the like crueltie vpon them where were murdered the same time to the number of a thousand yong and old women children and yong infants besides vii whole townes with the most part of the dwellers thering being murdered burnt in the sayd country of ProueÌce Also before that what offended the Cittizens of Tholouse and Auinion when Pope Gregory the ix set Lewes the French king to warre agaynst them and agaynst Raymundus their Earle without cause where also the sayd kyng died at the siege Or to speake of later yeres what hurt or harme did the poore Protestantes in the towne of Uassy who peaceably being at a Sermon were miserably slayne and cut men women and children by the Duke of Guyes and hys armed souldiours besides other infinite examples almost not to be numbred of like crueltie in Calabria Apulia Bohemia Fraunce and now of late in Flaunders and in other countryes moe But to let other countryes passe let vs turne now to the peaceable gouernment in this realme of England vnder this our so milde gracious Queene now presently reigning Under whome you see howe gently you are suffered what mercy is shewed vnto you how quietly ye liue What lacke you that you woulde haue hauing almost the best rowmes and offices in all the realme not onely without any losse of lyfe but also without anye feare of death And though a few of your Archâlerkes be in custody yet in that custody so shrewdly are they hurt that many a good Protestant in the realme would be glad with all their hartes to chaunge rowmes and dyet with them if they might And albeit some other for their pleasure haue slipt ouer the seas if their courage to see countries abroade did so allure them who coulde let them yet this is certayne no dreade there was of death that draue them For what papist haue you seen in all this land to lose eyther life or limme for papistry during al these xii yeares hetherto since this Queenes reigne And yet all this notwithstaÌding hauing no cause to complayne so many causes to geue God thaÌks ye are not yet content ye fret and fume ye grudge and mutter and are not pleased with peace nor satisfied with safety but hope for a day and fayne would haue a chaunge And to preuent your desired day ye haue conspired and rise vpp in open rebellion agaynst your Prince whom the Lord hath set vp to be your gouernour And as you haue since that nowe of late disturbed the quiet and peaceable state of Scotland in murdering most trayterously the gentle and godly Regent of Scotland who in sparing the Queenes life there when he had her in his handes hath now therfore lost his own so with like fury as by your rebellion appeareth would disturbe the golden quiet and tranquilitie of this Realme of England if ye might haue your willes Which the mercifull grace of almightie for Christ his sonnes sake our Lord forfend and vtterly disapoynt Amen Wherfore these premises coÌsidered my question is to aske of you know what iust or reasonable cause ye haue of these your vnreasonable doinges of this your so mortall and deadly hatred fury and malice you beare agaynst these your euenchristened of these your tumultes coniurations gaping and hoping rebellions mutteringes murders wherewith you trouble and disquiet the whole world Of all which mischiefes if the true cause were well known the truth would be found doubtles to be none other but onely the priuate cause of the Bishop of Rome that he is not receiued and the dignity of his Church exalted Touching which cause how vnreasonable and vniust it is more shal be sayd the Lord willing in reply according as I shal see theyr answere if it shall so please theÌ or any of theÌ to answere this question In the meane time this for a briefe note shall suffice that it standeth not with the scripture but contrary to the scripture that the Bishop of Rome should so reuenge his owne priuate cause If his title plantatioÌ be good of God why doth he not refer it vnto god And no doubt but if it be so God will maintein it though the whole world sayd no. If it be otherwise it will fall be rooted out though all the world sayd yea yea the greatest argument to proue this plantation of the Popes supremacy not to be of God is that the Pope fighting in his owne priuate cause by outward worldly force seeketh his owne glory Christ our sauior being here refused himselfe yet neither reuenged his cause nor sought his owne glory but only the glory will of his father thus speaking of himself Si ego glorifico meipsuÌ gloria mea nihil est pater meus est qui glorificat me c. Ioan. 8. i. If I glorify my selfe my glory is nothing my father is he that glorifyeth me c. Euen so I saye with scripture that if the Popes procâedings were planted of God he would not so wrastle for his glory as âe doth But forsomuch as he seeketh by such cruelty and bloudshed to exalt himselfe
constitutionis Unto this Lotharius French kyng and Emperour Pope Leo the 4. writeth that Romana lex that is the Romane law meanyng the law of the FreÌch Emperours as it hath hetherto stode in force Ita nunc suum robur propriúmque vigorem obtineat that is so now it may continue still in his vigour and strength Ino Carnotensis lib. 11. Decretorum about the yeare of the Lord .848 After this Lotharius succeeded his sonne Ludouicus the second in the kyngdome Empire of Fraunce before whoÌ the foresayd Pope Leo was brought into iudgement pleaded his cause of treason and there was before the Emperour quyte and released Which declareth that Popes and Byshops all this while were in subiection vnder their Kynges and Emperours Moreouer descendyng yet to lower tymes an 1228. Ludouicus 9. called holy Ludouike made a law agaynst the pestiferous simonie in the Church also for the maintenauÌce of the libertie of the Church of FrauÌce established a law or decree agaynst the new inueÌtions reseruations preueÌtions exactions of the court of Rome called Pragmatica sanctio S. Ludouici the which SaÌction was also practised loÌg after in the kyngdome of FrauÌce agaynst the popes collectors vndercollectors as appeareth by the Arestum of the couÌsaile of Paris an 1463. ex Molinaeo in CoÌmeÌtarijs Furthermore king Philip le Bel. 1303. set forth a law called Philippina wherein was forbid any exactioÌ of new tithes and first fruites other vncustomed collections to be put vpon the Church of FrauÌce Carolus the v. named Sapiens an 1369. by a law coÌmauÌded that no Byshops nor Prelates or their Officials within his kyngdome of FrauÌce should execute any censure of suspense or excommunicatioÌ at the Popes coÌmaundemeÌt ouer or vpoÌ the Cities or townes corporations or coÌmons of his Realme ex regist antiquaruÌ const chart 62. IteÌ Carolus vi an 1388. agaynst the Cardinals other Officials collectors of the Pope reuoking againe the power which he had geueÌ to theÌ before prouided by a law that the fruites rentes of benefices with other pensions Byshops goodes that departed should no more be exported by the Cardinals the Popes collectours vnto Rome but should be brought to the king and so restored to them to whoÌ they rightly did appertaine The like also may be inferred proued by the stories exaÌples of our kyngs here in EnglaÌd as kyng Offa kyng Egbertus Edgarus Aluredus Athelwoldus Canutus Edwardus William Conquerour Wilhel Rufus Henricus the first Henricus the second till the tyme of kyng Iohn and after Whose dealyng as well in Ecclesiasticall cases as in teÌporall is a sufficient demonstration to proue what iniury the Popes in these latter dayes haue done vnto the Emperours their lawfull gouernours Magistrates in vsurpyng such fulnes of power iurisdictioÌ ouer them to whoÌ properly they owe subiection coÌtrary to the steps example of the old Romaine Byshops their aunciters therfore haue incurred the dauÌger of a Premunire worthy to be depriued Although it is not to be denyed but that Ecclesiasticall ministers and seruitures haue their power also committed vnto theÌ after their sort of the Lord yet it becommeth euery man to know his owne place standyng there to keepe him wherein his owne precinct doth pale him not rashly to breake out into other meÌs walkes As it is not lawfull for a ciuile Magistrate to intermedle with a Byshops or a Preachers function so vnseemely vnorderly it is agayne that Boniface the viij should haue borne before him the teÌporall male the naked sword of the Emperour or that any Pope should beare a triple crowne or take vpon him like a Lord and Kyng Wherfore let euery man consider the compasse limitation of his charge exceede no farther The office of a Bishop or seruiture Ecclesiasticall was in the old law to offer sacrifice to burne incense to pray for the people to expounde the law to minister in the tabernacle with which office it was not lawfull for any Prince or maÌ els to intermedle as we read how Ozias was punished for offering incense an other for touchyng the Arke so now the office of Christian Ministers is to preach the word to minister SacrameÌts to pray to binde and loose where cause vrgently requireth to iudge in spirituall cases to publishe denounce free reconciliation remissioÌ in the name of Christ to erect comfort troubled consciences with the rich grace of the Gospell to teach the people the true differeÌce betwixt the law and the Gospell whereof the one belongeth to such as be not in Christ and come not to him the other pertaineth to the true beleuers in the sonne of God to admonish also the Magistrates erryng or transgressing in their office c. And as these properly belong to the functioÌ of the Ecclesiasticall sort so hath the ciuile gouernour or Magistrate agayne his proper charge office to him assigned whiche is to see the administratioÌ of iustice iudgement to defend with power the right of the weake that suffer wroÌg to defend from oppression the poore oppressed to minister with equalitie that which is right and equall to euery man to prouide lawes good godly to see the execution of the same as cause moueth especially to see the law of God mainteined to promote Christes glory Gospell in settyng vp sendyng out good Preachers in mainteinyng the same in prouidyng Byshops to be elected that be faythfull in remouyng or els correctyng the same beyng faulty or negligeÌt in congregatyng the Clergy wheÌ neede is of any couÌsell or electioÌ to heare their learning in causes propouÌded according to the truth learned to direct his iudgemeÌt in disposing such rites ordinaunces for the church as make to edification not to the destruction therof in conseruyng the discipline of the Churche and settyng all thynges in a congrue order Briefly the office of the ciuile ruler Magistrate extendeth to minister iustice and iudgement in all Courtes as well temporall as Ecclesiasticall to haue correction ouer all traÌsgressours whether they be laymen or persons Ecclesiasticall And finally all such thyngs as belong to the mouyng of the sword whatsoeuer that is to say all outward punishment is referred to the iurisdiction of the secular Magistrate vnder whose subiection the ordinaunce of God hath subiected all orders and states of meÌ Here we haue the witnesse also of Hormisda Byshop of Rome which being well weyed maketh the matter plaine that Princes haue to deale in spirituall causes also not onely in temporall where the sayd Hormisda writeth to Epiphanius Patriarche of Constant. in this sort Clara coelestis misericordiae demonstratio procedit quando regés seculi causas de fide cum gubernatione politiae coniungunt c. ex Act. v. vniuers concil Constantini secundi an 528. And thus much and to much peraduenture concernyng the matter of
hearing the history of the Prophet Ionas The same Hierome moreouer testifieth how he immediatly vpon his conuersion distributed among the poore al his substaunce and after that being ordained a Priest was not long after constituted bishop of the congregation of Carthage But whether he succeded Agrippinus of whom he often maketh mention which also was the first author of rebaptization or some other bishop of Carthage it remaineth vncertain But this is most true he himselfe shined in his office and dignitie with such good giftes and vertues that as Nazianzenus writeth he had the gouernment of the whole east Church and church of Spain and was called the Bishop of the Christian men And to the further setting foorth to the praise of God of his godly vertues wherwith he was indued appearing as well in his owne workes to them that list to peruse the same as also described by other worthy writers he was curteous and gentle louing and ful of patience and therwithall sharpe seuere in his office according as the cause required as appeareth in his first booke and third epistle Furthermore he was most louing and kinde towarde his brethren and tooke much payne in helping and relieuyng the Martyrs as appeareth by his letters to the Elders and Deacons of his Bishopricke that with all study and indeuour they should gently entertaine and shewe pleasure vnto the Martirs in his absence as partly is touched before The third Epistle of his first booke doth declare of what stomacke and godly courage he was in executyng his office and handling his matters Neither was he void of prudence circumspection but was adorned with marueilous modestie wherby he attempted nothing vpon his owne head and iudgement but with the consent of his fellow byshops and other inferiour Ministers that chiefly amoÌg others doth the 10. Epistle of his third booke witnes He was of a marueilous liberal disposition towards the poore brethren of other countries for so often as he had cause of absence he committed the care of those poore men to his fellow officers and wrote vnto them that of their own proper goods they would helpe their banished brethren to that which was necessary for them as witnesseth the 24. Epistle of his thirde booke He reciteth among other gifts wherewith he was indued as touching the visions and heauenly admonitions of the persecutions that should follow and of other matters touching the gouernment of the Church in his first booke third Epistle and fourth booke and fourth Epistle where he reciteth and expoundeth the forme or maner of a certaine vision which we haue before sufficiently expressed He had moreouer great skill in the foreknowledge of things that should chaunce as may be gathered in the vj. Epistle of his fourth booke Also Augustine doth attribute vnto him many worthy vertues which wryteth much in setting foorth his giftes of humilitie in his seconde booke of Baptisme the fourth chapter against the Donatistes and in his vij booke and xj chap. of his long sufferaunce and patience Also of his curtesie and meekenes by which vertues he concealed nothing that he vnderstoode but vttered the same meekely and patiently Also that he kept the Ecclesiasticall peace concorde with those that were of an other opinion then he was of lastly that he neither circumuented nor did preiudice any man but followed yâ thing which seemed good in his iudgement it is manifest in S. Augustine his fift booke De Baptismo contra Donatistas Neyther is this to be passed with silence that Hierome writeth that he was very diligent in reading especially the works of Tertullian For he saieth that he saw a certaine olde man whose name was Paulus which tolde him he saw the notarye of blessed Cyprian being then an olde man when he him selfe was but a springal in the Citie of Rome and told him that it was Cyprians wont neuer to let one daye passe wythout some reading of Tertullian and that he was accustomed oftentimes to say vnto him giue me any master meanyng thereby Tertullian Now a few wordes touching his exile and Martyrdome Of his Epistles which he wrote backe to his congregation leading his life in exile mention is made aboue wherin he sheweth the vertue beseeming a faithfull pastor in that he tooke no lesse care as wel of his owne church as of other Bishops being absent then he did beyng presente Wherin also he himselfe doth signifie that voluntarily he absented himselfe least he should doe more hurt then good to the congregation by reason of his presence as is likewyse declared before Thus from the desolate places of his banishment wherein he was oftentimes sought for he writeth vnto his brethren as in his third booke and x. Epistle is manifest which thing semeth to be done in the raigne of Decius or Gallus But after that he returned againe but of exile in the raigne of this Valorianus he was also after that the second tyme banished of Paternus the Proconsull of Aphrica into the Citie of Thurbin as the oration of Augustine touching Cyprian sheweth or els as Pontius the Deacon saith into a Citie named Furâbilitana or Curabilitana But when Paternus the Proconsull was dead Galienus Maximus succeded in the rowme and office of Paternus who fynding Cyprian in a garden caused him to be apprehended by his Sergeauntes and to be brought before the Idoles to offer sacrifice which when he woulde not doe then the Proconsul breaking forth in these words sayd Long hast thou liued in a sacrilegious mind and hast gathered togither men of wicked conspiracie and hast shewed thy selfe an enimie to the Gods of the Romanes and to their holye lawes neither could the sacrete Emperours Valerianus Galienus reuoke thee to the secte of their ceremonies At length the wicked tyraunt condemnyng him to haue hys head cut of he patiently and willingly submitted his necke to the stroke of the sword as Hieronimus affirmeth And so this blessed Martyr ended this present life in the Lorde Xistus then being Byshop of Rome as Eusebius noteth in the yeare of our Lorde 259. Sabellicus saith that he was Martired in the raigne of Gallus and Volusianus Lucius being bishop of Rome but that seemeth not like Now remayneth to speake something likewise of hys workes and bookes left behind him although al peradueÌture doe not remaine that he wrote wherof some are missing some againe which in the liuery of his name title are not his but such as be certainly his by the style sense may soone be discerned such is the eloquence of his phrase grauity of his sentence vigour of wit power in perswasion so much differing from many other as he can lightlye be imitated but of fewe Of the which his bookes with vs extant as the florishing eloquence is worthely coÌmended proceeding out of the schoole of Rhetoricians so is the authoritie therof no lesse reputation not onely
Paruus This Sigherius and Sebbi first fell to Idolatry then through the meanes of Wolferus King of Mercia were reduced at last Sebby became a Monke  Sebbi Sonne of Sewardus which was made a Monke  Sigehardus and Suefridus brethren 8   Offa. 5 Offa after hee had raigned a while became a Monke at Rome  Selredus or Colredus slaine 38  Swithredus  Thys Swithredus was subdued vnto Egbert King of Westsaxons Albeit London remained vnder the Mercias to the time that they also were subdued to the Westsaxons This kingdom began An. 561. and so continued till the time of Egbertus Some stories say it continued to the time of Edward sonne of Aluredus about the coÌming of the Danes and contained vnder it the Lordship of Midlesex and London The Metropolitane sea of this prouince of Essex was London where the famous Church of S. Paul was builded by Ethelbert king of Kent and Sigebert king of Essex whoÌ Ethelbert had lately before turned to Christes faith wherof the first bishop was Mellitus the ij byshop was Ceddus the third came in by Simonie whose name was Wine Malmesb. de vitis Pont. After him was Erkenwaldus of whom writeth Bede that he being diseased in hys legges that he could neither go nor ride yet would be caried about in a litter to preach in his Dioces c. Although W. Malmesb wryting of the Byshoppes of London in his booke De vitis Ponti sayth that Mauritius first the kings Chauncelor then Byshop there did first begin this so large and famous building of the Church of S. Paul in London Which worke after him Richardus his successour did prosecute bestowing al the rents of his Bishopricke vpon the same and yet was scarsely seene yet herein may be answered peraduenture that the Church builded before by King Ethelbert and king Sigebert myght be ouerthrowen by the Danes and afterward was reedified by these Bishops aboue mentioned 561 ¶ The kinges of the Eastangles with the yeares of their raigne Eastangles Vffa or Vlfa 30 Of thys Vffa the people of Northfolke were then called Vfkyns  Titulus or Titila 13 Redwaldus first was conuerted in Kent afterwarde through the wicked perswasion of his wife and other ioyned Idolatry with Christianitie  Redwaldus 12  Erpwaldus or Corpwaldus slaine 38 Notwythstanding his sonne Erpwaldus through the meanes of Edwyn king of NorthuÌberland was brought to the perfect faith of Christ therein faithfully did continue  Sigebertus or Sibrect first a moÌke slaine 3 Thys Sigebert made hym selfe a Monke and afterwarde brought out to fighte agaynst Penda wyth a white sticke in hys hande was slayne in the field The kings of the Eastangles Egnicus or Egricus slaine 3 Anna slaine 3 The daughters of Anna were Sexburga Ethelberta and Saint Etheldreda Adelhere or Adelredus slaine 2  Adelwoldus or Ethelbaldus 9   Adulphus 25   Elkwoldus 12 This Ethelredus for hys holinesse godly vertues is counted for a Saint he innocently comming to Offa kyng of Mercia to marrie wyth Althrid hys Daughter by the sinister suspicion of Offa and wicked counsaile of Kineswina his wife was cruelly put to death in the house of Offa. For the which cause Offa afterward repenting went to Rome where he made him selfe a Monke  Beorna 26  Ethelredus slaine 52  Ethelbritus slaine 5 ¶ After this sinfull murther of Ethelbert the kingdome of Eastangles during the time of certaine yeares was in great trouble and desolation vnder diuers kings and tyrants sometime the king of Westsaxe somtimes of Kent or of Mercia hauing dominion ouer them till the comming of S. Edmund whych was the last King there ruling vnder the Westsaxons S. Edmund Martyred 16. ¶ After the death of S. Edmund being slaine of the Infidel Danes the kingdom remained with the Danes .50 yeares till at length Edward King of the Westsaxons expulsed the Danes and ioyned it to hys kingdome It began about the yere of our Lord .561 and continued neare about 377. yeares Fabian numbreth but 12. kinges but in other I finde moe The Metropolitane sea of this prouince of Eastangles which was first at a towne called Dunmoke or or DuÌwich which in time past hath bene a famous populous towne with a maior 4. bailifs also diuers Parish Churches hospitals whereunto great priuiledges by diuers kings haue bene graunted whych towne is nowe fallen into ruine and decay and more then half consumed by the eating in of the Sea as also greatly impouerished by losse of the Hauen which heretofore hath flourished wyth diuers tall shippes belonging to the same the inhabitantes therof being not able of them selues to repaire it wythout the helpe of other good people where the first bishop was Felix a Burgundian who sate there 14. yeres After this vnto the time of Egbert King of Westsaxe thys prouince was euer ruled by two Bishops wherof the one had hys sea at Dunmoke now called Dunwich The other at Demaham where 12. sate one after an other From thence it was translated to Thetford where sate three Bishops At last by Byshoppe Herbert it was remooued to Norwich where he erected a Monasterie of Monkes And thus standeth the order and race of the Saxon kinges raigning together wyth the Britaines in thys Realme Nowe foloweth the description of the Britayne kings raigning with the Saxons in like maner Although the miserable Britaines thus were beriued of their land by the cruel subtilty of the Saxons yet were they not so driueÌ out or expulsed but that a certaine kingdom remained amoÌg them in some part of the laÌd namely about Cornewall and the partes of Cambria which is deuided in two partes Southwales called Demetia and Northwales called Venedocia The sayd Britaines moreouer through the valiant actes of their kings sometimes raigned also in other countreis displacing the Saxons recouering againe their owne somtimes more somtimes lesse till the time of Carecius when as the Britaines being deposed by Godmundus whose help they themselues sent for out of Irelande agaynst Carecius theyr wicked King vtterly lost their land and kingdome being thence driuen vtterly into Wales and Cornewale the yere of our Lorde 570. What the order of these kings was what were theyr actes their names and times when they raigned in this briefe table vnder wrytten is expressed Wherein first is to be premonished that Constantinus secundus had three childreÌ to wit Constans whych was made a Monke in Winchester and after made a king the seconde was Aurelius Ambrosius the thirde was Vter Pendragon This being premised we wil now enter the description of our Table beginning with Vortigernus ¶ A Table declaring the Kings of Britayne which raigned together with the Saxones after their comming into this land Kinges of Britaine whiche here raigned in the time of the Saxones Vortigernus Vortimerius Vortigernus againe Aurelius Ambrosius Vter Pendragon Arthurus Constantinus 3. Aurelius Conanus
I will giue thee the keyes of the Kingdome of heauen Wilfride hauing thus ended his argument the kyng said to Colman Is it true that the Lord spake these things to S. Peter And Colman aunswered yea Then sayde the King Can you declare any thing that the Lorde gaue to Colum. Colman aunswered no. Then quoth the king doe both of you agree and consent in this matter without any controuersie and that these wordes were principally spoken to Peter and that the Lord gaue him the keyes of the kingdome of heauen And they both aunswered yea Then concluded the king on this wise for asmuch as S. Peter is the doore keper of heauen I will not gainesay him but in that I am able I will obeye his orders in euery point least when I come to the gates of heauen he shut them against me Upon this simple rude reason of the king the multitude eftsoones consented and with them also Cedda was contented to giue ouer Onely Colmanus the Stoâ beyng theÌ Archbishop of Yorke in displeasure left the Realme departed into Scotlande carying with him the bones of Aidanus Bed Lib. 3. cap. 25. And thus much concerning this matter of Easter After the decease of Oswy Egfride his sonne was King after him in Northumberland xv yeares By this Egfride Cutbert was promoted to the Bishopricke of the I le of Farne And Wilfride which before had bene Archbishop of Yorke was displaced through the meanes of Theodore Archbishop of Canterbury and Cedda possessed that sea Wilfride when he was put out went to Rome complained of him to Agathon the Bishop and was well allowed in some things But the king and Theodorus had there such Proctors and frindes that hee returned without speeding of hys cause Wherfore he returned into the Southsaxons and builded an Abbey in Silesey and preached vnto the Southsaxons xv yeares The king of the Southsaxons at that time Ethelwold to whom he declared a little before that Wolferus king of the Mercians gaue the I le of wight vpon condition that he would be Christened and so was baptised by Berinus the sayd Wolfer being his Godfather and sonne in law both in on day Wherfore Wolferus now being licensed by Ethelwod the king preached vnto his nobles people of Southsexe and conuerted theÌ to Christ. In the tune of whose baptising the raine which before they lacked three yeares together was giuen them plentifully whereby their great famine slaked and the countrey was made frutefull which before was dried vp with bareÌnes In so much that as in some storyes is said the people penured with famine would go xl together vpon the rocks by the seaside and taking handes together would throw themselues downe to the sea Moreouer where they lacked before the arte of fishing the foresaide Wilfride taught them how with nets to fish And thus by processe haue we discoursed from tyme to tyme how and by what meanes the Idolatrous people were induced to the true fayth of Christ of whome these Southsaxons with the I le of wight was the last After Egfride who was slaine in the strayghtes of Scotland next succeeded Alfride his brother and bastarde sonne to Oswy raigned xviij or xix yeres in Northumberland This Alfride restored againe the foresaid Wilfride to the sea of Yorke whom his brother had before expelled put in Cedda Notwithstanding the same king within v. yeares after expulsed the saide Wilfride againe and so went he to Rome But at length by Osrike his successour was placed againe the Archbishop of Yorke and Cedda was ordayned by Theodorus Byshop of Mercia The which prouince of Mercia the said Theodorus Archbishop of Canterbury by the authoritie of the Synode holdeÌ at Hatfield did after diuide into fiue bishoprickes that is one to Chester the second to worceter the third to Lichfield the fourth to Cederna in Lindesey the fift to Dorchester which was after translated to Lincolne Neare about this time in the yeare of our Lord 666. the detestable sect of Mahumet begaÌ to take streÌgth place Although Polychronicon differing a little in yeares accouÌteth the beginning of this sect somwhat before but the most diligent searchers of theÌ which write nowe refer it to this yeare which wel agreeth with the number of the beast signed in the Apocalips ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã That is 666. Of this Mahumet came the kingdome of Agarenes whome hee after named Saracenes to whom he gaue sondry lawes patched of many sectes religions togither he taught theÌ to pray euer to the South And as we keepe the Sonday so they keepe the friday which they call the day of Venus He permitted them to haue as many wiues as they were able to maintaine to haue as many concubines as they list to abstaine from vse of wyne except vppon certaine solemne daies in the yeres to haue worship onely one God omnipotent saying that Moses the Prophetes were great men but Christ was greater and greatest of all the Prophets as being borne of the virgine Marye by the power of God without mans seede and at last was taken vp to heauen but was not slaine but an other in his likenes for him with many other wicked blasphemies in his law coÌtained At length this kingdome of the Saracenes beganne to be conquered of the Turkes in processe of time wholy subdued to them But now to returne again to the time of our English Saxons In this meane season Theodorus was sent from Italy into England by Vitellianus the Pope to bee Archbyshop of Caunterbury with him diuers other monks of Italy to set vp here in EnglaÌd Latine seruice Masses ceremonies letanies with such other Romishe ware c. This Theodorus being made Archbishop and Metropolitane of Canterbury began to play the rex placing dysplacing the byshops at his pleasure As for Cedda Wilfride Archbishops of Yorke he thrust them both out vnder the pretence that they were not lawfully consecrated notwithstanding they were sufficientlye authorised by theyr kinges and were placed against their willes Wherfore Wilfride as is before touched went vp to Rome but could haue no redres of his cause yet to shew what modesty this Wilfride vsed against his enimie being so violently molested as he was because the wordes of his complainte are expressed in W. Malmesbery I thought here to expresse the same both for the commendation of the partie and also for the good example of other in case any such be whome good examples will mooue to well doing This Wilfride therefore hauing such iniury and violence offered vnto him by the handes of Theodore although he had iust cause to doe his vttermost yet in prosecuting his complaint how hee tempered himselfe what wordes of modestie he vsed rather to defende his innocencie then to impugne his aduersary by this his suggestion offered vp to the Byshop of Rome may appeare whose words
in effect were these Quid autem acciderit vt Theodorus sanctiss Archiepiscopus me superstite in sede quam licet indignus dispensabam absque consensu cuiuslibet Episcopi ex sua autoritate mea humilitate non acquiescente ordinauit tres Episcopos omittere magis quam vrgere pro eiusdem viri reuerentia * coÌdecet Quem quide pro eo quod ab hac Apostolicae sedis summitate directus est accusare non audeo c. In English Howe it chaunceth that Theodorus the most holy reuerend Archbishop my selfe being aliue in the sea which I though vnworthy did rule and dispose hath of his own authority without the coÌsent of any bishop neither hauing my simple voice agreing to the same ordained iij. Bishops I had rather passe ouer in silence then to stir any farther therin because of the reuerence of that man and no lesse thought I it my duetie so to doe The which man for that he hath beene dyrected by the authoritie of this sea Apostolicall I wyll not nor dare not here accuse c. Thus the cause of the sayd Wilfride albeit it was sufficiently knowne in the Court of Rome to be well allowed for iust and innocent yet it was not then redressed In such estimation was this Theodorus then among the Romaines Upon this controuersie of these two Bishops I may wel here inter the words of W. Malmelbury not vnworthy in my minde to be noted whiche be these in his Latine story Vbi videri doleri potest humana miseria quod videlicet quantum libet quis sanctitate polleat non ad plenum peruicaces mores exuat c. That is In the whiche Theodore saith hee the weake and miserable infirmitie of man may be sene and also lamented considering that although a maÌ be neuer so holy yet in the same man is some thing whereby it may be perceaued that hee hath not vtterly put of all his stubburne conditions c. In the time of this Theodorus and by the meanes of hym a prouincial Synode was holden at Thetford mentioned in the storye of Bede the principall contents wherof were these First that Easter day shoulde bee vniformely kept and obserued through the whole Realme vpon one certayne daye videlicet prima 14. Luna mensis primi Secondly that no Byshop should entermedle within the Dioces of an other Thirdly that monasteries consecrated vnto GOD should be exempt and free from the iurisdiction of the byshops Fourthly that the Monkes should not stray from one place that is from one Monastery to another without the license of his Abbot also to kepe the same obedience which they promised at their first entryng Fiftly that no Clergyman shoulde forsake his owne Byshop and to be receaued in any other place wyth out letters commendatory of his owne Byshop Sixtly that forraine Byshops Clergimen coÌming into the Realme should be content onely with the benefite of such hospitality as should be offered theÌ neither should entermedle any further within the precinct of any bishop without his speciall permission Seuenthly that Synodes prouinciall should be kept within the Realme at least once a yeare Eightly that no Bishop shoulde preferre himselfe before an other but must obserue the time and order of hys consecration Ninthly that the number of Byshops should be augmented as the number of the people encreaseth Tenthly that no mariage should be admitted but that which was lawfull No incest to be suffered neyther any man to put away his wyse for any cause except onelye for fornication after the rule of the Gospell And these bee the principall chapters of that Synode c. In the next yere following was the sixt general councell kept at Constaunce whereat this Theodore was also present vnder Pope Agatho where Mariage was permitted to Greeke priests and forbidden to the Latin In this Councell the Latine Masse was first openly saide by Iohn Portuensis the Popes Legate before the Patriarche and Princes at Constantinople in the temple of S. Sophy After the decease of Alfride king of Northumberlande from whom he was digressed succeeded his sonne Osredus raigning xj yeares After whome raigned Kenredus 2. yeares And next Osricus after him .xj. yeares In the time and raigne of these 4. kings of Northumberland king Iua reigned in westsaxe who succeding after Cadwalder the last king of the Britaines began his reigne about the yeare of the Lorde 689. and raigned with great valiauntnes ouer the westsaxons the tearme of xxxvij yeares Concerning whose actes and wars mayntayned against the Kentish saxons and other kinges because I haue not to entermedie withal I referre the reader to other Chroniclers About the sixt yeare of the raigne of this Iua or Iue Polychronicon other make mentioÌn of one Cuthlacus whoÌ they call S. Cuthlake a confessour who about the 24. of hys age renouncing the pompe of the world professed himself a Monke in the abby of Repindon and the third yeare after went to Crowlande where he led the life of an Anker In the which Ile and place of his buriyng was builded a faire Abbey called afterward for the great resort and gentle entertainment of straungers Crowlande the courteous but why this Cuthlake should be saincted for his doinges I see no great cause as neither doe I thinke the fabulous miracles reported of him to be true as where the vulgare people are made to beleeue that he enclosed the deuill in a boyling pot and caused wicked spirits to erecte vp houses with such other fables and lying miracles c. Among which lying miracles also maye be reckened that which the stories mention in the xi yeare of the raigne of Iua to be done of one Brithwalde or Drithelmus who âeing dead a long season was restored to lyfe againe told many wonders of straunge things that he had seene causing thereby great almes deedes of charitie to bee done of the people And so the disposing of his goods giuen in iij. partes went to the Abbey of Mailroos where he continued the rest of his life Moreouer about the xvj yeare of the saide Iua Etheldred king of Mercia after he had their raigned 30. yeares was made a Monke and after an Abbot of Bacducy And about the xviij yeare of the raigne of Iue died the worthy and learned bishop Aldelmus first Abbot of Malmesbery afterward bishop of Schirborn of whoÌ William Malmesbery writeth plenteously with great commendation and that not vnworthelye as I suppose especially for the notable praise of learning and vertue in him aboue the rest of that time nexte after Bede as the great number of bookes and Epistles and Poemes by him set forth will declare Although concerning the miracles which the sayd author ascribeth to him as first in causing an infant of ix daies old to speak at Rome to cleare pope Sergius which was then suspected the father of the said child Also in hanging his cauiule vpoÌ the
Winchester as a prisoner during his life This Stigandus is noted for a man so couetous and sparing that when he would take nothing of his owne and swearing that he had not a penie yet by a key fastned about his necke was found great treasours of his vnder the grouÌd At the same time was preferred to the Archbishoprike of Yorke Thomas a Normand and Chanon of Baion At which time also Lanfrancus Abbot of Cadomonencie a Lumbard and Italian borne was sent for and made Archbyshop of Cant. betweene which two Archbyshops about their coÌsecration first began a contention for geuing taking the othe of obedience but that contention was at that time appeased by the king And Thomas contented to subscribe to the Archbishop of Cant. obedience After this it followed within short space that the sayde Lanfrancus and Thomas Archbyshop of Yorke who first builded the minster of Yorke gaue possessions therunto came to Rome with Remigius Byshop of Dorcester for their palles as the maner was without which no Archbishop nor bishop could be coÌfirmed although their election were neuer so lawfull This palle must be asked no where but of the Pope or his assignes and that wythin 3. monethes also it must be asked not faintly but mightely Dist. C cap. prisca Which as it was a chargeable thing to other nations especially suche as were far from Rome so it was no small gaine to the Romish sea so as they did order it for although at the beginning the palle was geueÌ without money according to the decree Dist. C. or for litle as percase in this time of Lanfrank yet in processe of yeres it grew to such excesse that where the bishoprik of Mentz was wonte to geue to Rome but x. M. Florences afterward it arose so that he that asked to haue his confirmation coulde not obtaine it without xx M. And from thence it exceded to xxv M. and at length to xxvii M. Florencesâ which summe Iacobus Archbyshop of Mentz was prest to paie a little before the councell of Basill in so much that the sayde Iacobus at his departing which was wythin foure yeares after sayde that his death did not so muche grieue hym as to remember hys poore subiectes whyche shuld be constrained to pay so terrible a fine for the Popes palle Nowe by this what did rise to the Pope in whole Germanie containing in it aboue 50. By shopprickes it may be easely coniectured Lanfrancus thus comming to Rome with the other two Byshops he for the estimation of his learning obtained of Alexander two palles one of honour the other of loue Item he obtained for the other two Bishops also their confirmation At which time they being there present before Alexander the controuersie began first to be mooued or rather renewed for the primacie betwixt the two metropolitanes that is betwixt the archbishop of Canterburie and Archbishop of York whether of them shoulde haue preeminence aboue the other for Canterburie chalenged to himselfe preroragatiue and the primacie ouer whole Britanie and Irelande the whiche contention continued a long season betwixt these ii churches and was often renued in the daies of diuers kinges after this as in the reigne of Henrie the firste betwixte Thurstinus of Yorke and Radolphus of Canterburie And againe in the 27. yeare of the sayd king at his seconde coronation for Radolphus woulde not suffer the first coronation to stande because it was done by the Byshop of Yorke without his assent Also in the reigne of Henry the second where Alexander Pope made a letter decretall betwixt these ii Metropolitanes for bearing the crosse An. M. Clix Also an other time in the raigne of the said king betwixt Richard of Canterburie and Roger of Yorke againe about the yere of the Lord. M. Cixx when Thomas Becket hearing the king to be crowned of Roger byshop of Yorke complained thereof grieuously to Pope Alexander the third Item an other time An. M. Cixxvi betwixt Richard and the sayde Roger whether of them should sit on the right hande of Cardinall Hugo in his Councell at London Moreouer in the beginning of the reign of king Richard An. M. Cxc. betwixt Baldwinus of Canterburie and Godfridus of Yorke c. Now to procede in the story hereof After this question was brought as is said to the Popes presence he not disposed to decide the matter sent them home vnto EnglaÌd there to haue their cause determined Wherupon they speding theÌselues froÌ Rome to EnglaÌd an M. lxx and the 6. yeare as is sayd of this William brought the matter before the king and the clergy at Windsore Whereas Lancfrank first alledging for himselfe brought in from the time of Austen to the time of Bede which was about 140. yeres how that the Byshop of Cant. had euer the primacie ouer the whole land of Britaine and Ireland how he kept his CouÌcels diuers times within the precincts of Yorke how he did call and cite the Byshops of Yorke thereto whereof some he did constitute some he did excoÌmunicat some he did remoue besides also he alledged diuers priuileges graÌted by princes and prelates to the primacie of that sea c. To this Thomas Archbish. of Yorke replieth againe and first beginning with the first originall of the Britains Church declareth in order of time how the Britanes c. ¶ The Britaines first possessioners of this kingdome of Britaine which endured from Brutus Cadwalader 2076. yeares vnder an hundreth and ii Kynges at length receaued the Christian faith Anno. Clxii in the tyme of Lucius their king Eleutherius Byshop of Rome sent Faganus and Damanus preachers vnto them at which time after theyr conuersion they assigned and ordeined in the Realme 28. Byshops with two Archbishops Theonus the Archbyshop of London and Theodoceus Archbishop of Yorke Under those Byshops and Archbishops the church of Britaine was gouerned after their conuersion almost 300. yeares till at length the Saxons being then infidels with Hengistus their king subdued the Britans by frauduleÌt murder and inuaded their land which was about the yere of the Lorde 440. After this the Britans being driuen into Cambria which we now cal wales the Saxons ouerrunning the land deuided theÌselues into 7. kingdomes And so being infidels and Paganes coÌtinued til the time that Gregory Byshop of Rome sent Augustinus to preach vnto them which Austen comming first to Douer being then the head Citie of Kent called in Latine Dorobernia and there planting himselfe conuerted first the king of Kent called Edilbertus who had theÌ subdued certaine other kings vnto HuÌber By reason wherof Augustine was made Archbishop of Douer by the appoyntment of Gregorius who sent him certaine Palles with his letter from Rome which before is expressed pa. 158. Which letter being recited then Thomas exposiding vpon the same beginneth to declare for himselfe howe the meaning of Gregory in this letter was
was so sodenly discharged of the Chancellorship which he had borne fiue yeares In the 44. yeare of hys age on the Saterday in the Whitson-weeke he was made priest and the next day consecrated Byshop As touching the priesthoode of this man I finde the histories to vary in theÌselues for if he were beneficed and chaplaine to Theobald afterward archdeacon as some say it is no other like but that he was priest before not as our most English storyes say made priest in one day and archbishop the next But howsoeuer this matter passeth here is in the meane tyme to be seene what great benefites the K. had done for him and what great loue had bene betweene them both Now after that Becket was thus promoted what variaunce and discord happened betweene them remayneth to be shewed The causes of which variaunce were diuers and sondry As first when according to the custome the Kinges officers gathered of euery one hyde mony through the Realme for the defence of their owne country the Kyng would haue taken it to hys cofers But the Byshop sayd that which euery man gaue willingly he should not coâât as his proper rent An other cause was that where a Priest was accused of murther and the kinges officers and the friendes of the dead accused the priest earnestly afore the bishop of Salisbury his Diocesan to whoÌ he was sent desiring iustice to be done on him the priest was put to his purgation But when he was not able to defend himselfe the Byshop sent to the archbishop to aske what he should do The Archb. commaunded he should be depriued of all ecclesiastical benefices shut vp in an abbey to doe perpetuall penance After the same sort were diuers other handled for like causes but none put to death nor lost ioynt nor burned in the hand or the like payne The third cause was that where a Chanon of Bruis did reuile the kinges iustices the king was offended with the whole clergy For these and such lyke the Archbishop to pacifie the kinges anger commaunded the Chanon to be whipped depriued of his benefices for certain yeares But the king was not content with this gentic punishement because it rather increased their boldnes and therfore he called the Archbishop bishops and all the clergy to assemble at Westminster WheÌ they were assembled together the king earnestly commaunded that suche wicked Clerkes should haue no priuilege of their Clergy but he deliuered to the Iaylers because they passed so little of the spiriturll correction and this he sayd also their own Canons and lawes had decreed The Archbishop counsailing w e his bishops and learned men answered probably and in the end he desired hartely the kinges gentlenes so the quietnes of himselfe and his realme that vnder Christ our new king and vnder the new law of Christ he would bring in no new kind of punishment into his Realm vpon the new chosen people of the Lord agaynst the old decrecs of the holy fathers And oft he sayd that he neyther ought nor could suffer it The king moued therwith and not without cause alledgeth agayne and exacteth the olde lawes and customes of his grandfather obserued and agreed vpoÌ by archbishops bishops prelates other priuileged persons inquiring likewise of hym whether hee would agree to the same or els now in his raigne would condeÌne that which in the raigne of his grauÌdfather was well allowed To which lawes customes the said Thomas did partly graunt and partly not graunt The copy of the which foresayd lawes are contayned in the number of xxviii or xxix whereof I thought here to recite certain not vnworthy to be knowne The copy of the old lawes and customes wherunto Thomas Becket did graunt 1. That no order should be geuen to husbande mennes children and bondmens ChildreÌ without the assent or testimoniall of them which be the Lordes of the country where they were borne and brought vp if their sonnes become Clerkes they shall not receaue the order of priesthoode without licence of their Lordes 2. And if a man of holy Churche hold any lay fee in hys hand he shall do therefore the king the seruice that belonlongeth therto as vpon iuries assise of landes and iudgementes sauing onely at execution doing of death 3. If any man were the kinges traytour and had taken the Church that it should be lawfull to the king and hys officers to take him out 4. Also if any felons goods were brought to holy church that there should none such keepe there for euery fellons goodes bene the kinges 5. That no land should be geuen to the Church or to any house of religion without the kinges license These articles folowing Thomas agreed not vnto 1. IF that betweene a clerke and a lay man were anye striuing for Church goodes they would the ple should he done in the kinges court 2. That there should neyther bishop nor clerke go out of the land without the kinges licence And then hee shoulde sweare vpon a booke he should procure no hurt agaynst the king nor none of his 3. If any man were denounced accursed and were come agayn to amendment the king would not that he should be sworne but onely finde sureties to stand to that the holy Church should award 4. The fourth that no man that held of the king in chiefe or in seruice should be accursed without the kings licence 5. That all the Bishopprickes Abbayes that were vacant should be in the kings handes vntill suche time that he should chuse a prelate thereto and he should be chosen out of the kinges chappels and first before he were confirmed he should doe his homage to the king 6. If any ple were to consistory brought they should appeale from thence to the archdeacon and from thence to the Byshops court and from the Byshops court to the archbyshops and from thence to the king and no further So that in conclusion the complayntes of holy Church must come before the king and not the pope 7. That all debtes that were owing through trouthplyght should not be pleaded in spiritual but in temporal Court 8. That the Peter pence which to the Pope were gathered should be taken to the king 9. If any clerke for felony were taken and so proued he should be first disgraded and then through iudgement to be hanged or if he were a traytour to be drawne Other lawes and constitutions made at Claredoun in Normandy and sent to England wherunto Becket and the Pope would not agree He being then fled out of the Realme 1. IF any person shall be found to bring from the Pope or from the Archbish. of Canterb any writing conteining any indicte or cursse agaynst the realme of England the same man to be apprehended without delay for a traytour and execution to be done vpon the same 2. That no monke nor any Clerke shall be permitted to passe ouer into England without a passport
as both the Bishops are slacke in their charge doyng and also the prerogatiue of their order exempteth theÌ froÌ the secular iurisdictioÌ c. And thus much out of Nuburgensis To this matter also pertayne the words of Cesarius the monke in hys 8. booke of Dialogues cap. 69 about the 48. yeare after the death of Thomas Becket which was the yeare of the Lord. 1220. whose wordes in summe come to this effect Quaestio Parisijs inter magistros ventilata fuit vtrum damnatus an saluatus effet ille Thomas Dixerat Rhogerius tunc NormaÌnus fuiffe illum morte ac damnatione dignum quòd contumax esset in dei ministrum regem Protulit econtra Petrus Cantor Parisiensis quòd signa saluationis magne saÌctitatis essent eius miracula quòd martirium probasler Ecclesiae causa pro qua mortem subierat c. In English There was a question moued among the maisters of Paris whether Tho. Becket were saued or damned To this question answereth Roger a Norman that he was worthy death and damnation for that he was so obstinate agaynst Gods minister hys K. Contrary Peter Cantor a Persian disputed saying affirming that his miracles were great signes and tokens of saluatioÌ and also of great holines in that man affirming moreouer that the cause of the Church did allow and confirme hys martyrdome for the which Church he dyed And thus haue ye the iudgement and censure of the schole of Paris touching this question for the saincting of Thomas Becket In which iudgement for so much as the greatest argumeÌt resteth in the miracles wrought by him after hys death let vs therefore pause a little vpon yâ same to try and examine these his miracles In the tryall wherof we shall finde one of these two to be true that eyther if they were true they were wrought not by God but by a coÌtrary spirit of whoÌ Christ our Lord geueth vs warning in his gospell saying whose comming shal be with lying signes and wonders to deceiue if it were possible the elect Math 24. for els we shall finde that no suche were euer wrought at all but fayned and forged of idle Monkes and religious bellies for the exaltatioÌ of their churches profit of their powches whiche thing in deede seemeth rather to be true And no lesse may appeare by the miracles theÌselues set forth by one of his own Monks of his owne time who in fine solemne books hath comprehended all the reuelation vertues and miracles of this archb the which bookes as yet remayning in the hands of William Stephenson Citizen of London I haue seen and perused wherein is contayned the whole summe of all his miracles to the number of 270 being so far of from all trueth reason some ridiculous some monstrous vayne absurd some also blasphemous some so impudeÌt that not onely they deserue no credit altogether sauoring of mere forgery but also for very shame will abash an honest penne to write vpoÌ theÌ First if miracles serue for necessity for infidels what cause or necessity was there in a Christian realme hauing the word of God for God to worke such miracles after his death who neuer wrought any in all his life TheÌ to consider the end of these miracles whether do they tend but onely to bring men to Canterbury with their vowes and offeringes to enrich the couent Beside the nuÌber of the miracles which he sayd so many that they lose theyr owne credit what disease is there belonging to man or woman in the curing whereof some miracle hath not bene wrought by this ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã as feuers fistula the gout toothache palsey consumption falling sicknesse leprosie headache broken armes maymed legs swelling throates the raysing vp of the dead which haue bene two dayes departed with infinite other And as all these haue healed for the most part by one kinde of salue as a certayne panacea which was with the water onely of Caunterbury like as a cunning Smith which should open with one key all maner of lockes so agayne in reading of the story of these miracles ye shall finde the matter so conueyed that the power of this dead Saynt was neuer twise shewed vpon any one disease but euery diuers disease to haue a diuers miracle To recite in order all these prodigious reuelatioÌs and phaÌtasticall miracles falsely imagined and ascribed to this archbishop were nothing els but to write a legend of lies to occupy the people with tristes Which because it pertaineth rather so the idle professioÌ of such dreaming monks and cloysterers that haue nothing els to maintain that religion withal I will not take their profession out of theyr hands Wherfore to omit all suche vayne lying apparitions and miracles as how this angry sainct 3. dayes after his death appeared by vision at the altar in his pontificalibus commaunding the quere not to sing but to say this office of his masse Exurge quare obdormis Domine c. Which vision the author himselfe of the book doth say he did see To omit also the blasphemous lye how in other vision the sayd Archbishop should say that hys bloud did cry out of the earth to God more then the bloud of iust Abell IteÌ in an other visioÌ it was shewed to a monk of Lewes how S. Thomas had hys place in heauen appoynted with the Apostles aboue Stephen Laurence Uincent and al the other Martyrs whereof of this cause is rendered for that â Stephen Laurence and such other suffered only for their own cause But this Th. suffered for the vniuersal church Item how it was shewed to a certayne young man Ormus by name xij yeares before the death of this Becket that among the Apostles martyrs in heauen there was a vacaunt place left for a certayne priest as he sayd of England which was credibly supposed to be this Tho. Becket Item how a certain knightes sonne being two dayes dead was reuiued agayne so soone as he had the water of Caunterbury put in his mouth had by his parentes 4. peeces of siluer bended to be offered in CauÌterbury in the childes behalfe All these I say with such other like to omit the number wherof commeth to an infinite varietie onely this one story or an other that followeth shall suffice to expresse the vanitie and impudent forgery of all the rest In the fourth book of this fabulous author and in the 3. chap. a miracle is there contayned of a certayn countryman of Bedfordshire in kinges Weston whose name was Gilwardus which Gilwardus in his dronkeÌnes brusting into an other mans house which was his debter took out of his house a great whetstone a paire of hedging gloues The other party seyng this value not sufficient for hys coÌdemnation by the councell of the towneclerk entred an action of felony agaynst him for other thinges besides as for stealing
and ordained the king with 400. great shippes taketh hys iourney to Irelande where he subdued in short tyme the whole land vnto hym which at that tyme was gouerned vnder diuers kings to the number of v. Of whome foure submitted themselues vnto the sayd kyng Henry onely the fifth who was the kyng of Ionacta denyed to be subdued keeping him in woodes and Marishes In the meane season while the king was thus occupied in Ireland the two Cardinals that were sent from the Pope Thedinus and Albertus were come to NormaÌdy Unto whom the king the next yeare following resorted about the month of October an 1172. But before during the time of the kinges being in Ireland the Bish. of London and Ioceline v. of Salisbury had sent to Rome and procured their absolution from the pope The K. returning out of Ireland by Wales into England from thence to Normandy there made his purgation before the Popes legates as touching the death of the foresayd Becket to the which he sware he was neither ayding or consenting but onely that he spoke rigorous wordes against hym for that his knightes would not auenge him against the sayd Thomas For the which cause this penaunce was ouioyned him vnder his othe First that he should send so much to the holy lande as would find two C. knightes or souldiours for the defence of that land Also that froÌ Christmas day next folowing he should set forth hys owne person to light for the holy land that space of 3. yeares together vnlesse he should be otherwise dispesed withall by the Pope Item that if he would make hys iorney into Spaine as hys present necessitie did require there he to fight agaynst the Saracens And as long tyme as he shuld there abide so long space might he take in prolonging his iorney toward Ierusalem Item yâ hee should not hinder nor cause to be hindred by hym any appellations made to the Pope of Rome Item that neyther he nor hys sonne should depart or disseuer from pope Alexander or from his catholicke successors so long as they should recount him or his sonne for kinges catholike Item that the goodes and possessions taken from the Church of Caunterbury should be restored agayne fully and amply as they stode the yeare before Thom. Becket departed the realme and that free libertie should be grauÌto all such as were outlawed for Beckets cause to returne agayne Item that the foresayd customes decrees by him established against the Church should be extinct and repelled such onely except that concerned his own person c besides other secret fastinges and almes enioyned hym All these former conditions the king with his sonne did both agree vnto debasing himselfe in such sorte of submission before the two Cardinals by the occasion wherof the Cardinall took no little glory vsing thys verse of the Psalme Qui respicit terram facit eam tremere qui tangit montes fumigant That is which looketh vpon the earth and maketh it to tremble which toucheth the hilles and they smoke c. Moreouer it is meÌtioned in histories of the sayd king that a little after William king of Scots with hys army had made a rode into the realme he returning out of Normandy into England came first to Caunterbury who by the way so soone as he came to the sight of Beckets church lighting of his horse and putting of hys shoes went barefoote to his tombe whose steppes were found bloudy through the roughnes of the stones And not onely that but also receaued further penance by euery moÌke of the cloyster certayn discipline of a rod. By whiche so great deiection of the K. if it were true thou mayest see the blind and lamentable superstition and ignorance of those daies If it were pretensed as might so be in tyme of warre to get the hartes of the people yet mayest thou learned Reader see what slauery kinges and Princes were brought into at that tyme vnder the popes Clergy The same yeare as Houeden writeth which was 1174. the whole citty of Caunterbury was almost al consumed with fire and the sayd minster Church cleane burnt The next yeare insuing which was 1175. a conuocation of Bishops was holden at Westminster by Rich. archbishop of Cant. In which conuenticle all the byshops Abbots of the prouince of Canterbury and of Yorke being present determined as it had done a little before in king Henry 1 dayes an 1113. about the obedience that Yorke should doe to Caunterbury That is whether the Archb. of Yorke might beare hys Crosse in the diocesse of Cant. or not whereof something was touched before in the former processe of this history Also about the Bishopricke of Lincolne of Chichister of Worcester of Herford whether these churches were vnder the iurisdiction of the see of Yorke or not c. Upon these and other like matters rose such controuersie betweene these 2. seas that the one appealed the other to the presence of the Bishop of Rome In these and suche causes like howe much better had it bene if the supremacy had remayned more nere in the kinges handes at home whereby not onely much labour trauell had bene saued but also the great and wasâfull expences bestowed at Rome might with muche more fruite and thanke haue beene conuerted to their cures and flockes committed vnto theÌ and also percase their cause no lesse indifferently heard at least more speedely might haue bene decided but to the purpose again In this coÌtrouersie diuerse of that bishop of Yorks clergy such as were of Gloucester belong to the church of S. Oswald were excoÌmunicate by the Archb. of Cant. because they being sommoned refused to appeare before hym c. At length the same yeare which was 1175. there was a Cardinall sent downe from Rome by the kinges procurement who studyed to set a peace betwene the two archbishops Whereupon this way of agreement was takeÌ by the meanes of the king at Winchester that as touching the church of S. Oswald at Glocester the Archbishop of Canterb. should cease of hys clayme therof molesting the see of Yorke no more therein Also should absolue agayne the Clerkes thereof whom he had excommunicated before And as concerning the bearing of the crosse and all other matters it was referred to the Archbishop of Rhotomage and of other Bishops in Fraunce so that for fiue yeares a league or truce was taken betwixt them till they should haue a full determination of their cause The next yeare following the foresayd king Henry the 2. deuiding the realme of England into 6. partes ordeyned vpon ouery part 3. Iustices of assise The circuit or limitation of which Iustices was thus disposed The first vpon Northfolke Suffolke Cantebridshire HuntenduÌshire Bedfordshyre Buckinghamshire Essex Hertfordshire 2. Vpon Lincolnshire Notinghamshire Darbishire Stamfordshyre Warwickshire Northamptonshire Leicestershire 3. Upon Kent Surrey Southamptonshyre Southsaxe Barkeshire Oxfordshire 4.
