peeces of battery whereof the greatest part was flawed and broken I came backe also by Theroüenne where I did not see so much as stone upon stone unlesse the marke of a great Church For the Emperour gave commandement to the country people within five or six leagues about that they should empty and carry away the stones in so much that now one may drive a Cart over the Citty as is likewise done at Hedin without any appearance of Castle or Fortresse See then the mischeefe which comes by the warres And to returne to my purpose presently after my said Lord Vaudeville was very well of his Vlcer and little wanted of the entire cure which was the cause hee gave me my leave and made me be conducted with a Passeport by a Trumpet to Abbeville where I tooke post and went and found the King Henry my Master at Auâ—imon who received me with joy and a good countenance He sent for the Duke of Guise the high Constable of France and Monsieur d'Estrez to understand by me what had past at the taking of Hedin and I made them a faithfull report and assured them I had seene the great peeces of Battery which they had carried to S. Omer Whereof the King was very joyfull because hee feared least the enemy should come further into France He gave me two hundred Crownes to retire my selfe to my owne house and I was very glad to bee in liberty and out of this great torment and noise of Thunder from the Diabolicke artillery and farre from the Souldiers blasphemers and deniers of God I will not omit to tell here that after the taking of Hedin the king was advertised that I was not slaine but that I was a prisoner which his Majestie caused to be written to my wife by Monsieur du Goguier his cheefe Physition and that shee should not be in any trouble of mind for me for that I was safe and well and that he would pay my ransome The Battell of S. Quintin 1557. AFter the battell of S. Quintin the King sent me to the Fere in Tartemis toward Monsieur the Marshall of Bourdillon to have a Passeport by the Duke of Savoy to goe to dresse Monsieur the Constable who was grievously hurt with a Pistollshot in the backe whereof hee was like to dye and remained a prisoner in his enemies hands But the Duke of Savoy would never give consent that I should goe to the said Lord Constable saying hee should not remaine without a Chirurgion and that he doubted I was not sent onely to dresse him but to give him some advertisement and that he knew I understood something else besides Chirurgery and that he knew me to have beene his prisoner at Hedin Monsieur the Marshall of Bourdillon advertized the King of the Dukes deniall by which meanes the King writ to the said Lord of Bourdillon that if my Lady the Lord high Constables wife did send any body of her house which was an able man that I should give him a letter and that I should also have told him by word of mouth what the King and Monsieur the Cardinall of Lorraine had given me in charge Two dayes after there arrives a servant of the Lord Constables Chamber who brought him shirts and other linnen for which the sayd Lord Marshall gave Passe-port to goe to the sayd Lord Constable I was very glad thereof and gave him my letter and gave him his lesson of that which his Master should doe being prisoner I had thought being discharged of my embassage to returne toward the King But the sayd Lord of Bourdillon pray'd me to stay with him at the Fere to dresse a great number of people who were hurt and were thither retired after the battell and that he would send word to the King the cause of my stay which I did The wounds of the hurt people were greatly stinâ—king and full of wormes with Gangreene and putrifaction so that I was constrayned to come to my knife to amputate that which was spoyld which was not without cutting off armes and legges as also to Trepan diverse Now there were not any medicines to be had at the Fâ—re because the Chirurgions of our Campe had carried all with them I found out that the Chariot of the Artillery tarried behind at the Fere nor had it yet beene touched I prayd the sayd Lord Marshall that he would cause some of the drogues to be delivered unto me which were in it which he did and there was given to me one halfe onely at a time and five or sixe dayes after I way constrayned to take therest neither was there halfe enough to dresse so great a number of the people and to correct and stay the putrifaction and to kill the wormes which were entred into their wounds I washed them with Aeyptiacum dissolved in wine and Aqua vitae and did for them all which I could possible yet notwithstanding all my diligence very many of them dyed There were Gentlemen at the Fere who had charge to finde out the dead body of Monsieur de Bois-Dolphin the elder who had beene slaine in the battell they prayed me to accompany them to the Campe to finde him out amongst the dead if it were possible which indeed was impossible seeing that the bodyes were all disfavoured and overwhelmed with putrefaction We saw more than halfe a league about us the earth covered with dead bodyes neither could we abide long there for the cadaverous sents which did arise from the dead bodyes aswell of men as of horses And I thinke we were the cause that