Upon Herefordshyre Gloucestershyre Wyrcestershyre Salopsshyre 5. Upon Wiltshyre Dorcetshyre Somercetshyre Deuonshyre Cornwall 6. Euerwickshire Richmondshire Lancaster Copland Weshnarland Northumberland Cumberland In the which yeare also Richard Archb. of Caunterbury made 3. Archdeacons in his dioces where as before there was but one About which tyme also it was graunted by the kyng to the popes legate that a Clerke shoulde not be called before a temporall iudge except for offence in the forest or for hys say see that he holdeth Item that no Archbishop or Bishoprick nor Abbey should remayne in the kings handes ouer one yeare wtout great cause It chaunced the same yeare that this was done there was at Canterbury one elected to be Abbot in the house of S. Austen named Albert who made great labor and sute vnto the Archbishop that he would come to hys Church and there consecrate him Abbot of S. Austens To whome the archb sent word agayne that he was not bound to come to him but rather the other should repayre to the Metropolitane church of Caunterbury there to receiue hys consecration Whereupon controuersie rising betwene them the foresaid new Elect appealed vp to the audience of the Pope and so laboured vp hymselfe to Rome Where he so handled the matter by what meanes I cannot tell vnles with his golden bottle wherewith he queÌched the popes thirsty soule for Abbots neuer trauel lightly without far purses to Rome that with short dispatche he procured letters from Alexander the pope to Roger bishop of Worcester Signifying to hym that he had geuen in charge and commaundement to the archb of Cant. in the behalfe of hys deare sonne Albert that he should consecrate hym within hys own monastery which monastery properly and soly without mediation belonged to the iurisdiction of Rome and so likewise should do to his successors after him without any exaction of obedience of theÌ Which thing further he sayd if the archb woulde refuse to do within the terme appoynted that then he the foresayd B. of Worcester should by the authoritie committed vnto him execute the same al maner of appellatioÌ or other decree whatsoeuer should come notwithstaÌding This letter being obtayned the Abbot that would be returneth home supposing with hymselfe all things to be sure The archb vnderstanding the case and seeing hymselfe so straightly charged and yet lothe to yeld and stoupe to the Abbot took to him pollicy where authoritie would not serue and both to saue himselfe and yet to disapoynt the Abbot he watcheth a tyme when the Abbot was about busines of hys house And comming the same tyme to the monastery as he was coÌmaunded to do with all things appointed that to suche a busines appertayned called for the Abbot pretending no lesse but to geue him his consecration The Abbot beyng called for was not at home The archb fayning hymselfe not a little agreued at his labour good wil so lost departed as one in whome no redy diligence was lacking if in case that the Abbot had bene at home Wherupon the Abbot being thus disapoynted was fayne to fill his siluer stagon a fresh make a new course to Rome to hys father the pope of whome he receiued his consecration and so came home agayne with as much witte as he went forth but not with so much mony peradâenture as he went withall We haue declared a little aboue pag. 175. touching the actes and doynges of this Pope Alexander the 3. howe he had brought the Emperours head vnder hys foote in S. Markes Church at Uenice at which time and place peace was concluded and a composition made betweene the P. and the sayd Fredericke the Emperor Which pacificatioÌ Rog. Houedenus and Gualterus Gisburgensis referre to this tyme beyng the yeare of our Lord. 1177. bringing in two seuerall letters sent from the sayd Pope to Richard Archbishop of Canterbury and to Roger Archbishop of York and Hugh byshop of Duresme Out of the whiche letters so much as serueth to our purpose I haue taken and here inserted The letter of Pope Alexander sent to Roger Archbyshop of Yorke and to the Byshop of Duresme ALexander seruaunt of the seruaunts of God to his reuerend brethren Roger Archbishop of Yorke and Hugh Byshop of Duresme greeting and Apostolicall blessing The obsequy and seruice of your kinde deuotion which hitherto you are knowne to haue geuen bothe deuoutly and laudably to vs and to the Church requireth that we should describe to you as to our speciall frendes the prosperous successe of the Churche and to let you know as spirituall children of the Churche what hath happened to the same For meete it is conuenient and also honest that you whome we haue had so firme and sure in our deuotion should now be cherished and made ioyous in the prosperitie of vs and of the Churche And about the end of the Epistle it followeth thus The next day following which was the feast of S. Iames the sayd Emperour so requesting we came to the foresayd Churche of S. Marke there to celebrate our solemne Masse where as we were comming in the way the sayd Emperor met vs without the Church and placing vs agayne on his right hand he brought vs so into the sayd Church After the masse was done placing vs agayn on his right hand he brought vs to the Church dore And moreouer when we should take our palfrey he held our stirrup exhibiting to vs such honor and reuerence as hys progenitours were wont to exhibite to our predecessors Wherefore these shal be to incite your diligence and study towardes vs that you reioyce with vs and the Church in these our prosperous successes and also that you shall open the same effect of peace to other deuout childreÌ of the church that such as be touched with the zeal of the house of the Lord may congratulate reioyce also in the Lord for the great working of peace which he hath geuen GeueÌ at Venice in the deepe riuer the xxvi of Iuly This yeare the contention reuiued agayne spoken of little before pag. 173. betwene the 2. archbishops of York and Canterb. The occasion whereof was this The maner and practise of the pope is when he beginneth to lacke money he sendeth some limitting Cardinall abroad to fetch his harnest in So there came this yeare into EnglaÌd as lightly few yeares were without them a certayn Cardinall from Rome called Hugo or as Houedenus nameth him Hugezun who would needes keepe a Councell at Westin To this Councel resorted a great coÌfluence about middle of Lent of Bishops Abbots Priors Doctors such other of the Clergye As euery one was there placed in his order and after his degree first commeth the archb of Yorke named Roger who thinking to present the other Archbishop came something sooner straighway placed hymselfe on the right hand of the Cardinall Richard the Archbishop of Cant. following shortly after and seing the first place
to Northhampton where he held his Parliament saluting him sayd they came from the Pope of Rome to reforme that peace of holy church And first sayd they we monish you in the popes behalfe that ye make full restitution of the goods of the land that ye haue rauished holy church of and that ye receiue Stephen the Archbâ of Cant. into his dignity and Prior of Cant. and his monkes And that ye yelde agayne vnto the Archb. all his landes and rentes without any withholding And sir yet moreouer that ye shall make such restitution to them as the Church shall thinkk sufficient Then aunswered the K. as touching the Prior and his Monkes of Cant. all that ye haue said I would gladly do and all thing els that ye would ordaine but as touching the Archb. I shall tell you as it lieth in my hart Let the Archbishop leaue his bishopricke and if the pope then shal entreat for him peraduenture I may like to geue him some other bishopricke in England And vpon this condition I will receiue and admit him Then sayd Pandulph vnto the K. holy Church was wont neuer to disgrade Archb. without cause reasonable but euer she was wont to correct princes that were disobedient to her What how now quoth the K. threaten ye me Nay sayd Pandolph but ye haue now opeÌly told vs as it standeth in your hart and now we will tell you what is the popes will and thus it standeth He hath wholy interdicted cursed you for the wrongs ye haue done to the holye church and to the Clergy And forasmuch as ye will dwell still in your malice and will come to no amendement ye shall vnderstand that from this time forward the sentences vpon you geuen haue force and strength And all those that with you haue commoned before this time whether that they be Earles Barons or Knightes or any other whatsoeuer they be we assoyle them safely from their sins vnto this day And from this time forward of what condition soeuer they be we accurse them openly and specially by this our sentence that do with you common And we assoyle moreouer Earles Barons knightes and all other maner of men of theyr homages seruice and sealties that they should do vnto you And this thing to confirme we geue playne power to the B. of Winchester and to the B. of Norwich And the same power we geue agaynst Scotland to the B. of Rochester of Salisbury And in Wales we geue the same power to the Bishops of S. Dauid and of Landaffe and of S. Asse Also Sir K. quoth Pandolph all the kinges princes and the great Dukes christened haue labored to the pope to haue licence to crosse themselues and to warre agaynst thee as vpon Gods enemy and winne thy lande and to make K. whom it pleaseth the pope And we here now assoile all those of their sinnes that will arise agaynst thee here in thine owne land Then the K. hearing this answered What shame may ye do more to me then this Pandolph agayne we say to you in verbo Dei that neither you nor any heir that you haue after this day shall be crowned So the king sayd by him that is almighty God if I had known of this thing before ye came into this laÌd and that he had brought me such newes I should haue made you tary out these xii monthes Then aunswered Pandolph Full well we thought at our first comming that ye would haue bene obedient to God and to holy church haue fulfilled the popes commaundement which we haue shewed and pronounced to you as we were charged therewith And now ye say that if ye had wi lt the cause of our comming ye would haue made vs tary out a whole yere which might as well say that ye would haue taken a whole yeares respite without the popes leaue But for to suffer what death that ye can ordeine we shall not spare to tell you all the popes message and will that he gaue vs in charge In an other chronicle I finde the wordes betwene the King and Pandolph something otherwise described as though the king should first threaten him with hanging if he had foreknown of his comming in To whom paÌdolph againe should answer that he loked for nothing els at his hand but to suffer for the Churches right Wherupon the K. being mightely inceÌsed departed The k. the same tune being at Northhampton willed the shirifs and bailifes to bring foorth all the prisoners there that such as had deserued shoulde be put to death to the entent as some thinke to make Pandolfus afraide Among whome was a certaine Clerke who for counterfaiting the kings coyne was also condemned to be hanged drawn quartered And moreouer by the king was commanded therby to anger Pandolfus the more as may be thought to be hanged vp hiest aboue the rest PaÌdolphus hearing therof notwtstanding he somwhat began to feare least he should be hanged himselfe yet with such courage as he had he went to the church to set out booke bel and candle charging that no man vnder pain of accursing should lay hands vpon the cleark Vppon this the K. and the Cardinall departed in no litle anger And Pandolfe went to Rome reported to the pope and the Cardinals what had bene done Then the pope summoned al the bishops abbots and clarkes of England to come and repaire to Rome to consult what was to be done therein This councel began the first day of October In the which councel it was decreed by the pope and his assembly that Iohn king of England should be accursed with all such as helde with him euery day so long as that Councel endured Albeit this was not yet graunted that the people shoulde be crossed to fight against him because as yet he had shed no bloud But afterward the sayd Pope Innocent seeing that K. Iohn by no meanes would stoupe vnder his subiection nor vnder the rule of his popish see he sent vnto the French king vpon remission of all his sinnes and of all that went with hym that he should take with him all the power he might and so to inuade the realme of England to destroy K. Iohn This occasion geuen Pope Innocent yet once againe commanded in paine of his great curse that no man shuld obey King Iohn neither yet keepe company with him he forbad all persons to eate and drinke with him to talke with him to commune or couÌsell with him yea his owne familiar houshold to do him any kinde of seruice either at bed or at boord in church hall or stable And what folowed therof The greater parte of them which after such sort fled from him by the ordinance of God of diuers and sundry diseases the same yeare died And betweene both nations English and French sell that yeare great amitie but secret subtil and false to the bitter betraying of England Neither was the pope
author came afterward to passe and were testified of the same Honorius being pope afterward in his publike sermons at Rome All which I graunt may be and yet notwtstanding this fabulous narration may be a piece of the popes old practises subtilly inuented to driue men forth to IerusaleÌ to fight c. Againe after Honorius when he had gouerned x. yeres followed Gregorius the ix Whiche two popes were in the tyme of this king Henry 3. and of Fredericke the Emperour of whome we mynde Christ willing farther to touch after that we shall haue prosecuted more concerning the histoââ of kyng Henry and matters of England After that it so pleased the mercifull prouidence of almighty God to worke this great mercy vpon the stock of K. Iohn which notwithstanding the vnkinde prelates with their false prophetes had declared before that neuer none should succeed in the throne after that K. and also vnto the whole common wealth of the realme in deliuering them froÌ the daÌgerous seruice of Ludouike the foresayd FreÌch men After their departure the next yeare following anno 1218. which was the third of this kyngs raigne the Archbyshop S. Lancton and the bishops Erles and Barons resorted to LondoÌ vnto the kyng at Michaelmas next following and there held a great parliament wherein were confirmed and grauÌted by the king all yâ franchises which were made geueÌ by K. Iohn his father at Ronemedow and them he confirmed and ratified by his charter whiche long tyme after sayth my author vnto hys dayes did continue and were holden in England For the which cause by the nobles and the commons was geuen grauÌted agayn vnto the K. ij shillinges for euery plow laÌd through England And Hubert of Burgh was made chiefe Iustice of Englad of whose troubles more is to be said hereafter And this was the third yeare of K. Henry and 50. yeare after the death of Tho. Becket wherefore the said Becket the same yeare or next following was takeÌ vp and shryned for a new S. made of an old rebell Thether came such resort of people of England and of Fraunce that the country of Kent was not sufficient to sustaine them Ex histor De Scales About the same tyme Isabell the kinges mother was maryed to the Earle of March. And William Marshall the good Erle dyed whiche was the gouernour of that king and the realme not without great lamentation of the people of England Then was the king committed to the gouernment of Peter B. of Winchester This noble Erle left behinde him v. sonnes and v. daughters The yere next insuing an 1219. It was ordeined and proclaimed through all the laÌd that all aliens foreiners should depart the realme and not to return to the same agayn onely such excepted as vsed trafick or trade of marchaundise vnder the kings safe conduct This proclamation was thought chiefly to be set forth for the cause to auoid out of the land Faukes de Breute Phillip de Markes Engelardus de Ciconia William Erle Albemarke Robert de veteri ponte Brihenne de insula Hugo de Bailluel Robert de Gaugi with diuers other straungers mo which kept castles and holdes of the kinges agaynst his will Of whom the foresayd Faukes was the principal who fortefied held the castle of bedford which he had by that gift of K. Iohn with might and strength against the K. and his power nere the space of 3. monthes Moreouer he went about to apprehend the kings iustices at Dunstable but they being warned therof escaped all except Henry Braibrocke whom he imprisoned in the said castle The K. hearing therof coÌsulting with his clergy and nobles made his power against the same Which after long siege and some slaughter at length he obteined it hanged almost all that were within to the nuÌber of 97 which was as Parisiens writeth about the 7. or 8. yere of his raigne Faukes the same time was in wales who hearing of the taking of the castle conueyed himselfe to the church of CoueÌtry At length submitting himselfe to the kings mercy vpon consideration of his seruice done before to the kings father was committed to the custody of Eustace bishop of London and afterward being depriued of all his goods possessions tenements within the realme was forced to perpetuall banishment neuer to returne to England agayne Here by the way I finde it noted in Parisiens that after this foresayd Faukes had spoyled and rased the church of S. Paule in Bedford for the building vp of his Castle the Abbase of Heluestue hearing thereof caused the sword to be taken from the Image of S. Paule standing in the Church so long as he remayned vnpunished Afterward she hearing him to be coÌmitted to the custody of S. Paule in LondoÌ caused the sword to be put into the hands of the Image agayne Mat. Parisiens in vita Henr. 3. About this yeare the young king the second time was crowned agayne at Westminster about which time begaÌ the new building of our Ladye Churche at Westminster Shortly after Gualo the Legate was called home againe to Kome For the holy Father as Math. Pariens reporteth being sicke of a spiritual dropsie thought this Gualo hauing so large occupying in england to be able somewhat to cure his disease And so that Legate returned with all hys bagges well stuffed leauing Pandulphe behynde hâm to supply that Baliwike of hys great graundfather the Pope The lyfe and Actes of pope Innocentius the 3. are partly described before how he intruded StepheÌ LanghtoÌ against the kings wil into the archbishopricke of Canterbury stirring vp also 64. Monkes of the same Church of Canterbury priuily to work agaynst the king Moreouer how he did excommunicate the sayd kyng as a publike enemy of the Church so long as the sayd King withstoode his tirannical doyngs putting hym and his whole kingdome vnder interdiction for the space of 5. yeares and 3. monthes And at length deposed and depriued hym from hys scepter keeping it in his owne handes for v. dayes Now he absolued hys subiectes from their due obedience subiectioÌ vnto hym Now he gaue away his kingdoÌes possessions vnto Lewes the Frenche kyngs sonne commaunding the sayd Lewes to spoyle hym both of landes lyfe Whereupon the K. being forsakeÌ of hys nobles prelates commons was enforced agaynst hys will to submit himself and sware obedience vnto the P. paying vnto him a yearely tribute of a M. markes by yeare for receauing hys kyngdome agayne wherby both he his succescessors after him were vassals afterward vnto the P. And these were the Apostolicall actes of this holy Vicar in the realme of England Moreouer he condemned Almericus a worthy learned man a byshop for an hereticke for teaching holding agaynst images Also he condemned the doctrine of Ioachim Abbas whoÌ we spake of before for heritical This pope brought first into the church the paying
valiauntly that they chased him to Perusium Then hauing no other remedie wherewith to reuenge his persecutors fiersly did excommunicate them Ex Mat. Paris pag. 69. ¶ Heere by the way is to be obserued and considered Christian reader not only by this sedition but by so many other schismes diuisions tumults fightings braules and contentions in the Church of Rome from the first beginning of the popes vsurped power that not only within the Citie of Rome but vniuersally almost in all Popish Monasteries Collegies Churches and Couents vnder the Pope subiected continually raigning amongst them what is to be thought of their religion holines hauing so litle peace so great disquietnes dissentions and wrangling amongst them as in stories both manifest it is to behold and wonderous to consider And for as much I haue eutred here into the mention of this schisinatical commotion betwene the none and his citizens it followeth moreouer in the history of Parisiensis who maketh relation of a like brawling matter which befell the same yeare time An. 1228. betwene the prior and couent of Durham and this king Henry the â vpon this occasion After the death of Richard Bishop of Durham the Prior and Chapter of the said church came to the king to obteine license for the electing of their bishop The king offered to them one Lucas a Chaplaine of hys requiring them instauntly to elect him for their Bishop To this the Monkes answered that they would receaue no man but by their order of Canonicall election Meaning belike by their Canonical election that is when as they elect either some Monke out of their own company or els some monkish priest after their owne liking Contrary the king againe sendeth word vnto them and bound it with an oth that they should tary 7. yeares without a Byshop vnlesse they would admit the foresayd Lucas to that place of that dignitie All which notwtstanding the monkes proceding in their election refused the sayde Lucas and preferred an other clerk of theirs named William archdeacon of Worcester and him they presented to the king But the King bringing in exceptions and causes against the party would not admit him Then the monkes in al hasty âpede sent vp to Rome certain of their Couent to haue their electioÌ ratified by the authoritie Apostolicall On the other side the king likewise hearing sendeth also to Rome against the Monkes the Bishop of Chester and the Prior of Lentonie on his behalfe to withstande the purpose of the monks And so the matter being trauised with great alteration on both sides did hang in suspense sayeth mine author till at length thus it was coucluded betwene both that neither master William nor yet Lucas shoulde be taken but that Richard Byshop of Sarum should be translated to Durham and be Byshop there An. 1228. ex Mat. Parisiens The like stirre also happened both the same yeare and for the like matter betwene the monkes of Couentry and the Canons of Lichfield about chusing of theyr Byshop which of them should haue the superior voyce in the election of their Prelate Aftermuch a doe the cause at length being hosted vp to Rome had this determination that the monks of Couentry and the Church of Lichfield shoulde chuse their Bishop by course eche part keeping his turne the one after the other prouided notwithstadyng that the Prior of Couentry should alwaies haue the first voyce in euery election where as the old custome was sayth mine author that the Couent wyth the Prior of Couentry was wont to haue the whole election of the bishop without the Canons This was An. 1228. Ex Parisiens pag. 68. In the which yeare died Stephen Langton Archb. of Cant. by whome as is recorded by Nic. Triuet the Chapters of the Bible in that order and number as we nowe vse them were first distincted The sayde Langthon aâso made Postiles vpon the whole Bible The same moreouer builded the new hall in the palace of Canterbury After the death of thys Langthon insued an other variance about the election of the Archbishop of Canterbury betwene the monkes of Canterbury and the kâng The purturbation whereof as it was no lesse seditious so the determination of the same was much more costly After the death of Stephen Langthon the monkes of Canterbury obtaining licence of the king to procede in the election of a new archbishop did chuse one of their own society named master Walter Demesham Whom when the monks had presented to the King he after long deliberation began to obiect against that election saying first that the monkes had elected such one as neyther was profitable to hym nor to his kingdom Secondly he obiected against the party elect that his father was conuict of felony hanged for yâ same Thirdly that he stode in causes against his father k. Iohn in the time of the interdict Moreouer the bishops his suffraganes charged the partie elect that hee had lien wyth a certaine Nunne and had children by her adding farther that the election of the archbishop was without their presence which ought not to be c. But the archbishop againe stoutly standing to his electioÌ appealed vp to Rome and estsoones taking with him certaine monks presented him selfe to the popes owne proper person there to sue his appeale instantly intreating that hys election might stande confirmed by his authority pontificall But the pope vnderstanding that the said election was resisted by the king the bishops differred the matter till he did heare farther of the certeinty therof The king the bishops hauing intelligence that the Archb. with hys monkes were gone to Rome thought good to articulate the foresayd obiections aboue alledged or wryting and sealing the same wyth the seales both of the king and of the bishops to exhibite them to the Bishop of Rome The messengers of these letters were the Byshop of Rochester of Chester and the Archdeacon of Bedforde maister Iohn c. who comming to Rome and exhibiting their message with their letters vnto the Pope consideration being had vppon the same were commanded to wait attendance against the next day after Ash wednesday then to haue a resolute answer coÌcerning the cause which was the 2. day of March the yere next folowing videlic An. 1229. In the meane season the kings proctors ceased not with all instance to labour the Pope and his Cardinals to be fauorable to the kings side But fineding them somewhat hard straite in the matter as is the guise of that Court they began to misdout their speeding Wherfore consulting together with themselues vpon the premisses they came ãâã the Pope promising in the kings behalf to be geuen and granted to him out of the realmes both of England and Scotland the rith or tenth part of al the goods within the sayd Realmes mooueable to susteine his warres against the Emperor so that he would incline fauorably to the kings
therof should be displaced and the said Herrigetto perferred Yea also non obstante that the sayd Pope himselfe had before giuen his graunt to the king realme of England yâ one Italian should not succeede an other in any benefice there yet for all that the said Herrigetto vpon paine of excommunication to be placed therin Ex Paris fol. 240. And thus much hetherto of these matters through the occasion of the East churches and the Grecians to the entent all men that read these stories see the doings of this Westerne Bishop may consider what iust cause these Grecians had to seclude themselues from hys subiection and communion For what christian communion is to be ioyned with him which so contrary to Christ and his gospel seeketh for worldly dominion so cruelly persecuteth hys brethren so giueÌ to auarice so greedy in getting so iniurious in oppressing so insatiable in hys exactions so malitious in reuenging stirring vp warres depriuing kings deposing Emperours playing Rex in the Church of Christ so erronious in doctrine so abominably abusing excommunication so false of promise so corrupt in life so voyde of Gods feare and briefly so farre from all the parts of a true Euangelicall Bishop For what seemeth he to care for the soules of men which setteth in benefices boyes and outlaÌdish Italians and further one Italian to succede an other which neither did know the language of the flocke nor once would abide to see their faces And who can blame yâ Grecians then for diffeuering themselues from such an oppressour and gyant against Christ. Whose wise example if this Realme had then folowed as they might certes our predecessours had bene rid of an infinite number of troubles iniuries oppressioÌs warres commotions great trauails charges besides the sauing of innumerable thousand of pouÌds which the sayd bishop full falsely hath raked and transported out of thys Realme of ours But not to excede the bounds of my history because my purpose is not to stande vpon declamations nor to dilate common places I will passe ouer leauing the iudgement therof to the further examination of the reader For els if I lifted to prosecute this argument so far as mater would lead me truth peraduenture wold require me to say I durst not only say but could well proue the Pope court of Rome to be the only fountain principal cause I say not of muche misery heere in England but of all the publicke calamities and notorious mischiefes which haue happened these many yeres through all these West parts of christendome especially of all the lamentable ruine of the church which not only we but the Grecians also this day do suffer by the Turks and Saracens As whosoeuer wel considereth by reading of histories the course of times and vieweth with all the doings and acts passed by the said bishops of Rome together with the blinde leading of his doctrine shal see good cause not only to thinke but also to witnes the same Only one narratioÌ touching this argument and yet not transgressing the office of my historie I minde the Lorde willing to set before the Readers eyes which happened euen about this present time of thys king Henries reigne in the yere of our Lord. 1244. In the which yeare it chanced that Lewes the French king sonne to Quene Blanch fel very fore sicke lying in a swounde or in a traunce for certaine dayes in such sorte as few thought he would haue liued some said he was gon already Amongst other there was with him hys mother who sorowing bitterly for her sonne and giuen somewhat as coÌmonly the maner of women is to superstitioÌ went brought foorth a peece of the holy crosse wyth the crowne and the speare which peece of the holy crosse Baldwynus Emperour of Constantinople whome the Grecians had deposed a litle before for holding with the bishop of Rome had sold to the French king for a great summe of mony and blessed him wyth the same also laid the crowne the spear to his body making a vow wtal in the person of her sonne that if the Lorde would visite him with health and release him of that infirmitie he should be croysed or marked with the crosse to visit his sepulchre and there solemnly to render thankes in the lande which he had sanctified wyth his bloud Thus as she with the B. of Parys and other there present were praying beholde the king which was supposed of some to be dead began with a sigh to pluck to his arms and legges and so stretching himselfe began to speake geuing thankes to God who from an high had visited him called him from the danger of death Which as the kings mother with others there toke to be a great miracle wrought by the vertue of the holy crosie so the king amending more and more as soone as he was well recouered receaued solemnely the badge of the crosse vowing for a freewil sacrifice vnto God that he if the counsaile of his realme would suffer him would in hys owne person visite the holy land forgettyng belyke the rule of true Christianitie where Christ teacheth vs otherwise in the gospel saying That neither in this mount nor in Samaria nor at Ierusalem the Lord will be worshipped but seeketh true worshippers which shall worship him in truth and veritie c. An. 1244. Pariens fol. 182. After thys was great preparaunce and muche a do in Fraunce toward the setting foorth to the holy land For after the K. first began to be croysed the most part of the nobles of Fraunce with diuers Archbishops and Byshops with Earles and Barons and Barons and gentlemen to a mighty number receaued also the crosse vppon their sleeues Amongst whom was the Earle Atrebacensis the kings brother the Duke of Burgundy the Duke of Brabant the Countesse of Flaunders wyth her two sonnes the Earle of Britaine with his sonne the Earle of BarreÌsis Earle of Swesson Earle of S. Paul Earle of Druis Earle Retel with many noble persons mo Neither lacked here whatsoeuer the Pope could do to set forward this holy busines in sending his Legates and Friers into Fraunce to stirre the people to folow the king to contribute to his iourny Wherupon was graunted to the King to gather of the vniuersall church of France by the popes authoritie the tenth part of all their goods for 3. yeares space together vpon thys condition that the king likewise wold graunt to the Pope the 20. part for so many yeares after to be gathered of the sayd Church of Fraunce Which was agreed An. 1246. Ex Mat Parisiens fol. 204 b. Shortly after thys in the yeare of our Lorde 1247. followed a Parliament in Fraunce where the king with his nobles being present there was declared how the king of Tartarians or Turkes hearing of the viage of the French king writeth a letter to him requiring that he wil become hys
woulde geue so impudent an attempt to the blinding and deceiuing of all posterityes inserting for grounded truthes and holy decrees such loude lyes and detestable doctrine what may be thought of the rabble of the rest of writers in those dayes what attemptes hope of gayne might cause them to worke By whom and such like is to be feared the fasifying of diuers other good workes now extant in those perillous tymes writteÌ Thus when the Bishops had once wrested this autoritie out of the Emperours handes they then so fortified armed theÌselues and their dominion that although afterwardes Fredericke the first graundfather vnto this good Emperor Fredericke the second as also Ludouicus Boius and Henricus Lucelburgensis as men most studious and carefull for the dignities of the Empire vnfeined louers and maintainers of the vtilitie of the commoÌ weale and most desirous of the preseruatioÌ and prosperity of the Church did all their indeuors with singular wisedome strength as much as in them lay to recouer agayne from the byshop of Rome this the authoritie of the Imperiall iurisdiction lost most cruelly wickedly abusing the same to the destruction both of the Empyre vndoyng of the coÌmon wealth and vtter subuersion of the Churche of God yet coulde they not be able to bryng the same to passe in those darck and shadowed tymes of peruerse doctrine and errours of the people and most miserable seruitude of ciuile Magistrates The same and like priuilege also in the election of theyr bishops Prelates and disposing of Ecclesiasticall offices as the Emperour of Rome had euery Prince and king in theyr seuerall dominions had the like For by the decree of the Councell of Tolerane which in the 25. canon and 63. distinction is mentioned the authoritie of creating and chusing byshops and Prelates in Hispane was in the power of the king of Hispane The like also by the Histories of Clodoueus Carolus Magnus Ludouicus nonus Philippus Augustus Philippus pulcher Carolus 5. Carolus 6. Carolus 7. Kinges of Fraunce is apparaunt and well knowne that all these kinges had the chiefe charge and gouernement of the French Church and not the byshops of Rome And by our English historyes also as you heard it is manifest that the authoritie of chusing ecclesiasticall ministers and byshops was alwayes in the kings of EnglaÌd till the raygne of king Henry the 1. who by the labour and procurement of Anselmus Archb. of Cant. was depriued and put from the same Also the Princes of Germany and electors of the Emperor till the tyme of Henry the 5. had all euery Prince seuerally in his owne dition and Prouince the same iurisdiction and prerogatiue to geue dispose ecclesiasticall functions to their Prelates at theyr pleasure and after that it appertayned to the people and prelats together And how in the raigne of Fridericke the Prelates gate vnto themselues alone this Immunitie Ioannes Auentinus in his 7. booke of the Annales of the Boiores doth describe Also it is probable that the kinges of Sicilia had the same facultie in geuing and disposing their Ecclesiasticall promotions and charge of churches Andreas de Istmia ad 1. constit Neap. nu 12. And that because Fridericke defended him against the tyranny of the bishop of Rome therfore as Fazellus sayth he was excommunicated of Honorius But that Platina and Blondus allege other causes wherfore he was excommunicate of Honorius I am not ignorant Howbeit he that will compare theyr writings with others that write more indifferently betweene Honorius and hym shall easily finde that they more sought the fauor of the Romayn bishops then to write a veritie But now agayne to the history of Fridericke Nicholaus Cisnerus affirmeth that whilest Friderike the Emperour was in Sicilia hys wife Constantia dyed at Catrana or Catana In the meane time the Christians which was a great nauy sayled into Egipt and tooke the citie Heliopolis commonly called Damatia and long ago named Pelucinum beyng in good hope to haue dryuen Sultanus the SowdaÌ out of Egipt had a great marueilous ouerthrow by the conueiyng of the water of the floude Nilus which then ouerflowed into their Campe were sayne to accord an vnprofitable truce with the Sowldane for certayne yeares and to deliuer the citty agayne and so departing out of Egipt were faine to come to Acone and Cyrus to the no small detriment and losse of the Christian army Wherupon king Iohn surnamed Brennus being king of Ierusalem arriued in Italy and prayde ayd of the Emperor agaynst his enemies in whoÌ he had great hope to finde remedy of the euils and calamities before declared and from thence he went to Rome to the Pope declaring vnto him the great discomfite and ouerthrow past as also the present peril and callamitie that they were in desiring also hys ayd therin By whose meanes as Cisnerus sayth the Emperour was reconciled agayne to the Pope and made friendes together to whome also king Iohn gaue Ioell his daughter in maryage which came of the daughter of Conradus King of Ierusalem and Marques of Mounte Ferrat with whome he had for dowry the inheritaunce of the kingdome of Ierusalem as right heyre thereunto by her mother By whome also he atter obteyned the kingdome of Naples and Sicill and promised that with as much expedient speede as he might he would prepare a power for the recouery agayne of Ierusalem and be there himselfe in proper person whiche thinge to doe for that vppon diuers occasions he deferred whereof some thinke one some an other Honorius vnto whome he was lately reconciled purposed to haue made agaynst hym some great and secrete attempt had hee not bene by death before preuented vppon whome were made these Uerses O pater Honori multorum nate dolori Est tibi decori viuere vade mori After whom succeeded Gregorius the 9. as great an enemy to Frederike as was Honorius whiche Gregory came of the race whom the Emperor as before ye heard condemned of Treason which they wrought against him This Gregory was scarcely setled in hys Papacy when that he threatned hym that greatly with excommunication vnlesse he woulde prepare hymselfe into Asia according to hys promise as ye heard before to king Iohn And what the cause was why the Pope so hastened the iourney of Frederike into Asia you shall heare hereafter In effect he could not wel bring that to passe which in his mischieuous minde he had deuised vnlesse the Emperour were farther from him Notwithstanding Fredericke it shoulde seeme smelling a ratte or mistrusting somewhat as well he might alledged diuers causes and lets as lately and truely he dyd to Honorius Fazellus a Sicilian writer sayth that the special cause of the Emperors stay was for the oathe of truce and peace during certayne yeares whiche was made betweene the Saracens and Christians as you heard which tyme was not yet expired The same
He departed from thence to Brundusium committing the gouernment of his kingdome to Renaldus the sonne of Duke Spoletus and to Anselmus a Baron of Instigensis and came by sea to Cyprus with his hoste From Cyprus the Emperour with his whole nauy sayled into Ioppa which City he fortified for that the passages by land were stopped and kept of the enemies And by sea might he not passe nor trauaile by meanes of the extreme weather and tempest whereby it came to passe that within short space they lacked vitayles and were sore afflicted with famine TheÌ fell they to prayer and made their humble supplicatioÌ to God with whose teares his wrath being appealed the great tempest and long coÌtinued foule weather ceased whereby the seas now being calme they had both vitaile great pleÌty and all other necessary things for their need brought vnto them wherby immediately it came to passe that both the Emperour his army as also the inhabitauntes of Ioppa were greatly refreshed and animated and on the other side their enemies being disappoynted of theyr purpose were greatly discouraged In so much that the king of Egipt who with great power accoÌpanied with Scarapho his brother prince of Gaza and the Prince of Damascus their nephew with many other Dukes and nobles hauing incamped themselues within one dayes iourny of Ioppa thinking to haue besieged the same were contented vpon the comming of the Emperors Harolds vnto them to intreat of a peace Whereupon Embassadours were sent vnto them with the Emperours demaunds right profitable to the Christian common weale The Sarasens immediately consulting vpon the same graunted thereunto so that a peace for x. yeares was concluded was confirmed by solempne othe on the behalfe of both Princes according to their seueral vsages and maner the forme and condition of which peace briefly collected are these First that Fridericke the Emperour should be crowned and annoynted king of Ierusalem according to the maner of the kinges of Ierusalem before him Secondly that all the lands possessions which were situate betwixt Ierusalem and Prolomaida the greatest part of Palastina and Cities of Tyrus and Sydon which were in Syria and at other territories which Baldwinus the 4. at any time had and occupyed there shoulde be deliuered vnto him onely certayne castles reserued Thirdly that he might fortifie and builde what fortresses and castles he thought good citties and townes in all Syria and Palestina Fourthly that all the prisoners which were in the Saracens hands should be raunsomed freely and sent home and agayne that the Saracens might haue leaue without armour to come into the Temple where the Lords sepulcher is to pray and that they should holde and keepe still Chratum and the kinges mount Friderick now for that he thought the coÌclusion of this peace to be so necessary as also profitable for at Christians and had also gotten as much thereby as if the warres had continued he should he sent his Legates with letters into the west to all Christen kinges princes and potentates as also to the bishop of Rome declaring vnto them the circumstance and successe of his iourny and warres as partly ye haue heard Requiring theÌ that they also woulde praise and geue God thankes for his good successe and profitable peace concluded And desireth the Pope that for as much as he had now accoÌplished his promise neither that there was any cause now wherefore he should be with hym displeased that he might be reconciled and obtaine his fauor In the meane season the Emperour with all hys army marcheth to Ierusalem where vppon Easter day in the yeare of our Lorde 1229. hee was with great triumphe comfort of al his nobles and also the Magistrates of that kingdome onely the Patriarche of Cyprus the kings Legate and Oliuer the maister or captayne of the Temple with his company excepted solemnly and with great applause crowned king After this he rerdifieth the Citty and Walles thereof which by the Saracens were beaten downe and battered After that he furnisheth it with munition he buildeth vy the Churches and temples that were ruinous he fortifieth Nazarethum and Ioppen with strong garrisons vitaâe and all other thinges necessary Now see and behold I pray you whilest that Fredericke was thus occupyed in the kingdome of Ierusalem what practises the Pope had in Italy Not I warrant you any whit at all carefull in the affayres of the Christian commoÌwealth but studiyng and labouring what mischiefe and spite he might worke agaynst the Emperoure whom of a set purpose he had so occupied partly for hate and partly to enriche himselfe in Asia and Ierusalem so farre out of Italy ye may be sure First he caused the souldiours whiche the Emperour sent for out of Germany to the mayntenaunce of the holy warres to be stayde as they passed through Italy letting them of their iourney and tooke from them and spoyled them of all such prouision as they had And not onely this but he sent secretly also hys letters into Asia to those that were of his owne facâion that is to the Patriarche of Ierusalem and souldiors that kept the temple and the hospitall intising and inciting theÌ to rebell agaynst the Emperour whiche thing Blondus himselfe that Popish Parasite or historiographer dissuâuleth or hideth not But that he furthermore disswaded the princes of the Saracens that they should make no league nor take any truce with Fridericke neither deliuer vp vnto hym the Crowne and Kingdome of Ierusalem Whiche letters as they were manifest testimonyes of his trecherie and treason towardes him whom God had instituted and made his liege Lord and soueraigne and mightiest potentate vpon earth so was it hys will that he should come to the knowledge therof and that those letters shoulde fall into his handes And that he kept the same letters for the more credible testimony thereof in the same his last Epistle vnto the Christian Princes he proresteth The copy of which letter amongest his other Epistles you shall haue expressed Neither were the Popes letters written to that leauened secte and factious in vayne For the Patriarche and his Collegioners which tooke their name of the Temple did mightely repugne agaynst Fredericke They raysed a tumult in Ptolomaida agaynst him they accused him and his Legates openly of treason and did malipartly boldly wtstand the right worthy and good order he made amongest them But as God would by the helpe of the inhabitantes of Pisa and the Genowayes and the Dutch souldiours both their false accusations were refelled and also their seditious purpose tumult expressed And thys was the cause that when all other men reioyced and were glad of the Emperours coronation they as wicked confederatours were heauy therefore and obtrectours of hys worthy laud and fame The Pope when he had thus conspired agaynst Fredericke and had betrayed him to the publicke enemy of all Christen men the Turke he coulde
the city Castellana whiche he before the peace coÌcluded betwene theÌ did occupy enioy And that doth both Fridericke in his Epistles testifie and also Fazellus in his 8. booke writing of the affayres of Sicilia Yet that notwtstanding Fridericke for the quietnesse and vtilitie of the commoÌ wealth purposed with himselfe to beare and suffer these small iniuries And further studied in all that he might as well by liberall gifts as otherwise to haue the Pope to be to him a trusty frend As wheÌ the Romanes other of the Ecclesiasticall number made warre against the Pope for certein possessioÌs which he kept of theirs he coÌming to him at Reate and as one that tendred the vnity of the church thinking to helpe the Pope at his earnest request in these matters seÌt his Legates vnto them willing them to lay down their armour which agaynst the Pope they bare And when that would not serue at the Popes further request desire he leuied an army against them at his owne charge and draue them from the siege of Uiterbium with other such like assured tokens of amitie and frendship he shewed him Who notwtstanding so soone as the Emperour was departed with a small coÌpany which he tooke with him into Sicilia leauing wyth him the greater and most part of his army for the mayntenaunce of his warres concluded a peace with the Romaines vnknowing to the Emperor whom he had procured to trauell and labour therin with great expenses affirming that without his wil and commandement the Emperour had expelled them and driueÌ them out of the territories of UiterbiuÌ And hereof doth Fridericke also himselfe make mentioÌ in his second and third Epistle where he complayneth of the iniuries of the Popes towardes him Therfore greater coÌmendation had Blondus deserued if he had written of these trecheries of the Pope then that forgetting himselfe as vnto lyers often it chaunceth in that he writeth both coÌtrary to himself in the effect of this matter and contrary to the veritie of Fridericus his history which sayth that the Romaines were incited to these new tumultes by his intising and setting on As though simple men of vnderstaÌding could not both by the offering of his sonne in hostage by the great preparation of yâ warres and by the euent specially of the thing itself gather the coÌtrary But to to impudent will Blondus needes shew himselfe Whilest that these things were done in Italy and Sicilia great rebellions were moued in Germany agaynst the Emperour by Henricus Cesar and Fridericke of Austria hys sonnes being the chief authors therof For Henry being disapoynted and shakeÌ of from his Lord Pope and other conspiratours by reasoÌ of the peace betwene his father him as ye heard began now to make open chalenge to the Empire And for that cause he as before is sayd put froÌ him Ludouicus whom he knew to be vnto the Emperour his father so louing and an assured frend who as willingly perceauing and smelling what mischief he went about forsooke his court and came to Boioria who had not there remayned a yeare but was as he walked abroad at a certayne tyme stabbed in with a dagger of one Kelhemius presently dyed his seruauntes beyng not farre from him Of whose death diuers diuersly write Notwithstanding the sequell doth shewe them to write truliest that affirme the sayd striker to be suborned by Henry Cesar who comming vnto him in the habite of a messenger deliuered vnto him certaine letters which he fayned to be sent froÌ the Emperour And whilest Ludouicus was in reading the same he strake him in with a dagger and gaue him his mortall wound with speed fled vpoÌ the same After whose death succeeded in that Dukedome his sonne Otho who when solempnly according to the maner of the Boiores he shold haue bene created was also let by the same Henry Cesar who forbad the asseÌbly of the magistrates and Citizens of the same They notwitstanding neglecting his vniust restraint created him Wherefore he first besieged Reginoburgh with an other company sacked brent and wasted Boioria with many moe such great outragies rebellions When intelligence was brought of these thinges to the Emperour he sent his Legates and coÌmaunded that both the Cesar his sonne and other Princes of Germany which had assembled their armies should breake vp and disperse the same And because he saw and perceaued now manifestly that his sonne made so apparant rebellion agaynst hym and fearing greater insurrections to insue in Germany he thought good to preuent the same with al expeditioÌ wherfore he determined to go in all hast to Germany with hys army from whence he had bene absent nowe 14. yeares and hereunto he maketh the Pope priuy The Pope promised the Emperor hereupon that he would write his letters in his behalfe to all the Princes of Germany but perswaded him to the vttermost of his power that he shoulde in no case go into Germany himselfe For why his conscience accused him that he had written to the nobles of Germany euen from the beginning of his Papacy for the hate and grudge he had agaynst the Emperor that they should suffer him neither any of his heyres to enioy the Empire farther had stirred them all vp to rebell agaynst him and had moued Henry the Emperors sonne by his bribes and fayre promises to conspire against his father And to conclude he was the author procurer of the conspiracie which the Lombardes made then agaynst him and fearing least these things should come now to the Emperours eare he was greatly troubled and careful But the Emperour not thinking it good at so needefull a time to be absent he all doubt set a part with his second sonne Conradus went speedely into Germany And asseÌbling there a councell in the City of Nureburgh Henry Cesar his sonne after hys conspiracie was manifestly detected which he had in practise with the Longoberdes whereof the Pope was chiefe autor was by iudgement and sentence of 70. Princes condemned of high treason And being commaunded by hys father to be bound was as a prisoner brought to Apulia where not long after in prison he dyed In whose stede he ordayned Conradus his 2. sonne Cesar by consent of all the Piers Princes Furthermore by publique commandement he renounced Fridericke Austriacus for his sonne and for an enemy to the publique weale he caused him to be proclaymed And further when he sawe that neither that punishment could cause him to remember himselfe and acknowledge his abuse the Emperour with a great armye accompanied with diuers of the noble men of Germany tooke from him all Austria and Stiria and brought them agayne vnder hys owne obedience and fidelitie The same yeare maryed he his third wife named Isabell the daughter of king Iohn of England Then when he had set Germany in a stay and quietnes he left there Conradus Cesar hys
the city by the Barons and Citizens for the space of 40. dayes And Octobonus the Legate who for feare was fled into the Tower they narowly layd for that he shoulde not escape At length by the intreaty of the Earle of Gloucester and other Earles that were his friendes both the Barons and Cittizens were pardoned and admitted to the kinges fauour And 4. Byshops and 8. other noble men were chosen such as were at Couentry first nominated that they should order and dispose all matters betweene the King and suche as had lost theyr inheritaunce as also the forme of theyr peace and raunsome And proclamation was made vppon the feast of all Sainctes of perfect peace and record throughout al the Realme The 52. yeare of this king Henries raigue 8. daies after the feast of S. Martin he held a parliament at Marlberge in the yeare of our Lord aboue recited where by the aduise of wise and discrete men with all the consentes of the nobles he ordeined and enacted diuers good and profitable statutes for the reformation and bettering of the state of the realme execution of common iustice which are called the statutes of Marleberge The same yeare vpon S. Gregoryes day Octobonus the Legate called a Councell at London where were fine Archbishops and a great number of Byshops Abbots other Prelates which Councell also within three dayes brake vp agayne The same yeare vpon S. Iohns day the Baptist Edward the kinges sonne diuers other noble men of England took vpon theÌ the crosse by the legates hands at Northhampton to the reliefe of the holy land and the subuersion of the enemies of the crosse of Christ which done the legate that same yeare weÌt out of England not purposing after that to returne agayne This holy Legate sayth mine author whiche might well bee resembled to Lynx the monstrous beast whose quicke sight penetrateth euery thing enrolled to perpetuall memorye the valuation of all the churches in the realme of England so narowly as by any meanes possible be might enquire the certainty thereof The same was he that made all the Cathedral Conuentuall Churches to pay pencions so that those Churches whiche gaue not the vacancie of their benefices to their Clerkes and straungers should pay vnto them a certein yearly pencion during the vacaÌcy of the benefices which they should haue The same yeare died Pope Clement 4. after whose death the Church of Rome was two yeares vacant then was chosen an archdeacon Cardinall whose name was Theardus as hee was taking hys iourny into the holy lande and called hym Gregory the 10. Then also dyd Edmunde Earle of Lancaster and Leicester and seconde sonne of king Henry take to wife the Earle of Albemark his daughter and the Niece of yâ Earle of Gloucester at whiche maryage was the king and the Queene and all the Nobilitie of England The same yeare was the body of S. Edward the king Confessour by Walter Gifford Archbishop of Yorke and other Bishops intombed in a new rich Schrine of golde and siluer beset with precious stones in the preseÌce of HeÌry the king of EnglaÌd In which yeare also fel great rayne and inundation of waters suche as hath not lightly bene seene which increased and continued the space of 40. dayes and more The same yeare died Walter de Lawile Bishop of Sarum the third day before the nones of Ianuary After whoÌ succeeded Robert of Northampton the Deane of the same Church And because the see of Cant. was then vacant he was confirmed by the Chapter of Canterbury whiche Chapter had alwayes the iurisdiction in spirituall causes during the vacancy of that see in as ample maner as the Byshop hymselfe had beyng aliue After thys the Byshop elect comming thither thinking to haue had hys consecration was notwithstanding put backe for two causes one was for that there was present then no more but one Byshop the other was for that all the other Bishops had appealed that he might not be consecrated to their preiudice that is by the authoritie of the Chapter of Cant. saying that they would not be vnder the obedience of the monks After this solempne Messengers were for this cause sent to the Cardinals of Rome for that then that see of Rome was vacant who receiued aunswere that during the vacation of that see the confirmation and consecration of the Byshop elect pertayned to the foresayd Chapter of Caunterbury The same yeare also was the Lord Henry the sonne heyre of the Lord Richard king of Almayne and brother to king Henry 2. slayne at Uiterbium in a certayne Chappel hearing Masse by the Lord SimoÌ and Buido the sonnes of the Lord Simon Mountfort Earle of Leister During this kinges raigne there was made a great generall expedition of diuers and sondry Christian princes to Ierusalem taking vpon them the Lords character that is the Crosse among whome was also Edward the kings sonne one to the which expeditioÌ was graunted him a subsidie throughout al the realme And the month of May the yeare of our Lord. 1270. or as sayth Florilogus an 1269. he set forward on his iourny About the time when Prince Edward was preparing his iourny toward Asia Boniface the Archbishop of Canterbury ended his life in the country of Sebaudia goyng belike to Rome or comming thence After whose death the Monks of Canterbury proceeding to a new election graÌted by the king agreed vppon the Prior of their house named Adam Chelendene But the king his sonne Prince Edward consenting and speaking in the behalfe of Robert Burnell theyr Chauncellour did sollicite the matter with the Monkes partly intreating partly threatning them to chuse the said Robert to be Archbishop Notwithstanding the Monkes being stoute woulde neyther relent to their curteous request nor yet bow to theyr boystrous threates but constantly persisting in their former election appealed from the king and prince to the Pope Prince Edward being now on his iourny and seing himselfe thus frustrated of the Monkes writeth backe to the king his father deuoutly praying and beseching in no wise to admit the election of the foresayd Monks And so passing to Douer with HeÌry the sonne of Rich. his vncle king of Romanes with their wiues tooke their passage in the month of August After this the Prior thus elected as is foretold but not admitted by the king to be Archbishop went vp to Rome In the meane tyme the Monkes in the absence of their elect ordayned one Geoffrey Pomenall to be theyr Official who seing himself aduaunced to that dignity bearing belike some old grudge agaynst the Prior of Douer caused him to be cited vp to appeare in the Chapter house of Canterbury The Prior of Douer seing this citation to be preiudiciall to him and to the Church of Douer whereas the Monkes of Cant. haue no such iurisdiction the see of
desired of her father to marry with her Whereunto the king her father would not agree vnles he promised to be a Christian. Notwithstanding the other being stroÌger in power and threatning to get her by warre the king at length was forced to agree In conclusion it happened that the childe being borne betwixt them was ouergrowen all rough with hayre like the skin of a Beare Which childe being brought to the father he commaunded it to be thrown in the fire burned But the mother desiring first to haue the childe baptised caused all things therunto to be prepared The infant being 3. times in water plunged after the Sacrament of holy baptisme receiued incontinent was altered and turned from all his hairy roughnes and sene as fayre and smooth skinned as any other The which thing after the Father saw and beheld was Christened himselfe and all hys house c. In the raigne of this king Walter Merton Bishop of Rochester builded Merton colledge in Oxford In whose raigne also liued Henricus de Gaudano Arnoldus de villa noua Dante 's and other mo And Scotus called Duns Who in his 4. booke of Sent Dist. 18. complayneth of the abuse of excommunication of the Popes keies Where as before excommunication was not vsed but vpon great and iust causes therefore was feared now sayth he it is brought forth for euery trifling matter as for not paying yâ Priestes wages c. therefore sayth he it groweth in conteÌpt Under the same king about the beginning of hys raygn was the yeare so hoat and so drye that from the month of May vntill the month nere of SepteÌber fell no rayn in so much that many dyed for heat the vulgar people in their reckning of yeares did count the time from the sayd dry yeare long after After P. Benedictus aboue mentioned succeded Pope Clement the 5. who translated the Popes court to Auinion in Fraunce where it remayned the terme of 74. yeares after At the coronation of this ClemeÌt was present Philip king of Fraunce Charles his sonne and Duke Iohn Duke of Britany with a great number of other men of state and Nobility At which coronation they being in the middle of the pompe or processioÌ a great wall brake down and fell vpon theÌ by the fall wherof Duke Iohn with 12. other were slayne king Philip hurt wounded the Pope stroken from his horse lost out from his mitre vpon his head a Carbuncle esteemed to the value of 6000. florence Plat. de vit Pont. By this ClemeÌt was ordeined that the Emperor though he might be called king of the Romains before yet he might not enioy the title right of the Emperor before he was by him confirmed And that the Emperors seat being vacant the Pope should raigne as Emperor till a new Emperor was choseÌ By him the orders of the TeÌplaries who at that time were too abhominable was put downe at the Counsell of Uienne as hereafter Christ willing shal be declared He also ordeined and coÌfirmed the feast of Corpus Christi assigning indulgences to such as heard the seruice therof And as pope Bonifacius afore heaped vp the book of Decretals called Sextus Decretalium so this Clement compiled the 7. booke of the decretals called of the same Clement the Clementines In the time of this Pope HeÌricus the 6. of that name Emperor was poysoned in receiuing the Sacrament by a false dissembling Monke called Bernard that feined himselfe to be his familiar frend which was thought to be done not without the consent of the Popes legate The Emperour perceiuing himselfe poysoned warned him to flee escape away for els the Germaines would sure haue slaine him who although he escaped himselfe yet diuers of his order after that with fire and sword were slayne As this Pope Clement the 5. had well prouided now as he haue heard agaynst the Empire of Rome to bring it vnder his girdle insomuch that without the Popes benediction no Emperor might take the state vpon him c. Now he procedeth farther to intermeddle with the Empire of Constantinople Where he first exerciseth his tyranny power of excommunicatioÌ agaynst Andronicus Palcologus Emperor of Constantinople an 1327. declaring him as a schismaticke and hereticke because he neither would nor durst suffer the GreciaÌs to make their appeale from the Greeke Church to the Pope neither would acknowledge him for his superior c. Whereby it may appeare that the Greek Church did not admitte the Popes superiority as yet nor at any time before Saue onely about the tyme of Pope Innocent the 3. an 1202. at what time the Frenche men with their Captain Baldwinus Earle of FlauÌders ioyned together with the Uenecians were set against the Grecians to place Alexius to the right of the Empire of Constantinople vpoÌ conditioÌ as writeth Platina to subdue the Greeke church vnder the church of Rome Which Alexius being restored and shortly after slayne the empire came to the FrenchmeÌ with whom it remained the space of 58. yeares till the comming of Michael Paleologus in the dayes of Pope Gregory the 9. Who restored the Empire froÌ the Frenchmen vnto his pristine state again During all which time of the French Emperors the Greeke church was subiect to Rome as by the decretals of Pope Gregory the 9. may appere Then folowed after this that the foresayd Michael Emperor of Constantinople beyng called vp to a councell at Lions by Pope Gregory the 10. about the controuersy of proceeding of the holy Ghost as is aboue specified and obedience to the Church of Rome there because the sayd Michael the Emperor did submitte himselfe the Grecians to the subiection of Rome as testifieth Baptist Egnat He thereby procured to himselfe such grudge and hatred among the Greeke Monkes and Priestes that after his death they denyed him the due honor place of buriall The sonne of this Andronicus was Michael Paleologus aboue mentioned who as ye haue heard before because he was constrayned by the Grecians not to admit any apellation to the Bishop of Rome was accursed by the popes ceÌsures for an heretick Wherby appereth that the Grecians recouering their state agayn refused all subiection at this time vnto the church of Rome which was the yeare of our Lord. 1327. c. After this ClemeÌt the 5. folowed Pope Iohn the 22. with whom Ludouike the Emperour had much trouble After whom next in course succeded Pope Benedict the 12. Which Benedict vpoÌ a time being desired to make certayn new Cardinals to this answereth agayne that he would gladly so do if he also could make a new world For this world sayd he is for these Cardinals that be made already Ex scripto Engethusensis And thus much of the Popes now to returne alitle backe to the kinges story agayne In the yeare of our Lord 1307. Which was 34. of the reigne of this king in the
realme Yet notwithkaÌding through the mediation of the Archbishop and of the Erle of Gloucester the matter at length was so takeÌ vp that the Barons should restore to the king or his attourny of S. Albans all the treasure horses and iewels of the foresayd Gaueston taken at Newcastle and so there requestes should be graunted And so was the matter at time composed Shortly vpon the same Isabell the Queene was deliuered of a fayre child at Windsore whoÌ Lewes the French kings sonne the Queenes brother with other FrenchmeÌ there present would to be called by the name of the French king but the English Lordes were contrary willing him to be called by the name of Edward hys father At the birth of whiche Edward great reioysing was through all the land and especially the king his father so much ioyed therat that he begon dayly more and more to forget the sorowe and remembrance of Gauestons death and was after that more agreable to the will of his Nobles Thus peace and concord betwene them began to be in a good toward ones which more and more might haue ben confirmed in wearing out of time had not Sathan the author and sower of discord styrred vp hys instruments certain Frenchmen Titinyllars and makebates about the kyng which ceased not in carping and deprauing the Nobles to inflame the kinges hatred grudge agaynst them By the exciting of whom the old quarrels being renued a fresh the king in his Parliament called vpon the same began to charge the foresayd Barons and Nobles with sedion and rebellion for slaying Peter Gaueston Neither were the nobles lesse stout agayne in defending theyr cause declaring that they in so doing had deserued rather thanke and fauour with the king then any displeasure in vanquishing such a publique enemy of the Realme who not onely had spoyled and wasted the kinges substaunce but also raysed much disturbance in the realme And for asmuch as they had begon with the matter to theyr so great labours expenses they wold proceed further they sayd not ceasing til they saw an end therof To be short great threates there were on both parts and a fowle matter like to haue followed But agayne through the dilligent mediation of the Queene the Prelates and the foresayd Earle of Gloucester the matter was taken vp and brought to reconcilemeÌt vpon these conditions that the Lords and Barons openly in Westminster hall shold humble themselues before the king and aske pardon there of their doinges and euerye man there to receaue a letter of the kings pardon for their indemnitie and assuraunce And so passed ouer that yeare within the whiche yeare died Robert Winchelsey Archbishop of Canterbury In whose roome Thomas Cobham was elected by the king and church of Canterbury to succeede but the Pope cassating that election placed Walter Reynald Bishop of Worceter In the meane tyme the Scots hearing this ciuill discord in the Realme began to be busie and to rebell of new through the meanes of Robert Brius who beyng chased out of ScotlaÌd by king Edward the first as is aboue premised into Norway was now returned again into ScotlaÌd where he demeaned him in such sort to that Lords there that in short processe he was agayne made kyng of the Realme And warred so strongly vppon them that tooke the kinges part that he wanne from them many Castels and strong holds and inuaded the borders of EnglaÌd The K. hearing this assembleth a great power and by water entreth the Realm of Scotland Agaynst whoÌ he encountred Robert de Bruys with hys Scots at Estriuallin where was fought a strong battayle in the end wherof the EnglishmeÌ were discomfited so egerly pursued by the Scots that many of the Noble men were slay ne as the Earle of Gloucester Syr Robert Clifford Syr Edmund Maule with other Lords to the number of 4.2 knights and Barons 227. besides men of name which were taken prisoners of common souldiours 10. thousaÌd or after the Scotish story 50. thousand slayne After which time sir Robert Bruis reigned as king of Scotland About which time and in which yeare dyed Pope Clement who keeping in the realme of Fraunce neuer came to the sea of Rome after whose death the Papacie stoode voyde two yeares The Scots after this exalted with pride and fiercenes inuaded the realme of EnglaÌd so âore killing destroying man and woman and child that they came wyning wasting the Northpartes as farre as to Yorke Besides thys such dearth of victuals and penury of all things so oppressed the whole land suche moraine of sheepe and Oxen as men were fayne to eat horseflesh dogges cattes myse and what els they coulde get Moreouer suche a price of corne followed withall that the king hardly had bread for the sustentation of his own houshold Moreouer some there were that stall children and did eate them and many for lacke of virtuall dyed And yet all this amended not the king of hys euill liuing The cause and origene of this great dearth was partly the warres and dissention betwene them and the Scottes wherby a great part of the land was wasted But the chiefest cause was the vntemperate season of the yeare which contrary to the common course was so moyst with aboundaunce of rayne that the graine layd in the earth could haue no ripyng by heate of the sunne nor grow to any nourishment Wherby they that had to eat could not be satisfied with saturitie but eftsoones were as hungry agayne They that had nothing weve driuen to steale and rob the riche were constrayned to auoyde and diminish theyr housholdes the poore for famine died And not so much the want of vitayle which could not be gotten as the vnwholesomnes of the same when it was taken so consumed the people that the quicke were not suficient to bury the dead For the corruption of the meates by reasoÌ of vnseasonablenes of the grouÌd was so infectious that many dyed of the fâixe many of hote feuers diuers of the pestilence And not onely the bodyes of men thereby were infected but also the beaâes by the putrifaction of the hearbs and grasse fel in as great a morain so farforth as the eating of flesh was suspect thought coÌtagious A quarter of corne and salt from the moneth of Iune to September grew from 30. s. vnto 40. s. The flesh of horses was then precious to the poore Many were driuen to steale fat dogges and to eate them some were sayde in secret corners to eate their owne children Some would steale other mens children to kill them and eate them priuily The prisoners and theeues that were in bandes such as newly were brought in vnto them for hunger fell vpon them and tearing them in pecces did eate them halfe aliue Briefly this extreme pemiry had extincted and consumed as it was thought the greatest part of the people of the land ha d not the king
Phillip diuers friendly waies of peace to the entent we might better intend our purposed voyage against Christes enemies the Turkes Yet could nothing preuaile with him in obtaining any peaceable way of reformation driuing vs of by crafty dissimulatioÌ through false pretensed wordes but perfourming nothing with heart and dede Whereuppon wee not neglecting the grace and the gyft of God to defend the right of our inheritaÌce and to repulse the iniuries of our enemie haue not refused by force of armes coÌming downe to Britanie to encounter with him in open fielde And so wee being occupied in our warres there repaired vnto vs the reuerend father bishop of Preuest and of Tusculane Cardinals and Legates from Pope Clement 6. to entreate some reformation of peace betweene vs. At whose request wee consented agreeing to such formes and coÌditions of peace as then were taken betwene vs sending moreouer our Embassadours to the court of Rome specially to intreat of the same matter And thus while some hope of truce seemed betwene vs to appeare Newes sodenly came vnto vs which not a little astonied our minde of the death of certaine of our nobles and adherents whom the sayd Phillip vniustly and cruelly at Paris commaunded to be executed Beside the wasting and spoyling our lands and subiects in Britany Gascony and other places with innumerable wrongs and iniuries deceitfully intended against vs both by sea and land By reason wherof the truce on his part being notoriously broken it is most manifest to haue bene lawfull for vs forthwith to haue set vppon him with open warre Yet notwythstanding to auoid those incommodities that come by warre wee thought first to prooue if by any gentle meanes some reformation might be had touching the premisses And therfore sondry times haue sent Embassadours to the Popes presence for the Treatyse of peace and reformation to be had in those aforesaid excesses requiring also for the tractation therof certayne termes of times to be appoynted alwayes reseruing to our selues notwithstanding free liberty to resume warre at our pleasure according as the doinges of the sayd Philip shall constrayne vs therunto And now forasmuch as the foresayd termes be already expired and yet no reasonable offer of peace appeareth neither will the sayd Philip come to any conformity being required and monished notwithstanding by the Popes letters therunto as the Pope by his letters hath written vnto vs but alwayes hath multiplied his conspiracy and obligations vsing extremeties agaynst vs to omit here to speak of the excessiue enormity of the Popes Legate who being sent by the Bishop of Rome for the keeping of truce and whose part had bene rather to haue quenched and stayd the discord hath stirred vp our enemy more egerly agaynst vs. In the which doing neither hath the Bishop of Rome sauing his reuereÌce as yet prouided any remedy albeit he hath bene diuers times required of vs so to do Which things being so we ought to be excused both before God and man if for the defect of other remedy to be had we shal be constrayned our selues to finde remedy agaynst such wrongs and iniuries the case of iustice and necessity constrayning vs to geue out these our letters of defiance agaynst the violator of the truce the vniust inuader of our kingdome Protesting that this we do not vpon any displeasure to the Bishop of Rome or to the Apostolicke sea but onely for the moderation of equity standing vpon the defence of our owne right lawfull inheritaunce inteÌding alwayes rather to haue peace if by any reasonable way it might be had And thus much for the stopping of slaunderous fame and the mouthes of backbiters We thought good to signify first to the high Bishop of Rome c the foresayd Cardinals that by them as persons indifferent and mediators the same may be insinuated to the contrarye part and also vnto your whole vniuersity in general recommending vnto you all the innocency of my cause and the community of iustice Dated at Westminster the 14. of Iune the 19. yeare of our reigne in England and of Fraunce the 6. And thus much for the kinges letter Now let vs agayne returne to his passage from whence a litle we haue degressed Concerning the which passage of the king with the order of his actes atchieued in the same from the winning of Cadane or Cordoyne vnto the towne of Pusiack is sufficiently described by one of the Kinges Chaplaynes and his confessour who being a Dominick Fryer and accompanying the King through all his iourney writeth thereof as followeth Benedicere debemus Deum Coeli c. Great cause we haue to prayse and laud the God of heauen and most worthely to coÌfesse his holy name who hath wrought so his mercy to vs. For after the conflict had at Cadame in the which many were slayne and the City taken and sackt euen to the bare walles the Citty of Baia immediately yelded it selfe of his owne accord fearing least theyr couÌselles had bene bewrayed After this the Lord our king directed his progresse toward Roane Who being at the towne of Lexon there came certayne Cardinals to him greatly exhorting him to peace Which Cardinals being curteously entertayned of the K. for the reuerence of the Popes sea it was thus answered to them agayne That the king being much desirous of peace had assayd by all wayes and meanes reasonable how to mayntayne the same And therfore hath offered conditions and manifolde wayes of peace to be had to the no small preiudice of his owne cause And yet is ready to admit any reasonable offer of peace if by any meanes it may be fought c. With this answere the Cardinalles going to the french king the kinges aduersary to perswade with him in like maner returned to King Edward agayne offering to hym in the French Kynges name the Dukedome of Aquitania in as full assurance as his father before him euer had it besides further hope also of obteining more if intreatye of peace might be obteined But for so much that coÌteÌted not enough the kings mind neither did the Cardinals finde the freÌch king so tractable and propense to the studye of peace as they looked for the Cardinals returned leauing the matter as they founde it And so the king speeding forward by the way as his iourney did lye he subdued the country and the great townes without any resistaÌce of the inhabitans who did all flye and run away Such feare God stroke into them that it seemed they had lost their hartes In the same voiage as the king had gotten many townes and villages so also he subdued Castles and MunitioÌs very strong and that with little stresse His enemy being at the same time at Roane had reared a great army who notwitstanding being well manned yet euer kept on the other side of the riuer Seane breaking downe all the bridges that we shoulde not come ouer to him And although the countrey rouÌd about
quarta parte summae sayth they were condemned in the extrauagant of Pope Iohn with one IoaÌnes de Poliaco Their opinioÌs saith Antoninus were these That Peter the Apostle was no more the head of the Church then the other Apostles And that Christ left no Uicare behinde him or head in hys Church And that the Pope hath no such authoritie to correct and punishe to institute or depose the Emperour Item that all Priestes of what degree so euer are of equall authoritie power and iurisdiction by the institution of Christ but by the institution of the Emperour the Pope to bee superiour which by the same Emperour also may be reuoked agayne Item that neyther the pope nor yet the Church may punish any man punitione coactiua That is by externe coaction vnlesse they receiue licence of the Emperour This foresayd Michaell generall of the gray Friers wrote against the tiranny pride and primacie of the pope accusing him to be Antichrist and the Churche of Rome to be the whore of Babilon dronke with the bloud of Saintes He sayd there were two Churches one of the wicked florishing wherein raigned the pope the other of the godly afflicted IteÌ that the veritie was almost vtterly extinct And for this cause he was depriued of his dignitie condemned of the Pope NotwithstaÌding he stode constant in his assertions This Michaell was about the yeare of our Lord 1322. And left behinde him many fautours followers of his doctrine of whom a great part were slayne by the Pope Some were condemned as William Ockam some were burned as Ioannes de Castilione and Franciscus de Arcatara In extrauag Ioan 23. With him also was condemned in the sayd ExtrauagaÌt Ioannes de Poliaco aboue touched whose assertions were these That the pope coulde not geue licence to heare confessions to whom he would but that euery pastour in hys owne Church ought to suffice Item that pastours and bishops had theyr authoritie immediately from Christ his Apostles and not from the pope IteÌ that the constitution of pope Benedict II. wherein he graunteth larger priuelegies to the Friers aboue other pastours was no declaration of the law but a subuersion And for this he was by the sayd Friers oppressed about the yeare of our Lord. 1322. After Symon Mepham Archbishop of Caunterbury before mentioned who liued not loÌg succeded Ioh. Stretford After whom came Iohn Offord who liued but x. monethes In whose rowme succeeded Thomas remained but one yeare an 1350. And after him Simon Iselyp was made archbishop of Canterbury by Pope ClemeÌt the vi who sat xvii yeares and builded Caunterbury Colledge in Oxford Which Symon Islyp succeeded the Byshop of Ely named Symon Langham who within two yeares was made Cardinall In whose stede Pope Urbane the 5. ordeined William Wittlesey bishop of Worceter to be archbishop of Caunterbury an 1366. In which yeare William Bishop of Winchester elected and founded the newe colledge in Oxford Agayne in the order of the popes next vnto Pope Clement the 6. before mentioned about the same time an 1353 succeeded pope Innocent the 6. In the first yeare of which Pope two Friers Minors of Franciscans were burned at Auinion Pro opinionibus as mine author sayth erroneis prout D. Papae eius Cardinalibus videbatur i. For certaine opinions as seemed to the pope and his Cardinals erroneous Ex Chron. Wals. Of the which two Friers I finde in the Chronicles De actis Rom. pontificum and in the history of Praemonstratensis that the one was Ioannes Rochetaylada Or rather as I finde in Catal. testium cited out of the Chronicle of Henricus de Herfordia his name to be Hayabalus Who being as he recordeth a Fry or Minorite began first in the time of Pope Clement the 6. an 1345. to preach and affirme openly that he was by Gods reuelatioÌ charged and commaunded to preach that tho Churche of Rome was the whore of Babilon and the Pope with hys Cardinals to be very Antichrist And that pope Benedict the other before him his predecessours were daÌned with other suche like wordes tending much agaynst the Popes tirannical maiesty And that the foresaid Hayabalus being brought before the Popes face constauntly did stand in the same saying that he was commaunded by Gods reuelatioÌ so to say and also that he woulde preach the same if he might To whom it was then obiected that he had some heretical books and so was committed to prison in AuinioÌ In the time of his accusation it happened that a certain priest coÌming before the Pope cast the Popes Bull downe before his feete saying Lo here take your Bull vnto you for it doth me no good at al. I haue laboured now these 3. yeares withall and yet notwithstanding for all this your Bull I cannot be restored to my right The Pope hearing this commaunded the poore Priest to be scourged and after to be layd in prison with the foresayd Fryer What became of them afterward the foresayd wryter Henricus de Herfordia maketh no mention But I may probably coniecture this Priest and this Friar Rochetayladus or rather Hayabalus were the two whome mine author Thom. Walsingham writeth to be burned at this time in Auinion about the first beginning of this Pope Innocentius the 6. Of thys Roichtaylada I thought good here to inferre the testimony and mention of Iohn Froysayd written of him in hys first volum chap. 211 in these wordes There was sayth Froysard a Frier Minor full of great Clergy in the Citty of Auinion called Frier Iohn of Rochetaylada the which Frier pope Innocent 6. held in prison in the Castell of Baignour for shewing of many meruails after to come pricipally he shewed many things to fall vnto the Prelates of the Church for the great superfluitie and pryde that was then vsed among them And also he speake many thinges to fall of the realm of Fraunce and of the great Lordes of Christendome for the oppressions that they did to the poore coÌmon people This Fryer sayd he would proue all his sayinges by the authoritie of the Apocalips by other bookes of holy Saints and prophets the which were opened to him by that grace of the holy ghost he shewed many things hard to beleue many things fell after as he sayd He said theÌ not as a prophet but he shewed them by authoritie of ancient Scriptures and by the grace of the holy Ghost who gaue him vnderstanding to declare the ancient prophetes to shew to all Christen people the yeares and times wheÌ such things should fall he made diuers books founded on great sciences and Clergy wherof one was made the yeare of our Lord. 1346. wherin was written suche meruailes that it were hard to beleue them howbeit many thinges according there to fell after And when he was demaunded of the warres of Fraunce he said that al that had bene sene was not like that should
Robert Archbishop of Canterbury an 1272. By Pope Gregory 10. in the generall Councell at Lyons all the orders of Fryers were put downe 4. orders onely except that is Dominicks Franciscans Carmilites and Augustines This Robert Kilwarby by the commaundemeÌt of Pope Nicholas was made Cardinall of Rome Bishop of Poruensis Where is to be noted an vntruth in Polid Virgill which sayth that he was made cardinal by pope Gregory which could not be 48. Iohn Pecknam 13 Robert Burnell Byshop of Bathe was elected but by the Pope refused For whom Iohn Peckham a gray frier was placed by Pope Nicho. In the first yeare of this Frier Peckeham Will. Wikewane Archb. of Yorke comming from his consecration at Rome to Douer bare vp his Crosse thorough the midst of Kent wherat was no litle adoe Robert Gernemine Archdeacon of Cant. went to law to Rome for the liberties possessions of his Archdeaconship 2. yeares and there dyed In his time also another wraÌgling fell betwene the Monks of Cant. the Monkes of Douer in the time of this I. PeckhaÌ for admitting certayne Nouices of Douer into orders Ex chr Monach. Douer fol. 42. This Peckham holding a counceÌll at Lambheth ordeyned diuers statutes and caused the ordinances of the councell of Lyons and of Boniface Archb. of Cant. and his predecessor to be obserued Great strife and hatred was betwene this Pecham and Thomas Byshop of Hereford Who being excoÌmunicated by Peckham appealed to Rome went to the Pope The Prior couent of Cant. made their appeale agaynst this archb Peckham that he should not coÌsecrate Walter le Schamell new elect bishop of Salisbury in any other place except onely in the church of Cant. but by theyr leaue and licence first obteined Notwithstanding the archb nothing regarding their appeale proceeded in the consecration of the sayd bishop nere to the towne of Reading whereupon the Prior and Couent ceased not to prosecute theyr appeale agaynst the Archbishop Betwene Richard Ferringes archdeacoÌ of CaÌt. of the one party and the BaroÌs of Douer of the other party the same yeare fell an other like wraÌgling for that the Archdeacon claymed to visite the Church of Douer contrary the barons affirmed that none had nor should haue to do there to order or dispose in spirituall matters but onely the archb the Prior and couent of S. Martin Ex eod chron fol. 46. After the death of William Wicwane Archb. of Yorke Iohn de Roma succeeded after him and coÌming from his consecratioÌ at Rome to Douer bare his crosse through the midle of Kent contrary to the inhibition of Iohn Peckham 48. Rob. Winchelsey 19 This Rob. which was archb in the latter time of K. Edward the 1. for certeine displeasure of the K. coÌceiued against him departed the realme in his banishmeÌt remayned 2. or 3. yeares And about the beginning of the raign of K. Edwa. the 2. was restored againe an 1309. Ex chro Rich. 2. Thus few Archb. of Cant. we finde with whom kinges haue not had some quarell or other The cause betweene the K. and him sayth mine author was this that the K. accused him to Pope Clement to disturbe his Realme and to take part with rebels c. Ex chro S. Albani This Robert also excommunicated Walter Bishop of Couent for holding with the King and Peter Gaueston against the ordinances of the Barons wherefore the sayd Bishop appealed to the Pope agaynst whom the Archb. sent Adam Mirimouth In the time of this Robert Archbishop the order of Templaries were abolished by Pope ClemeÌt 5. in the councell of Vienna with this seittence diffinitiue Quanquam de iure non possumus tamen ad plenitudinem potestatis dictum ordinem reprobamus 50. Gualter Reynald 15 Aiâct the decease of Robert Winchelsey who departed an 1312. Thomas Cobham a learned man was elected by full coÌsent of the Monkes who came to Auinion to haue his election confirmed But the Pope reseruing the vacant seat to his owne handes put in Walter Reynald B. of Worcester Chauncellor of England who gouerned the seat 15. yeares The chronicler of S. Albans recordeth also how in the dayes of this Archb. an 1319. certayne Lepers conspiring with the Turkes and Iewes went about to impotionate and infect all Christendome by inueneming their fountains lakes pits barels and such other places Of the which crime diuers of theÌ being conuict were worthely burned in Fraunce About the which yeare the sayd author maketh also relation how in the realme of England much morain fell among the beasâes in so much that the dogs eating vpon their flesh infected belike by the waters and fountaines fell downe dead incontinent Neyther durââ men for that cause almost tast of any biefe an 1318. 1319. Ex Chron. Alban This Walter Archb. taking part with the Queen Isabell agaynst K. Edward her husband dyed the same yere in which he was deposed an 1237. Ex chr S. Albani After Walter the Archb. as affirmeth the chron of S Alban succeeded Simon Mepham Of whom I marnell that Polydor maketh no word mention belike he sate not long after folowed I. Stratford 51. Iohn Stratford 29. In the storye of Adam Mirimouth is recorded that this I. Stratforde intending to visit the dioces of Northfolk was not receiued by the Bishop the chapter and clergy there alledgyng that he obserned not the ordinarye Canon therein To whom the Archb. sayd agayne he had the Popes letters and shewed the same But the other aunswered that those letters were falsly obteined and tended to the suppression of the Clergy therfore they would not obey wherfore the Archb. excommunicated the Bishop and suspended the Prior interdicted the couent au 1343. 52. Ioh. Offord 10. monethes M. Iohn Offord Chauncellor of England was elected and confirmed Archb. of Canter but not consecrated and sate but 10. monthes about the yeare of our Lord 1350. Postilentia in Anglia 53. Tho. Braidwarden 1. This Tho. Braidwarden following after I. Stratford sat not long but died within 10 moneths of the plague as they say Which was called then the first great plague in England raging so fore in all quarters that it was thought scarce the tenth part of men to be left aliue 54. SimoÌ Islepe 17. In the time of SimoÌ Islepe which folowed after Bradwarden K. Edward an 1362. is reported after the blinde superstition of those daies to offer in the church of Westminster the vestimentes wherin S. Peter did celebrate masse Which belike wer well kept from mothes to last so long Ex Chron. Alban The same Simon Islepe among other constitutious ordeined through all Churches Chappelles vnder paine of excoÌmunication that no man should abstayne from bodely labors vpon certayne Saints dayes as is before touched Which fact of his is not a litle noted in our monkish historyes This Simon builded Canterbury Colledge in Oxford * The Conclusion of this Fourth Booke ¶ For as much as Sathan being
and night that is with theyr filthy liuing ignorance and impiety He citeth also out of the prophesy of Hildegaris these words Therfore doth yâ deuill in himselfe speake of you Priests Dainty bankets feasts wherin is all voluptuousnes do I finde amongst these men In so much that mine eies mine eares my belly and my vaynes be euen filled with the froth of them my brestes stand astrut with the riches of them c. Lastly saith he they euery day more and more as Lucifer did seek to climbe higher and higher till that euery day with hym more and more they fall deeper and deeper About the yeare of our Lord. 1390. there were burned at Bringa 36. Citizens of Moguntina for the doctrine of Waldenses as Brushius affirmeth which opinioÌ was no thing contrary to that they held before wherein they affirmed the Pope to be that great Antechrist which should come Unlesse peraduenture the Pope seemed then to be more euidently conuicted of Antechristianity theÌ at any other time before he was reueled to be For the like cause many other beside these are to be found in storyes which susteined the like persecutioÌ by the Pope if leysure would serue to peruse all that might be searched As where Masseus recordeth of diuers to the nuÌber of 140. which in the prouince of Narbone chose rather to suffer whatsoeuer greuous punishment by fire theÌ to receiue the decretals of the Romish Church contrary to the vpright truth of the Scripture What should I here speake of the 24. which suffered at Paris an 1210 Also in the same author is testified that an 1211. there were 400. vnder the name of heretiques burned 80. beheaded Prince Americus hanged and the Lady of the Castle stoned to death Moreouer in the Chronicles of Houedon and of other writers be recited a maruelous nuÌber which in the countryes of Fraunce were burned for heretiques Of whom some were called Publicans some Catharits some Paterines and other by others names What their assertions were I finde no certayne report worthy of credit In Tritenius is signified of one Eckhardus a Dominican Frier who not long before Wickliffes tyme was condemned and suffered for heresy at Hedelberge an 2330. who as he diffreth not much in name so may he be supposed to be the sawe whom other do name Beghardus and is sayd to be burned at Erphord Of Albingenses because sufficient meÌtion is made before of whom a great number were burned about the time of king Iohn I passe them ouer Likewise I let passe the heremite of whom Iohn Bacon maketh relation in hys 2. Dist. Quaest. 1. Who disputing in Paules church affirmed that those Sacraments which were then vsed in the church were not instituted by Christ An. 1306. Peraduenture it was the same Ranulphus meÌtioned in the floure of hystories is sayd to die in prison for the time of them doth not much differ In Boetius why the Pope should so much commend a certaine king because for one man he had slaine 400. cutting away the genitals from the rest I can not iudge except the cause were that which the Pope calleth heresie But to let these things ouerpasse that be vncertayne because neither is it possible to compreheÌd all them which haue wtstand the corruption of the popes sea neyther haue we any such firme testimony left of their doings credibly to stay vpon we wil now Christ willing coÌuert our story to thyngs more certaine vndoubted grounding vpon no light reportes of feble credit nor vpoÌ any fabulous legendes wythout authority But vpon the true and substantial copies of the publique recordes of the Realme remaining yet to be sene vnder the kings most sure faithfull custody Out of the which records such matter appeareth against the Popish church of Rome and against hys vsurped authority such open staÌding crying against the sayd sea that not priuely but also in open parliament in the daies of this king Edward the third that neyther wil the Romish people of thys our age easely thynke it to be true when they see it neither yet shall they be able to deny the same so cleare standeth the force of those recordes Ye heard a litle before pag. 381. howe Iohn Stratford Archb. of Cant. being sent for and required by the king to come vnto hym refused so to do What the cause was why he denyed to come at the kings sending is neither touched of Poiidore Uirgil nor of any other monkish Chronicler wryting of those aces and times Whose part hath bene faithfully to haue dispensed the simple truth of thyngs don to theyr posterity But that whych they dissemblingly and colourably haue concealed contrary to true lawe of storie the true cause thereof we haue found out by the true Parliament roles declaring the story thus King Edward the 3. in the 6. yeare of hys raigne hearing that Edward Bailol had proclaimed himselfe kyng of Scotland Required counsell of the whole estate to wit whether were better for hym to assayle Scotlande and to claim the demesing or demeines of the same or cls by making hym party to take hys aduauntage And thereby to enioy the seruice as other hys auncesters before hym had done For thys cause he sommoned a Parliament of all estates to meete at Yorke about the begynning of December Where the kyng was alredy come waiting for the comming of such as were warned thereunto For the want of whose comming the parliament was reiourned til monday and from thence to Tuesday next ensuing But forsomuch as most of the states were absent the assembly required the continuance of the parliament vntil the vtas of S. Hillary then ensuing at Yorke whych was graunted And so a new sommons was especially awarded to euery person with special charge to attend so that the affaires of the king and the realme myght not be hindered because of the debate betwene the Archb. of Cant. and Archbishop of Yorke for the superiour bearing of theyr crosse In conclusion for all the kyngs sommoning none other of all the Clergy came but onely the Archb. of Yorke the byshop of Lincolne and of Carliel Abbots of Yorke and Seleby So that hereunto came not the Archb. of CaÌterb nor any other of hys prouince and all for bearing the crosse Wherby the same was not onely a losse to the oportunitie to Scotland but also an importable charge to the whole estate by a newe reassembly And thus much out of the recordes Whereby thou mayest easely iudge prudent Reader what is to be thought of these Pope holy Catholique Churchmen being of the Popes broode and setting vp whom such friuolous causes of contention stirre vp to such disquietnes both among themselues and also to such disobedience against their Prince excuse them who can Ex. An. 6. Regis Edwardi 3. It foloweth moreouer in the same records concerning the abandoning of the popes prouisions how that the coÌmons finde