so great a number of flyes rose from the dead bodees which were procreated by their humidity and the heate of the Sunne having their tayles greene and blew that being up in the ayre made a shaddow in the Sunne We heard them buzze or humme which was much mervaile to us And I thinke it was enough to cause the Plague where they alighted My little master I would you had beene there as I was to distinguish the ordures and also to make report to them which were never there Now being cloyed and annoyed in that Countrey I prayd Monsieur the Lord Marshall to give me my leave to be gone and that I was affrayd I should be sicke by reason of my too great paines and the stinckes which did arise from the wounded bodyes which did almost all dye for what diligence soever was used unto them He made other Chirurgions to come finish the dressing of the sayd hurt people and I went away with his good grace and favour He wrote a letter to the King of the paines I had taken with the poore wounded Then I returned to Paris where I found yet many Gentlemen who had beene hurt and were there retired after the battell The Voyage of the Campe of Amiens 1558. THe King sent me to Dourlan and made me to be conducted by Captaine Govasâ— with fifty men in armes for feare I should be taken by the enemies And
In what cases good What the plague is Sect. 3. aphor How it comes to kill The originall Bubo's Carbuncles c. in the plague Amos 3. Acts 17 The second causes have their power from God as the first cause The generall causes of the plague Lib. 6 de loc affectis How the seasons of the yeere may be said to want their seasonablenesse How the aire may be corrupted Lib. 8. hist aâ—iâ— Pestiferous putrefaction is â—ar different from ordinary putrefaction In a pestilent constitution of the aire all diseases become pestilent Lib. 1. de differ feb How the aire may be said to putrefie A Southerly constitution of the aire is the fuell of the Plague Three causes of the putrefâ—ction of humours Passions of the mind helpe forward the putrefaction of the humours Why Abortionâ— are frequent in a pestilent season A Catarrhe with difficulty of breathing killing many The english sweating sicknesse The Plague is not the definite name of one disease What signes in the earth forâ—tell a Plague How pestilent vapours may kill plants and trees Change of places the surest prevention of the Plague Two things of chiefe account for prevention Diet for prevention of the Plague Discommodities of a cloudy or toggy aire Why the South wind is pestilent The efficacy of fire against the Plague Moderate repleâ—ion good for prevention A strange art to drive away the Plague The antipathy of poysons with poysons Whether in the plague time one must travell by night or by day Why the Moon is to be shunned Garlick good against the Plague What water to be made choice oâ— in the Plague time Aqua theriacalis good against the Plague both inwardly taken outwardly applyed The composition thereof A Cordiall water A Cordiall clectuary Anâ—… Another Another A consection to be taken in the morning against the pestilent Aire A March-pane Pils of Ruffus Other pils Other pils Of what nâ—…e the medicines outwardly used ought to be Pomanders Sweet poudeâ—… Bagges Unsavory things to bee eschewed An unguent Why venery is to be shunned Running ulcers good in time of pestilence Places to be shunned in time of plague What company to be avoided You must doe nothing in a pestilent season whereby you may grow too hot Why dogs and cats must be killed in a plague time Why Bathes and hot-houses are not then to be allowed Such as dye of the plague doe quickly putrefiâ— Lib. 2. de occult â—at mirac The villany of some baâ—e people Our lots are in the hands of the Lord. Where to make issues in the time of the Plague Cap 8. Epist 2. What to weare How to visite your patients A history Whence certain signes of the Plague may be taken The cause of such as have the Plague suddenly changed Why some that â—e taken with the plague are â—eepy Why their urine are like those that are â—â—und An ulcerous painefull wearinesse from the beginning sheweth the Plague to be deadly Why they have no sores Sâ—gnes of choler When the urine is to be looked upon Why some are much troubled with thirst others not at all No certain prediction in tâ—… Plaâ—… A history Why young men sooner take the Plague than old What Plague most contagious Who least subject to take the Plague Who subject thereto Signes that the disease is incurable A good signe A deadly signe In whâ—t aire most contagious What effects feare and confidence produce in the Plague The originall of the Plague alwaies from the Aire Signes that natuee is oâ—â—come Change of the Aire â—onduâ—â—â—h to the cure of the Plague Aire penâ— up is apt to putreâ—… The materials for sweet fires Lib 16. cap 13. Perfumes Sweet candles A sweet water to smell to A Nodula to smell to Why such as have the plague may feed more fully Pulse must be shunned The manner of diet For the second course In the end of the meale A restaurative drinke An Oxymel A Julep The commodities of oxycrate To whom hurtfull The drinking of cold water to whom when profitable Lib. 3. cap. 7. For drynesse or roughnesse of the