that tune men did striue and fight for the crosse at Hierusalem as it had bene for the chief and onely force and strength of our faith It is a wonder to reade the monumentes of the formore times to see and vnderstand what great troubles calamities thys crosse hath caused almoste in euery Christian common wealth For the Romish champions neuer ceased by wryting admonishing and couÌsailing yea and by quarelling to moue stirre vp Princes mindes to warre battail euen as though the faith beleefe of the gospell were of small force or little effect wtout that wooden crosse This was the cause of that expedition of the most noble prince K. Rich. vnto Ierusalem Who being taken in the same iourney and deliuered vnto the Emperour could scarsly be raunsomed home againe for xxx M. markes pag. 248. In the same enterprise or iourney Fridericus the Emperour of Rome a man of most excellent vertue was muche endamaged in the same iourney an 1179. And also Philip the king of Fraunce scarsly returned home againe in safety not without great losses so much did they esteeme the recouery of the holy citie and crosse Upon this alone all mens eyes minds deuotions were so set and bent as though either there were no other crosse but that or that the crosse of Christ were in no other place but onely at Hierusalem Such was the blindnesse and superstition of those daies which vnderstood or knew nothing but such as were outwardly sene wheras the profession of our religion standeth in much other higher matters and greater mysteries what was the cause why that Urbanus did so vexe and torment himselfe Because that Antioche with the holy crosse was lost out of the hands of the Christians For so we doe finde it in the Chronicles at what time as Ierusalem with king Buido and the crosse of our Lord was taken and vnder the power of Sultan Urbanus toke the mater so greuously that for very sorow he died In whose place succeeded Lambertus which was called Gregory the 8. by whose motion it was decreed by the Cardinals that setting apart all riches and voluptuousnes they should preach the crosse of Christ and by their pouerty and humility first of all shuld take the crosse vpon them go before others into the laÌd of Ierusalem These are the words of the history wherby it is euident vnto the vigilant reader vnto what grosenes the true knowledge of the spiritual doctrine of the gospel was degenerate and growen vnto in those daies How great blindnes darknes was in those dayes euen in the first primacy supremacy of the bishop of Rome as though the outward succession of Peter and the Apostles had ben of greater force and effect to that matter What doeth it force in what place Peter did rule or not rule It is much more to be regarded that euery man should labor and study with all theyr endeuor to followe the life confession of Peter And that man seemeth vnto me to be the true successour of Peter against whom the gates of hel shall not preuaile For if that Peter in the gospell do beare the type figure of the christian church as all men in a maner do affirme what more foolish or vaine thyng can there be then thorough priuate vsurpation to restraine and to binde that vnto one man which by the appoyntment of the Lorde is of it selfe free and open to so many Thus in these so great and troublous times and horrible darkenes of ignoraunce what time there seemed in a maner to be no one so litle a sparke of pure doctrine left or remaining This foresayd wickliffe by Gods prouidence sprang and rose vp thorough whom the Lord would first waken and raise vp agayne the worlde which was ouermuch drowned and whelmed in the depe streames of humaine traditions Thus you haue heere the time of wickliffes originall Which Wickliffe after he had now by a long time professed deuinity in the vniuersity of Oxford and perceiuing the true doctrine of Christes Gospell to be adulterate and defiled with so many filthy inuentions of Bishops sectes of monkes and darke errours And that he after long debating and deliberating with himselfe with many secrete sighes and bewailing in hys mind the generall ignorance of the whole world could no loÌger suffer or abide the same but that he at the last determined with himselfe to healpe and to remedy such things as he saw to be wide and out of the way But for so much as he saw that this daungerous medling could not be attempted or stirred wythout great trouble neyther that these things which had bene so long tune with vse and custome rooted and grafted in mennes mindes coulde not be sodenly plucked vp or taken away he thought with himselfe that this matter should be done by litle litle Wherfore he taking his original at small occasions thereby opened himselfe a way or meane to greater matters And first he assailed his aduersaries in logicall metaphisical questioÌs disputing with them of the first forme fashion of things of the increase of time and of the intelligible substance of a creature with other such like sophemes of no great effect but yet notwithstanding did not a little helpe and furnish him which minded to dispute of greater matters So in these matters first began Regningham a Carmelite to dispute and argue against Iohn Wickliffe By these originals the way was made vnto greater poynts so that at the length he came to touch the matters of the sacraments and other abuses of the Church Touching whych thinges this holy man tooke great paynes protesting as they saide openly in the scholes that it was hys chiefe and principall purpose and intent to reuoke and call backe the Church from her Idolatry to some better amendment especially in the matter of the Sacrament of the body and bloud of Christ. But this bile or sore could not be touched wythout the great griefe and paine of the whole world For first of all the whole glutte of Monkes and begging Friers were set on a rage or madnes which euen as Hornets wyth their sharpe stings did assayle this good man on euery side fighting as is sayd for their aultars paunches and bellies After them the priests and then after them the Archb. tooke the matter in hand being then S. Sudbury who for the same cause depriued him of his benefice which then he had in Oxford Notwythstanding he being somwhat friended supported by the king as appeareth continued and bare out the malice of the Friers and of the Archb. all this while of his first beginning till about the yeare of our Lorde 1377. After whych time now to prosecute likewise of his troubles conflict first I must fetch about a little compasse as requisite is to inferre some mention of Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster the kings sonne and Lord Henry Percy whych were
the chiefe diuines of the sayd vniuersitie being your assistents and the same likewise to be done of all and singular the Graduates Diuines lawyers of the same vniuersitie And if they shall know any which be of the iurisdiction of the sayd vniuersitie of Oxford whiche be probablie of them to be suspected in the fauour belyefe or defence of anye heresie or errour and especially of any of the conclusions publiquely condemned by the reuerend Father William Archbishop of Canterbury by the Counsaile of his Clergye or els of any other conclusion like vnto anye of them in meaning or in wordes and that if henceforth you shall finde any that shall beleue fauoure or defend anye of the foresayd heresies or errours or anye other suche like or els which shall be so bolde to receaue into their houses and Innes Maister Iohn Wickliffe M. Nich. Herforde M Phillip Repingdon or M. Iohn Asheton or anye other noted by probable suspicion of anye the foresayd heresies or erroures or any other like vnto them in meaning or in worde Or that shall presume to communicate with anye of them or els to defend or fauour anye of suche fauourers receauers communicantes and defendours within 7. dayes after the same shal appeare and be manifest vnto you to banish and expell them from the Uniuersitie and towne of Oxford till such time as they shall declare their innocency before the Archbishop of Caunterbury for the time being by manifest purgation So notwithstanding that such as be compelled to purge themselues you certifie vs and the sayd archbishop vnder your seales froÌ time to time within one month that they be such maner of men Commaunding furthermore that thorough all the halles of the sayd vniuersitie ye cause dilligently to be searched and inquired out of haÌd If any man haue any book or tractation of the Edition or compiling of the foresayd M. Iohn Wickliffe or Nicholas Herford and that when and whersoeuer ye shall chaunce to finde any such booke or tractation ye cause the same to be arested and taken and vnto the foresayd Archbishop within one month without correction corruption or mutation whatsoeuer word for word senteÌce for sentence to be brought and presented And therefore we straightly enioine and command you vpon your fidelitie and allegeaunce wherein ye stand bound vnto vs and vpon payne of forfaiture of all and singuler your liberties and priuilegies of your sayde vniuersitie and of all that euer you haue besides that you geue your diligent attendance vpoÌ the premisses and that well and faythfully you execute the same in maner and forme aforesayd And that you obey the foresayde Archbishop and his lawfull and honest mandates that he shall thinke good to direct vnto you in this behalfe as it is meete ye should And we geue in charge vnto the Uicechauncellour and Mayor of Oxford for the time being and to all and singuler our Sheriffes vndersheriffes Bayliffes and subiectes by these presents that they ayde obey and be attendaunt vpon you in the execution of the premisses In witnes whereof c. Witnesse the King at Westminster the 13. day of Iuly the sixte yeare of hys raigne Besides these letters patentes the said young King moued by the vnquyet importunitie of the Archb. sendeth moreouer an other special letter to the Uicechancellor and proctors of the Uniuersitie of Oxforde Wherein vnder a pretensed zeale of defence of Christian fayth he straightlye and sharply enioyneth assigneth them for the vtter abolishing of those conclusions opinions to make a generall Inquisition through the whole vniuersitie as wel for the parties aforesaid Iohn Wickliffe Nicholas Herford Phillip Repington Iohn Ashton such other as also for al other whoÌ they know or iudge to be suspected of that doctrine or to be mayntayners receauers and defenders of foresayd parties or their conclusions any maner of way to the intent that they being so apprehended through their diligent search may be w'in 7. dayes of their admonitions expulsed the vniuersitie and cited vp to the archb of Cant. before him to appeare and to stand to their answers Willing moreouer and commanding the said vicechauncellor proctors with other regents their assiters that if any person or persons in any house hall or colledge or in anye other place shal be found to haue any of theyr books or treatises compiled by the sayd Iohn Wickliffe Nicholas Herford c. they will cause without delay the sayd person or persons with theyr bookes to be arested and attached presented within one month without correction corruption or mutation to the foresayd Archbishop vpon their fayth and allegeance as they will auoyd the forfaiture of all and singuler the liberties and priueledges to the vniuersity apertayning And that they will be obedient to the Archb. aforesayd in the ordering hereof and all other his iniunctions to be obeyed in all thinges lawfull and honest Beuing moreouer in these our letters charge and commaundement to the Mayor Bayliffes and other the inhabitants of Oxford to be assistant and attendant vnto the foresayd vicechancelor and proctors touching the execution of the premises bearing the date of the fourteenth day of Iuly which was the yeare of our Lord. 1382. * Matters incident of Robert Rigges Uicechauncellor of Oxford Nicholas Herford and Phillip Repington with other THe vicechauncelor the same time in Oxforde was M. Robert Rigges The 2. proctors were Iohn Huntman Walter Dishe who then as farre as they durst fauoured the cause of Iohn Wickliffe and that side In so much that the same time and yeare which was an 1382. when certaine publicke sermons should be appoynted customably at that feast of the Ascention and of Corpus Christi to be preached in the cloyster of S. Frideswyde now called Christs church before the people by the vicechanceller aforesayd the proctoures the doinges thereof the vicechauncellor aforesaid and proctors had committed to Phillip Repington and N. Her so that N. Her shold preach on the Ascention day and Repington vpoÌ Corpus Christi day First Herford beginning was noted to defend Iohn Wickliffe opeÌly to be a faythful good innocent man for the which no small adoe with outcries was amongst the Fryers This Herford after he had long fauoured mayntayned Wickliffes part grew first in suspicion amongst the enemies of the truth For assoone as he began somewhat liberally and freely to pronounce vtter any thing which tended to the defence of Wickliffe by and by the Carmelites and al the orders of religion were in his top and laid not a few here sies vnto his charge the which they had strayned here and there out of his sermons had coÌpyled together in a certaine forme by the handes of a certayne notaries through the industry diligence of one Peter Stokes a Carmelite a kind of people prone ready to all kinde of mischiefe vprores debate and discention After this the feast of Corpus Christi
had taken in hand then of the common vtilitie whereunto I had chiefe respect There were besides these certayne other articles Whereupon the sayde Iohn Dus had very wisely and learnedly disputed but these shal suffice vs for this present And for the residue we will passe them ouer to the intent we may the more spedely retourne whereas our story left declaring what cruelty they vsed not onely against the bookes and articles of Iohn Wickliffe but also in burning his body and bones commaunding them to be taken vp 41. yeares after he was buryed as appeareth by the decree of the sayde Synode the forme wherof we thought hereunto to annexe as followeth The decree of the Synode of Constance touching the taking vp of the body and bones of Iohn Wickliffe to be burned 41. yeares after he was buryed in his owne parish at Lutterworth FOrsomuch as by the authoritie of the sentence decree of the Councell of Rome and by the coÌmaundement of the Church and the Apostolical see after due delayes being geuen they proceeded vnto the condemnatioÌ of the said I. Wickliffe and his memory hauing first made proclamation geuen coÌmaundement to cal forth whosoeuer would defend the said Wickliffe or his memory if there were any such but there did none appeare which would either defeÌd him or his memory And moreouer witnesses being examined by Commissioners appoynted by Pope Iohn thys Councell vpon the impenitencie and finall obstinacie and stubburnes of the said Iohn Wickliffe reseruing that which is to be reserued as in such busines the order of the lawe requireth and his impenitencie and obstinacy euen vnto his end being sufficiently proued by euident signes and tokens and also by lawfull witnesses of credite was lawfully geuen thereunto Wherefore at the instaunce of the steward of the treasury proclamation being made to heare vnderstand the sentence agaynst this day the sacred Synode declareth determineth and geueth sentence that the said Iohn Wickliffe was a notorious obstinate hereticke and that he died in his heresie cursing and condemning both him and his memory This Sinode also decreeth and ordeineth that the body bones of the said Iohn Wickliffe if it might be decerned and knowne from the bodyes of other faithfull people to be taken out of the ground throwne away farre from the buriall of any church according vnto the canon lawes decrees Which determination and senteÌce definitiue being red pronounced the lord president the foresaid presidentes of the 4. nations being demaunded asked whether it did please them or no They all answered and first Hostiensis the president and after him the other presidents of the nations that it pleased them very well and so they alowed and confirmed all the premisses c. ¶ What Heraclitus would not laugh or what Democritus would not weep to see these so sage reuerend Catos to occupy their heads to take vp a poore mans body so long dead and buryed before by the space of 41. yeares yet peraduenture were not able to finde his right bones but took vp some other body so of a catholick made an heretike Albeit herein Wickliffe had some cause to geue them thankes that they woulde at least spare him so long till he was dead and also to geue him so long respite after hys death 41. yeares to rest in his sepulchre before they vngraued him and turned him from earth to ashes which ashes also they took threw into the riuer And so was he resolued into 3. elements earth fire and water thinking therby vtterly to extinct and abolishe both the name and doctrine of Wickliffe for euer Not much vnlike to the example of the old Phariseis sepulcher knightes which when they had brought the Lord vnto the graue thought to make him sure neuer to rise againe But these and all other must knowe that as there is no couÌsaile against the Lord so there is no keeping down of veritie but it wil spring and come out of dust and ashes as appeared right well in this man For though they digged vp his body burnt his bones drowned his ashes yet the word of God and truth of his doctrine with the fruit successe therof they could not burne which yet to this day for the most part of his articles do remaine NotwithstaÌding the transitory body and bones of the man was thus consumed and dispersed as by this picture here aboue set forth to thine eyes gentle reader may appeare These things thus finished and accomplished whiche pertayne to the story and time of Wickliffe let vs now by the supportation of the Lord proceede to entreate write of the rest which either in his time or after his time springing out of the same vniuersitie and raysed vp as ye wold say out of his ashes were pertakers of the same persecution Of whom speaketh Thomas Walden in his book De sacramentis sacramentalibus cap. 53. Where he saith that after Wickliffe many suffered most cruell death and many mo did forsake the realme In the number of whome was William Swinderby Walter Brute Iohn Puruey Richard White William Thorpe Raynold Pecock B. of S. Assaph and afterward of Chichester To this Catalogue also pertayneth mentioned in ancient writers Laurence Redman maister of Arte Dauid Sautre deuine Iohn Aschwarby vicar as they call him of S. Mary Church at Oxford William Iames an excellent yong man well learned Thomas Brightwell William Haulam a ciuilian Rafe Grenhurst Ioh. Scut and Phillip Norice which being excoÌmunicated by P. Eugenius the 4. in the yeare of our Lord 1446. appealed vnto a generall or oecumenicall Councell Peter Payne who flying from Oxford into Boheme did stoutly contend agaynst the Sophisters as touchyng both kindes of the sacrament of the last supper Who afterward among the rest of the Oratours was one of the 14. that was sent into the Councell at Basill whereas by the space of 3. daies he disputed vpon the 4. article which was as touching the ciuill dominion of the clergy an 1438. Also the Lorde Cobham c. with diuers others besides whose names are mencioned in the kinges writte sent to the Sheriffe of Northampton which writ of the king followith in this Teuor Rex vicecomiti Northamptoniae salutem c. For so much as Iohn Attyate of Cheping warden Iohn Warryner Ro. Brewoode c. be Recettours fautoures of heretickes and especially of one Iohn Woodward priest publiquely diffamed and condemned of heresy will not be iustified by the censures of the Churche as the reuerend father I. Bish. of Lincolne hath certified vs. we therefore willing to withstand all defenders and fautours of such heresies doe will and commaunde as well the forenamed as namely the foresaid Iohn Woodward to be apprehended straightly charging the same to be emprisoned by theyr bodyes or otherwise punished as shall seeme good to the Iustices vntill they and euery of them shall submit them selues to the
the olde vnto the young namely men of holy Church breken his hest and few Bishoppes pursuen hem therfore The 15. Article is this that I shoulde haue taught to true men of Christ that on no maner they should worship the Image of him that was done on the crosse or the Image of the blessed mayd his mother or of other Sayntes into honor and worship of the same ordeinet in the minde of them And oft sithes the worshipper of such Image he has reprouet saying and strongly affirming that Church men sinnen and done Idolatry This conclusion haue I not sayd in these termes But this I say with protestation that God commauÌdes in his law in diuers places Exod. 20. Leuit. 19. 26. Deut. 5. 7. Tobiae 1. Baruc. 6.2 ad Corin. 10. Esay 45. Iere. 2.6.8 10.22 vltimo Sapient 13. 14. 15. Mac. 5. Threnorum 4. postremo that men should not worshippeÌ grauen Images that ben werkes of mens handes And also he bids that meÌ should not make to hem grauen Images in likenesse of the thinges that bene in heauen to that end to worshippen hem sethen neither God ne Christ by his manhood gaue neuer commaundement to make thes Images ne expresse counsell ne his Apostles in all his law ne to worship such that bene made But wel I wote that by mens owne relation that haue misbeleuet in hem that many meÌ sinnen in manmetry worshipping such dead Images Notforthy to tho men bene Images good to whom they bene but kaleÌdars and through the sight of hem they knowen the better and worshippen oft God and his Saints And to such meÌ they done harme that setteÌ her hope and trust in hem or done any worship to hem agaynst Gods law his hest Vnde ait Gregorius in Registro libro 10. in Epistola ad Serenum Episcopum Si quis imagines facere voluerit minimè prohibe adorare omnino prohibe Sed hoc solicitè fraternitas tua admoneat vt ex visione rei gestae ardorem compunctionis percipiant vt in adoratione totius trinitatis prosternantur These conclusions poyntes and articles that I haue vnder protestation in this booke affirmed I will stand by hem and maintayne hem with the grace of almighty god to the time that the coÌtrary be prouet dewly by Gods law And this protestation I make for my fayth and my beliefe as I did the beginning that whensoeuer this worshipfull or any other ChristeÌ man shewes me verayly by gods law the contrary of this I will holy forsake hem and take me to the veray trouth and better vnderstanding of wiser men redy to be amended by the law of Iesu Christ and be a true Christen man faythfull sonne of holy church And of these I beseech you all bere witnes where ye commen Subsequenter vero quia fide dignorum relatione recepimus quod idem Gulielmus Swinderby latitabat quo minus posset in propria person a citari ipsum Gulielmum vijs modis per Edictum publicum ad instar albi praetoris in Ecclesia nostra cathedrali Herfordensi parochialibus ecclesijs de Kington Croste Whitney nostrae diocesis vbi idem Gulielmus solebat commorari citari fecimus prout quemadmodum in modo citatorio continetur cuius tenor sequitur in haec verba ¶ The Citation IOhn by Gods permission Byshop of Hereford to his deare sons our Deane of Leamster to the persons of Croft Almaly and Whitney and also to the Vicars of Kingston Iardersley Wiggemore and Monmouth Clifford and of S. Iohns aultar in our cathedrall Church of Hereford and to the rest of the Deanes Parsons Vicars Chapleines parish Priestes and to other whosoeuer in any place are appoynted through our city and dioces of Hereford sendeth greeting grace and benediction We bid and commaund charging you straitly in the vertue of holy obedience that you cite or cause to be cited peremptorily and vnder the payne of excommunication William Swinderby pretending himselfe to be a Priest That he appeare before vs or our Commissaryes the 20. day of this present moneth of Iuly at North Lodebury within our dioces which the continuance of the dayes following in other places also to be assigned vnto him if it be expedient till such thinges as haue bene and shall be layde agaynst him be fully discussed to aunswere more at large to certayne positions and articles touching the Catholicke fayth and the holy mother Churches determination that haue bene exhibited and ministred vnto the sayd William And to see and heare also many thinges that haue openly in indgement before vs and a great number of faythfull Christians by him bene euen in writing confessed to be condemned as hereticall false schismaticall and erroneous And to see and heare positions and Articles denied by the sayd William to be proued by faythfull witnesses and other lawfull trials against the sayd William And to receiue for his false hereticall erroneous and schismaticall doctrine that iustice shall appoynt or els to shew causes why the premisses shoulde not bee done And if the sayd William lieth priuely or els cannot be so cited in his proper person we will that in your Churches when most people shall then come together to diuine seruice you opeÌly with a loud voyce and that may be vnderstanded cause the said William peremptorely to be cited vnto the premisses certifying the same William that whether he shall appeare the day and place appointed or no we notwithstanding will proceed vnto the premisses agaynst the sayd William according to the canonicall decrees by forme of law in the absence or contumacy of the sayde William notwitstanding We will moreouer if the sayd William shall appeare at the sayd day and place as is aforesayde before vs frendly heare him and honestly and fauorably as farre as we may with Gods leaue deale with him graunting free licence to come and to go for his naturall liberty without any hurt either in body or goods And see that you fully certify vs of the thinges that you or any of you shall do about the execution of this our commaundement and that by your letters patentes signed with your seale autenticall geuing also faythsully to the sayde William or to his lawfull Proctor if he require it a copye of this our present commaundement Geuen at our house of Whitburne vnder our seale the fift day of the moneth of Iuly in the yeare of our Lord. 1391. ¶ The act of the first day On Thursday the xx of Iuly in that yeare of the Lord aforesaid We in the parish church of North Lidebury afore sayd about 6 of the clocke sitting in iudgement after that it was reported vnto vs how the foresayd WilliaÌ was personally taken and lawfully cited Caused the sayd William then and there openly in iudgement to be called out to do heare and receiue such thinges wherto he was afore cited to do otherwise
suspected of the byshops were the more maliced no doubt therefore of the sayd byshops whiche were the more ready to finde take all occasions to worke agaynst them as by theyr doyng herein may wel appeare For the bishop of Salisbury and archb of Yorke hauing no greater matter agaynst them then was declared with a grieuous complaynt went to the king complayning of the Mayor and Sheriffes of LoÌdon What trespasse the Mayor and Sheriffes had done as ye haue heard before so may you iudge Now what followed after let vs heare The king incensed not a little w e the complaynt of the Bishops conceined estsoones against the Mayor and Sheriffes and agaynst the whole Cittie of London a great stomache In so muche that the Mayor both the Sheriffes were sent for and remoued from theyr office Syr Edward Darlyngton then was made warden Gouernor of the citie who also for hys gentlenes shewed to the Cittizens was also deposed and an other named syr Baldwyn Radington placed in that roome Moreouer so much grew the kinges displeasure agaynst the City that he also remoued from London the courtes termes to be kept at Yorke that is to say the Chauncery the Eschequer the kinges benche the hamper and the common place where the same conâââued from Midsommer tyll Christenmas to the great decay of the Cittye of London which was an 1393. Thivdly an other great cause whiche purchased the K. much euill will among hys subiectes was the secret murthering of his owne Uncle named T. Woodstocke Duke of Gloucester of whom mention was made before where was declared how the said Duke with the Earle of Arundell the Erle of Warwicke and the Earle of Darby with other were vp in armour agaynst certaine wicked Counsaylours about the king Whereupon the king watching afterward hys time came into Chelsford so to the place neare by where the Duke lay wherwith hys own hands he arested the sayd Duke his Uncle and sent him downe by water immediatly to Calice And there through the kinges commaundement by secret meanes was put to death being strangled vnder a fetherbed the Earle Marshall being then the keeper of Calis Wherby great indignation roâe in many mens hartes agaynst the king With the same Duke of Gloucester also about the same time was arested and imprisoned the Erle of Warwicke and the Earle of Arundel who being condemned by parliament were then executed whereby great grudge and great indignation rose in the heartes of many agaynst the king an 1397. Fourthly to omit here the blanke chartes sent ouer all the land by the king and how the king was sayd to let out his realme to ferme Ouer and beside all these aboue premised fell an other matter whiche was the principall occasion of this mischiefe The banishment I meane of HeÌry Erle of Darby and made Duke of Herford a little before being sonne of Iohn of Gaunt the Duke of LaÌcaster who dyed shortly after the banishment of hys sonne and lieth buryed in the Church of S. Paule in London and the Duke of Northfolke who was before Erle of Notingham and after by this king made Duke of Northfolke the yeare before At which time the king made 5. Dukes a Marques and foure Earles to wit Duke of Herforde whiche was before Earle of Darby Duke of Awmerle which was before Earle of Rutland Duke of Southrey who was before Earle of Kent Duke of Exester whiche was before Erle of Huntington and this Duke of North folke being before Earle of Notinghame as is aforesayd c. The occasion of banishing these foresayd Dukes was this About this present time the Duke of Herforde did appeach the Duke of Northfolke vppon certayne wordes to be spoken against the king Wherupon casting theyr gloues one agaynst the other they appoynted to fight out yâ quarrell a day being for the same appoynted at Couentry But the king tooke vp the matter in hys owne handes banishing the Duke of Northfolke for euer whiche after dyed at Uenice and the other Duke which was the Duke of Herford for 10. yeares Beside these also was exiled in France Thomas Arunder archbishop of Caunterbury by Acte of Parliament in the same yere for poynts of treason as ye haue heard before expressed page 512. col 2. All which turned to the great inconuenieÌce of this king as in the euent following may appeare These causes and preparatiues thus premised it followed the yeare after which was an 1399. and last yeare of this king that the king vpon certaine affayres to be done tooke hys viage into Ireland In which meane time HeÌry of Bollingbroke Earle of Darby and Duke of Herford and with him the foresayd archbishop Thomas Arundel which before were both exiled returning out of Fraunce to Calice came into England challenging the Dukedome of Lancaster after the death of hys father With âhem also came the sonne and heyre of the Earle of Arundell beyng yet but yong These together setting out of Calice arriued at Rauenspur in the North. At the knowledge whereof much people gathered vnto them In this meane time as the Duke was houering on the sea to enter the land L. Edmund Duke of York the kings Uncle to whome the king committed the custodye of thys realm hauing intelligence thereof called to him the Byshop of Chichester named Edmund Stafford Chauncellor of the Realme and W. Scroupe Earle of Wiltshyre Lorde Treasurer also I. Busshey W. Bagot Henry Grene and Iohn Ruschell with diuers other consulting with them what was best in that case to be done Who then gaue their aduise whether wilful or vnskilfull it is not knowne but very vnfruitfull that he shold leaue london and go to S. Albons there to wayt for more strength able to encounter with the Duke But as the people out of diuers quarters resorted thether many of them protested that they woulde do nothing to the harme and preiudice of the Duke of LaÌcaster who they sayd was uniustly expulsed The rest then of the counsayle I. Busshey W. Bagot Henry Grene W. Stroupe Treasurer hearing and vnderstanding how the commons were minded to ioyne with the Duke of Hereford left the Duke of York and the lord Chauncellor and fled to the Castell of Bristow Where is to be vnderstand that these foure were they to whome the common fame ran that the king had let out hys realme to farme and were so hated of the people that it is to be thought that for the hatred of them more then for the king this commotion was among the people As this broyle was in England the noyse therof sounding to the kinges eares being then in Ireland for hastye speed of returning into England left in Ireland both his busines and most of hys ordinance also behinde hym And so passing the seas landed at Milforde hauen not daryng as it seemed to come to London On the contrary side vnto Henry Duke of Herforde being landed
Wherfore sir by the bidding of Christ by the example of his most holy liuing also by the witnessing of his holy Apostles and Prophets we are bounde vnder full great payn to exercise vs after our cunning and power as euery Priest is likewise charged of God to fulfil duely the office of priesthood We presume not here of ourselues for to be estemed neither in our owne reputatioÌ nor in none other maÌs faythful disciples special folowers of Christ. But sir as I sayde to you before we deeme this by authority chiefly of Gods word that it is the chief duety of euery priest to busy theÌ faythfully to make the law of God knowne to his people so to commune the coÌmauÌdement of God charitably how that we may best where wheÌ and to whom that euer we may is our very duety And for the will busines that we owe of due debt to do iustly our office through the styrring and speciall helpe as we trust of God hoping stedfastly in his mercy we desire to be the fayth full disciples of Christ and we pray this gracious Lord or his holy name that he make vs able to please him with deuout prayers charitably Priestly works that we may obtaine of him to folow him thankefully ¶ And the Archbishop sayd to me Lâud losell whereto makest thou such vayne reasons to me Asuââh not Saynt Paule how shoulde Priestes preache except they be sent But I sent thee neuer to preache For thy venemous doctrine is so knowne throughout England that no Bishop will admitte thee to preache by witnessing of theyr letters Why theÌ lewd Idiot willest thou presume to preach since thou art not sent nor licensed of thy soueraigne to preache Sayth not S. Paul that subiects ough to obey theyr soueraignes and not onely good vertuous but also tiraunts that are vicious â And I sayd to the Archbishop Sir as touching your leâter of licence or other Bishops which ye say we shoulde haue to witnes that we were able to be sent for to preache We know wel that neither you sir nor any other bishop of this land wil grauÌt to vs any such letters of licence but if we should oblige vs to you and to other bishops by vnlefull othes for to passe not the bondes and termes which ye sir or other bishops will limit to vs. And since in this matter your termes be some to large some to strait we dare not oblige vs thus to bee bounden to you for to keepe the termes which you will limit to vs as you do to Friers such other Preachers And therefore though we haue not your letter sir nor letters of any other bishops writreÌ with inke vpon parchmeÌt we dare not therfore leaue the office of preaching to which preaching all Priests after their cunning and power are bouÌd by diuers testimonies of Gods law and great Doctors without any mention making of Bishops letters For as mikle as we haue taken vpon vs the office of Priesthood though we are vnworthy thereto we come and purpose to fulfill it with the helpe of God by authority of his own law and by witnesse of great doctors and Sayntes accordingly hereto trusting stedfastly in the mercy of God For that he commauÌdeth vs to do the office of Priesthood he will be our sufficient letters and witnes if we by example of his holy liuing and teaching specially occupy vs faythfully to do our office iustly yea that people to whom we preach be they faythfull or vnfaythfull shall be our letters that is our witnesse bearers for the truth where it is sowne may not be vnwitnessed For all that are conuerted saued by learning of Gods word by working thereafter are witnes bearers that the trueth and sothfastnesse which they heard and did after is cause of theyr saluation And agayne all vnfaythfull men and women which heard the truth told out to them and would not do therafter also all they that might haue heard the truth would not hear it because that they would not do therafter All these shall beare witnes agaynst themselues the truth which they woulde not heare or els heard it despised to do therafter through theyr vnfaythfulnes is shal be cause of theyr damnation Therfore sir since this aforesayd witnessing of God and of diuers Sayntes and Doctors of al the people good euill suffiseth to al true preachers we thinke that we doe not the office of Priesthood if that we leaue our preaching because that we haue not or may not haue duely Bishops letters to witnesse that we are sent of them to preach This sentence approueth Saint Paul where he speaketh of himselfe of faithfull Apostles and disciples saying thus We need no letters of commendatioÌ as some preachers do which preach for couetousnesse of temporall goods and for mens praysing And where ye say Syr that Paule biddeth subiectes obey theyr soueraignes that is soth and may not be denied But there is two maner of soueraignes vertuous soueraignes and vicious tyrauntes Therfore to these last soueraignes neither meÌ nor womeÌ that be subiect owe to obey in two maners To vertuous soueraignes charitable subiectes owe to obey wilfully and gladly in hearing of their good counsel in coÌsenting to their charitable biddinges and in working after their fruitfull workes This sentence Paul approueth where he sayth to subiectes Be ye mindefull of your soueraignes that speake to you the word of God follow you the fayth of theÌ whose coÌuersation you know to be vertuous For as Paul sayth after these soueraignes to whom subiectes owe to obey in following of the maners worke besely in holy studying how they may withstand and destroy vices first in theÌselues and after in all their subiectes and how they may best plaÌt in them vertues Also these soueraignes make deuout and ferueÌt prayers for to purchase grace of God that they and their subiects may ouer all thing dread to offend hym and to loue for to please him Also these soueraignste whoÌ Paul biddeth vs obey as it is said before liue so vertuously that all they that will liue well may take of them good example to know to keep the coÌmaundements of God But in this foresayd wise subiectes ought not to obey nor to be obedient to tyrantes while they are vitious tyrants since their will their counsell their biddinges and theyr workes are so vicious that they ought to be hated lefte And though such tyrantes be maisterfull and cruel in boasâing and manasing in oppressions diuers punishinges S. Peter biddeth the seruauntes of such tyrauntes to obey meekely such tyrantes sufferinges paciently their malitious cruelnes But Peter counselleth not any seruaunt or subiect to obey to any Lord or Prince or soueraign in any thing that is not pleasing to God ¶ And the Archbishop sayd vnto me If a soueraigne byd his subiect do that thing that is
for els as this Doctor saith priests take now tithes wrongfully ¶ And the archb said to his clarkes Heard ye euer Losell speake thus Certaine this is the learning of them all that whersoeuer they come and they may be suffered they enforce them to expugne the freedome of holy Church â And I said Sir why call you the taking of tithes and of such other duties that priests chalenge now wrongfullie the freedome of holy church Since neither Christ nor his apostles chalenge nor tooke such duties Herefore these takings of priests now are not called iustly the freedome of holy church but all such geuing and taking ought to be called and holden the slanderous couetousnes of men of the holy church ¶ And the archb said to me Why Losell wilt not thou and other that are consedered with thee seeke out of holy scripture of the sence of doctors al sharpe authorities against lords knights and squiers against other secular men as thou doest against priests â And I said Sir whatsoeuer men or women lords of ladies or any other that are present in our preaching specially or in our coÌmoning after our cuÌning we tell out to theÌ their office their charges But sir since Chrisostome sayth that priests are the stomack of the people it is nedeful in preaching also in commoning to be most busy about this priesthode Since by the viciousnes of priestes both Lordes coÌmons are most sinfully infected led into the worst And because yâ the couetousnes of priests pride the boast that they haue make of their dignity and power destroyeth not onely the vertues of priesthod in priests theÌselues but also ouer this it stirreth God to take great vengeance both vpon the Lords vpon coÌmons whych suffer these priests charitably ¶ And the Archb. said to me Thou iudgest euery priest proud yâ wil not go arayed as thou doest By god I deme him to be more meke yâ goeth euery day in a scarlet gown thaÌ thou in thy threed bare blew gown Wherby knowest thou a proud man â And I said Sir a proud priest may be known when he denieth to follow Christ his Apostles in wylfull pouerty and other vertues coueteth worldly worship and taketh it gladly gathereth together with pleding manasing or with flattering or with simony any worldly goodes And most if a priest busy him not chiefly in himselfe after in all other men and women after his cunning power to withstand sinne ¶ And the Archb. sayd to mee Though thou knewest a priest to haue al these vices though thou sawest a pryest louely lye now by a womaÌ knowing her fleshly wouldst thou therfore deme this priest daÌnable I say to thee that in the turning about of thy hand such a sinner may be verily repented â And I sayd Sir I wil not damne any man for any sinne that I know done or may be done so that the sinner leaueth his sinne But by authoritie of holy Scripture he that sinneth thus openly as ye shew here is damnable for doing of such a sinne and most specially a priest the shoulde be example to al other for to hate flye sinne And in how short time that euer ye say the such a sinner may be repeÌted he ought not of him the knoweth his sinning to bee iudged verily repentant without open euidence of great shame harty sorow for his sinne For whosoeuer and specially a priest that vseth pride enuy couetousnes lechery simony or any other vices sheweth not as open euideÌce of repentance as he hath geuen euil exaÌple occasion of sinning if he coÌtinue in any such sinne as long as he may it is likely that sinne leaneth him he not sinne And as I vnderstaÌd such a one sinneth vnto death for whoÌ no bodye oweth to pray as S. Iohn sayth ¶ And a Clerke saide then to the Archb. Sir the lenger that ye appose him the worse he is and the more ye busye you to amend him the waywarder he is For he is of so shrewd a kinde that he shameth not onely to be himselfe a soule nest but withou shame he busyeth him to make his nest souler â And the Archbishop saide to hys Clerke Suffer a while for I am at an ende with him for there is an other poynt certyfyed agaynst hym and I will heare what hee sayth thereto ¶ And so thaÌ he said to me Lo it is here certified against thee that thou preachedst opeÌly at Shrewsbury that it is not lawful to sweare in any case â And I said Sir I preached neuer so openlye nor I haue taught in this wise in any place But sir as I preached in Shrewsbury with my protestation I say to you now here that by the authoritie of the Gospell of S. Iames by witnes of diuers Saints doctours I haue preached opeÌly in one place or other that it is not leful in any cause to sweare by any creature And ouer this Sir I haue also preached and taught by the foresaid authorities the no body should sweare in any case if that without othe in any wise he that is charged to sweare might excuse him to them that haue power to compel him to sweare in leful thing lawful But if a man may not excuse him without oth to them that haue power to coÌpel him to sweare than he ought to sweare onely by God taking him onely that is southfastnesse for to witnes the southfastnes And then a Clarke asked me if it were not leful to a subiect at the bidding of his Prelate for to kneele downe and touch the holy Gospel booke and kisse it saying So helpe me God and this holydome for he should after hys cunninge and power doe all thynges that hys Prelate commaundeth hym â And I said to them Sirs ye speake here full generally or largely What if a prelate commauÌded hys subiect to do an vnlawful thing should he obey therto ¶ And the Archb. said to me A subiect ought not to suppose that his prelate wil bid him do an vnlawfull thinge For a subiect ought to thinke that his prelate wil bid him do nothing but that he wil aunswer for before God that it is leful And then though the bidding of the prelate bee vnleful the subiect hath no peril to fulfil it since that he thinketh iudgeth that whatsoeuer thing his prelate byddeth him do that it is leful to him for to do it â And I sayd sir I trust not thereto But to our purpose Sir I tel you that I was once in a gentlemaÌs house and there were then two Clarkes there a maister of diuinity and a man of law which man of law was also communing in diuinitie And among other things these men soake of othes the man of law sayd at the bidding of his soueraigne which had power to charge him to sweare he would lay his
the time thus passed the people and Cardinals were in great expectation waiting when the Pope according to his othe would geue ouer wyth the other pope also And not long after the matter began in deede betwene the two Popes to be attempted by letters from one to another assigning both day and place where and wheÌ they should meete together but yet no effect did folow This so passing on great murmuring was among the Cardinals to see their holy periured father so to neglecte his othe and vow aforenamed In so much that at length diuers of them did forsake the Pope as being periured as no lesse he was sending moreouer to kings and princes of other lands for their counsell and assistance therein to appease the schisme Amongest the rest Cardinall Bituriensis was sent to the king of Englande who publishing diuers propositions and coÌclusions remaining in the registers of Thomas Arundell disputeth that the pope ought to be subiect to lawes and councels Then K. Henry moued to write to Gregory the pope directeth his letter here vnder ensuing which was the yeare of our Lorde 1409. The contents of the letter be these The letter of king Henry the fourth to Pope Gregory 12. MOst blessed father if the discrete prouidence of the Apostolike sea would call to mind with what great pearils the vniuersall world hath ben damnified hetherto vnder preteÌce of thys present schisme and especially would consider what slaughter of Christen people to the number of two huÌdreth thousand as they say hath bene throughe the occasion of warre raised vp in diuers quarters of the world and now of late to the number of thirty M. souldiours which haue bene slaine through the dissention moued about the Bishopricke of Leodium betwene two set vp one by the authoritie of one Pope the other by the authoritie of the other Pope fighting in campe for the title of that Bishoprike Certes yee would lament in spirite be fore greeued in minde for the same So that with good conscience you wold relinquish rather the honour of the sea Apostolike then to suffer such horrible bloudshed heereafter to ensue vnder the cloake of dissimulation followinge herein the example of the true mother in the booke of kings who pleading before Salomon for the right of her childe rather would depart from the childe then the childe shoulde bee parted by the sword And although it may be vehemently suspected by the new creation of 9. Cardinals by you last made contrary to your othe as other men do say that you do but little heede or care for ceasing the schisme Yet farre be it from the hearing and noting of the world that your circumspect seat shoulde euer be noted distained with such an inconstancie of minde whereby the last errour may be worse then the first Ex Chron. D. Albani part 2. ¶ King Henry the 4. to the Cardinals ANd to the Cardinalles likewise the sayde King directeth an other letter wyth these contentes heere following Wee desiring to shewe what zeale wee haue had and haue to the reformation of peace of the Churche by the consent of the states of the Realme haue directed to the Byshop of Rome our letters after the tenoure of the copie herewith in these presentes enclosed to bee executed effectually Wherefore we seriously beseeche your reuerende colledge that if it chaunce the sayde Gregory to be present at the councell of Pise and to render vp hys Popedome according to your desire and hys owne othe you then so ordaine for hys state totally that chiefly God may be pleased therby and that both the sayde Gregory and also wee which loue intierly hys honor and commodity may haue cause to geue you worthely condigne thankes for the same Ibid. This being done in the yere of our Lorde 1409. afterward in the yere next folowing an 1410. the Cardinals of both the Popes to witte of Gregorius and Benedictus By common aduise assembled together at the citie of Pise for the reformation of vnity and peace in the Churche To the which assembly a great multitude of Prelates and bishops being conuented a newe Pope was chosen named Alexander 5. But to thys election neither Gregorius nor Benedictus did fully agree Whereby there were 3. Popes together in the Romaine churche that is to vnderstande not 3. crownes vpon one Popes head but 3. heads in one Popish churche together This Alexander being newly made pope scarcely had well warmed his triple crowne but straight geueth out full remission not of a fewe but of all maner of sinnes whatsoeuer to all them that conferred any thing to the monastery ofâ Bartlemew by Smithfeld resorting to the saide church any of these dayes following to wit on Maundy thursday good Friday Easter euen the feast of the Annunciation from the first eueÌsong to the latter But thys Pope which was so liberall in geuing remission of many yeares to other was not able to geue one yere of life to himselfe for within the same yere he died In whose stead stept vp Pope Iohn 23. In the time of this Alexander great stirre began in the country of Bohemia by the occasion of the bokes of Iohn Wickliffe which then comming to the hands of I. Husse and of other both men women especially of the lay sort and artificers began there to doe much good In so much that diuers of them not onely men but women also partly by reading of those bookes translated into their tounge partly by the setting forwarde of Iohn Husse a notable learned man and a singulare preacher at that time in the vniuersitye of Prage were in short time so ripe in iudgement and prompt in the scriptures that they began to moue questions yea and to reason wyth the Priestes touchyng matters of the Scriptures By reason whereof complaint was brought to the sayd Pope Alexander the fifte who caused eftsoones the forenamed Iohn Husse to bee cyted vp to Rome But when hee came not at the Popes citation then the sayde Pope Alexander addressed hys letters to the Archbyshop of Suinco Wherein he straightly charged him to prohibit and forbid by the authority Apostolicall all manner of preachings or sermons to be made to the people but onely in Cathedrall Churches or Colledges or Parish churches or in Monasteries or els in theyr Churchyardes And that the articles of Wickliffe shoulde in no case of any person of what state condition or degree so euer be suffered to be holdeÌ taught or defended eyther priuily or apertlye Commaunding moreouer and charging the sayde Archbyshop that wyth foure Bachelers of Diuinitie and two Doctours of the Canon lawe ioyned vnto hym would proceede vpon the same and so prouide that no person in churches schooles or any other place should teach defend or approoue any of the foresayd Articles So that who so euer should attempt the contrary should be accounted an hereticke And vnles he
in person saith Cope but with his mind and with his counsell he was present and addeth this reason saying And therfore he being brought agayn after his escape was conuice both of treason and heresye therfore susteining a double punishmeÌt was both hanged and burnt for the same c. And how is al this proued By Robert Fabian he sayth whereunto briefly I aunswere that Rob. Fabian in that place maketh no such mention of the Lord Cobham assisting or consenting to them either in mind or in counsell His wordes be these That certaine adherentes of Sir Iohn Oldcastle assembled in the fielde neare to S. Biles in great number of whom was sir Roger Acton sir Iohn Browne and Iohn Beuerley The which with 36. mo in number were after conuict of heresy and treason and for the same were hanged and burnt wein the sayd field of S. Byles c. Thus much in Fabian touching the commotion condemnation of these meÌ but that the Lorde Cobham was there present with theÌ inany parte either of consent or counsell as Alanus Copus Anglus pretendeth that is not found in Fabian but is added of his liberall cornu copiae wherof he is so copious and plentifull that he may keep an open shop of such vnwritteÌ vntruethes whiche he maye aforde verye good cheape I thinke being such a plentifull artificer But here will bee obiected agaynst mee the wordes of the statute made the seconde yeare of king Henry the fifte wherupon this aduersary triumphing with no litle glory ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã thinketh himselfe to haue double vauntage against me first in prouinge these foresayd complices adherents of the Lord Cobham to haue made insurrection agaynst the king and so to be traytors Secondly in conuicting that to be vntrue where as in my former booke of Actes and Monumentes I doe reporte how that after the death of sir Roger Acton of Browne Beuerley a Parliament was holden at Leicester where a statute was made to this effect that all and singular suche as wer of Wickliffes learning if they would not geue ouer as in case of felony and other trespasses loosing all theyr goodes to the king shoulde suffer death in two manner of kinds that is they should first be hanged for treasoÌ against the king and then be burned for heresy agaynst God c. Wherupon remaineth now in examining this obiectioÌ and aunswering to the same that I purge both them of treason and my selfe of vntruth so farre as truth and fidelity in Gods cause shal assist me herin Albeit in beginning first my history of Ecclesiastical matters wherin I hauing nothing to do with abatement of causes iudiciall but onely folowing the simple narration of things done and executed neuer suspected that euer any would be so captious with me or so nise nosed as to presse me with such narrow points of the law in trying and discussing euery cause and matter so exactly straining as ye woulde say the bowels of the statute lawe so rigorously agaynst me Yet for so much as I am therunto constrained now by this aduersary I wil first lay open all the whole statute made the second yeare of this foresayd Henry the fift after the death of the foresayd sir Roger Acton and his fellowes at the Parliament holden at Leycester an 1415. That done I will note vpon the words therof so as by the circumstaunces of the same may appeare what is to be coÌcluded either for the defence of theyr innocencye or for the accusation of this aduersary The tenour and purport of the statute here vnder ensueth ¶ The wordes and contentes of the statute made an 2. Henrici 5. cap. 7. FOrasmuch as great rumors congregations and insurrections here in England by diuers of that king his maiesties seege people haue bene made here of late as well by those which were of the sect of heresy called Lolardy as by others of their coÌfederatioÌ excitatioÌs abetmeÌt to the inteÌt to adnulle subuert the christian fayth the law of God within the same Realme as also to destroy our soueraigne Lord the king himselfe and all maner of estates of the same his Realme as well spirituall as temporall and also all maner pollicy the lawes of the land Finally the same our Lord the king to the honor of God in conseruation and fortification of the Christian fayth also in saluation of his royall estate of the estate of all his realme willing to prouide a more open more due punishmeÌt agaynst the malice of such heretickes Lolardes then hath bene had or vsed in that case heretofore so that for the feare of the same lawes and punishment such heresyes and Lolardies may the rather cause in time to come By the aduise and asseÌt aforesayd at the prayer of the sayd commons hath ordeined established that especially the ChauÌcellor the Treasurer the Iustices of the one beÌch and of the other Iustices of Assise Iustices of peace Shiriffes Maiors and Bailiffes of Cityes and Townes and all other officers hauing the gouernement of people either now present or which for the time shal be do make an othe in taking of their charge and offices to extend their whole payne and diligence to put out to do to put out cease destroy all maner of heresyes and errors commonly called Lolardies within the places in which they exercise their charges and offices from time to time with all their power and that they assist fauor and maintaine the ordinaries and their commissaries so often as they or any of them shal be therunto required by the said ordinaries or their coÌmissaryes So that the sayd officers and ministers when they trauell or ride to arest any Lolard or to make any assisteÌce at the instance and request of the ordinaries or their coÌmissaryes by vertue of this statute that the same ordinaries commissaryes do pay for their costs reasonably And that the seruices of the king vnto whoÌ the officers be first sworne be preferred before al other statutes for the liberty of holy Church the ministers of the same And especially for the correction and punishment of hereticks Lolards made before these dayes not repealed but being in theyr force And also that all persons conuict of heresy of whatsoeuer estate condition or degree they be by the sayd ordinaries or their coÌmissaries left vnto the secular power according to the lawes of holy Church shall leese forfayte all theyr lands and tenements which they haue in fee simple in maner and forme as followeth That is to say that the king shall haue all the landes tenementes which the sayd conuictes haue in fee simple which be immediatlye holden of him as forfayted And that the other Lordes of whom the lands tenements of such conuictes be holden immediatly after that the king is therof seised answered of the yeare
coniurationes in omnes sacerdotes deinde in regeÌ c. In which words he not onely erreth falsly assigning the cause and occasion of this sedition to the death of Iohn Hus and of Ierome but also misseth as muche in the order and computation of the yeres For neither was sir Roger Acton with his foresaid fellowes aliue at the time of the councell neither doth hee agree therein with any of our English wryters except onely with Hall who also erreth therein as wide as he For the third and fourth vntruth I note this where he addeth and sayth that after this rebellioÌ raised against the king the sayd sir Iohn Oldcastel being there present himselfe was taken and prisoned in the tower and afterward escaped out of the saide tower by night wherein is conteined a double vntruth For neither was Sir Iohn Oldcastle there present himselfe if we beleue Fabian and Cope Dial. 6. pag. 833 lin 11. nether yet did he euer escape out of the Tower after that conspiracie if euer any such conspiracie was His v. but not the last vntruth in Polydore is this that he sayth Tho. Arundel to haue died in the same yeare noting the yere to be An. 1415. where as by the true registers he died An. 1413. To this vntruthe an other also may be ioyned where he erring in the computation of the yeres of the said Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury reporteth hym to sit 33. yeares Who was there Archbishop but onely 18. yeres as is to be sene in the recordes of Canterbury The wordes of Polydore be these Thomas Arundellius Cantuariensis antistes annum iam tunc sedeÌs tertium trigesimum e vita excessit lib. 22. Ang. hist. All be it in thys I doe not greatly contend wyth Polydore and peraduenture the aduersary will finde some easie shift for thys matter But let vs passe now from Polydore not as they say out of the hal into the kitchine but out of the kitchine vnto the hall examining and perpending what sayth Edward Hall an other witnes in this matter vpon whom maister Cope bindeth so fast that hee supposeth hys knot is neuer able to be losed And moreouer so treadeth me downe vnder his feete in the dirt as a man would thinke hym some dirtdaubers sonne so that the spots thereof he sayeth will neuer be gotten out while the world standeth a day longer Notwythstanding I trust M. Cope that your dirtie penne with your cockish brags hath not so bedaubed and bespotted me nor yet conuicted me to be such a deprauer of histories but I hope to spunge it out At least way with a little asperges of the Popes holy water I trust to come to a dealbabor well enough But certes M. Cope your maistership must first vnderstand that if yee thinke so to depresse me and disprooue me of vntruth in my history you must go more grouÌdly to worke and bring against me other authors then Edward Hal You must consider M. Cope if you will be a coÌtroller in storie matters it is not enoughe for you to bryng a railing spirit or a minde disposed to carpe and cauil where any matter may be picked diligence is required and great searching out of bookes and authors not only of our time but of all ages And especially where matters of religion are touched pertaining to the church it is not sufficient to see what Fabian or what Hall sayth but the records must be sought the Registers must be turned ouer letters also and ancient instruments ought to be perused and authors wyth the same compared finally the writers among them selues one to be conferred wyth another And so wyth iudgement to be waied wyth diligence to be labored and wyth simplicitie pure from all addiction and partialitie to be vttered Thus did Auentinus thus did Sleidanus wryte These helpes also the eldest and best Historicians semed to haue both Titus Liuius Salustius Quintus Curtius and suche lyke as by their letters and records inserted may wel appeare The same helps likewise both in your Fabian and in your Edwarde Hall were to be required but especially in you M. Cope your selfe whych take vppon you so cockishly rather then wisely to be a controller and maister moderatour of other mens matters In which matters to say the truth you haue no great skil and lesse experience neyther haue you either suche plenty of authors meete for that purpose nor yet euer trauailed to search out the origens groundes of that whereof ye write But onely contented with such as commeth next to hande or peraduenture receiuing such almose as some of your poore frends bestowe vpon you think it sufficient if you can alledge Fabian and Hall for your purpose Now what purpose affection herein doth lead you rather doeth driue you to the carping and barking against the history of these good men that be hence gone and had their punishment all men may see it to be no simple sinceritie of a mind indifferent but yâ zeale only of your sect of Popery or rather of fury which setteth your railing spirite on fire But now out of the fiery kitchin to come to the hal againe let vs see what matter lyeth in the testimony of Edward Hall to proue these men to be traytors And here for so much Maister Cope as you seeme neither sufficiently acquainted with this your owne maister and authour Master Hall nor yet well experienced in the searchyng out of histories I wil take a litle paynes for you in this behalfe to certifie you concernyng the story of this author wherof percase you your selfe are yet ignoraunt The truth whereof is this that as the sayd Edwarâ Hall your great master testis was about the compiling of his story certayne there were which resorted to hym of whom some were drawers of his petigree vineat some were grauers the names of whom were Iohn Bets and Tyrral which be now both dead And other there were of the same sodalitie who ve yet aliue were then in the house of Richard Grafton both the Printer of the sayd booke also as is thought a great helper of the peÌning of the same It so befell that as Hall was entring into the story of Syr Iohn Oldcastle of Syr Roger Acton their felowes the booke of Iohn Bale touching the story of the L. Cobham was the same time newly come ouer Which booke was priuely coÌueied by one of his seruauÌts into the study of Hall so that in turnyng ouer his bookes it must needes come to his handes At the sight whereof when he saw the grouÌd reasons in that booke contained he turned to the authors in the foresayd booke alledged whereupon within two nightes after moued by what cause I know not but so it was that hee taking his pen rased and cancelled all that he had written before agaynst Syr Iohn Oldcastle his fellowes was now ready to go to the Print containyng
c. Also where you continuing yet still in your common place of lying out of which you cannot digresse do charge me farther that I do appoint out holy dayes and working daies by colours of red and blacke in my foresayd Calendare to be obserued these leude notes of yours if they had bene picked out of my Calendare by you wythout myne owne special declaration before made to the contrary they might seeme to haue some blush of credite Now what wil the reader say or what may he iudge coÌsidering and conferring thys your cauilling with the matter of my premonition made before but that you are al together set to play the perpetuall Syc. I had almost called you by your right name master Cope But God make you as I said a good man Reading further in your boke I could not but smile and laugh at this your ridiculous and most loud lying Hyperbolismum where as you coÌparing my making of saints with the Popes making can finde as ye say in the Pope no such impudent arrogancie in presuming as ye finde in me c. If the Pope had not abused hys arrogant iurisdiction in canonising and deifying his Saintes more then I haue done the yeare should not be combred wyth so many idle holy dayes nor the Calendares wyth so many raskall Saintes some of them as good as euer were they that put Christ to death But where will you finde M. Cope any man to beleue thys your hyperbolical comparison to be true whych seeth and knoweth the infinit and vnmeasurable excesse of the Popes arrogancie not only in shrining such a rable of blind saintes of his owne creating but also in prescribing the same to be receaued vniuersally in the whole worlde and not to be receaued onely but also to be inuocated for gifts and graces also to be worshipped for aduocates and mediatours Wherin riseth a double abhomination of the pope the one for his idolatrous making and worshipping of saintes the other for his blasphemous iniurie and derogation to Christe in repulsing him out of his office of mediation placing other mediatours of his owne making And nowe to consider what Saintes these were or what were the causes of their sancting what S. almost among all the Popes Saintes shall you finde M. Cope made within these 500. yeres but commonly he was eithe some Pope or some rich Bishop and Prelate or some fat abbat or some blind Frier some Monke or Nunne some superstitious regulare or some builder of monasteries or some geuer and benefactour to the popish clergy or mainteiner agonising for the dignities and liberties of the Popyshe church What poore lay man or lay womaÌ were their liues neuer so Christian their faith and confession neuer so pure their death neuer so agonising for the witnes of Christ and truth of his word shall finde any place or fauour in all the Popes ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that is in the Popes Calendar either in red colour or els in blacke But heere M. Cope if yee had the wit somuch to defend as yee haue to ouerwhart you myght take mee wyth the maner and replie againe for the defence of your great Saintmaker or rather Godmaker of Rome that he maketh mo martyrs Saints of these foresayd poore laymen laywomen then euer he did of any other For he burneth them he hangeth them hee drowneth them imprisoneth famisheth them so maketh truer martyrs of Christ then any other of his new shrined saints whom he hath so dignified in his Calendar For the one he doth rubricate only with his red letters the other he doth rubricate with their owne bloud And therefore to aunswere you M. Cope to your comparison made betwene the pope and me for making of holy Martyrs and Saintes Briefly I say and report me to al the world yâ herein is no comparison For if ye speake of true Martyrs who doth make them but the pope if ye speake of fals martyrs who doth make them but the pope And farthermore to compare together the causes of these Martyred Saintes in my Calendare wyth them whyche shine shrined in the Popes Calendare taking the same proportion of time as I do wythin these last 500. yeares why may not I haue as good cause to celebrate these in my Calendar which lost their liues and were slain principally for the cause of Christ and of hys word as the pope hath to celebrate his double and simple feasted saintes in hys Calendar who in their doinges doctrine and life as they seemed rather to serue the Pope then Christ the Lord so in their death appeared no such cause why they shuld be sanctified in the church beyond all other Let not the Church of Christ M. Cope be deluded with hypocritical names nor fained apparitions and fabulous miracles neither be you deceiued your selfe but let vs resort sincerely to the worde of God What was in S. Fraunces looke vpon his superstitious life presumptuous testament wrought no dout by Sathan to diminish and obscure the Testament of Iesus Christ why he should be made a Saint and not an enemy rather of Christ What was likewise in Frier Dominicke who before Fraunces x. yeares together persecuted the poore Waldenses to death and destruction why should he stand a S. and a pillar of the church I pray you what see you in Thomas Becket but that he died for the ambitious libertyes of the popishe church What in Aldelmus and in Anselmus but only that they chased away maried priests from the churches and planted in idle Monkes in their steade The like also did Dunstanus who was rubricated wyth a duplex festum Elizabeth who was the wife of the Marquesse of Thuring when shee had with much perswasions got out her husbande to fight against the Turkes and was there slaine she afterward encloystered her selfe and was made a Nunne And doe you thinke these causes to be sufficient why they shuld be made saintes worshipped in churches and set in Calendares Long it were to make rehearsal of all this rifraffe and almost infinite One example may suffice for many S. Gilbert of SempringhaÌ was the sonne of Iocelin a knight who for his deformitie of his body was set to learning afterward made Chanon and was author of the Gilbertines in the time of king Iohn This Gilbert after he had erected 13. monasteries of hys order of Sempringham was afterwarde labored for vnto the Pope to be made a Saint Who hearing of hys myracles wrote hys letters to Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury in the behalfe of the foresayd Gilbert willing commaundyng per Apostolica scripta that the feast of the sayde Gilbert shoulde be solemnised through all the prouince of Canterb. Vt meritis nimirum eius precibus apud misericordissimum iudicem misericordiam consequamur c. Whereuppon Hubert the Archb. directeth downe hys wrytings to all the bishops within hys prouince
friends the Cardinals which through the instigation and motion of Palletz and Michael de Causis sent two Bishops to wit the Bishop of Augusta and of Trident and with them the Borowmaister of the towne of Constance and a certaine knight to the place where Iohn Hus lodged about dinner time which should make report vnto him that they were sent by the Pope and his Cardinals to aduertise him that hee should come to render some knowledge or witnes of hys doctrine before them as he had oftentimes desired and that they were readie for to heare him Unto whome Iohn Husse aunswered I am not come for no such intent as to defend my cause particularly before the Pope his Cardinals protesting that I neuer desired no such thing but that I would willingly appeare before the whole assemble of the Councell and there answer for my defence openly without any feare or doubt vnto all such things as should be demanded or required of me Notwithstanding said he forasmuch as you require me so to do I will not refuse to go with you before the Cardinals And if it happen that they euill entreate or handle me yet neuertheles I trust in my Lord Iesus that he wil so comfort and strengthen me that I shall desire much rather to die for his glory sake then to denie the veritie and truth which I haue learned by his holy scriptures Wherfore it came to passe that the Bishops being instant vpon him and not shewing any outward semblance that they bare any malice or hatred against him in their harts albeit they had priuily laid garrisons both in the house where they were assembled and also in other houses Iohn Hus tooke his horse which he had at his lodging and went vnto the Court of the Pope and the Cardinals When he was come thither and had saluted the Cardinals they began to speake to him in this sorte we haue heard many reports of you the which if they be true are in no case to be suffered For meÌ say that you haue taught great and manifest errours and contrary and against the doctrine of the true Church and that you haue sowed your errours abrode through all the Realme of Boheme by a long space or time wherefore we haue caused you to bee called hether before vs that we might vnderstande and know how the matter standeth Unto whom Iohn Hus answered in few words Reuerend fathers you shall vnderstand that I am thus minded and affectioned that I would rather choose to die then I should be found culpable of one only errour much lesse of many great errours for this cause I am the more willingly come vnto the generall Councell which is here appointed to shewe my selfe ready euen with all my hart to receiue correctioÌ if any man can proue any errours in me The Cardinals aunswered him againe that his sayengs pleased them very well and vpon that they went theyr way leauing the said Iohn Hus with maister Iohn de Clum vnder the gard and keeping of the armed men In the meane season they did suborne and furnish out a certaine diuine a Frier Franciscane a subtile and craftie man and a malicious hypocrite for to question with the said Iohn Hus which was compassed round about with armed men This man drawing neare in his monkishe gesture sayd Reuerend maister I a simple and rude ideot am come vnto you for to learne for I haue hard many strange and contrary things against the catholike fayth to be ascribed vnto you the which doo diuersly mooue my mind being wholy inclined to the truth Wherefore I do desire you euen for the loue which you heare vnto the truth and to all good and godly men that you woulde teache me most simple and miserable maÌ some certaintie and truth And first men say that you hold opinion after the coÌsecration and pronuntiation of the words in the Sacrament of the altar there remaineth only materiall bread I. Husse aunswered that it was falsly attributed and imputed to him Then said he I pray you is not this your opinion No verely said Iohn Hus I do not so thinke of it When the Monke asked this question the thirde time Maister Iohn de Clum being somewhat mooued with him sayde why art thou so importunate vpon him Uerely if anye man had affirmed or denied any thing vnto me but once I woulde haue beleeued him And thou albeit hee hath shewed thee his mind so often yet ceasest not to trouble him Then saide the Monke gentle maister I pray you pardon me a poore idiot and simple Frier surely I did it of a good mind inteÌt being willing desirous to learne This Frier put forth another question vnto him protesting his simplicitie and ignorance what maner of vnitie of the Godhead manhood was in the person of Christ When I. Husse had heard this questioÌ he turned himselfe vnto Maister Iohn de Clum in the Bohemian language said truly this Frier is not simple as he doth pretend for he hath propouÌded vnto me a very hard question And afterward turning himselfe to the frier he said vnto him brother you say that you are simple but as I haue heard of you I perceiue very well that you are double and craftie not simple It is not so verely said the frier Well sayde Iohn Hus I will cause you well to vnderstand that it is so For as touching the simplicitie of a man it is required in things that concerne ciulitie maners that the spirite the vnderstaÌding the hart the words the mouth should agree together and I do not perceiue that this is in you There is in your mouth a certaine semblance of simplicitie the which would very well declare you to be an ideot and simple but your deedes shew plainely and euidently a great subtiltie and craft in you with a great quicknes and liuelines of wit in that you haue proponed vnto me so hard and difficult a question Notwithstanding I will not feare to shew you my mind in this question And when he had made an end the Monke gaue him great thanks for his gentlenes and so departed After that the Popes garrison which were about the said Iohn Hus told him that this frier was called Maister Didace who was esteemed and counted the greatest and most subtile diuine in all Lumbardy Oh said Hus that I had knowne that afore I would haue handled him after another sort and fashion but I would to God they were all such then through the help and aide of the holy Scriptures I would feare none of them In this maner the said Hus and maister Iohn de Clum were left vnder the keeping of these men of Armes vntill foure of the clocke at after noone After which time the Cardinals assembled againe in the Popes Court to deuise and take counsaile what they should do with Iohn Hus. Then Steuen Palletz Michaell de Causis with
that he dyd not personally appeare they say they haue heard both himselfe and diuers other credible persones say yea euen the most famous Prince Wenceslaus king of Boheme and almost all the whole nobilitie is witnes that he would willingly haue appeared at Rome or els where if he myghte safely haue commen thether and that deadly enmitie had not letted and moreouer his procurers which he sent vnto the court of Rome alleaging reasonable causes for hys non apparance some of them were cast into pryson and others very euill intreated As for the excommunication which he hath so long sustained they haue heard him often say that he hath not resisted against the same by contumacye or stubbernesse but vnder euident appellation and therupon reterreth himself vnto the Actes of his causes whyche were pleaded in the court of Rome wherm all this is more largely contained the which your reuerences may euidently perceiue and see in this our present publike transumpt which wee haue offred vnto you vpon certaine poynts aforesayd As coÌcerning his preaching wherwithal his enemies do report and charge that M. Iohn Hus did preach openly in the Citie of Constaunce The Lordes aforesaide and specially the Lord Iohn de Clum here present do answere that hee hath continually lodged wyth the sayde M. Iohn Hus here in Constaunce and that whosoeuer they be that haue bene so bolde or dare be so bolde to say affirme that M. Iohn Hus had preached as is premised or that whyche lesse is since the time of his comming vnto thys citie euen vnto the very day time of hys captiuitie and imprysonment that he went but one step out of the house of his lodging that the said Lord Iohn de Clum will and is conteÌt to binde himselfe with any suche as shall affirme the same vnder what penalty so euer it be of money or otherwyse that which hee hath falsly reported vnto your reuerences he shal neuer be able iustly truely to affirme and prooue Thirdly whereas your reuerences do say that you do not vnderstaÌd or know what the Lords do meane by the heretickes condemned at the councel holden at Pisa whether the mocking or deriding the Pope whose ambassadors came thither for vnitie or concorde the which were suffered and gently entreated as theyr Lordes were most enclined vnto vnitie and peace or els that they did vnderstande or meane the perticuler heretickes which were there condemned adioyning therunto that the heretickes also comming vnto the councell vnder the pretence of that vnitie should be gently handled and entreated c. ReuereÌd fathers and Lordes whether they be counted the firste or that they be thought the second or last the Lordes aforesaid require none other thing but that the said M. Iohn Hus may vse suche liberty as they vsed forsomuch as he came willingly vnto this most sacred couÌcel not for any other purpose but onely publikely to recognise his faith And in what poynt soeuer he shall seeme to vary from the worde of God and the vnion of the holy mother the church that in that poynte he will willingly be vnited and reconciled againe thereunto and not only himself but also his fauorers and adherents he would moue and prouoke therunto of whom the greater number are in the kingdoÌ of Boheme Also he is come hether that he might purge and cleare the noble kingdome of Boheme from the sinister and euil slaunder which was raised vpon it Last of all most reuerend fathers Lordes for so much as your reuerences haue most fauourably answered vnto the principal request made by the Lords aforesayd that the processe of M. Iohn Hus through Gods helpe shoulde be determined and ended wtal expedition and gentlenes The Lordes aforesayd do render most harty thanks vnto your reuerences and when soeuer theyr desire by Gods helpe shall come to the ende or effecte long wished or looked for they wil not onely here but also before the whole kingdom of Boheme and in all other places wheresoeuer they come render most immortall thankes vnto your reuerences for euer ¶ Thys declaration of the nobles of Boheme aboue prefixed may serue not only to the coÌfutation of the bishop Luthonius thys Bohemian but also against the cauillacious of Alanus Copus Anglus Dial. 6. pag. 929. touching the safe conduct of Iohn Hus wherof sufficiently before hath ben sayd vide supra pag. 596. When as the noble men of Boheme by loÌg time could receiue no answer of those supplications whych they had alredy put vp they determined the last day of May following by an other supplication being put vp vnto the principals of the councell to entreat that Iohn Hus myght be deliuered out of prison and defend his owne cause openly they also put the testimonial of the bishop of Nazareth as touching Iohn Hus. The copy wherof is expressed in the beginning of this hystorie word by word ¶ Another supplication of the nobles of Boheme MOst reuerend fathers and Lordes in Christ of late there was a supplication put vp vnto your reuerences on the behalfe of the Lordes nobles of Boheme and the nation of Pole wherin they most humbly desired your reuerences to consider how the informations which were put vp vnto your reuerences by the enemies of M. Iohn Hus were insufficient And with reuerence be it spoken in many poynts vntrue as in the safeconduict graunted by the kings maiestie and also in other articles as more plainely appeareth in the Scedule which was then offred vnto you vppon the whych sayde Scedule and other things at that presence being put vppe they coulde not as yet receiue no aunswere Wherefore the Lordes aforesayde moste humbly require your fatherly reuerences that it would please you to consider the said supplication and to geue some answere to the Lordes aforesayd therupon and specially hauing respect vnto the great iniuries and griefs which are done vnto the sayd M. Iohn Hus the which may be vnderstaÌd and knowen by the Scedule aforesayde that you will mercifully consider and foresee that all those griefes and euils so farre different from all brotherly loue and charitie are done vnto hym by his enemies euen for very malice and hatred To the intent therefore that the rancour and malice may be confounded and ouerthrowne and the plaine and euident truth appeare it may please your fatherly reuereÌces to vnderstand that it is notified and knowen vnto the Barones Nobles Citizens Clergie and Laitie of the kingdome of Boheme that M. Iohn Hus in all his actes and doings as well Scholasticall as Ecclesiasticall and specially in all his publike and open sermons he hathe made and hathe accustomed to make these maner of protestations the which without any thing to the contrary hee hath alwaies endeuoured to haue them strong and firme as by this his protestation here folowing which he made about the determination of a certaine question it may most euidently and plainely appeare vnto
which were spoken of a litle before who euery maÌ for himselfe affirmed with an othe that which he had said Amongest whom Iohn Protyway parishe priest of S. ClemeÌts in Prage wheÌ he should come to confirme his testimony added more that Iohn Hus should say that S. Gregory was but a rimer wheÌ he did alleadge his athoritie against him Unto whoÌ Iohn Hus answered that in this point they did him great iniury for somuch as he alwaies esteemed and reputed S. Gregory for a most holy doctor of the Church These contentions and disputations being somewhat appeased the Cardinall of Florence turned himselfe toward Iohn Hus said Maister you know well inough that it is written that in the mouth of two or three witnesses all witnes is firme and stable and heere you see nowe almost 20. witnesses against you men of authority worthy of credite amongst the whych some haue hearde you teach these things themselues the other by report common brute or voice do testify of your doctrine and altogether generally bring firme reasons proofes of theyr witnesse vnto the which wee are forced constrained to geue credite and for my part I see not howe you can maintaine defend your cause against so many notable wel learned men Unto whom Iohn Hus answered in this maner I take God and my conscience to witnes that I neuer taught any thing neither was it euer in my minde or fantasie to teach in such sort or maner as these men here haue not feared to witnesse against me that which they neuer hearde And albeit they were as many more in nuÌber as they are for all that I do much more esteme yea and wtout comparison regard the witnes of my Lord God before the wytnes and iudgement of al mine aduersaries vpon whom I do in no poynt stay my selfe Then sayde the Cardinall againe vnto him it is not lawfull for vs to iudge according to your conscience for we can not chuse but that wee must nedes stay our selues vpon the firme euident witnes of these men heere For it is not for any displeasure or hatred that these men do witnes thys against you as you doe alleadge for they alleadge and bring foorth suche reasons of their witnesse that there is no man that can perceyue any hatred in them or that we can in any case be in dout thereof And as touching M. Steuen Paletz whereas you say you do suspect him that he hath craftly deceitfully drawen out certaine poyntes or articles out of your books for to betray them afterward It semeth that in this point you do hym great wrong for in myne aduise he hath vsed and shewed a great fidelitie and amitie towarde you in that he hathe alleuiated and moderated many of your articles much more then they are in your owne bookes I vnderstand also that you haue like opinion of diuers other notable men and specially you haue sayd that you do suspect M. Chauncellour of Paris then whome there is no more excellent and Christian man in all the whole world Then was there read a certayne article of accusation in the which it was alledged that Iohn Hus had taught obstinately defended certayne erroneous Articles of Wicliffes in Boheme Whereunto Hus answered that he neuer taught any erroures of Iohn Wickliffes or of anye other mans Wherefore if it be so that Wickliffe haue sowed any errours in England let the English men look to the themselues But to confirme theyr article there was alleaged that Iohn Husse did withstande the condemnation of Wickliffes articles the which was first condemned at Rome afterward also wheÌ the Archb. Swinco with other learned men held a conuocation at Prage for the same matter when as they should haue bene there condemned for this cause that none of them were agreeing to the Catholicke faith or doctrine but were either hereticall erroneous or offensiue he aunswered that he durst not agree thereunto for offending hys conscience and specially for these Articles that Siluester the pope and CoÌstantine dyd erre in bestowing those gret gifts rewards vpoÌ the church Also that the pope or Priest being in mortall sinne can not consecrate nor baptise This article said he I haue thus determined as if I should say that he doth vnworthely consecrate or Baptise when as he is in deadly sinne and that he is an vnworthy minister of the Sacramentes of God Here his accusers with their witnesses were earnest and instant that the article of Wickliffe was written by the very same wordes in the treatise which Iohn Husse made agaynst Stephen Paletz Uerely said Iohn Husse I feare not to submit my selfe euen vnder the daunger of death if you shall not find it so as I haue sayd When the book was brought forth they founde it written as Iohn Husse had sayd He added also moreouer that he durst not agree vnto them which had condemned Wickliffes articles for this Article the tenthes were pure almes Here the Cardinal of Florence obiected vnto him this argument as touching the almes it is required that it shold be geueÌ freely without bond or duety But tenthes are not geuen freely without bond or duety therefore are they no almes Iohn Hus denying the Maior of this Sillogismus brought this reason agaynst him For somuch as rich men are bounden vnder the payne of eternall damnation vnto the fulfilling of the 6. works of mercy which Christ repeteth in the 25. chap. of Mathew and these workes are pure almes Ergo almes is also geuen by bond duety Then an Archbishop of EnglaÌd stepping vp sayd if we all be bouÌd vnto those 6. workes of mercy it doth followe that poore men which haue nothing at al to geue should be damned I answere sayd Husse vnto your antecedent that I spake distinctly of rich men and of those which had where withall to doe those workes they I say were bound to geue almes vnder payne of damnation He answered moreouer vnto the Minor of the first argument that tenthes were at first geuen freely and afterward made a bond and duetie And when as he woulde haue declared it more at large he could not be suffered He declared also diuers other causes why he coulde not with safe conscience consent vnto the condemnatioÌ of Wickliffes articles But how soeuer the matter went he did affirme say that he did neuer obstinately confirme any Articles of Wickleffes but only that he did not alow and consent that Wickliffes Articles should be condemned before that sufficient reasons were alleadged out of the holy Scripture for theyr condemnation of the same minde saith Iohn Hus are a great many other Doctors and maysters of the Uniuersitie of Prage For when as Swinco the archbishop commanded all Wickliffes bookes to be gathered together in the whole City of Prage and to be brought vnto him I my self brought also certayn books of Wickliffes which I
gaue vnto that Archbishop desiring him that if he found any error or heresie in them that he would note and mark theÌ and I myselfe would publish them openly But the archbishop albeit that he shewed me no errour nor heresie in them burned my bookes together with those that were brought vnto him notwtstanding that he had no such commaundement from Pope Alexander the fifth of that name But notwithstanding by a certaine pollicie he obtayned a Bull from the sayd Pope by meanes of Iaroslaus Bishop of Sarepte of the order of Franciscanes that all Wickleffâs books for the manifold errours contayned in them wherof there was none named should be taken out of all mens handes The archb vsing the authoritie of this Bull thought he should bring to passe that the king of Boheme and the Nobles shold consent to the condemnation of Wickliffes bookes but therein he was deceiued Yet neuerthelesse he calling together certayn deuines gaue them in coÌmissioÌ to sit vpon Wickliffes bookes and to proceede agaynst them by a diffinitiue sentence in the Canon law These men by a generall sentence iudged all those books worthy to be burned The which when the Doctors Maysters and Shollers of the vniuersitie heard report of they altogether with one consent accord none excepted but onely they which before were chosen by the Archbishop to sit in iudgement determined to make supplication vnto the king to stay the matter The king graunting their request sent by and by certain vnto the Archbishop to examine the matter There he denyed that he woulde decree anye thing as touchinge Wickleffes bookes contrary vnto the kinges will pleasure Wherupon albeit that he had determined to burn theÌ the next day after yet for feare of the king the matter was passed ouer In the meane tyme Pope Alexander the fifth beyng dead the Archbishop fearing least the Bull whiche he had receiued of the pope would be no longer of any force or effect priuily calling vnto him hys adherentes and shutting the gates of hys Court round about him being garded with a number of armed souldiors he consumed and burned all Wickliffes bookes Beside this great iniurie the Archbyshop by meanes of his Bull aforesayd committed an other lesse tollerable For he gaue out commaundement that no man after that time vnder payne of excoÌmunication shold teach any more in Chappels Wherunto I did appeale vnto the Pope who being dead and the cause of my matter remayning vndetermined I appealed likewise vnto his successor Iohn 23. Before whom when as by the space of 2. yeres I could not be admitted by my aduocates to defend my cause I appealed vnto the high Iudge Christ. When I. Hus had spoken these wordes it was demaunded of hym whether he had receiued absolution of the pope or no he aunswered no. Then agayne whether it were lawfull for him to appeale vnto Christ or no. Whereunto Iohn Hus answered Uerely I doe affirme here afore you all that there is no more iust or effectuall appeale then that appeale which is made vnto Christ for asmuch as the law doth determine that to appeale is no other thinge then in a cause of griefe or wrong done by an inferior iudge to implore and require ayde and remedy at a higher Iudges hand Who is then an higher Iudge then Christ Who I say caÌ know or iudge the matter more iustly or with more equitie when as in him there is found no deceit neyther can he be deceiued or who can better helpe the miserable oppressed theÌ he While Iohn Hus with a deuout and sober countenaunce was speaking and pronouncing those words he was derided and mocked of all the whole councell Then was there rehearsed an other Article of his accusation in this maner that Iohn Hus for to confirme the heresie which he had taught the common and simple people out of Wickleffes bookes sayd openly these wordes that at what time a great number of Monkes and Friers and other learned men were gathered together in EnglaÌd in a certayne Church to dispute agaynst Iohn Wickliffe could by no meanes vanquishe him or geue him the foyle sodenly the church doore was broken open with lightning so that with much a doe Wickleffes enemies hardly scaped without hurt He added moreouer that he wished his soule to be in the same place where Iohn Wickleffes soule was Whereunto Iohn Hus answered that a douscine yeares before that any bookes of Diuinitie of Iohn Wickleffes were in Boheme he did see certayne workes of Philosophie of hys the which he sayd did merueilous delite and please hym And when he vnderstoode the good and godly life of the sayd Wickleffe he spake these wordes I trust sayde he that Wickleffe is saued and albeit that I doubt whether he be damned or no yet with a good hope I wish that my soule were in the same place where Iohn Wickleffes is Then agayne did all the company iest and laugh at hym It is also in hys accusation that Iohn Hus did counsaile the people according to the example of Moyses to resist with the sword agaynst all such as did gaynsay his doctrine And the next day after he had preached the same there were found openly in diuers places certaine intimations that euery man being armed with hys sword about him should stoutly proceede and that brother shoulde not spare brother neyther one neighbor an other Iohn Husse aunswered that all these thinges were falsly layd vnto hys charge by his aduersaries for he at all times when he preached did dilligently admonishe and warne the people that they should all arme themselues to defend the truth of the Gospell according to the saying of the Apostle with the helmet and sworde of saluation and that he neuer spake of any material sword but of that which is the word of God And as touching intimations or Moyses sword he neuer had nothing to doe withall It is moreouer affirmed in hys accusation and witnes that many offences are sprong vp by the doctrine of Hus. For first of all he sowed discord betweene the Ecclesiastical and the politick state whereupon folowed the persecution spoiling and robbery of the Clergie Bishops And more ouer that he through his dissention dissolued the vniuersitie of Prage Hereunto Iohn Hus briefly aunswered that these thinges had not happened by hys meanes or default For the first dissention that was betweene the Ecclesiasticall and politicke state sprang and grew vpon this cause that pope Gregory the 12. of that name promised at his election that at all times at the wil and pleasure of the Cardinals he would depart from and geue ouer hys seate agayne for vnder that condition he was electe and chosen This man contrary and against Winceslaus king of Boheme who was then also king of the Romaynes made Lewes Duke of Bauaria Emperour A few yeares after it happened that when as P. Gregory would not refuse and geue ouer