mouth For the Ulcers thereof The choice of waters Hip. sect 5. aphor 26. The beginning of the cuâ—… must be by antidotes In what quantity they must be taken Why poisonous things are put into Antidotes Some poysons Antidotes to othersome How to walke after the taking of an Antidote A sudoâ—ifick potion A sudorifick powder A distilled water against the Plague Another What meane to be used in sweating Whereof they must be made Repercussives not fit to be applyed to Carbuncles Reasons for and against bloud-letting in the Plague The composing of this controversie A history When purging and bleeding may be used Aph. 22 sect 2. Aph. 10. sect 4. Cap. 7. lib 3. Why bloud must 〈◊〉 let on th â—…me in the Plague What purges fit in thel lague Pils An effectuall sudorifick and also purging medicine The vertues of Mugwort Vide Rondelet Lib. 7. de pâ—s c. 3. 〈◊〉 Potion The effects of mercury copperose against the Plague The cause of phrensie in the Plague The benefit of opening an artery Aph. 10. sect 6. A history To stay bleeding Medicines to â—â—ocuresleep A Cataplasme An ointment for the reines An ointment for the heart The noise of dropping water drawes on sleep The differences of the spots in the plague Their severall names and the reasons of them When signes of death Why they somtimes appeare after the death of the patient They are to be cured by driving â—orth The indication of curing taken 〈◊〉 the like An ointment to draw them forth when as they appear too slowly In proâ—… 〈◊〉 Diâ—sâ— What a pesâ—â—lent Bubo is The signe of Bubo's salutary and deadly The use of cupping glasses in curing a Bubo A liniment A compound 〈◊〉 Why vesicatories are better than cauâ—… in a pestilent 〈◊〉 Strong drawing 〈◊〉 Against such as cut away plague 〈◊〉 A digestive fomentation An anodine Cataplasme Why it is best to open a Plague-sore with a potentiall cautery How to draw forth a sore that seems to goe in againe When repercussives may be applyed Why too much bleeding is to be feared Lâ—â—iments to hasten the falling way of the Eschar Against â—ating ulcers The praise of Aegyptiacum What a Carbuncle is The signes of a Carbuncle When so called Symptomes of Carbuncles How the matter of a Bubo Carbuncle differ Why it is deadly to have a sore come after the Feaver Huge postilent Abscesses commonly deadly Deadly Carbuncles A history How to distinguish purple spots from flea-bitings Why Emplastick very hot and great drawers are not good for a carbuncle A Cataplasme for a pestilent Carbuncle Another Other Cataplasmes The effect of Scabious against a pestilen Carbuncle A Radish root drawes out the venome powerfully The top of a Carbuncle when why and with what to be â—urneâ— The falling of the Eschar promiâ—eth health A twofold indication Why the adjacent parts are troubled with 〈◊〉 A fomentation for this
the excellent astrictive faculty they have and stopping the passages of the vessels they hinder the poyson from entring into the heart This is my opinion of Unicornes horne which if any doe not approve of hee shall doe mee a favour if for the publike good hee shall freely oppose his but in the interim take this in good part which I have done The End of the One and Twentieth Booke OF THE PLAGUE THE TWENTIE SECOND BOOKE CHAP. 1. The description of the Plague THE Plague is a cruell and contagious disease which every where like a common disease invading Man and Beast kils very many being attended and as it were associated with a continuall Feaver Botches Carbuncles Spots Nauseousnesse Vomitings and other such maligne accidents This disease is not so pernitious or hurtfull by any elementary qualitie as from a certain poysonous venenate malignity the force wherof exceeds the condition of common putrefaction Yet I will not deny but that it is more hurtfull in certain bodies times and regions as also many other diseases of which Hippocrates makes mention But from hence we can only collect that the force and malignity of the plague may be encreased or diminished according to the condition of the Elementary qualities concurring with it but not the whole nature and essence thereof to depend thereon This pestiferous poyson principally assailes the Vitall spirit the Store-house and originall whereof is the Heart so that if the Vitall Spirit prove stronger it drives it far from the Heart but if weaker it being overcome and weakened by the hostile assault flies backe into the fortresse of the Heart by the like contagion infecting the heart and so the whole Body being spred into it by the passages of the Arteries Hence it is pestilent Feavers are sometime simple and solitary other-whiles associated with a troope of other affects as Botches Carbuncles Blaines and Spots of one or more colours It is probable such affects have their originall from the expulsive Faculty whether strong or weake provoked by the malignity of the raging matter yet assuredly divers symptomes and changes arise according to the constitution of the body of the Patient and condition of the humor in which the virulency of the plague is chiefly inherent and lastly in the nature of the efficient cause I thought good by this description to expresse the nature of the plague at this my first entrance into