vnto Rome And as he was about to rehearse his appeale agayne they mocked hym ¶ For so much as mention here is made of the appeale of the sayd Hus it seemeth good here to shewe the manner and forme therof The copy and tenour of the appeale of Iohn Hus. FOrasmuch as the most mighty Lorde one in essence 3. in person is both the chiefe and first c also the last and vttermost refuge of al those which are oppressed and that he is the God which defendeth verety and truth throughout all generations doynge iustice to such as be wronged being ready and at hand to al those whiche call vppon him in veritie and truth and bindyng those that are bond and fulfilleth the desires of all those which honour and feare hym defending and keeping al those that loue him and vtterly destroyeth and bringeth to ruine the stiffnecked and vnpenitent sinner and that the Lorde Iesus Christ very God and man being in great anguish compassed in with the priestes Scribes and Phariseis wicked iudges and witnesses willing by the most bitter and ignominious death to redeme the chosen children of God before the foundation of the world from euerlasting damnation hath left behinde him this godly example for a memory vnto them which should come after hym to the intent they should commit al their causes into the handes of God who can doe all thinges and knoweth and seeth all thinges saying in this maner O Lorde beholde my affliction for my enemy hath prepared hymselfe against me and thou art my protector and defendor O Lorde thou hast geueÌ me vnderstanding and I haue acknowledged thee thou hast opened vnto me all their enterprises and for mine owne parte I haue bene as a meeke lambe which is led vnto sacrifice and haue not resisted agaynst them They haue wrought their enterprises vpon me saying Let vs put wood in hys bread and let vs banysh him out of the land of the liuing that hys name be no more spokeÌ of nor had in memory But thou O Lord of hostes whiche iudgest lustly and seest the deuises and imaginations of theyr hartes hasten thee to take vengeance vpon them for I haue manifested my cause vnto thee for so much as the number of those which trouble me is great and haue counsayled together saying the Lorde hath forsaken hym pursue hym and catch hym O Lord my God behold their doinges for thou art my pacience deliuer me from myne enemies for thou art my God doe not seperate thy selfe fan from me for so much as tribulation is at hand and there is no maÌ which will succour me My God my God looke downe vpon me wherefore hast thou forsaken me So many doggs haue compassed me in and the company of the wicked haue besieged me round about for they haue spoken agaynst me with the deceitfull tonges and haue compassed me in with wordes full of despite and haue inforced me without cause In stead of loue towardes me they haue slaundered me and haue recompensed me wyth euill for good and in place of charitie they haue conceaued hatred agaynst me Wherfore behold I staying my selfe vppon this most holy and fruitfull example of my sauiour and redeemer do appeale before God for this my grief and hard oppressioÌ from thys most wicked sentence and iudgement and the excommunication determined by the Byshop Scribes Phariseis and Iudges which sit in Moyses seate and resigne my cause wholly vnto hym so as the holy Patriarke of Constantinople Iohn Chrisostome appealed twise from the Councell of the Byshops and Clergy And Andrew Byshop of Prage and Robert Byshop of Lincolne appealed vnto the soueraign and most iust iudge the which is not defiled with crueltye neyther canne he be corrupted with gifres and rewardes neyther yet be deceiued by false witnesse Also I desire greatly that all the faythfull seruauntes of Iesus Christ and especially the Princes Barons Knightes Esquires and all other whiche inhabite our Country of Boheme should vnderstand know these things and haue compassion vpon me which am so greeuously oppressed by the excommunication whiche is out agaynst me the whiche was obtayned and gotten by the instigation and procurement of Michaell de Causis my great enemy and by the consent and furtheraunce of the Canons of the Cathedrall Churche of Prage and geuen and graunted out by Peter of Sainct Angelles Deane of the Church of Rome and Cardinall and also ordayned iudge by Pope Iohn the xxiij who hath continued almost these two yeares and would geue no audience vnto my Aduocates and Procurators which they ought not to deny no not to a Iew or Pagan or to any hereticke whatsoeuer he were neyther yet woulde he receiue any reasonable excuse for that I did not appeare personally neyther would he accept the testimonials of the whole Vniuersity of Prage with the seale haÌging at it or the witnes of the sworn Notaries and such as were called vnto witnesse By thys all men may euideÌtly perceiue that I haue not incurred any fault or crym of contumacie or disobedience for somuche as that I did not appeare in the Court of Rome was not for any contempte but for reasonable causes And moreouer for somuch as they had layd embushmentes for me on euery side by wayes where I shoulde passe and also because the perils dangers of others haue made me the more circumspect and aduised and for somuche as my procurours were willing and contented to bind themselues euen to abide the punishment of the fire to answere to all such as would appose or lay any thing agaynst me in the Court of Rome as also because they dyd imprison my lawfull procuratour in the sayd Court without any cause demerite or faulte as I suppose For somuch then as the order and disposition of all auncient lawes as well deuine of the old and new testament as also of the Canon lawes is this that the Iudges should resorte vnto the place where the crime or faulte is committed or done and there to enquire of al such crimes as shal be obiected and layd agaynst hym which is accused or slandered and that of such men as by conuersation haue some knowledge or vnderstanding of the party so accused the whiche may not be the euill willers or enemies of hym which is so accused or slaundered but must be men of an honest conuersation no common quarrell pickers or accusers but feruent louers of the law of God and finally that there shold be a fit and meete place appoynted whether as the accused party might without daunger or perill resorte or come and that the Iudge and witnesses should not be enemies vn to hym that is accused And also forsomuche as it is manifest that all these conditions were wanting and lacking as touching my appearaunce for the safegard of my life I am excused before God from the friuolous pretended obstinacie and excommunication Whereupon I I. Hus do present
declare vnto them hys minde neyther would he by any meanes consent vnto those priuate iudges Wherupon the Presidents of the Councell thinking that the sayd M. Hierome woulde renue hys recantation before the sayd audieuce and confirme the same did graunt him open audieÌce In the yeare of our Lord. 1416. the 25. day of May which was the Saterday before the Ascenâion of our Lord the sayd M. Hierom was brought vnto open audience before the whole Councell to the great Cathedrall church of Constance whereas by the Commissioners of the Councell in the behalfe of hys foresayd enemies there was laid agaynst him of new C. and vii Articles to the intent that he should not scape the snare of death which they prouided and layd for him in so much as the iudges had before declared that by the saying of the witnesses it was already concluded in the same audience The day aforesayd from morning vntill noone he aunswered vnto more then 40. Articles most subtletie obiected agaynst him denying that he held or mayntayned any such articles as were either hurtfull or false affirming the those witnesses had deposed theÌ agaynst him falsly and slaunderously as his most cruel and mortall enemies In the same Session they had not yet proceeded vnto death because that the noone time drew so fast on that he could not answere vnto the Articles Wherfore for lacke of time sufficient to aunswere vnto the residue of the Articles there was an other time appoynted which was the third day after the foresaid Saterday before the Ascention of our Lord at whiche time againe early in the morning hee was brought vnto the sayde Cathedrall Church to answere vnto all the residue the Articles In all which articles as well those which he had aunswered vnto the Saterday before as in the residue he cleared himselfe very learnedly refelling his aduersaries who had no cause but onely of malice displeasure were set agaynst him did him great wrong in suche sort that they were themselues astonyed at his oration and refutation of their testimonies brought agaynst him and with shame enough were put to silence As when one of them had demanded of him what he thought by the sacrament of the aultar He answered before consecration sayd he it is bread wine after the consecration it is the true body and bloud of Christ adding withall moe wordes according to theyr catholicke fayth Then an other rising vp Hierome sayde he there goeth a great rumor of thee that thou shouldest hold bread to remain vpon the aultar To whom he pleasantly answered saying that he beleued bread to be at the Bakers At which wordes being spoken one of the Dominicke Friers fumishly tooke on and sayd what doest thou deny that no man doubteth of Whose peuishe sausines Hierome with these words did well represse holde thy peace said he thou monke thou hipocrite And thus the monke being nipped in the head sate downe dumme After whom started vp an other who with a loude voyce cryed out I sweare sayd he by my conscience that to be true that thou doest deny To whom sayd Hierome agayne speaking in latine Heus inquit sic iurare per conscientiam tutissima fallendi via est That is thus to sweare by your conscience is the next way to deceiue An other there was a spitefull and a bitter enemy of his whom he called by no other name then dogge or asse After he had thus refuted them one after an other that they could finde no crime against him neyther in this matter nor in anye other they were all driuen to keepe silence This done then were the witnesses called for who coÌming in presence gaue testimony vnto the Articles before produced By reason wherof the innocent cause of Hierome was oppressed and began in the councell to be concluded Then Hierome rising vp begaÌ to speak forsomuch sayth he as you haue heard mine aduersaries so diligeÌtly hether to conuenient it is that you should also nowe heare me to speake for my selfe Whereupon with much difficultie at last audience was geueÌ in the Councell for hym to say his mind Which being granted he from morning to noon continuyng entreated of diuers and sondry matters with great learning and eloqueÌce Who first beginning with his praier to God be sought him to geue him spirite habilitie and vtterance which might most tend to the profite saluation of his own soule And so entring into hys Oration I Know sayth he reuerend Lords that there haue bene many excelleÌt men which haue suffered much otherwise theÌ they haue deserued being oppressed with false witnesses condemned with wrong iudgementes And so beginning with Socrates he declared howe hee was vniustly condemned of hys countrimen neither woulde he escape when hee might taking from vs the feare of two thinges whiche seeme most bitter to men to wit of prisonment and death Then he inferred the captiuitie of Plato the banishment of Anaxagoras and the tormentes of Zeno. Moreouer he brought in the wrongfull condemnation of many gentiles as the banishment of Rupilius reciting also the vnworthy death of Boetius and of others whom Boetius himselfe doth write of From thence he came to the examples of the Hebrues and first began with Moyses the deliuerer of the people the law geuer how he was oftentimes slaundered of hys people as being a seducer and contemner of the people Ioseph also sayth he for enuy was sold of hys brethren and for false suspicion of whoredome was cast into bandes Besides these he reciteth Esayas Daniell and almost all the Prophetes who as contemners of god and seditious persons were oppressed with wrongfull condemnation FroÌ thence he proceeded to the iudgement of Susanna and of diuers other besides who being good and holy men yet were they vniustly cast away with wrongfull sentence At the length he came to Iohn Baptist and so in long processe he descended vnto our sauiour declaring how it was euident to all men by what false witnesses both he and Iohn Baptist were condemned Moreouer how Stephen was slayne by the Colledge of the priestes and how all the Apostles were condemned to death not as good men but as seditious styrrers vp of the people and contemners of the Gods and euil doers It is vniust sayth he vniustly to be condemned one priest of an other and yet he proued that the same hath so happened most vniustly in that Councell of Priestes These thinges did he discourse at large with marueilous eloqueÌce and with singuler admiration of all that heard hym And forasmuch as all the whol summe of the cause dyd rest only in the witnesses by many reasons he proued that no credite was to be geuen vnto them especially seing they spake all thinges of no truth but onely of hatred malice enuy And so prosecuting the matter so liuely and expressely he opened vnto them the causes of their hatred
that hee had almost perswaded them So liuely and likely their hatred was detected that almost no trust was geuen to their testimonies saue onely for the cause and quarrell wherein they stood touching the popes doctrine All mens mindes here were moued and bending to mercye towardes hym For he told them how that he of hys owne accord came vp to the Councell and to purge hymselfe he did open vnto them all hys life and doinges being full of vertue godlines This was sayth he the old maner of auncient and learned meÌ and most holy Elders that in matters of fayth they did differ many times in argumentes not to destroy the fayth but to finde out the veritie So did Augustine and Hierome dissent not onely being diuers but also contrary one from the other yet wtout al suspition of heresy All this while the popes holy Councell did wayt still when he would beginne to excuse himselfe and to retracte those thinges whiche were obiected agaynst him and to craue pardon of the Councell But he persisting still in hys constant oration did acknowledge no errour nor gaue any signification of retractation At last entring into the prayse commendation of M. Iohn Hus he affirmed that he was a good iust and holy man and much vnworthy that death whiche he did suffer Whom he did know from his youth vpward to be neither fornicator drunkard neither anye euill or vicious person but a chast sober man a iust and true preacher of the holy Gospell and whatsoeuer things mayster Iohn Hus and Wicklyff had holden or written specially agaynst the abuse and pompe of the clergie he would affirme euen vnto the death that they were holy and blessed men and that in all pointes of the Catholicke fayth he doth beleue as the holy Catholicke Church doth hold or beleue And finally he did conclude that al such articles as Iohn Wickleffe Iohn Hus had written put forth agaynst the enormities pompe and disorder of the Prelates he would firmely steadfastly without recantation hold defend eueÌ vnto the death And last of all he added that al the sinnes that euer he had coÌmitted did not so much gnaw and trouble his conscience as did that onely sinne whiche he had committed in that most pestiferous fact when as in his recantation he had vniustly spoken against that good and holy man his doctrine specially in coÌsenting vnto his wicked coÌdeÌnation concluding that he did vtterly reuoke deny that wicked recantatioÌ which he had made in that most cursed place that he dyd it through weakenes of hart and feare of death And moreuer that whatsoeuer thing he hath spokeÌ against that blessed man he hath altogether lyed vpoÌ him and that he doth repent him with his whole hart that euer he did it And at the hearing hereof the hartes of the hearers were not a little sory For they wished and desired greatly that such a singular man shold be saued if otherwise their blind superstition would haue suffered it But he continued still in his prefixed sentence seeming to desire rather death then lyfe And persisting in the prayse of Iohn Husse he added moreouer that he neuer mayntayned anye doctrine agaynst the state of the Church but onely spake agaynst the abuses of the clergye against the pride pompe and excesse of the Prelates For somuch as the patrimonies of the churches were first geuen for the poore then for hospitality and thirdly to the reparations of the Churches it was a griefe to that good man sayd he to see the same misspent and cast away vpon harlots great feastings and keping of horses and dogges vpoÌ gorgeous apparell and such other things vnseming Christian Religion And herein he sheweth him selfe marueilous eloquent yea neuer more And when his oration was interrupted many tymes by diuers of them carping his sentences as he was in speaking yet was there none of all those that interrupted hym which scaped vnblanckt but he brought them all to confusion and put them to silence When any noise began he ceased to speake after began againe proceeding in his Oration and desiring them to geue him leaue a while to speak whoÌ they hereafter should heare no more neither yet was his mind euer dashed at all these noyses and tumults And thys was marueilous in him to behold notwithstanding he continued in strait prison 340. dayes hauing neither booke nor almost light to read by yet how admirably his memory serued him Declaring howe all those paynes of his strait handling did not somuch greeue him as he did wonder rather to see their vnkind humanitie towardes him When he had spoken these and many other thinges as touching the prayse of Iohn Wickleffe Iohn Hus they which sat in the Councell whispered together saying by these his wordes it appeareth that he is at a poynt with hym selfe Then was he agayne caried into prison greeuously settered by the hands armes and feete with great chaines and fetters of yron The Saterday next before the Ascension day early in the morning he was brought with a great number of armed men vnto the Cathedral Church before the open congregation to haue his iudgement geuen hym There they exhorted him that those thinges which he had before spokeÌ in the open audience as is aforesayde touching he prayse and commendation of M. Iohn Wickleffe and M. Iohn Hus confirming and establishing their doctrine he would yât recant the same but he merueilous stoutly without all feare spake agaynst them amoÌgst other things said vnto them I take God to my witnes and I protest here before you all that I do beleeue and holde the articles of the fayth as the holy Catholicke Church doth hold and beleue the same but for this cause shall I now be condemned for that I will not consent with you vnto the condemnation of those most holy and blessed men aforesayd whome you haue most wickedly condemned for certaine articles detetesting and abhorring your wicked and abhominable life Then he confessed there before them all his beliefe and vttered many thinges very profoundly and eloquently in so much that all men there present could not sufficiently coÌmend prayse hys great eloqueÌce excellent learning and by no means could they induce or perswade him to recant Then a certayne bishop named the Bishop of Landy made a certayne sermon exhortatiue agaynst M. Hierome perswading to his condemnation After the Byshop had ended the sayd sermon M. Hierome sayd agayn vnto them You shall condemne me wickedly and vniustly But I after my death will leaue a remorse in your conscience and a nayle in your hartes ET CITO VOS OMNES VT RESPONDEATIS MIHI CORAM ALTISSIMO ET IVSTISSIMO IVDICE POST CENTVM ANNOS that is And here I cite you to aunswere vnto me before the most high and iust Iudge within a C. yeares No penne can sufficiently write or note those
this present committing the foresayd iniuryes vnto God vnto whom vengeance perteyneth who will also aboundantly reward workers of iniquity will prosecute them more amply before him whom God shall appoynt in the Apostolicke sea to gouerne his holy Churche as the onely and vndoubted Pastour Vnto whom God willing we exhibiting our due reuerence obedience as faythfull children in those things which are lawfull honest and agreeable to reason and the law of God wil make our request and petition that speedy remedy may be prouided for vs our sayde kingdome and Marquesdome vpon the premises according to the law of our Lord Iesus Christ and the institutions of the holy fathers The premises notwithstanding we setting apart all feare and mens ordinances prouided to the contrary will maynetayne and defend the law of our Lord Iesus Christ and the deuout humble and constant preachers thereof euen to the shedding of our bloud Dated at Sternberg in the yeare of our Lord. 1415. vpon S. WeÌceslaus day Martyr of our Lord Iesu Christ. Round about the sayd letters there were 54. Seales hanging and their names subscribed whose Seales they were The names of which noble men I thought it good here to annext with all partly for the more credite of that hath bene sayd partly also for examples sake to the intent that our noble men and gentlemen in this our Realme of England now liuing in this cleare light of the Gospell may by their example vnderstand that if they ioyne themselues with the Gospell of Iesus zealouslye and as they should do yet are they neither the first nor the most that so haue done before them if not yet the trueth may here remayne in the story to theyr shame or els to theyr instruction seing so many noble and worthy gentlemen within the small kingdome of Bohemia to be so forward in those so darcke dayes and among so many enemyes 200. yeares agoe to take part with Christ And yet our GentlemeÌ here in such long coÌtinuance of time being so diligeÌtly taught are neyther in number nor in zeale to theÌ to be compared but will still take part contrary both to Christ and to the example of these nobles whose names they may see read here folowing 1 Alssokabat de Wiscowitz 2 Vlricus de Lhota 2 Ioan de Ksimicz 4 Iossko de sczitowicz 5 Paerdus Zwiranowicz 6 Ioan. de Ziwla 7 IoaÌ de ReycheÌberg 8 Wildo Skitzyny 9 Drliko de Biela 10 Kos de Doloylatz 11 Ioan de Simusin 12 Dobessim ' de Tissa 13 Drazko de Aradeck 14 Steph. de Hmodorkat 15 Ioan Dern de Gabonecx 16 Barso dictus Hloder de Zeinicz 17 Ioan Hmrsdorfar 18 Psateska de Wilklek 19 Petrus Mg de Sczitowicy 20 N. Studenica 21 N. Brischell 22 N. de Cromassona 23 Arannisick Donant de Poloniae 24 Ioan. Donant de Poloniae 25 Ioan. de Cziczow 26 Wenceslaus de N. 27 N. de N. 28 N.N. 29 Iosseck de N. 30 Henricus de N. 31 Waczlals de kuck  This noble man did accompanye Hus and with certain horsemen conducte him to Constance 32 Henr. de Zrenowicz 33 Baczko de CoÌuald 34 Petr. dictus Nienick de zaltoroldeck 35 CzeÌko de Mossnow 36 N. 37 Zibilutz de ClezaÌ 38 Ioan. de Peterswald 39 Parsifal de Namyescz 40 Zodoni de Zwietzick 41 Raczeck Zawskalp 42 Ion de Tossawicz 43 Diwa de Spissnia 44 Steffko de Draczdw 45 Issko de Draczdw 46 Odich de Hlud 47 Wosfart de Paulowicz 48 Pirebbor de Tire zenicz 49 Rynard de Tyrczewicz 50 Bohunko de Wratisdow 51 Vlricus de Racdraw 52 Deslaw de Nali 53 Bonesb de Frabenicz 54 Eybl de Roissowan After these things thus declared and discoursed coÌcerning the history of Iohn Hus and Hierome of Prage the order of place and countrye next woulde require consequently to infer and comprehend the great troubles perturbations which happened after vpoÌ the death of these men in the couÌtry of Boheme but the order of time calleth me backe first to other matters here of our owne country which passed in the meane time with vs in England Which things being taken by the way and finished we will christ willing afterward returne to the tractation hereof to prosecute the troubles and conflictes of the Bohemians with other things beside perteyning to the latter end of the couÌcell of constance and chosing of Pope Martin as the order of yeares and time shall require Ye heard before pag. 588. how after the death of Thomas Arundell Archb. of Caunt succeeded Henry Chichesley an 1414. and sate 25. yeres In whose time was much trouble and great affliction of good meÌ here in England of whom many were compelled to abiure some we burned diuers were driueÌ to exile Wherof partly now to entreat as we finde them in registers historyes recorded we will first begin with Iohn Claydon Currier of LondoÌ Richard Turming whom Rob. Fabian doth falsly affirm to be burned in the yeare where in Syr Roger Acton and M. Browne suffered who in deed suffered not before the secoÌd yeare of Henry Chichesley being Archb. of Caunt whiche was an 1413. The history of which Iohn Claydon in the Registers is thus declared The story of Iohn Claydon Currier and of R. Turming Baker THe 17. of August 1415. did personally appeare I. Claydon Currier of London arrested by the Mayor of the sayd City for the suspition of heresy before Henry Archbishop of Caunterbury in Saynt Paules Church whiche Iohn being obiected to him by the Archbishop that in the City of London other places of the prouince of Canterbury he was suspected by diuers godly and learned meÌ for heresy and to be contrary to the catholick fayth and determinatioÌ of the church did openly confesse and denyed not but that he had bene for the space of xx yeres suspected both about the City of London also in the prouince of Caunt and specially of the common sort for Lollardy and heresy to be contrary to the catholick fayth and determination of the church of Rome and defamed of the same all the tyme aforesayd In so much that in the time of M. Robert Braybrooke B. of London deceased he was for the space of two yeares commaunded to the prison of Conwey for the foresayd defamation and suspition and for the same cause also he was in prison in the fleete for 3. yeares Out of which prison he in the raigne of King Henry the 4. was brought before Lord Iohn Scarle then Chauncellor to the king there did abiure all heresy and errour And the sayd Iohn Claydon being asked of the sayd Archbishop whither he did abiure the heresye of which he was suspect before any other did confesse that in a Conuocation at London in Paules Church before Thomas Arundell late Archbishop deceased he did abiure all such doctrine which they called heresy and error contrary to the Catholick fayth and determination of the Church and that he had
nowe come to manifest their innocencie before the whole Church and to require open audience where as the laitie may also be present The request was graunted them and being further demanded in what poynts they did disagree from the church of Rome they propounded 4. Articles First they affirmed that all suche as woulde be saued ought of necessitie to receiue the Communion of the laste supper vnder both kindes of bread and wine The second Article they affirmed aâl ciuil rule and dominion to be forbidden vnto yâ Clergy by the law of God The thirde Article that the preaching of the worde of God is free for all men and in all places The fourth Article as touching open crimes and offences which are in no wise to be suffered for the ââoiding of greater euill These were the onely propositions whyche they propounded before the Councell in the name of the whole realme Then another ambassador affirmed that he had hard of the Bohemians diuers and sundry thinges offensiue to Christian eares amongst the which this was one poynte that they should preach that the inuention of the order of begging Friers was diabolicall Then Procopius rising vppe sayde neither is it vntrue for if neyther Moises neyther before hym the Patriarkes neither after him the Prophets neyther in the new lawe Christe and hys Apostles did institute the order of begging friers who doth dout but that it was an inuention of the deuil and a worke of darkenesse This answere of Procopius was derided of them all And Cardinall Iulianus went about to prooue that not onely the decrees of the Patriarkes and Prophetes and those things which Christ and his Apostles had instituted to be onely of God but also all such decrees as the church shuld ordaine being guided through the holy ghost be the workes of God All be it as he sayde the order of begging Friers might seeme to be taken out of some parte of the gospel The Bohemians chose out 4. diuines which shuld declare their Articles to be taken out of the Scriptures Likewise on the contrary part there was 4. appoynted by the councell This disputation continued 50. dayes where many thinges were alledged on either parte whereof as place shal serue more hereafter by the grace of Christ shal be sayd when we come to the time of that Councel In the meane season while yâ Bohemians were thus in long conflicts wyth Sigismund the Emperour and the Pope fighting for their religion vnto whome notwtstanding all the fulnesse of the Popes power was bent against them God of his goodnesse had geueÌ such noble victories as is aboue expressed and euer did prosper them so loÌg as they could agree among theÌselues as these things I say were doing in Boheme King Henry the 5. fighting likewise in Fraunce albeit for no like matters of religion fell sicke at Boys and died after he had raigned 9. yeres 5. moneths 3. wekes and odde daies from his coronation This king in his life and in all hys doings was so deuout seruiceable to the Pope and his chapleins that he was called of many the Prince of priests who left behind him a sonne being yet an infant 9. monthes and 15. dayes of age whom he had by Quene Katherine daughter to the French king married to him about 2. or 3. yeares before The name of which Prince succeeding after his father was Henry 6. lefte vnder the gouernement and protection of his vncle named Humfrey Duke of Gloucester ¶ The names of the Archbishops of Canterbury in this fifte Booke conteined 54 Simon Islepe 17 56 Simon Langham 2 57 William Witlesey 5 58 Simon Sudbery 6 59 William Courtney 15 60 Thomas Arundel 18 61 Henry Chichesly 29 THE SIXT PART OR SECTION pertaining to the last 300. yeares A preface to the reader ACcording to the fiue sondry diuersities and alterations of the Churche so haue I deuided hetherto the order of thys presente Church story into fiue principall partes euery part containing 300. yeares So that nowe comming to the laste 300. yeares that is to the last times of the Church counting from the time of Wickleffe For as muche as in the compasse of the sayd last 300 yeres are contained great troubles and perturbations of the Church with the meruailous reformation of the same through the wonderous operation of the almighty all which things cannot be comprehended in one booke I haue therefore disposed the sayd latter 30. yeares into diuers bookes beginning nowe with the sixt booke at the raigne of king Henry the vj. In which booke beside the greeuous and sundry persecutions raised vp by Antichrist to be noted here in is also to be obserued that where as it hath of long time bene receyued and thought of the common people that this religion now generally vsed hath sprong vp and risen but of late euen by the space as many do thinke of 20. or 30. yeares it may now manifestly appeare not onely by the Acts and Monuments heretofore passed but also by the hystories here after following howe this profession of Christes religion hath bene spread abroade in Englande of olde and auncient time not onely from the space of these 200. late yeares from the time of Wyckleffe but hathe continually from time to time sparkled abroade although the flames thereof haue neuer so perfectly burst out as they haue done within these hundred yeares and more As by these hystories here collected gathered out of Registers especially of the Diocesse of Norwich shall manifestly appeare wherein may be seene what men and how many both men and women within the sayde Diocesse of Norwich haue bene which haue defended the same cause of doctrine which now is receiued by vs in the Church Which persones althoughe then they were not so strongly armed in their cause and quarel as of late yeres they haue bene yet were they warriours in Christes churche and fought for their power in the same cause And although they gaue backe through tyrannie yet iudge thou the best good Reader and referre the cause therof to God who reuealeth all things according to his determined will and appoynted time THis yong prince being vnder the age of one yeare after the death of his father succeeded in his reigne and kingdom of England Anno 1422. and in the 8. yeare was crowned at Westminster and the 2. yeare after was crowned also at Paris Henry bishop of Winchester Cardinall being present at them both raigned 38. yeres and then was deposed by Edwarde the 4. as heere after Christ willing shall be declared in his time In the firste yeare of his raigne was burned the constant witnesse bearer and testis of Christes doctrine William Tailour a Priest vnder Henry Chichesley Archbishop of Canterbury Of this William Tailour I read that in the dayes of Thomas Arundell hee was first apprehended and abiured Afterwarde in the daies of Henry Chichesley aboute the yeare of our Lorde 1421. which was
by any man whych peraduenture shall inculcate feare vnto you whereas there is nothing at all to be doubted or that doe perswade you this to be no lawful councel I know I shuld offend your holines if I shuld go about to proue the contrary but it is better that I do offend you a litle in words and profit you in my deedes for a Phisition layeth a burning corrisiue vnto the disease and healeth the sore For the medicine can not profit except it be sharpe and bitter in tast Vâder this hope and confidence I will not feare to declare the truth That it being knowen your holines may the better prouide both for your selfe and the church it dependeth vppon the councell of Constance whether this councell be lawfull or not If that were a true councel so is this also No man semeth to dout whether that councel were lawfull and likewise whatsoeuer was there decreed to be lawful for if any man will say that the decrees of that councel are not of force he must nedes graunt that the depriuation of Pope Iohn which was done by the force of those decrees to be of no effect If that depriuation were not of effecte Neither was the election of Pope Martine of any force which was done he being yet aliue If Martin were no true Pope neither is your holinesse which was chosen by the Cardinalles that hee made wherefore it standeth no man more vpon to defend the decrees of that couÌcel then your holines for if any decree of that councel be called into doubt By like meanes may all the rest of the decrees be reuoked And by like meanes shall the decrees of any other councell be of no force and effect for by like reason as the faith of one councell is weakened all the rest shal also be weakned according to S. Augustins saying in the 9. distinction capitulo Si ad scripturas Then sayeth he both the faithe and all other sacraments shall be put in doubt if that there be once any doubt made of the force and power of any councell lawfully coÌgregate There was a decree made in the councel of Constance intituled frequens Whereby it was ordained that the first councel after that should be holden within 5. yeres and another within 7. yeres after that again The councel of Constance being ended and the 5. yeres passed the councel of Papia or Sene was holden after which 7. yeares being also run ouer this councell is begon to be celebrate To what ende then is it expressed in the Bull of the dissolution amongest other causes that the 7. yeare is already past When as of necessitye it ought to be passed before the councell can be celebrate For these wordes from 7. yere or 5. yere signify according to the law that all partes of time should be passed and the last day looked for Wherefore it behoued that 7. yeres to be fully complete before this councel of Basil should begin Like as 5. yeares was fully expired before that the councell of Papia did begin but peradueÌture some man will say that it ought to haue begun the first day after the 7. yere was expired For otherwise the terme of the councell is passed But heereunto we may answer that it is not contained in the chapter Frequens that except it were holden the first day it should not be holden at al neither can it be gathered either by the wordes or meaning For it is only required that it should be holden after 7. yeares expired but whether it be the 2. or 3. day or the 3. or 4. moneth after the 7. yere it doth satisfy the chapter Frequens For wheÌ the first day is come then beginneth the power and liberty to celebrate the councell but not afore but it is not prohibited to celebrate it after neither doth this word In quinquennium That is to say against 5. yeare next following which is alleaged in the chapter Frequens and semeth to be repeated Also for the 7. yeres for it is not vnderstaÌd that it is necessary to be holden the first day precisely after the 7. yere but because it should not be vnderstand of other 7 yeares to come For in speaking simply of 7. yere it is vnderstand of 7. yeare next ensuing Admit also that in the chapter FrequeÌs any of these wordes had bene ioyned with immediatly following as by by out of haÌd immediatly or straightwaies after or such other words yet ought they to be vnderstand with a certaine moderation and distance of time that assone as might be coÌuenient as these wordes are expounded by the lawes and the doctors for they are enlarged and restrained according to the subiect and diuers circuÌstaunces of the matters and affaires For it is not by any meanes likely that it was the mindes of those which made the decree that considering the long iourneis and harde preparation of suche affaires and also the manifolde impedimentes which may happen that they woulde restraine so precise a time euen at the first daye that if it were not then celebrated it should not be holden at all for by such subtill meanes it shuld also be holden euen in the first moment and very instant after the same yere But forsomuch as wordes are ciuilly to be vnderstand this fence or vnderstanding is to farre disagreable For if any man will say then it is commaunded to be proroged that is also forbidden in the chapter frequeÌs He that doth so argue doth not vnderstaÌd himselfe nor the force of the woordes It is not proroged if it be begon the 2. or 3. month but rather a continuation or execution of that which is in their power For if it were a prorogation then for so muche as a progation doth sauour of the nature of the firste delay it could not be begon in the first month but in the 2. and 3. it is not therby concluded that it could not be begon in the first but if there had ben any prorogation made til the secoÌd month then it coulde not haue bene begon in the first as for example I promise to geue a hundred after Easter afore Easter it can not be required but by and by after Easter it may be required and all be it that I be not vrged for it notwythstanding I doe not cease to be bounde and if so be I bedemanded it in the 2. or 3. month after it is not therby vnderstand that ther is any prorogation made Neither doth it followe but that it might haue bene demaunded in the beginning which could not haue ben done that there had ben any prorogation made Also it is nature of prorogation to bee made before the first terme or day be passed For otherwise it is no prorogation but anew appoyntment And albeit it may be saide that then it may be long delaide it is aunswered that in thys poynt we must stande vnto the iudgement of the Churche which considering diuers circumstances wold think the time mete
no further but to Fabian and Hall lacketh no good wil in him but only a little matter to make a perfect sycophant And admit the sayde name of Onley could not be founde in those wryters yet it were not vnpossible for a man to haue two names especially if he were a religious man to beare the name of the towne where he was born beside his own proper surname But nowe what if I M. Cope can auouch and bring foorth to you the name of Roger Onley out of sufficient recorde which you seeme not to haue yet read Haue yee not then done well and properly thinke you so bitterly to flee in my face and to barke so egerly all this while at moneshine in the water hauing no more cause almoste against me theÌ against the man in the Moone And now least you shoulde thinke me so much vnprouided of iust authority for my defence as I see you vnprouided of modestie and patience wryte you to your prompter or suborner where so euer he lurketh here in England to sende you ouer vnto Louane the booke of Iohn Harding a Chronicler more auncient then either Fabian or Hall printed in the house of Richard Grafton Anno 1543. where turne to the fol. 223. fac b. lin 19. and there shall you finde and reade these wordes Againe the Church and the king cursedly By helpe of one maister Roger Onley c. By the whyche woordes yee must necessarily confesse Roger Onley to be the name of the man either els must ye needes deny the author For otherwise that master Roger Bolingbroke was the onely helper to the Duchesse in that fact by no wise it can stande with the story of these authors which say that 4. other besides hym were coÌdemned for the same erune c. And moreouer thought the sayd Sir R. Onley was no knight as I haue saide in my former edition yet this yee cannot deny by the testimonie of them that haue sene his workes but that he was a Priest which you wil graunt to be a knights fellow And thus much for the name and condition of M. Roger Onley Fourthly as concerning Margaret Iourdeman whoÌ ye call the witch of Eye ye offer me herein great wrong to say that I make her a martyr which was a wytche when as I here professe confesse and ascertaine both you and all English men both present al posterity hereafter to come that this Margaret Iourdeman I neuer spake of neuer thought of neuer dreamed of nor did euer heare of before you named her in your booke your selfe So farre is it of that I eyther with my will or against my will made any martyr of her Furthermore I professe and denounce in like manner the neither haue you any iust or congrue occasion in my boke so to iudge much lesse to raile of me For where in expresse words I do speake of the moÌther of the Lady Yong what occasion haue you therby to slander me and my boke with Margarete Iourdeman which Margarete whether shee was a witche or not I leaue her to the Lorde As for me neither did I knowe of her then nor did I meane of her nowe But because I couple her in the same story you say To this I say because shee was the mother of a Ladie I thought to ioyne her w e an other Lady in the same story as in one pue together although in one cause I will not say And yet notwtstanding I doe so couple the saide mother w e the Duchesse in such distinet difference of yeares that you M. Cope might casily haue vnderstande or beside you no man els would haue thought the contrary but that Margaret Iouedeman was neither heere in my booke nor yet many memento For the wooordes of my storie are playne whereas the condemnation of the Lady Eleanor of the mother of Lady Young being referred to the yeare of our Lord 1441. I doe also in the same story through the occasion of that Ladie inforte mention of the mother of the Ladie Yong declaring in expresse woordes that shee folowed certayne yeares after in the end of that chapter do name also the yeare of her burning to be 1490. whiche was 50. yeares after the death of Onely and Margaret Iourdeman by the computatioÌ of which yeares it is playne that no other woman could be noted in that place but only the Lady Younges mother But M Cope continuing still in his wrangling mood obiecteth agayne for that in my Callendar the sayd Ladye Younges mother hath the next day in the Catalogue next after the death of Roger Onley whiche day pertayneth properly to Margaret Iourdeman which was burned the same day in Smithfield not to the Ladyes mother c. What order was taken in placing the names dayes what is that to me If he whiche had the disposing of the Catalogue did place them so in monthes as he sawe them ioyned in chapiters not perusing peraduenture nor abuising the chapters that doth nothing preiudice the truth of my story which sufficiently doth clare it selfe in distincting theÌ rightly in names also in yeares as is afore declared Fiftly and lastly hauing thus sufficiently aunswered to your circumstanunces of persons names and times M. Cope I will nowe enter to encounter with you concerning the fact and crime obiected to the Lady Duches and to the rest with this protestation before premised vnto the reader that if the fact be true and so done is reported in the histories of Fabian Halle and harding I desire the reader then so to take me as though I do not here deale withall nor speake of the matter but vtterly to haue pretermitted and dispuncted the same But for somuch as the deed and offence layd and geuen forth agaynst these parties may be a matter made of euil wil compacted rather then true in deede therefore I doe but onely moue a question by way of history not as defending nor commending nor commemorating the thing if it be true but onely mouing the question whether it is to be iudged true or suspected rather to be false and forged and so hauing briefly propounded certayne coniectural suspicious or supposals concerning that matter to passe it ouer neither medling on the one side nor on the other The first coÌiecture why it may be possible that this act of treason layd to the charge of the Duches Roger Oneley agaynst the king may be vntrue is this that the sayde Oneley otherwise named Bolingbroke tooke it vppon hys death that they neuer intended any such thing as they were condemned for The second coniecture for that the Lady Eleanor and Onely seemed then to fauour and fauour of that religion set forth by wicklesse and therefore like enough that they were haâd of the clergy Furthermore what hatred practise of Papistes can do it is not vnknowne The third coniecture for that the sayd mayster Roger Onely falsly
mischiefe For vpon the necke of this matter as witnesseth Fabian Polychronicon and Hall whiche followeth Polych first ensued the condemnation of L. Elianour the Duches and her Chapleynes as ye haue heard before Whereby it may appeare the sayd Duches more of malice then any iust cause this to haue bene troubled Also within vi yeares after followed the lamentable destruction of the Duke himselfe as hereafter more is to be declared About which time or not long after an 1443. the steeple of Paules was set on fire by lightening and at last by dilligent labour of helpers the fire was quenched And after the condemnation of lady Elianour the Duches aforesayd within few yeares an 1445. followed the death of Henry Chichesley Archbishop of Cant. by whom she was condemned in S. Stephens chappell at Westin for penaunce to beare a taper through cheapside three sondry times and afterward outlawed to the I le of Manne vnder the custody of syr Iohn Standly knight This HeÌry Chichesley builded in hys time 2. Colledges in the vniuersitie of Oxford the one called Alsolne Colledge the other named Barnard Colledge Proceeding now to the yeare wherein suffered Humfrey that good Duke of Gloucester which was the yeare of that Lord. 1447. first we will begin in few words to intreat of his life conuersation then of the maner and cause of hys death As touching the ofspring and dissent of this Duke first he was the sonne of Henry the fourth brother to kyng Henry the fift and vncle to kyng Henry the sixt assigned to be the gouernour and protector of his person Of manners he seemed meeke and gentle louing the common wealth a supporter of the poore commons of wit wisdome discreet and studious well affected to religion and a frend to veritie no les enemy to pride ambitioÌ especially in hauty prelates which was his vndoing in this preseÌt euil world And which is seldome rare in such princes of that calling he was both learned himselfe no lesse geuen to study as also a singular fauourer patron to them which were studious learned And that my commendation of him may haue the more credite I wil produce the testimony of learned writers who liuing in hys time not only do coÌmend his famous knowledge and ripenes of learning in him but also commit submit their works to his iudgement to be examined Of whiche writers one is Petrus de Monte writing De virtutuÌ vitiorum differentia who in his Epistle dedicatory beginning with the singuler commendation of this Duke and afterward speaking De optimarum artium liberaliumque scientiarum peritia sayeth thus Cui tu quidem omni conatu omni ingenio atque studio incumbis adeo vt nihil tibi sine librorum lectione iocundum gratum aut certe delectabile videatur c. And in further processe of his worke thus he further declareth saying Delectaris autem non vna tantum arte aut scientia quanquam id quidem esset satis verum fere omnibus earumque codices magna quadam auiditate legisti c. Besides this Petrus de MoÌte let vs heare also the iudgement of an other writer of the same age named Lapiscastellius who likewise dedicating to the sayd Duke Humfry his booke intituled Comparatio studiorum rei militaris amongst diuers other words coÌmeÌdatory hath these as follow Ad te potissimum mitto quod horum te optimum sapientissimum iudicem fore existimo qui vt ex integerrimo pat domino Zenone Baiocensi episcopo homine tuae laudis cupidissimo accepi ita in his humanitatis studiis inuigilares vt nullus toto terraruÌ orbe princeps nec doctrina nec eloquentia nec humanitate tecum comparandus sit c. Many other argumentes and places may be brought to declare what is to be esteemed of the learning and studious wit of this noble Prince Furthermore as the learning of this Prince was rare and memorable so was the discreete wisedome and singular prudence in him no lesse to be considered as for the more manifest proofe thereof I thought here good amongst many other his godly doings to recite one example reported as well by the penne of syr Thomas More as also by M. William Tindall the true Apostle of these our latter dayes to the intent to see and note not only the craftye working of false miracles in the clergye but also that the prudent discretion of this high and mighty prince the fore sayd Duke Humfrey may geue vs better to vnderstand what man he was The story lyeth thus In the yong dayes of this king Henry the sixt beyng yet vnder the gouernance of this Duke Humfrey his protector there came to S. Albones a certayne begger wyth his wife and there was walking about yâ towne begging fiue or sixe dayes before the kinges comming thether saying that he was borne blind and neuer saw in his lyfe was warned in hys dreame that he shuld come out of Barwik where he sayd he had euer dwelled to seek S. Albon and that he had bene at his shrine and had not bene holpeÌ and therefore he would go and seek him at some other place for he had heard some say since he came that S. Albones body shoulde be at Colon and in deede suche a contention hath there bene But of truth as I am surely informed he lyeth here at S. Albones sauing some Reliques of him whiche they there shew shryned But to tell you foorth when the king was comen and the towne full sodainly this blynde man at S. Albones shrine had hys sight agayne and a miracle solemnly ronge and Te Deum song so that nothing was talked of in al the towne but this miracle So happened it theÌ that Duke Humfrey of Glocester a man no les wife then also well learned hauing great ioye to see suche a miracle called the poore man vnto him and first shewing himselfe ioyous of Gods glory so shewed in the getting of his sight and exhorting him to meekenes and to no ascribing of any part of that worship to himself nor to be proud of the peoples prayse which would call him a good godly man therby at last he looked well vpon his eyne and asked whether he could see nothing at al in al his life before And when as well his wife as himselfe affirmed fastly no then hee looked aduisedly vpon his eyen againe and sayd I beleue you very well for me thinketh ye cannot see well yet Yes syr quod he I thanke God and hys holy martyr I can see now as well as any maÌ Yea can quod the duke what colour is my gowne Then anon the begger tolde him What colour quoth he is this mans gowne He told him also and so forth without any sticking he told him the names of all that colours that could be shewed him And when the Duke saw that he
authority declareth calleth stablisheth affirmeth and reputeth the sayd Richard of Yorke very true and rightfull heyre to the crowne of England and Fraunce and that all other statutes and acts made by any of the Henryes late contrary to this aduise be annulled repelled damned cancelled voyd and of no force or effect The king agreed and consented that the sayd Duke and hys heyres shall after his naturall life enioy the crowne c. Also that all sayinges and doinges agaynst the duke of Yorke shall be hygh treason and all actes of Parliamentes contrary to this principall act be voyd and of none effect c. And thus much for the reign of king Henry the 6. Who now lacked his vncle and protector Duke of Glocester about him But commonly the lacke of such frendes is neuer felt before they be missed In the time of this king was builded the house in LoÌdon called LeadeÌ hall fouÌded by one Simon Eyre Maior once of the sayd City of London an 1445. Also the standard in cheape builded by Iohn Wels an 1442. the Conduite in Fleetstreet by William Castfield an 1438. Item Newgate builded by goods of Rich. Whittington an 1422. Moreouer the sayde Henry 6. founded the Colledge of Eton and another house hauing then the title of S. Nicolas in Cambridge now called the kinges Colege Ex Scal. mundi In the reigne of this Henry 6. it is not be passed ouer in silence which we finde noted in the Parliament rolles how that Lewes Archbishop of Rhoen after the death of the late Bishop of Eley had grauÌted vnto him by the popes Bulles during his life all the profites of the sayd bishoprick by the name of the administratour of the said Bishopricke Lewes the foresayde Archbishop sheweth his Buls to the king who vtterly reiected his Bulles Notwithstanding for his seruice done in Fraunce the king graunted to hym the administration aforesaid the which to all intents at the petition of the sayd Lewes should be affirmed to bee of as great force as though he were bishop touching profits liberties and hability Neither agayn is here to be ouerpast a certayn tra gicall Acte done betweene Easter and Whitsontide of a false Britone an 1427. Which murdered a good widdow in her bed who had brought him vp of almes without Algate in the suburbes of London and bare away all that she had afterward he tooke succor of holy church at S. Georges in Southwarke but at the last he tooke the crosse forswore the kings land And as he went his way it happened him to come by the same place where he had done that cursed deed and women of the same parish came out with stones and cannell dong and there made an end of him in the hye streete so that he went no further notwithstandinge the Constables and other men also which had hym vnder gouernaunce to conduct him forwarde for there was a great company of them so that they were not able to withstande them Kyng Edward the fourth KIng Edward after his conquest and victorye achieued agaynst king Henry returned again to London where vpon the Uigil of S. Peter and Paul being on Sonday he was crowned king of England raigned 22. yeares albeit not without great disquitnes and much perturbation in his reigne Queene Margaret hearing how her husband was fled into Scotland was also fayne to flye the land and went to her father Duke of Angeow From whence the next yeare following she returned again to renue warre against king Edward with small succor and lesse lucke For being encountred by the Earle of Warwicke about Nouember she was driuen to the seas agayne and by tempest of weather was driuen into Scotland In this yere we read that king Edward in the cause of a certayne widow for rape sate his owne person in Westminster hall vpon his owne Bench discussing her cause Ex Scal. mundi The yeare folowing king Henry issuing out of Scotland with a sufficient power of Scottes and Frenchmen came into the Northcountrey to recouer the crowne vnto whom the Lord Radulph Percy Lord Radulph Grey flying from king Edward did adioyn themselues but the Lord so disposing king Henry with his power was repulsed in the battaile of Exham by the Lord Mountacute having then the rule of the North where the Duke of Somerset Lord Hungerford Lord Rosse with certayne other were taken The Lord Radulph Percy was slayne the residue fled Albeit the history of Scal. muÌdi referreth this battel to the yeare 1464. the 15. day of May. In the which moneth of May were beheaded the duke of Somerset Lorde Hungerford Lord Rosse L. Philip Wentworth L. Tho. Husly L. Tho. Findern beside 21. other belonging to the retinue and household of king HeÌry 6. Queene Margaret finding no resting place here in England took her progres agayne from whence she came learning in her own country to drinke that drinke which she her selfe had brued here in England And not long after the next yeare an 1465. on the day of S. Peter and Paule king Henry being founde knowne in a wood by one Cantlow as they say was arested by the Earle of Warwicke and at last of a king made prisoner in the tower of London In this meane time king Edward after the motion of mariage for him being made and first the Lady Margaret sister to Iames the 4. K. of Scottes thought vpon but that motion taking no effect afterward the Lady Elizabeth sister to Henry king of Castelle being intended but she being vnder age the Earle of Warwick turning then his legation and voiage to the French king Lewes the II. to obteyne Lady Bona daughter of the duke of Sauoy and sister to Carlot the French Queen and obteining the same had cast fauour vnto one Elizabeth Grey widow of Syr Iohn Grey knight slain before in the battell of S. AlboÌs daughter to the Duches of Bedford and Lord Riuers and first went about to haue her to his concubine But she as being vnworthy as she sayde to be the wife of such a high personage so thinking her selfe to bee to good to be his concubine in such sort wanne the kings hart that incontinent before the returne of the Earle of Warwicke he maried her at the which mariage were no moe then onely the Duches of Bedford two gentle women the priest clark UpoÌ this so hasty vnlucky mariage ensued no litle trouble to the king much bloudshed to the realme vndoing almost to all her kyndred and finally confusion to the K. Edwardes 2. sonnes which both were declared afterward to be bastards and also depriued of theyr liues For the Earle of Warwicke who had bene the faythfull frend and chiefe maynteiner before of the king at the hearing of this maryage was therwith so greuously moued and chaffed in hys mind that he neuer after sought any thing more then how to worke displeasure to the
written in his boke intituled Rapularium where as hee wryteth that in the Councell of Basill An. 1536. the Archbyshop of Lions did declare that in the time of Pope Martine there came out of France to the court of Rome 9. millions of golde which was gathered of the Byshops and Prelates besides those whych could not be counted of the poore clergy which daily without number runne vnto the court of Rome carying with them all their whole substance The archbishop of Turonne sayde also at Basil in the yeare of our Lord 1439. that three millions of gold came vnto Rome in his time within the space of 14. yeres from the prelates prelacies wherof no accompt could be made beside the poore cleargy which daily run to that court Let the man which feareth God iudge what a deuouring gulf this is A million containeth x. C.M. And what made Pope Pius the 2. to labor so earnestly to Lewes the 11. the French Kinge who as is aforesayde was a great enemy to the house of Burgoin that he wold according to his former promise abolishe vtterly extinct the constitution established before at the Counsell of Bitures by king Charles the 7. his predecessour called Pragmatica Sanctio but onely the ambition of that sea which had no measure and their auarice which had no ende the storie is this King Charles 7. the French king willing to obey and folow the councel of Basil did sommon a Parliament at Bitures Where by the full consent of all the states in Fraunce both spiritual and temporal a certain constitution was decreed and published called Pragmatica Sanctio wherein was comprehended briefly the pith and effect of all the Canons and decrees coÌcluded in the councel of Basil The which constitution the saide king Charles willed and commaunded through all his realme inuiolably to be obserued and ratified for the honor and increase of Christian religion for euer This was An. 1438. It followed that after the decease of thys foresayde Charles the 7. succeded king Lewys 11. who had promised before being Dolphine to Pope Pius that if he euer came to the crowne the foresayd Sanctio Pragmatica should be abolished Wherupon Pope Pius hearing him to be crowned did send vnto him Iohn Balueus a Cardinall wyth hys great letterg patent willing him to be mindful of hys promise made The king eyther willing or els pretending a will to performe and accomplish what he had promised directed the Popes letters pateÌt wyth the sayd Cardinal to the counsaile of Paris requiring them to consult vpon the cause Thus the matter beyng brought and proposed in the Parliament house the kings Atturney named Ioannes Romanus a man wel spoken singularly witted and wel reasoned stepping foorth with great eloquence and no les boldnes prooued the sayd Sanction to be profitable holy and necessary for the wealth of the realme and in no case to be abolished Unto whose sentence the Uniuersity of Paris adioyning their consent did appeal from the attempts of the Pope to the next generall Councell The Cardinall vnderstanding this toke no litle indignation thereat fretting and fuming and threatning many terrible things against them but al his minatory words notwithstanding he returned againe to the king hys purpose not obtained An. 1438. Ex Ioan. Mario Thus the Popes purpose in France was disappoynted which also in Germanie had come to the like effect if Fredericke the Emperor had there done his part lykewise toward the Germaines Who at the same time bewailing their miserable estate weÌt about wyth humble sute to perswade the Emperor that he should no longer be vnder the subiection of the Popes of Rome except they had first obtained certaine things of them as touching the Charter of Appeales declaring their estate to be far worse although vndeserued then the Frenchmen or Italians whose seruants and especially of the Italians they are worthely to be called except that their estate were altered The nobles comminalty of Germanie did instantly intreate with most waighty reasons examples both for the vtilitie and profite of the Empire to haue the Emperours aide and helpe therin for that which he was bound vnto them by an oth alledging also the great dishonor ignominie in that they alone had not the vse of their owne lawes declaring how the French natioÌ had not made their sute vnto their king in vaine against the exactions of Popes by whom they were defended whych also prouided decrees and ordinances for the liberty of his people caused the same to be obserued the which thing the Emperor ought to foresee within hys Empire to prouide for hys people and states of his empire as well as other Kings doe For what shall come to passe therby if that forreine nations hauing recourse vnto their kings being relieued and defended by them from the said exactions and the Germains states of the Empyre flying vnto theyr Emperour be by him forsaken or rather betraied depriued of their owne lawes and decrees The Emperor being mooued partly ouercome by theyr perswasions promised that he wold prouide no lesse for them then the king of Fraunce had done for the Frenchmen and to make decrees in that behalfe but the graue authoritie of Aeneas Syluius as Platina wryteth in the history of Pius the second brake of the matter who by his subtile and pestiserous perswasions did so bewitche the Emperour that hee contemning the equall iust and necessary requestes of hys subiects chose the sayd Aeneas to be hys Ambassadour vnto Calixtus then newly chosen Pope to sweare vnto hym in his name to promise the absolute obedience of al Germany as the only couÌtry as they call it of obedience neglecting the ordinances decrees of their country as before he had done vnto Eugenius the 4. being Ambassadour for the sayd Fredcrike promising that he all the Germaines would be obedient vnto him from heÌceforth in al matters as well spirituall as temporall Thus twise Friderike of Austrich contemned and derided the Germaines frustrating them of their natiue decrees and ordinances brought them vnder subiection and bondage of the Pope whych partly was the cause that 7. yeres before his death he caused his sonne MaximiliaÌ not only to be chosen but also crowned king of Romains and did associate hym to the ministration of the Empire least after hys death as it came to passe the Empire shoulde bee transported into an other family suspecting the Germains whom he had twise coÌtrary to his lawes made subiect and in bondage vnto the Popes exactions first be fore he was crowned in the time of Eugenius the 4. and again the second time after hys coronation and death of Pope Nicholas the 5. denying their requests Wherupon Germany being in this miserable pouerty and greuous subiection vnder the Popes tiranny and polling with teares and sighs lamenting their estate continued so almost vnto Luthers time as the hystories
may appeare that he neyther careth for GOD nor the health of the Churche Item that the preceptes and commaundementes of the pope and prelates be no otherwise but as the Councels and preceptes of Phisitions binding no further then they are founde to be holesome and standing with the trueth of the word Item that the Pope can commaunde no man vnder payne of deadly sinne except God commaund him before He sayth that the keyes of the Pope and of the prelates be not such wherwith they open the kingdome of heauen but rather shut it as the Phariseis did Concerning vowes he disputeth that such as be foolish and impossibile ought to be brokeÌ that the hearers ought to discerne and iudge of the doctrine of their Prelates and not to receiue euery thing that they say without due examination He sheweth moreouer that the sentence or excommunication is of more force proceeding from a true godly honest simple and learned men then from the Pope as in the Councell of Constance Bernard was more esteemed then Eugenius Also if the pope with hys prelates gouern and rule naughtely that the inferiours be they neuer so base ought to resist him Writing moreouer of two Popes Pius the second and Sixtus the fourth he sayth that Pius the second dyd vsurpe vnto hymselfe all the kingdomes of the whole world that Sixtus the pope did dispense with al maner of othes in causes temporall not onely with suche othes as haue bene already but also with all suche as shal be made hereafter which was nothing els but to geue libertie and licence for men to forsweare themselues and deceiue one an other This Weselus beyng a Phrisian borne and now aged in yeares vpon a certayne time when a yong man called mayster Ioannes Oftendorpius came to hym sayd these wordes Well my childe thou shalt lyue to that day when thou shalt see the doctrine of these new and contentious diuines as Thomas and Bonauenture with others of the same sort shal be vtterly reiected and exploded from al true Christen deuines And thys which Oftendorpius then being young heard Weselus to speake he reported himselfe to Nouiomagus which wrote this story an 1520. heard it of the mouth of the sayd Weselus an 1490. Martij 18. Philippus Melanchton writing of the lyfe of Rodolphus Agricola sayth that Iosquinus Groningonsis an auncient and a godly man reported that when as he was young he was oftentimes present at the Sermons of Rodolphus and Weselus wherein they many times lamented the darckenes of the church and reprehended the abuses of the Masse and of the single life of priestes Item that they disputed oftentimes of the righteousnes of sayth why S. Paule so oftentimes did inculcate that men be iustified by faith and not by workes the same Iosquine also reported that they did openly reiecte and disproue the opinion of monks which say that men be iustified by their works Item concerning mens traditioÌs their opinion was that all suche were deceiued whatsoeuer attribued vnto those traditions any opinion of Gods worship or that they could not be broken And thus much for the story of doctour Wesellianus and Wesilus By this it may be seene and noted how by the grace of God and gift of printing first came forth learning by learning came light to iudge and discerne the errors of the pope from the truth of Gods word as partly by these abouesaid may appeare partly by other that followe after by the grace of Christ shall better be seene About the very same tyme and season when as the Gospell began thus to braunch spring in Germanie the host of Christes church began also to muster to multiply likewise here in EnglaÌd as by these historyes here consequent may appeare For not long after the death of this Weselus in the yeare of our Lorde 1494. and in the 9. yeare of the reigne of K. Henry 7. the 28. of Aprill was burned a very old woman named Ioane Boughton widow and mother to the Lady Young which Ladye was also suspected to be of that opinion which her mother was Her mother was of foure score yeares of age or more held 8. of Wickleffes opinions which opinioÌs my author doth not shew for the which she was burnt in Smithfield the day abouesayd My author sayth she was a Disciple of Wickleffe whome she accompted for a Sainct and helde so fast and firmly viij of his x. opinions that all the Doctours of LoÌdon coulde not turne her from one of them and when it was told her that she shoulde be brent for her obstinacie false beliefe shee set nothing by theyr manacing wordes but defied them for the sayde she was so beloued of God and hys holy aungels that she passed not for the fire in the midst therof she cryed to God to take her soule into his holy handes The night following that she was burnt the most parte of her ashes were had awaye of suche as had a loue vnto the doctrine that she dyed for Shortly after the martyrdome of this godly aged mother in the yeare of our Lord 1497. and the 17. of Ianuary being Sonday two men the one called Richard Milderale and the other Iames Sturdy bare Fagots before the procession of Paules and after stoode before the preacher in the time of hys Sermon And vpon the sonday following stood other two men at Paules crosse all the sermon tyme the one garnished with paynted written papers the other hauing a Fagot on hys necke After that in Lent season vppon Passion Sonday one Hugh Glouer bare a Fagot before the procession of Paules after wyth the Fagot stoode before the preacher all the sermon while at Paules crosse And on the sonday next following foure men stoode and did there open penaunce at Paules as is aforesayd in the sermon time many of their bookes were burnt before them at the Crosse. FUrthermore the next yeare following whiche was the yeare of our Lord. 1498. in the beginning of Maye the king then being at Canterbury was a priest burnt which was so strong in his opinion that all the clerkes doctors then there beyng coulde not remoue him from his sayth whereof the king beyng enformed caused the sayd priest to be brought before hys presence who by hys perswasions caused him to reuoke and so he was burnt immediately The burning of Babram ABout which yere likewise or in the yere next folowing that xx day of Iuly was an old maÌ burnt in Smithfield IN the same yeare also which was of the Lord. 1499. fell the martyrdome and burning of Hieronimus Sauonarola a man no lesse godly in hart then constant in his profession Who being a Monke in Italy singularly well learned preached fore agaynst the euill lyfe liuing of the spiritualty and specially of hys own order compsayning fore vpoÌ theÌ as the springes and authors of all mischieues wickednes
good Fortune irriding and mocking the mindes and iudgemeÌts of men which beleue that God by his prouidence gouerneth and regardeth the state of humaine things on earth After that this Mahumete heard of the victories and conquests of other his predecessours and had vnderstanding how Baiazetes lay eight yeares about Constantinople and could not winne it he dispraising Baiazetes and disdaining that so long time should be spent aboute the siege thereof and yet no victory gotten bent all hys studie and deuice how to subdue the same But first hauing a priuie hatred against the Citie of Athens and hauing his hands lately embrued with the bloud of his brethren this murthering Mahumete first of all taketh his vâage to subuert and destroy the Citie aforesaid being a famous Schoole of all good learning and discipline Against the which Citie he did so furiously rage for the hatred of good letters that he thought he ought not to suffer the foundation thereof to stand because that Citie was a good nursse and fosterer of good Artes and Sciences wherefore he commaunded the Citie to be rased and vtterly subuerted and wheresoeuer any monuments or bookes could be found he caused them to be cast into durty sinkes and the filthiest places of the Citie or put to the most vile vses that could be deuised for extirping and abolishing of all good literature and if he vnderstood any to lament the case and ruine of that noble place those he greeuously punished and put to death Thus the famous and auncient Schoole of Athens being destroied and ouerthrowne he returned his army power into Thracia where in all haste he gathering hys power together both by sea by laÌd with a mighty multitude compassed the Citie of Constantinople about and began to lay his siege against it in the yeare of our Lord 1453. and in the 54. day of the said siege it was taken sacked and the Emperour CoÌstantinus slaine As touching the cruelty and fearcenes of the Turkes in getting of this City and what slaughter there was of men women and children what calamitie and misery was there to be sene for somuch as sufficient relation with a full description thereof hath bene made before pag. 708. it shall be superfluous now to repeate the same This only is not to be omitted touching three principall causes of the ouerthrow of this City whereof was the first the filthy auarice of those Citizens which hiding their treasures in the grouÌd would not imploy the same to the necessary defence of their City For so I finde it in story expressed that when the Turke after the taking of the City had found not so much treasure as he looked for suspecting with himselfe as the truth was the treasures and riches to be hidden vnder the ground commaunded the earth to be digged vp and the foundations of the houses to be searched where when he had found treasures incredible what quoth he how could it be that this place could euer lacke inunition and fortification which did flow and abound with such great riches as heere is and plenty of all things The second cause was the absence of the Nauy of the UenetiaÌs which if they had bene ready in time might haue bene a safegard against the inuasion of the enemies A third cause also may be gathered vpon occasion incident in stories either for that the City of Constantinople fifteene yeares before did yeeld to the Bishop of Rome as is before to be seene pag. 76. or else because as in some writers it is euident that Images were there receaued mainteined in their Churches and by the Turkes the same time destroyed Ioannes Ramus writing of the destructioÌ of this Citie amongst other matters maketh relation of the Image of the Crucifixe being there in the high temple of Sophia which Image the Turke tooke and writing this superscription vpon the head of it Hic est Christianorum Deus 1. This is the God of the Christians gaue it to his souldiours to be scorned and commaunding the sayde Image with a trumpet to be carried through all his army made euery man to spit at it most contumeliously Wherein thou hast good Reader by the way to note what occasion of selaunder and offence we Christians geue vnto the barbarous Infidels by this our vngodly superstition in hauing Images in our temples contrary vnto the expresse commandement of God in his word For if Saint Paule writing to the Corinthians faith we knowe Christ now no more after the flesh how much lesse then is Christ to be knowne of vs in blind stockes and Images set vp in our Temples seruing for none other purpose but for the Infidels to laugh both vs our God to scorne and to prouoke Gods vengeance which by the like example I feare may also fall vpon other Cities where such Images and Idolatrous superstition is mainteined whereof God graunt Uienna to take heede betime which hath bene so long and yet is in such great danger of the Turke and polluted with so many Images and plaine Idolatric In summa to make the story short such was the cruelty of these Turkes in winning the Citie that when Mahumete had geuen licence to the souldiours three dayes together to spoile to kill and to do whatsoeuer they listed there was no corner in all Constantinople which did not either flow with Christian bloud or else was polluted with abhominable abusing of maids wiues matrones without al reuereÌce of nature Of the which CitizeÌs some they murthered some they rosted vpon spits of some they fleyed off their skin hanging theÌ vp to consume with famine of othersome they put salt into their wouÌds the more terribly to torment them insomuch that one of them contended with another who could deuise most strange kinds of new torments and punishments exercising such crueltie vpon them that the place where the Citie was before seemed now to be no citie but a slaughter house or shambles of Christian mens bodies AmoÌg the dead bodies the body also of Constantine the Emperour was found whose head being brought to Mahun ãâã he commaunded to be caried vpon a speare through the whole City for a publike spectacle decision to all the Turkish army And because he would diminish the number of the captiues which seemed to him to be very great he neuer rose from his table but he put euery day some of the nobles to death no lesse to fill his cruell minde with bloud then his body was filled with wine which he vsed so long to do as any of the nobles of that Citie was left aliue And of the other sorte also as the stories do credibly report there passed no day in the which he did not orderly slay more then three hundreth persons the residue he gaue to his rascal souldiours to kill and to do with them what they would Where is to be noted that as
not as one pronouncing agaynst the City of Rome what wil happen but as one fearing what may fall Which if it come to passe as I pray God it do not then shall the Pope well vnderstand whether hys wrong vnderstanding of the Scriptures his false flattering glosers vpon the same haue brought hym Wherefore my counsayle is to the Pope all hys Popish mayntayners and vpholders to humble themselues to agree with theyr brethren by tyme letting all contention fall lest that while the Byshop of Rome shal striue to be the highest of all other Byshops it so fall out shortly that the byshop of Rome shal be found the lowest of all other Byshops or peraduenture no byshop at all Wherevpon also an other cause may be added taken out of Hieronunns Sauonarola who prophecieth that one shall come ouer the Alpes lyke vnto Cyrus destroy Italy Wherof see more pag. 737. Thys Solimanus if he be yet aliue hath now reigned 46. yeares who began the same yeare in the which the Emperour Charles the v was crowned which was an 1520. and so hath continued by Gods permission for a scourge to the Christians vnto this yere now present 1566. This Solyman by one of hys Concubines had hys eldest sonne called Mustapha By an other Concubine called Rosa he had foure sonnes Mahumete Baiazates Zelymus and Gianger Of the whiche sonnes Mustapha and Gianger were slayn as ye heard before by the meanes of their own father And thus much concerning the wretched tyranny of the Turkes out of the authors here vnder written The Authors of the Turkes storyes Laonicus Chalcondila Nicolaus Eboicus Episo Saguntinus Ioan. Ramus Andraeas a Lacuna Wolfgangus Drechslerus Ioan. Crispus Ioan Faber Ludouicus Viues Bernardus de Breydenbach Mityleneus Archiepise Sabellicus Isiodorus Rutherus Marinus Barlerus Henrious Penia de bello Rhodio Melchior Soiterus Paulus Iouius Ioan Martinus Stella Gaspar Peucerus c. Nicolaus a Moffen Burgundus Sebast Munsterus Baptista Egnatius Barthol Peregrinus ¶ A Notice touching the miserable persecution slaughter and captiuity of the Christians vnder the Turkes HEtherto thou hast heard Christian Reader the lameÌtable persecutions of these latter dayes wrought by the Turkes agaynst the people and seruauntes of Christ. In the reading wherof such as sitte quietly at home be farre froÌ ieopardy may see what misery there is abroad yâ knowledge and reading wherof shall not be vnprofitable for all christians earnestly to wey consider for that many there be which falsely deceauing themselues imagin that Christianity is a quiet and restrull state of life full of pleasure solace in this present worlde when in deede it is nothing lesse testified by the mouth of our Sauiour himselfe who rightly defining his kingdome teacheth vs that his kingdome is not of this world premonishing vs also before that in this worlde we must looke for affliction but in hym wee shall haue peace Examples hereof in all partes of thys hystory through all ages are plenteous and euideÌt to be sene whether we turne our eyes to the first x. persecutioÌs in the primitiue Church during the first 3. hundreth yeares after Christ or whether we consider the latter 3. huÌdreth yeares in this last age of the Churche wherein the poore flocke of Christ hath bene so afflicted oppressed deuoured the it is hard to say whether haue bene more cruell agaynst the Christians the infidel Emperors of Rome in the primitiue age of the Church or els those barbarous Turkes in these our latter times of the Church now present Thus from time to time the Churche of Christ almost hath had litle or no rest in this earth what for the Heathen Emperours on the one side what for the proude Pope on the other side and on the third side what for the barbarous Turke for these are and haue bene from the beginning the three principall capital enemies of the Church of Christ signified in the Apocalips by the beast the false Lamb and the false Prophet from whom weÌt out three foule spirites like frogges to gather together all the kinges of the earth to the battell of the day of the Lord God almighty Apocal. 16. The cruelty and malice of these 3. enemyes agaynst Christes people hath bene such that to iudge which of theÌ did most exceede in cruelty of persecution it is hard to say but yâ it may be thought that the bloudy beastly tyrannye of the Turkes especially aboue the rest incomparably surmounteth all the afflictions and cruell slaughters that euer were seene in any age or read of in any story In so much yâ there is neither history so perfect nor writer so diligeÌt who writing of the miserable tyranny of the Turkes is able to expresse or comprehend the horrible examples of theyr vnspeakable cruelty and slaughter exercised by these 12. Turkish tyrants vpon poore ChristeÌ mens bodies within the compasse of these latter 3. huÌdreth yeares wherof although no sufficient relation can be made nor nuÌber expressed yet to geue to the Reader some generall gesse or view thereof let vs first perpend and consider what dominions Empyres how many countries kingdomes prouinces cities townes strong holdes and fortes these Turkes haue surprised and wonne from the Christians In all which victories being so many this is secondly to be noted that there is almost no place which the turkes euer came to and subdued where they did not either slay all the inhabitants therof or led away the most part therof into such captiuity and slauery that they continued not long after aliue or els so liued that death almost had bene to them more tollerable Like as in the time of the first persecutions of the Romayne Emperors the saying was that no man could step with his foote in all Rome but should tread vpon a Martyr so here may be sayd that almost there is not a towne city or village in all Asia Grecia also in a great part of Europa and Aphrica whose streetes haue not flowed with bloud of the Christians whom the cruell turks haue murthered Of whom are to be sene in histories heapes of souldiours slaine of meÌ womeÌ cut in pieces of childreÌ sticked vpoÌ poles stakes whoÌ these detestable turks most spitefull yâ in the sight of theyr parentes vse to gore to death some they drag at theyr horse tailes famish to death some they teare in pieces tying theyr armes and legges to foure horses other some they make marks to shoot at vpoÌ some they trye theyr swords how deep they can cut and slash as ye before haue read pag. 777 The aged feeble they tread vnder theyr horses womeÌ with child they spare not but ripp theyr bodyes and cast the infants into the fire or otherwise destroy them Whether the Christians yeld to them or yeld not all is a matter As in theyr promises there is no truth so in theyr victoryes there is no sense of
proceding in his Prophesies shall the K. of Romanes after he hath reigned in IerusaleÌ a sabbate of times a half that is saith Mer. x. yeres a halfe take the crown froÌ his hed and yeld it vp to the Crosse in Golgotha where Christ was crucified and shall die And the Crosse with the crowne shal be taken into heauen which shal not appeare againe before the comming of the Lord. Fourthly it foloweth then moreouer in the Prophesies of Method Whych declareth that when the weeke or sabbate half weke of times shal end and wheÌ the K. of Romanes shall geue vp his crowne in Ierusalem die Then immediatly shal Antichrist the son of perdition begin to appeare be borne in Iewry of the tribe of Dan wherof also came Iudas Iscarioth he shal be borne saith Methodius in Chorosaim shal be bred in Bethsaida shal raign in CapernauÌ to the which 3. cities Christ the Lord gaue his 3. Vae And wheÌ great tribulatioÌ shal increase multiply in the daies of this Antichrist al lordship dominion shal be destroied the Lord shall sende his 2. faithful deare seruants Enoch and Hely to reproue and detect the false seducing lying forgeries of this Antichrist openly before all meÌ so that the people seing theÌselues falsly beguiled seduced by this son of perditioÌ coÌming out of the teÌple diseÌblingly to the destructioÌ of many shal leaue flie froÌ him ioyn theÌ selues to the said 2. holy prophets Which son of perdition Antichrist seing his procedings so to be reproued brought into coÌteÌpt in his fury anger shal kil the 2. Prophets of God And then shal appeare saith Methodius the signe of the comming of the sonne of man and he shall come in the clouds of heauenly glory and shall destroy the enemie with the spirite of his mouth c. Interpretation TO these prophesies testimonies of Methodius what credite it is to be geuen I leaue it to the Reader But if the meaning of his Prophesies goe by such order of times as is set disposed in his booke he semeth to describe vnto vs 4. principall states and alterations of times to come The first state and alteration is by Mahumete and the Saracens which be the ofsprings and sonnes of Ismael comming out of Arabie in the time of Heraclius Emperour of Constantinople An. 630. which rebelling against Heraclius increased preuailed still more more against the Christians both in Asia and Africa and also in many places in Europe especially in Spayne and Italy The seconde state alteration he Prophesieth to come by the Turke which first comming out of the farre partes of Seythia the is out of the North first ouercame the Saracenes subdued the Persians and afterward ioyning together w e the Saracens conquered the kingdome of Hierusalem about the yeare of our Lorde 1187 then subdued Syria and moste part of Asia c. And these be they whych Methodius seemeth to meane of speaking of the vile and miserable people closed vp of the Lord God at the intercession of Alexander the great captaine in the North betwene 2. mountaines the deepâânosse of 12. cubites wast that filthy corrupt nation shuld pollute the early with their wickednes Wherby are ment those Turkes which comming out froÌ the vttermost partes of the North that is out of Scythia and the mountaines of Caucasus or els Ismaels were withholden kept backe of Almighty God for Christes cause that they myght not harme his Church alongspace during the time of xii C. yeares yea and then the sinnes of the Christians so deseruing they were permitted of almighty God to breake out and to inuade the church who nowe ioyning together with the Saracens haue wrought and daily do woorke all these greuances against our Christian brethren as we se this day is come to passe and more is like to folow except the haÌd of the Lord which let them out do plucke them in againe Moreouer in the meane space betwene the reigne of the Saracens and the Turks where Methodius speaketh of the R. of Romaines which should restore quietnes to the church should raigne in Hierusalem a sabbate of tunes and halfe a sabbate thereby seemeth to be vnderstand the viage of Christian Princes out of the west partes of Europe vnder Gotfridus Duke of Lotharing his 2. brethren and many other christen Princes with 300. M. footmen and 100. M. horsemen who fighting against the Saracens recouered againe from them the Citie of Hierusalem in the yeare of our Lorde 1099. Which citie before had bene in their possession the terme of 490. yeres After which victory got first Gotfridus then Baldwinus his brother and other after them to the number of 9. Christen kings reigned in Hierusalem the space of 88. yeres and after that through the discord of the Christians not agreeing amoÌgst themselues both Hierusalem and Syria with other parts of Asia besides were subdued and wonne of the Turkes whych to this day they keepe yet still And this was in the yeare of our Lord. 1187. About which yeare and time as foloweth in Methodius when the Citie of Hierusalem shall be wonne of the Turkes then shall Antichrist begin to be borne of the tribe of Dan of whom came Iudas Iscarioth and shal be borne in Chorosaim and bredde in Bethsaida and reigne in Capernaum Meaning that this Antichrist or sonne of perdition shal be full of Gods malediction noted by Iudas Iscariothe and these 3. Cities against whome were spoken thrise Vae of the Lord. And heere is moreouer to be noted that Methodius sayth not that Antichrist shall be borne among the Saracens or Turkes but among the people of God and of the tribe of Israel Whereby is to be collected that Antichriste shal not come of the SaraceÌs nor Turks but shall spring vs among the Christians and sayeth Methodius shall seeme to come out of the Temple to deceiue many c. whereby the Pope may seeme rather then the Saracene or the Turk to be described for so much as the Pope being elected norished and raigning in the middest of Gods people at Rome sitteth in the temple and very place of Christ and no doubt deceiueth many c. And nowe to come to the time assigned of Methodius here is to be added also that which we read in Antoninus Par. 3. that about this said present time a certaine Bishop of Florence preached that Antichriste was then comming But the pope commanded him to keepe silence to speake no more therof Now why the pope so did why he could not abide the preaching of Antichriste I referre it to them which list to muse more vpon the matter This is certain that about this time heere assigned by Methodius came Petrus Lombardus Gratianus and Pope Innocent the thirde the first authors patrons of traÌsubstantiation At which time also began
ende and could not tell what shift to make to cloke theyr shamefull murther withall at last to blinde the ignoraunt sely people these bloudy butchers most slaunderously caused by their ministers to be bruted abroade that the foresaid Thomas Chase had hanged himselfe in prison which was a most shamefull and abhominable lit for the prison was such that a man coulde not stand vpright nor lye at ease but stooping as they do report that did knowe it And besides that this man had so many manacles yrons vpon him that he could not wel moue neither hand nor foote as the women did declare that sawe him dead in so much that they coÌfessed that his bloudbolke was broken by reason they had so vily beaten him and brused him And yet these holy catholikes had not made an end of their wicked acte in this both killing and slandering of this godly martyr but to put out the remembrance of him they caused him to be buried in the wood called Norlandwood in the hie way betwixt Wooburne and little Marlow to the entent he should not be takeÌ vp againe to be seene And thus commonly are innocent men layd vp by these clerkly clergye men But he that is effectually true of himselfe hath promised at one time or at another to cleare his true seruauntes not with lyes and fables but by his owne true word No secret faith he is so close but once shall be opened neither is any thing so hid that shall not at the last be knowne clearely Such a sweete Lord is God alwaies to those that are his true seruants Blessed be his holy name therefore for euer and euer Amen Thomas Harding being one of this company thus molested and troubled as is aforesaide in the towne of Amersham for the truth of the Gospell after hys abiuration and penaunce done was againe sought for and brought to the fire in the dayes of King Henry viu and vnder D. Langlond then Bishop of Lincolne succeeding after Cardinall wolfey Of whose death and martirdome we shall likewise record Christ willing and graunting in order when we shall come to the time and yeare of this suffering After the martirdome of these two I read also of one Thomas Norice who likewise for the same cause that is for the profession of Christes Gospell was condemned by the Bishop and burnt at Norwich the last day of March an 1507. In the next yeare folowing which was an 1508. In the consistory of London was connected Elizabeth Sampson of the parish of Aldermanberic vpon certain Articles and specially for speaking against pilgrimage adoration of Images as that Image of our Lady at Wisdome at Stanings at Crome at Walsingham and the Image of saint Sauiour of Barmondsey and against the Sacrament of the aultar and for that she had spoken these or like words that our Lady of wisdon was but a burnt arse esie and a burnt arse stocke and if she might haue holpen men women which go to her on pilgrimage she woulde not haue suffred her taile to haue bene burnt and what should folke worship our Lady of wisdome or our Lady of Crome for the one is but a burnt arse stocke and the other is but a puppit and better it were for the people to geue theyr almes at home to poore people then to go on pilgrimage Also that she called the Image of Saint Sauiour Sun Sauiour with kit lips and that she said she could make as good bread as that which the priest occupied and that it was not the body of Christ but bread for that Christ could not be both in heauen and earth at one time For these and certaine other articles she was compelled to abiure before Maister William Horsey Chancellour the day and yeare aboue written Ex Regist. Lond. ¶ Laurence Ghest LAmentable it is to remember a thing almost infinite to comprehend the names times and persons of al theÌ which haue bene slaine by the rigour of the Popes Cleargie for the true mainteining of Christes cause and of hys Sacraments Whose memory being registred in the booke of life albeit it neede not the coÌmemoration of our stories yet for the more confirmation of the Church I thought it not unprofitable the suffering and Martyrdome of them to be notified which innocently haue geuen their bloud to be shed in Christes quarell In the Cathalogue of whom next in order coÌmeth the memoriall of Laurence Ghest who was burned in Salisbury for matter of the Sacrament in the dayes of K. Denry the 7. he was of a comely tall personage otherwise as appeareth not vnfronded for the which the Byshop the close were the more lothe to burne him but kept him in prison the space of ij yeares This Laurence had a wife and vij children Wherfore they thinkyng to expugne and perswade his mynde by the stirring his fatherly affectioÌ toward his childreÌ when the time came which they appointed for his burning as he was at the stake they brought before him his wife and his foresayd vij children At the sight wherof although nature is coÌmonly wont to worke in other yet in him religioÌ ouercoÌming nature made his constancie to remaine vnmoueable in such forte as when his wife began to exhort desire him to fauour himselfe he agayn desired her to be coÌteÌt not to be a block to his way for he was in a good course runnyng toward the marke of his saluatioÌ so fire beyng put to him he finished his life renouncing not onely wife children but also him selfe to follow Christ. As he was in burning one of the Byshops men threw a firebrand at his face Whereat the brother of Laurence standing by ranne at him with his dagger and would haue slayne him had he not bene otherwise stayd Testified witnessed by the credible report of one WilliaÌ Russell an aged maÌ dwelling of late in Colmanstreet who was there present the same tyme at the burnyng of Laurence was also himselfe burned in the cheke one of the persecuted flocke in those dayes whose daughter is yet liuing The same is confirmed also with the testimony of one Richard Web seruaunt sometyme to M. Latymer who soiournyng in the house of the sayd William Russell heard him many tymes declare the same ¶ A faythfull woman burned BUt amongest all the examples of them wherof so many haue suffered from tyme to tyme for Christ his truth I can not tell if euer were any Martyrdome more notable admirable wherein the playne demonstration of Gods mighty power and iudgement hath at any time bene more euident agaynst the persecutours of his flocke then at the burnyng of a certaine godly woman put to death in Chepingsadbery about the same tyme vnder the raigne of K. Henry the seuenth The coÌstaÌcie of which blessed womaÌ as it is glorious for all true godly Christians to behold so agayne the exaÌple of the