this matter for we can scarce comprehend it in a proper definition For although the force thereof be definite and certaine in nature yet it is not altogether certaine and manifest in mens minds because it never happens after one sort so that in so great variety it is very difficult to set down any thing generall and certaine CHAP. II. Of the Divine causes of an extraordinary Plague IT is a confirmed constant and received opinion in all Ages amongst Christians that the plague and other diseases which violently assaile the life of man are often sent by the just anger of God punishing our offences The Prophet Amos hath long since taught it saying Shall there be affliction shall there be evill in a City and the Lord hath not done it On which truely we ought daily to meditate and that for two causes The first is that wee alwaies beare this in minde that wee enjoy health live move and have our beings from God and that it descends from that Father of Light and for this cause we are alwaies bound to give him great and exceeding thanks The other is that knowing the calamities by sending whereof the Divine anger proceeds to revenge wee may at length repent and leaving the way of wickednesse walke in the pathes of godlinesse For thus we shall learne to see in God our selves the Heaven and Earth the true knowledge of the causes of the plague and by a certaine Divine Philosophy teach God to bee the beginning and cause of the second causes which cannot well without the first cause goe about nor attempt much lesse performe any thing For from hence they borrow their force order and constancy of order so that they serve as Instruments for God who rules and governes us and the whole World to performe all his workes by that constant course of order which hee hath appointed unchangeable from the beginning Wherefore all the cause of a plague is not to bee attributed to these neere and inferiour causes or beginnings as the Epicures and Lucianists commonly doe who attributing too much yea all things to nature have left nothing to Gods providence On the contrary wee ought to thinke and beleeve in all our things That even as God by his omnipotent Power hath created all things of nothing so he by his eternall Wisedome preserves and governes the same leads and enclines them as he pleaseth yea verily at his pleasure changeth their order and the whole course of Nature This cause of an extraordinary Plague as wee confesse and acknowledge so here we will not prosecute it any further but thinke fit to leave it to Divines because it exceeds the bounds of Nature in which I will now contain my selfe Wherefore let us come to the naturall causes of the plague CHAP. III. Of the Naturall Causes of the Plague and chiefly of the Seminary of the Plague by the corruption of the Aire THE generall and naturall causes of the Plague are absolutely two that is the infection of corrupt Aire and a preparation and fitnesse of corrupt humours to take that infection for it is noted before out of the doctrine of Galen that our humours may bee corrupted and degenerate into such an alienation which may equall the malignity of Poyson The Aire is corrupted when the foure seasons of the yeere have not their seasonablenesse or degenerate from themselves either by alteration or by alienation as if the constitution of the whole yeere bee moist and rainy by reason of grosse and blacke Cloudes if the Winter bee gentle and warme without any Northerly wind which is cold and dry and by that meanes contrary to putrefaction if the spring which should be temperate shall be faulty in any excesse of distemper if the Autumn shall be ominous by Fires in the Aire with stars shooting and as it were falling down or terrible comets never seen without some disaster if the summer be hot cloudy and moist and without winds and the clouds flie from the South into the North. These and such like unnaturall constitutions of the seasons of the yeere were never better or more excellently handled by any than by Hippocrates in his bookes Epidemion Therefore the Aire from hence drawes the seeds of corruption and the Pestilence which at the length the like excesse of qualities being brought in it sends into the humours of our bodies chiefly such as are thinne and serous Although the pestilence doth not alwaies necessarily arise from hence but somewhiles some other kinde of cruell and infectious
ball but it may bee more easily taken hold on with the Gryphons Talon if the belly be pressed on both sides that it may remaine still while the Gryphons Talon takes hold on it for when it hath taken good hold on it it may be easily drawne out When the mola is drawne out the same cure must be used to the woman as is used to a woman after that she is delivered of child The figure of an instrument called a Gryphons Talon to draw out the Mola when it is loose in the wombe CHAP. XXXVI Of Tumours or swellings happening to the Pancreas or sweet-bread and the whole Mesentery THe tumours of other places and parts in the belly ought diligently to bee distinguished from the mola and other tumours of the wombe For when tumours arise in the glandula called Pancreas and in all the whole Mesenterium many unskilfull Chirurgions take