Rome Pope Iohn had his eyes put out and so put to death Pope Gregory restored Vii electours of themperors ordayned in Germany and who they be Ex Chronico Martini King Egelred Anno. 979. The life of Egelred Anno. 981. The coronation of Egelred The prophecie of Dunstane as monkishe storyes geue it The Danes recoursed to England Houeden lib. continuationum London coÌsumed with fire The king warred against the Byshop of Rochester An. 990. The bloudy flixe and hote feuers reigned in this land The death of Dunstane Ethelgarus Elfricus Siricius Elphegus Archb. of Canterb. An. 995. The Byshops sea of Dyrham London besieged of the Danes The Dane spoyled the land Great tribute leuied of the Englishmen Danegelt The sorrowfull affliction of the English nation What disseÌtion and discorde doth amoÌg the nobles in a realme The pride and wretchednes of the Danes toward the Englishmen Lord Dane Lurdaine Anno. 1000. Henrie Archidiat lib. 6. The first ioyning betweene the Norm and Englishe men King Egelred marieth Emma the Dukes daughter of Normandy Richard Duke of Normandy The Danes by secret coÌmission slayne in euery towne of England Suanus K. of Denmarke ariueth in England Exeter beat down Norwiche spoyled and wasted by the Danes Anno. 1004. A tribute payd to the Danes of xxx M. pound to haue peace The persecution of Turkillus a Dane Euill counsell about a king what hurt it doth The second returne of Suanus into England The persecution of Suanus king of Danes Caunterbury besieged Treason of a false Deacon Caunterbury takeÌ and brent The tything of the Monkes of Caunterbury A cruell murther of the Danes Elphegus the Archb. of CauÌt stoned to death Anno. 1013. King Egelred driuen ãâ¦ã I le of Wigââ from then ãâã Normandy The vertue of Christen mens prayer The death and end of Suanus The Abbey of S. Edmundelburie builded King Egelred returneth into England Canutus cutteth of the noses and handes of hys pledges Canutus taketh Westsaxon A lessen for all Iudges and Iustices Brybes Euill Iudges worse in a common wealth then bloudy enemies Wicked officers Agaynst wicked Iudges A wicked Iudge deposed and depriued by the king Anno. 1016. Edmund Ironside sunne of Egelred king Canutus sonne of Swanus king The battayles betweene Edmundus and Canutus A witty oration to stay bloud betweene 2. armyes Two ãâã fight ãâã to hand The ãâã murtherd king Edmund Two soâne of Edmund Yâonside Flattery ãâã fidelity ãâã vntrueth in English Lordes False vnfaythfulnes and vnconstant mobilitie in Englishe Lordes and rewarded Duke Edrike the false traytor and murtherer of ãâã king worthely rewarded for hys wicked falshode The end of pernicious traytours The brother of Edmund Yronside banished reconciled and lastly slayne Edmund and Edward two sonnes of Edmund Yronside sent out to be slayne Canutus K. of Denmarke Canutus maryeth Emma wife before of Egelred Lawes of K. Edgar Hârold Harefoot K. of EnglaÌd a Dane Anno. 1039. Hardecknout king last of the Danes that reigned in England Erle Godwyn The miserable wretchednes of Godwyn agaynst the Normands The Normandes tythed and yet the tenthes retithed agayn Alfredus sonne of Egelred right heyre of the crowne tormented with cruell death The cause expended why God suffered this land to be conquered by the Normandes Example of Gods righteous iudgement The death of K. Hardeknout The sonnes of Erle Godwyn The story of Alfred repeated Taken out of the english story or chronicle compiled of certayne englishe Clerkes Alfred of Alâred sonne of K. Egelred Ex historia ignati autoriâ Gunilda wife to Henricus the Emperour Canutus went to Rome The hospitall builde at Rome for English pââgrimes Rome shote confirmed by Canutus The Cathedral Churche of Wintchest inritched by Canutus S. Benets in Norfolke builded Bury Abbey turned to Monkes Flatterers and clawbackes about Princes Canutus chargeth the sea to stand backe but it would not be A lesson notable for kinges and Princes God onely the king of all kings and Lord of Lordes The kinges crowne put on a roode Kinges of England haue as much right in causes spirituall as temporall Certaine lawes of K. Canutus for the ordering of matters ecclesiasticall Adultresse woman to loose their eares and noses Anno. 104â King Edward the conâellour England aâflicted by the Danes the space of 255. yeares K. Edward crowned Holy king Edward a virgine iâ maryage Methe iâ Greeke signifieth drâkennes Aceasation of the Archbish. against Emma the kinges mother False accusation purged by hote yron A straunge thing if it were true and without false conueyance Great snow and mortalitie in England Variaunce betweene the king and Godwyn Godwyn with hys v. sonnes outlawed Godwyn reconciled to the king vpon pledges geuen William D. of Normandy came into England to king Edward Marianus Scotus wheÌ he liued The end and death of vngodly Godwyn Ex lorna Malmesberiensi Polydor. Fabiano alijs Gods iust punishment vpon Godwyn for the murthering of Alphred Periurie plagued Edward the outlawe sonne of Edmund Yronside sent for to England Anno. 1056. The death of Edward sonne of Edmond Yronside William Duke of Normandy admitted heyre to the crowne The enuy and discorde of brethren Vngracious children of a wicked father A place of Polydorus Virg. examined Harold taken of the Normands Harold promiseth Duke William to marry hys daughter and to keepe the realme for hys behoofe Erle Leofricus euer true and faythfull to hys prince How Couentry was made free Godina wife to Leofricus The Abby of Couentry builded by Leofricus Edward the outlaw Edgar Edeling Margaret Queene of Scottes Matilde Queene of England Dauid King of Scots The death of King Edward Westminster repayred Guliel Malmesber Ex lornalen Ex Historia Richardi 2. iussu composita The lawes of K. Edward Ex Mathaeo pariensi William Conquerour sworne to K. Edwardes lawes yet went from it Ex libro Reg. antiquorum in praetorio Londinensi The office of a king described in the lawes of K. Edward A king the vicare of God in earth The limits of the kingdome of England how farre they doe extend The office of a king farther described ãâ¦ã and ãâã king ãâã to haue ãâ¦ã iecâion Anno. 1066. Harold ãâã K. of Saxons Harold king of Denmarke and Tostius slayne The Pope sendeth a banner to Duke W. vpon bone vâage into England Duke William landeth at Hâstinges Three causes why Duke William entred England Three conditions offered to Harold by D. William The fight betweene Harold and Duke William K. Harold slayne The consanguinitie betweene K. Edward and William Conquerour Murther iustly recompensed Archbishops of Caunterb Liningus Egelmothus Robertus Stigandus The decay of the Church Pope Siluester 2. Siluester the. 2 a soule sorcerer Ioannes Stella Platina Petrus Praemostratensis Nancleâus Antoninus Robertus Barnus Ioannes Baleus Ex Ioan Stella An admonition for sorcerers and wicked coniuâers The feast of all soules brouâht into the church Benedictus the 9. Gregorius the 6. A constitution no pope to be chosen but by the
excluded out of the land The crowched Friers The knights of S. Iohn called the knightes of the Rodes Templaries burned at Paris to the number of ââ The order of the Templarie put downe The horrible sect of the Templaries Cistercian Monkes for money redeme their exemptions of the pope The Fryers minorites deceiued of Pope Clement Ex Chron. Thâ Wals. One thiefe be guileth mother Pope ClemeÌt excommunicateth the Venetians for making a duke The pryde and tyranny of Pope Clement 5. FrauÌcis Dádulus humbleth him selfe for his countrey Out of Sabellie and is alleaged in the booke named the Image of tyranny The pietie of Dandulus to his countrey Pietie thaÌkfully rewarded Rob. Winchelsey returned home from banishment Anno. 1311. The counting of the yeare was in the old time from Michaelmas to the same day againe Ex Chron. The. Wals. The Archb. of Cant excommunicateth the Bish. of Couentry for holdyng with Peter Gaueston Peter Gaueston taken of the nobles The kyng entreateth for Gaueston Guy of Warwike Peter Gaueston againe apprehended by Gwy of Warwike Peter Gaueston beheaded The corpes of Peter Gaueston buryed in the kinges Manor of Langley The Nobles of England cared not for the popes letters The Popes Legates not admitted of the Nobles of England Anno. 1312. The kyng ruled by foreine counsayle Makebates about the kyng Mediation for making peace The king reconciled againe with his nobles Anno. 1313. What diâcord doth in a common weale The Scotâ rebel against the realme of England English men ouercome by the Scottse Pope Clement neuer late in the sea of Rome Ann. 1314. Miserable death and famine in England A description of an horrible famine in the realm of England Ex Chron. Tho. Wals. in vita Edwardâ 2. The Scottes driuen out of Ireland Anno. 1317. The white battaile of the spiriââal men in Yorkââire The two Spensers Two legates seat from Rome The Popes pillage The Popes legates spoiled of all their yl gotten treasure The Popes curse coÌtemned of the Scottes The Clergie of Englande denyeth to contribute to the popes legates A prohibition against strange taxes impositions A prohibition for paying the Popes Peter pence Reade before so the liues of king Offa and kyng Adelwulfe The pryde of the Spensers Anno. 1321. That Thomas Earle of Lancaster came of Edmund younger sonne of K. Henry 3.22 of the greatest nobilitie of the realme put to death by the kyng Anno. 1322. The cruell reioysing of the kyng Anno. 1323. The king distressed again in Scot. land Polydoru Virgilius an Itallan wryter of our English stories Anno. 1324. The queene put to her pension The queene sent to F. Ser Prince Eâ Prince Edward made duke of Aqutaine and Earle of PoÌâat The queene the prince resuse to returne into England The queene the prince proclaymed âââ tours in England The King coâspired priuely the death of the Queene and of his sonne Anno. 1325. Prince Edward betrothed to the Erle of Heynawdes daughter The queene returneth to England The landing of the queen Anno. 1326. The k. destitute of help and soldiors The answer of the Londiner to the kyng The liberties of the citie of London in going out to warre The kings proclamation The Queens proclamation The Queenes letter The Bishop of Exeter beheaded of the common at the staderd in Cheâpâ The ãâã builded in Oxford 2. Colledges Exeter Colleage and Hart hall whose name was Guâlter Stapletââ Hugh Spenser the father takeÌ and hanged in chayne The king taken in Wales Hugh Spenser the sonne taken and executed A bill exhibited in the parliament house against king Edward the secoÌd King Edward deposed by consent of the parliament house and his sonne Edw. chosen kyng Michael house in Cambridge founded Henry StauntoÌ founder of Michael house in Cambridge Nicolicus de Lyrd Guilielmus Ocham Tyranny odious to the people A spiritual Bul. called and areâted before a leculat iudge Ex Tho. Walsing The âormâ of wordes when any Bish doeth chalenge the priuiledge of the church against a secular iudge The Bishop rescued by the Clergie The K. proceedeth in iudgement against the B. the priuilegies of the church notwithstanding to the contrary Simon Mepham archb of Cant. Pope Iohn 22. a Monââ Cidercâan A new solid heresie Heresy with the Pope to say that Christ the Apostles had no proper poââeâsions here Strife betweene the pope the Emperour Tâe Empeâââr crowned against the will of the pope Pope Beneââtus 12. a Monke of Benedictes order Ludouicus the Emperour depriuel and deposed by Pope Benedict 12. A councel at Frankford The Emperours proteââation to the councell of Germany Ex Hieroâ Mario Elex CraÌâââ Eâ Chron. de â mundi âlalibus inâiâulâs Râdimentum âââitiorum Pope Clement 6. The trouble of Ludouick âhe Emp. Heresie of the Popes making obiected against the Emperour The proude heart of the Pope Lewes the Emperour accused by the Pope for an hereticke A good faithfull Archbish. of Mentz Bribers corrupted with mony The pope sowet of discord and bloudshed The pope again stirreth vp war Charles the new Emperor put to flight by the Englishmen Ludouike the right Emperour resigneth vp hys Empyre Ludouike the Emperour impoysoned 1 Iudouicus Emperor martyr Gunterus de Monte Nigro made Emp. Gunterus the right Emperour poysoned The ruine of the Germaine Empire and the first cause thereof The yeare of Iubilei reduced to the L. yeare Pilgrimes in the yeare of Iubilei at Rome The abhominable blasphemous bull of pope Clement The pope commaundeth the Angels O blasphemy of the Pope Ex bulla Clementis Ex ChroÌ Wals. in vit Edu 3. The king resistâth the pope The tenthes of Church goods giuen to the kyng Anno. 1326. Oriall colledge and S. Mary hal in Oxford builded by K. Ed 2. A story of the commotion betweene the towne and Abbey of Bury Ex latiââ quodam âsgisârâ The Abnet robbed The Abbot stolne away to Brabante The Abbot restored againe King Edward the 3. Anno. 1327. The defiance of the kyng of Scots The K. and Queene at Yorke with an army of â000 men readie to meete the K. of Scottes entring the realme The great fraye in Yorke Carlile and new Castle then the keyes of England Northward âept with Garisons The Scots priuely passe ouer the riuer of Tine burning and spoyling the countrey all about The kings armie and the Scottes are so neare that eche seeth other The Scots thorough treason escape out of Englande vnfought withall The prouision left in the Scots campe The king returneth to London The mariage of K. Edward solemnised A parliament at Northampton The Ragman role deliuered vp to the Scotâ The black crosse of Scotland The Bârââ geue vp their titles in ScotlaÌd A parliament at Salisbury Eârle Henry of Lancaster refuseth to come to the parliamânt The Earle of Kent put to death giltles The Queene with childe by sir Roger Mortimer Sir Roger Mortimer Earle of March. arrained condemned and put to execution The queene put in
prison and so kept a long time The birth of prince Edward The expedition of king Edward into Scotland The Scottish times K. Edward wasâââh and destroyeth the realme of Scotlande Barwicke besieged and yeelded vp to the king The K. entreth the towne of Barwicke appointeth the captaine therof Sir Robâ de Aâtois a ââble maâââ Fraâââ inciteth the â to prolecââ his title in Fraunce The king delibeââââ with his councell ââcerning the title of Fraunce Embassadors are ââ to the ãâã of Heynaâ concerning the title The Embassadours âeturne with answere Ed the Erle ãâã pleaseth the kyng K. Philip of France heareth of the kings purpose and stayeth his viage of the Croisie K. Edward assigned lieâtenant Generall of the Empyre The first viage of kâââ Edward iâââ Fraunce Southampton buâââ of the French men The Scottes styrâed vp against England by the French K. The Pope cause of the kings remoâing out of Fraunce Anno. 1340. The king of England taketh the title of Fraunce K. Edward to the nobles and coÌmons of Fraunce The title of France how it came to K. Edward Note the grosenes of this tyme when the blâud of Christ was thought but only dedicated to the holy land Southampton burnt spoyled by the French men Counsaile of the Archb. geuen to the king Battel vpon the sea betweene kyng Edward and Frenchmen The Frenchmen beaten vpon the sea The wordes of the foole to the French kyng The letters of K. Edward to the Byshops of England A cââncâl at Villenorth Flaunders Brabant and Hennalt take part with kyng Edward The letter of king Edward to the FreÌch kyng The answere of the FreÌch K to K. Edward The Scottes ââde Englâââ Henborough recoâered from the Englishmen by the Scottes Tourney besieged Articles of truce K. Edward returneth from Tourney The kyng deceiued by his officers No bishop must be imprisoned by the Popes lawe Couetous officers Iohn Stratford Archb. of Cant. The kyngs letter to the Dean and chapter of Paules Archbish. of Cant falâe to the king Euil officers displaced by the kyng Archbish. of Cant. ãâã to all the clergie The Archb. of Cant. de ãâã to ãâã to the ãâã The Archb. ãâã with ãâ¦ã ingratitude The Archb. ãâã of the âyng The Archb. ââuseth his office ãâ¦ã The letter of the Archbishop to the kyng Good counsellers necessary about a kyng Excommunication in his owne priuate cause abused The returne of the kings army from Tourney Anno. 1341. Truce taken for three yeares betweene K. Edward and the French king Anno. 1342. Pope Clement 6. Ex Chron. Albanens The kyng disanulleth the Popes prouision The Poges procurators driuen out of England A letter of the Nobles commons of England to the pope Decay of the Church of England by the Pope The Popes message to the king The kings aunswere to the Popes message Anno. 1344. The Castle in Windsore enlarged The rounde table builded in Windsore Tenthes graunted to the king by the clergy for 3. yeares Priuileges granted by the king to the clergie By this it is lyke that priestes had wiues Prince Edward first prince of Wales Anno. 1345. Henry Erle after made duke of Lancaster sent ouer to Gasconie A rare example of a liberal captaine to his soldiours The liberall heart and constant voyce of a worthy captain The Scots partly a meane of breaking truce Anno. 1346. The 1. viaââ of K. Edw. into France The battell at Caââân The kingâet ters of defiance against the French king The Popes legate surreth vp war ââke legate ââke Pope A letter of the kings coÌâcllor touching his actes doing at Cardoyn The Cardinalâ againe entreate for peace The kyngs answere to the Cardinals The French kyng sheweth no carefull study of peace The kings comming to Pusiacke Anno. 1346. Siege of Calys Dauid king of Scots inuadeth England The Scots ouerthrowen Dauid the Scottishe K. taken prisoner K. Edward answereth to the pope The kyng appealeth from the P. to God Offers made to the men of Flaunders to forsake K. Edwarde The Dolphin with the French discomfited at Casseles Anno. 1347. The French king flyeth before the battaile The towne of Calice wonne Truce coÌcluded betweene England Fraunce Anno. 1348. A vehement pestilence in England Now called the Charterhouse church yard Anno. 1350. Calice almost lost by treason The death of the French king Anno. 1351. The towne of Gwynes taken Anno. 1352. Victory of Syr Roger Bentele First Duke of Lancaster Anno. 1354. Pope innocent 6. Chron. Adamâ Murimouth canonici D. Paulâ de gestis Edw. I. Ann. 1355. The third viage of K. Edward into Fraunce The French K. refuseth to ioyne in battell with kyng Edward Fiftie shillings for euery sack of wooll caryed out of England The custome of wooll for sixe yeres 1500000. poundes sterling to king Edward Anno. 1356. The French K. taken prisoner by prince Edward Euery Scute valuing 6. shillings 8. pence Marsilius Patauinus author of the booke called Defensor paces Article of Marsilius against the Pope Merites cause of saluation sine qua non Marsilius condemned of the Pope Extrau cap. Licet intra doctrinam Ioannes GaÌdenensis condemned by the pope Guillermus Ockam wrote against the pope Michael generall of the gray fryers excommunicated for an heretike Ascentionis in praesatione eius aeutoris The dialogue betwene the souldier and the clarke of Ockams making Eight questions disputed by Ocham Gregorius Ariminensis mainteineth the same doctrine nowe receiued Ex Trithemio Andreas de Castro and Burdianus both gospellers 200. yeares agoe Eudo duke of BurguÌdy against the popes decrees about 200. yeares since Ex Charolo Molinao Dante 's an ItaliaÌ writer against the Pope Donation of Constantine a thing forged The pope the whore of Babilon Ex lib. Iornandi Pope Antichrist An admonition to the Romans Taulerus of Germany a preacher against the popes proceedings Franciscus petrarcha Vide 20 epistolam Francisci Petrarcha Rome the mother and schole of errour Ioannes de rupe scissa Iohn cast into pââââ Church of Rome the whore of Babilon The reformation of the Church before prophesied Conradus Hager The Masse to be no sacrifice Conradus cast in prison Ex bullis quibusdam Otthonis Epis Herbipeli Ponitentiarius Asini. The pope and his spiritualitie coÌfederate against the laitie The pope maketh the Emperour lay meÌ Aâââ Gerhardus Ridder a writer against moÌkes and friers Michael Cesenas Petrus de Corbaria condemned of the Pope Ioannes de Poliaco The opinioÌs of Michael against the Pope Michael Cesenas depryued and coÌdemned of the Pope Martyres Ioannes de Castilione Franciscus de Arcatara burned Archbyshoppes of Cant. the ãâã succeeding the other New Colledge in Oxforde founded an 1366. Pope Innocent 6. Two Franciscanes burned at Auinion Ioan. Rochtaylada Martyr Ex Chron. Henrici de Herfordia The church of Rome declared to be the whore of Babilon by Gods reuelatioÌ Kochtaylada with an other Frier Martyrsâ A priest for casting the popes bull before the popes feete scourged cast in
maintained any doctrine against the Churche of Rome but onely spake against their naughtie lyfe Hierome did put them to silence Hierome in prison 340. dayes The excellent memory in M. Hierome M. Hierome brought agayne before the couÌcell M. Hierom holdâth all the articles of the Catholicke Church The eloquence of M. Hierome The prophesie of M. Hierome A paper with redde deuilles put vpon the head of M. Hierome by deuelishe papistes M. Hierome committed to the secular power M. Hierome went singing vnto his martirdome M. Hierome praieth M. Hierome âââ to an Image like to Iohn Hus. M. Hierome ââgeth at ââ burning The wordes of Hierome to the people M. Hierome geueth testimony of Iohn Hus. The last wordes of M. Hierome The crueltie of his death The ashes of M. Hierome cast into the riuer of Rheine The witnes of the writer The truth of this storie Math. 7. Rom. 13. The cause of I. Hus cleared by the testimony of the nobles of Bohemia All that will liue godly in Christ. 2. Tim. 3. Defence of M. Hierome of Prage He meaneth the longe schisme spoken of before where three popes were striuing one against an other * A quadrant being foure square prouerbially signifieth a man that is constant and immutable Rom. 12. Iohn 8. Deut. 38. Psal. 30. These noble men offered their obedience to the Pope no further then was lawful honest and agreeable to reason and the lawe of God Marke this and learne you noble men Vid supra pag. 588. Henry Chichesley Archb. of Cant. The historie of I. ClaidoÌâânner of London of Robert Turming Baker Ex regist Cant. I. Claidon ââamined I. Claydon ââst imprisoned by R. Braybroke Bishop of London 1. Claidon before abiuâed Englishe bookes The iudgement of the Maior of London Claidon bestowed much money vpon Englishe bookes Iohn Claydon could not read Richard Turming Baker This Turming belike was then in prison William Lindewood doctor of both lawes An Englishe booke intituled The Lanterne of light The head taile of Antichrist This is true speaking of the inuisible Church Two causes of persecution noted Foure conditioÌs in geuing almes That bread remaineth in the Sacrament The bookes of I. Claidon burned The sentence condemnation of Iohn ClaidoÌ Iohn Claidon coÌmitted to the secular power The law de comburendo insufficient The death and martirdome of Iohn Claidon I. Claidon Richard Turming martus Anno 1416. Ex Regist. Chichesley 217. You should be better occupied to shake of the duste from your duây pulpets Twise euery yeare to enquire for Lollardes Against priuie conuenticles To differ froÌ the common sort in life and maners against the popes lawe Against Englishe bookes The trouble of I. Barton and Robert Chapell in cause of religion This Philip seemeth to be Philippe Repington afore mentioned in the story of Wicklieffe R. Chapell âââureth Articles obtruded to R. Chapel to confesse Marke well this catholicke doctrine of the Popes Church concerning remission of sinnes Marke how this doctrine ioyneth with Gods coÌmaundement with his word Ergo by this doctrine the iust man liueth not by his faith but by his confession auricular How can these priestes be seruantes of Christ which be makers of Christ. Priuate religioÌs profitable if ye could tell wherfore Straight inquisition in EnglaÌd Christ had the hartes of men they had their bodies A briefe summe of such as abiured vnder Hen. Chichesley I. Tailour W. Iames. I. Dweiffe Iohn Iourdelay I. Iourdelay abiureth Rob. person of Heggeley examined W. Henry of Tenterdon examined A booke of the new laW I. Galle R. Monke Bart. CoâmoÌger N. Hoper Tho. Granter troubled for their doctrine A subsidie geâthered by the pope to fight against the faithfull of Bohemia Romishe sleightes to get the Englishe money Articles obiected against Rafe Mungin Trialogus The Gospells translated by Iohn Wickliffe Radulph Mungin condeÌned to perpetual prisoÌ Tho. Granter Richard Monke The recantation of Tho. Granter Note the doctrine opinions in those daies where the Gospell tooke place One head that is the vnitie of the Church Men tied to the Church of Rome The affliction and trouble in Kent vnder Chichesley Persons persecuted in Keât The seconde apprehensioÌ of the Lord Cobham The Lord Powes plaieth Iudas Treason falsly surmised Vide supra pag. 575. Iudas feeleth for his reward An. 5. Henr. 5 act 17. An. 5. HeÌnr 5. act 17. All the blame laide to the Lollardes Articles decreed in the Councell of Constance agoinst the Bohemians The fauores of I. Hus in Boheme This suffragane was a good man and helde with Iohn Hus. Wicklieffes bookes translated by I. Hus and Iacobellus into the BohemiaÌ speach Concilium malignantium Deposing of Pope Iohn 23. Ex hist Albani The election of Pope Martine The Emperour kisseth the popes feete Pope Martind The coronation of pope Martine Meretrix câ quitans super bessiam Apocalip The pope ãâã horseâacke the Emperour ââ foote Why then doth the âapekâepe âââl the olde Iewes ceremonies if all thinges be made new Anno. 14â7 A yearely memoriall of Iohn Hus Hierome ââpt among ãâã Bohemiaâns K. Wenceslaus threatneth Nicholas The death of King Wenceslaus The maruelous worke of Gods iudgemeÌt to be noted in defending his people Out of Ene as Siluius Zischa getteth Pelzina The queene sendeth for Sigismund the Empeerour The Emperours Ambassadours agree with the citizeÌs of Prage The citie of Prage fell from the Emperour The complainte of the citie of Prage against Sigismund The policie of Zisca The citie of Thabor builded Siââsmund get ãâã the castle ââ Prage Zisca getteth the citie of Prage Prage besieged of Sigismund The Marques of Misnia ouercome in the skirmish Sigismund the Emperour rayseth his siege The Emperour fighting against Zisca had the ouerthrow The Abbeis of Pelsina subuerted Zisca putteth the Emperour to flight Zisca loseth hys other eye in battel Zisca albeit he lost his eyes yet would not forsake his army Zisca taketh diuers townes The Saxons retyre The Emperour with his power entreth againe into Boheme The Emperour afrayde of Zisca flyeth The powch of Antichrist A noble victory of Zisca Zisca destroyeth images and idols in Churches Ioanes Premostratensis The martirdome of certane godly Bohemians falsely circuÌuented and killed with sword Priuie murther at length commeth out Stench very âârtfull for ãâã teeth An other warlike pollicy of Zischa Straetagema Procopius Magnus The valiant courage of Procopius The victorie of the protestantes The battaile betweene the citie of Prage Zisca The noble victory of Zisca Zisca besiegeth Prage A notable oration of Zisca to his souldiours The hartes of the souldiours altered by the oratioÌ of Zisca Peace betweene Zisca and Prage by the meanes of Iohn de Rochezana The Emperour glad to be recoÌciled with Zisca The death of Zisca The wordes of Zisca at his death The Epitaphe of Zisca Zisca eleuen times victor in thââââelde Pope Martins bloudy bull to all Byshops and Archbishops All these errours and heresies be for that they
also Fazellus writeth thus of king Iohn of IerusaleÌ that when hys daughter was brought to Rome the Emperour and the pope was reconciled together And being called vp to Rome to celebrate yâ mariage P. Gregory as the maner of those proud prelates is offered hys right foote vnto the Emperour to kisse But the Emperour not stouping so low scarcely with hys lippe touched the vpper part of hys knee and woulde not kisse his foote which thing the pope toke in very euil part and was therwith merueilously offended But for that no oportunitie at that time serued to reuenge hys conceiued grudge and old malice he dissimuled the same as he might for that tyme thinking to recompence it at the full as tyme would serue and fall out therefore After this it fortuned that the Emperor hearing how the Christians were oppressed by the Souldane in Syria and that from Arsacida there came a great power agaynst the christen princes he made the more hast and was with more desire encouraged to set forward hys iourny into Asia Wherefore assembling the Nobilitie of the Empire at Rauenna and Creinona he gaue in commaundement to Henry hys sonne whoÌ not long before he caused to be created Cesar that he should perswade the nobles Princes of the Empire that they all would be ready to put to their helping hands in furthering this hys iourney and enterprise This writeth Fazellus howbeit some other affirme that these thinges were done in the tyme of Honorius But how soeuer the matter is this thing is manifest that Fredericke to satisfie the popes desire which neuer would sin but by al means sought to prouoke him forward gaue hym at length hys promise that by certayn time he would prepare an army and fight himselfe agaynst those whiche kept from hym the citty of Ierusalem which thing he also confesseth himselfe in his epistles and also how he desired and obtayned of the pieres and Nobility of the Empire theyr'ayd thereunto as also to haue a appoynted conuenient tyme when they should be at Brundusium In the meane season he with all hys power and indeuour made hasty and speedy preparation for the warres he rigged manned a puissant nauy he had the pykcost men and best souldiours that were in euery country and made warlike prouison furmture for euery thing that to such a voiage and expedition appertayned Neyther was the matter slacked but at that tyme appoynted great bandes assembled mustred both of Germaine souldiours and others and vnder theyr Captaines appoynted sot forth and marched to Brundusium Theyr generals were Thuringus and Sigebertus and Augustinus the Byshop where they long tyme lying and attending the Emperours coÌming being let by infirmitie and sickenes great pestileÌce and sondry diseases molested them by reason of the great heate and intemperance of that country and many a souldiour there lost his life among whome also dyed Thuringus one of their Generals The Emperour when he had somewhat recouered his health with al his nauy launched out and set forwarde to Brundusium And when he came to the straites of Poliponences and Creta being Ilands lying in the sea and there for lacke of conuenient wynde was stayed sodenly the Emperour hys diseases growing vppon him agayne fell sicke and sending before all or the most part of his bandes and shippes into Palestina promising them most assuredly to come after and follow them so soone as he might recouer and get neuer so litle health he himselfe with a few ships returned and came to Brundusium and from thence for want of health went into Apulia When tidings here of came to the Popes eare He sent out his thundring curses and newe excommunications agaynst the Emperour The causes wherefore I find noted and mentioned by his owne letters that is Now that wheÌ he had robbed and taken from BruÌdusius Prince of Thuring his horses hys mony and other rich furniture of his house at the tyme of hys death hee sayled into Italy not for the entent to make warre agaynst the Turke but to conuey this pray that he had stolne and taken away froÌ Brundusius who neglecting his othe and promise which he had made and feiniug himselfe to be sicke came home agayn And that by his default also Damieta was lost the hoste of the Christians sore afflicted Fazellus besides these causes spoken of before doth write that the pope alledged these also That he defiled a certayne Damosell which was in the Queenes nursery and that he slew hys wife when he had whipped her in the prison for declaring the mischieuous acte to her father king Iohn But all the writers and also Blondus hymselfe doth declare that this Ioell died after the Publication of the proscript and excommunication wherefore the Pope could not without great shame allege the cause vpon the death of Ioell For vndoubtedly the truthe is that she of her sonne Conradus dyed in childebed TheÌ Fredericke to refell and auoyd the foresayd slaunders sendeth the byshop of Brundis and other Legates to Rome whom the Pope would not suffer to come to his presence neither yet to the Councels of the Cardinals to make hys purgation Wherfore the Emperour to purge himselfe of the crymes which the pope did so falsely accuse him of both to all Christen kinges and specially to the Princes of Germany all the nobles of the Empire he writeth hys lettters which are to be seene that those thinges are both false and also fayned of the popes own head muented And sheweth how that his Embassadours with his purgatioÌ could not be suffered to come to the popes preseÌce also doth largly intreat how vnthankfull vngratefull the Byshops of Rome were towardes him for the great benefites whiche both he and also his predecessors had bestowed vpon them and the Romaine Church which letter for that it is ouer tedious here to place considering the discourse of the histostory is somewhat long the summe of the purgation is this He protesteth and declareth vniuersally that he had alwayes great care for the christen common wealth and that he had determined euen from hys youth to fight against the Turke and Saracens And for that occasioÌ he made a promise to the Princes electours of Aquisgraue howe that he would take that warre vpon him Afterward he renewed his promise to Rome when he was coÌsecrated of Honorius Then when he maryed the daughter of the king of Ierusalem which was an heyre of the same And for because that kingdome might be defended kept from the iniuries of the enemies that he fauored it euen as he did his own he prepared an huge nauy and gathered together a strong army of men neither did he neglect any thing that beloÌged to the furniture of the warre But when the tyme was come and his band was gathered together his sickenesse would not suffer hym to be there And afterward when he had recouered
the part of K. Richard whome all good men hated as he no otherwise deserued The king hauing perfect knowledge the Earle to be encamped at Tamworth embatled himselfe in a place neare to a village called Bosworth not farre from Leicester appointing there to encounter with his aduersaries Here that matter lay in great doubt and suspense concerning that Lord Stanley which was the Erles father in law had maryed his mother to what part he would encline For although his hart went no doubt with the Earle had secret conference with him the night before yet because of his sonne and heyre George Lord Straunge being then in the haÌds of king Richard least the king should attempt any preiudiciall thing against him durst not be seene openly to goe that way where in hart he fauoured and therefore closely kept himselfe betweene both till the push came that hys helpe might serue at a pinch The number of the Erles part exceeded not to the one halfe of the side of king Richard When the time and the place was appointed where the two battailes should encounter and ioyne together fore stripes and great blowes were geuen on both sides and many slayne If number multitude might gouerne the successe of battaile king Richard had double to the erle But God is he not man that geueth victorye by what meanes it seemeth to his diuine prouidence best In what order and by what occasion this field was wonne and lost the certain intelligence we haue not certainly expressed but onely by the historye of Polydore Vergile whom sir Thomas More doth follow word for word In the which history it doth appeare that as these 2. armies were coupling together king Richard vnderstanding by his espials where the earle of Richmond was and how he was but slenderly accompanied and seeing him to approch more neare vnto him he rather caryed with courage then ruled with reason set spurres to the horse and raunging out of the compasse of hys ranckes pressed toward the Erle setting vppon him so sharpely that first he killed sir William Brandon the Erles standard bearer father to the Lord Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke theÌ after ouerthrew sir Iohn Cheny thinking likewise to oppresse the Erle But as the Lorde by his secret prouidence disposeth the euent of all thinges as the earle with his meÌ about him being ouermatched began to dispayre of victory sodeinly oportunely came syr William Stanley with 3. thousand well appointed able men whereby king Richardes men were driuen backe he himselfe cruelly fighting in the thick of his enemies was there slaue brought to his confusion and death which he worthely deserued In the meane time the Earle of Oxford who had the guiding of the forewarde discomfited the forefrunt of king Richards hoast and put them to flight in which chase many were slayne of noble men especially aboue other Iohn Duke of Northfolke Lord Ferrers sir Richard Radcliffe and Robert Brakenbury Lieutenaunt of the Tower c. Lord Thomas Haward Earle of Surrey there submitted himselfe and although he was not receaued at first to grace but long remayned in the Tower yet at length for his fidelitie was deliuered and aduanced to his recouered honour and dignitie againe This king Richard had but one sonne who shortly after the cruell murder of king Edwardes sonnes was taken with sicknes and died The wife of the sayd king Richard whether by poyson or by sickenes dyed also a little before the field of Bosworth After whose decease the storie of Polydore of sir Tho. More affirmeth that he intended himself to mary the Lady Elizabeth his own brothers daughter and so to preuent the Earle of Richmond Moreouer as touching the Lord Stanley thus reporteth the story that king Richard being in Bosworth fielde sent for the Lord Stanley by a purseuaunt to auaunce forward with his company and come to hys presence otherwise he sware by Christes passion that he would strike off his sonnes head before dinner The L. Stanley sent word agayne that if he did he had more sonnes aliue WherupoÌ the kyng immediately commaunded the Lord Strange to be beheaded which was the very time wheÌ both yâ armies were within fight were ready to ioyne together Wherfore the kinges counsailers pondering the tyme and the case perswaded the king that it was now time to sight not to doe execution aduising him to delay the matter tyll the battail were ended And so as God would king Richard breaking hys othe or rather keeping hys othe for he hymselfe was slayne before dyner the Lord Straunge was coÌmitted to be kept prisoner within the kinges tente who then after the victory gotten was sought out and brought to his ioyfull father And thus haue ye the tragicall life and end of this wretched king Richard Henry the Erle of Richmond after harty thankes geuen to almighty God for hys glorious victorye obteined proceeded to the towne of Leicester where was brought to him by the Lord Straunge the Crowne and put on the Earles head In the meane time the dead corpes of king Richarde was shamefully caried to the towne of Leicester being naked and despoyled to the skinne being trussed behinde a purseuaunt of armes was caryed like a hog or a dog hauing his head armes hanging on the one side of that horse and the legges on the other side all sprincled with myre bloud And thus ended the vsurped reign of king Richard who reigned two yeares and two monthes Ex Polydo Thom. Moro. King Henry the vij WHen king Henry by the prouidence of God had obtayned this triumphant victory Diademe of the realme first sending for Edward Plantaginet Earle of Warwicke sonne to George Duke of Clarence committing him to safe custody w e in the tower froÌ Leicester remoued to LoÌdon not long after according to his oth promise made before espoused to him the yong Ladye Elizabeth heyre of the house of Yorke whereby both the houses of Yorke and Lancaster were conioyned together to the no little reioysing of all English hartes no lesse quyet vnto the realme which was an 1485. This king reigned 23. yeares and 8. monthes and being a Prince of great pollicie iustice and temperance kept his realm in good tollerable rule order And here interrupting a little the course of our Englishe matters we will now the Lord willing enter the story aboue promised of Maximilian the Emperour matters of the Empire especially such as pertayneth to that Church Maximilian Emperour IN the yeare of our Lord. 1486. Fridericus waxing aged and partly also mistrusting the hartes of the Germayns who had complained before of theyr greuances and could not be heard and therfore misdoubting that hys house after his decease should haue the lesse fauour amonge them for that cause in hys life tyme did associate hys sonne Maximilian to
be ioyned Emperour with him with whom he reigned the space of 7. yeares till the death of the sayd Fridericke hys father who departed an 1494. after he had reigned ouer the Empire 53. yeares lacking onely but iii yeares of the reigne of Augustus Caesar vnder whome was the byrth of our Lord and Sauiour Christ. This Maximilian as he was a valiaunt Emperoure prudent and singularly learned so was hys reigne intangled in many vnquiet and difficile warres first in the lower Countryes of Flaunders and Brabant where the saide Maximilian was taken captiue but shortly after reschued deliuered agayne by hys father 1487. It was signified before how this Maximilian by the aduise of that Burgundians had to wife Mary the onely daughter of Charles Duke of Burgundy afore mentioned by whome he had 2. children Phillip and Margarete an 1477. Whiche Mary not long after about the yeare of our Lorde 1481. by a fall from her horse fell into an agew and departed Other warres many mo the same Maximilian also achieued both in France in Italy in Hungary and diuers besides So happy was that education of this Emperour in good letters so expert he was in tongues and sciences but especially such was his dexteritie and Promptnes in the latin stile that he imitating the exaÌple of Iulius Caesar did write and comprehend in Latine historyes his owne actes and seates done and that in such sort that when he had geuen a certayne tast of his history to one Pircamerus a learned man asking his iudgemeÌt how his warlike stile of Latine did like him the sayd Pyrcamerus did affirme and reporte of him to Iohn Caron the witnes and writer of this story that he did neuer see nor read any Germane storye a thing more exactly and that in such hast done as this was of Maimilian Moreouer as he was learned himselfe so was he a singular patrone and aduauncer of learned studentes as may well appeare by the erecting and setting vp the vniuersitie of Wittenberge By this Emperour many in those dayes were excited to the embrasing as wel of other liberall artes as also namely to the searching out of old antiquities of historyes whereby diuers were then by him first occasioned in Germany to set their mindes to exercise their dilligence in collecting explicating matters pertayning to the knowledge of history as well of ancient as also of latter times as namely Cuspinianus Nauclerus Conradus Peutingerus Manlius and other Here now it began right well to appeare what great benefite was broched to the world by the Arte and facultie of Printing as is before mentioned Through the meanes of which printing the church and common wealth of christ began now to be replenished with learned men as bothe may appeare by this Emperour being so induced himselfe with such excellent knowledge of good letters and also by diuers others famous and worthy wittes whiche began now in this age exceedingly to encrease and multiplye as Baptista Mantuanus Ang. Politianus Hermolaus Barbarus Picus Mirandula and Franciscus his cousin Rodol Agricola PoÌtanus Philippus Bero aldus Marsilius Ficinus Volateranus Georgius Valla with infinite other Among whom is also to be numbred Weselus Groningensis otherwise named Basilius who was not longe after Ioan de Wesalia aboue recited both muche about one tyme and both great friendes together This Weselus dyed the yeare of our Lord. 1490. After that Ioannes Doctor De Wesalia aforesayd was condemned this Weselus being familiar with him thought that the Inquisitour woulde come and examine hym also as he himselfe in a certaine Epistle doth write He was so notable and worthye a man that of the people he was called Lux Mundi That is The light of the worlde Concerning his doctrine first he reprehended the opinion of the papistes as touching repentaunce which they deuided in three partes of the which three partes satisfaction and confession he did disalow Likewise Purgatorye and supererogation of workes pardons he did disproue both at Rome and at Paris He spake agaynst the popes indulgences by the occasion whereof diuers of the Popes court perswaded by him began to speake more freely agaynst the same matter then he himselfe had done The abuses of Masses and praying for the dead he disalowed and likewise the supremacy of the Pope he vtterterly reiected as appeareth in a booke of his De Sacramento poenitentiae denying vtterly that any supreme head or gouernour ought to be in the world ouer all other affirming also saying many times that the pope had no authoritie to do any thingby commaundement but by truth that is so farre as trueth goeth with hym so farre hys sentence to stand neither that he ought to preuayle by commaunding but onely by teaching so as euery true christian Bish. may preuayle ouer an other Also in some place in his writings he denyeth not but that popes and their spirituall Prelates proceeding agaynst Christes doctrine be playne Antichristes such as were infirm and not able to perform the bond of chastitie taken vpon them he sayd they might wel breake their vow Also the sayd Weselus witnesseth that the forefathers which were before Albert and Thomas did resiste and westand the popes indulgences calling them in theyr wrytinges playne Idolatry mere fraude and erroure adding moreouer that vnles the seueritie of some good Diuines had not withstand these pardons and indulgences of the Pope innumerable erroures had ouerflowne the church Amongest these workes of Weselus there is a certaine Epistle of one written to hym âin which the authour of the Epistle confesseth that in hys time there was a certayne learned man at Paris called maister Thomas de Curselis a Deane who being in the councell of Basill whereas diuers began to aduaunce the power of the pope to farre declared and affirmed to be sayd to him of Christ Quicquid ligaueris super terram erit ligatum in coelo c. Et non quicquid dixeris esse ligatum That is What soeuer thou shalt bynde vpon earth shall be bound in heauen but not what soeuer thou sayst to be bound As who should say the pope cannot nor doth not binde therfore because he so sayth except truth and righteousnes go also with him then he doth so bynde in deed There is a certayne booke of this man amongst diuers others which he intiruleth De subditis superioribus in that which he disputeth greatly against that pope his Prelates affirming that the pope vnlesse hys faith doctrine be found ought not to be obeyed He affirmeth also that the pope may erre and when he erreth men ought by all manner of meanes to resist him Item that great superfluous riches in the clergy do not profite but hurt that church That the pope doth wickedly distribute the rentes of the Church and the Church it selfe to vnworthy Ministers by Simony for hys owne profite and gayne wherby it