them for mola's or scirrhous tumors of the wombe and so goe erroneously about to cure them as shall appeare by those histories following Isabel Rolant the wife of John Bony dwelling in Paris in the street Moncey neere to St. Gervise his Church being threescore yeares of age departed this life in the yeare of our Lord God 1578. on the twenty second day of October and her body being opened in the presence of Doctor Milot the Physician hee when the Mesentery was taken out of the body caused it to be carried home to his house that at his leasure he might find out the cause of this mortall disease which was alwayes suspected to be in the Mesentery Therefore on a time calling Varadeus Brove Chappell Marescotius Arragonius Baillutius Reburtius and Riolan all Doctors of Physick and me and Pineus Chirurgions to his house to see the same Where wee found all the Mesentery and the Pancreas in the Mesentery swolne and puffed up with a marvellous and almost incredible tumour so that it wayed ten pound and an halfe altogether scirrhous on the out side cleaving on the hinder part onely to the vertebres of the loynes but on the fore part to the Peritonaeum being also scirrhous and wholly cartilaginous Moreover there were infinite other abscesses in the same Mesentery every one closed in his severall cyst some filled with a hony-like some with a tallow-like some with an albugineous and some with a waterish liquor or humour whereof some also were like unto pap and to conclude looke how many abscesses there were so many kinds or differences of matters there were It was then eight yeares since that tumour began to grow by little and little without feeling and paine unto such a greatnesse because that the Mesentery it selfe was without pain in a manner For the woman her selfe could do all the faculties of nature almost as well as if she had bin sound and whole except that two moneths before she died she was constrained to keep her bed because shee had a continuall feaver which endured so long as she lived and also because that the Mesentery being as it were separated or torne from its roots or seate did rowle up and downe in the belly not without the feeling of grievous paine for as we said before it did stick but only to the vertebres of the loynes and Peritonaeum and nothing at all to the guts and other parts whereunto it is as it were naturally knit or joyned Therefore because the weight and heavinesse thereof depressed the bladder it caused a great difficulty in her making of water and also because it rested on the guts it made it very painefull for her to goe to stoole so that the excrements would not come downe except shee tooke a sharpe glyster to cause them and as concerning glysters they could not be put up high enough by reason of the greatnesse of the tumour which enclosed and shut the way and suppositories did no good at all It was also very difficult for her to take breath by reason that the midriffe or diaphragma was compressed with the tumour There were some that did suspect it to be a mola others thought that it came by reason of the dropsie Assuredly this disease caused the dropsie to ensue neither was the cause thereof obscure for the function of the liver was quite frustrated by reason that the concoction or alteration of the Chylus was intercepted by occasion of the tumour and moreover the liver it selfe had a proper disease for it was hard and scirrhous and had many abscesses both within and without it and all over it The milt was scarce free from putrefaction the guts and Kall were somewhat blew and spotted and to bee briefe there was nothing sound in the lower belly There is the like history to bee read written by Philip Ingrassias in his booke of tumours of a certaine Moore that was hanged for theft for saith he when his body was publikely dissected in the Mesenterium were found seventy scrophulous tumours and so many abscesses were contained or enclosed in their severall cysts or skins and sticking to the externall tunicle especially of the greater guts the matter conteyned in them was divers for it was hard knotty clammy glutinous liquid and waterish but the entrals especially the liver and the milt were sound and free from all manner of tainture because as the same Author alledgeth nature being strong had sent all the evill juice and the corruption of the entrals into the Mesentery and verily this Moore so long as he lived was in good and perfect health Without doubt the corruption of superfluous humours for the most part is so great as it is noted by Fernelius that it cannot bee received in the receptacles that nature hath appointed for it therefore then no small portion thereof falleth downe into the parts adjoyning and especially into the Mesentery and pancreas which are as it were the sink of the whole body In those bodies which through continuall and daily gluttony abound with choler melancholy and flegme if it be not purged in time nature being strong and lusty doth depell and drive it downe into the pancreas and the Mesentery which are as places of no great repute and that especially out of the liver and milt by those veines or branches of the vena porta which end or goe not into the guts but are terminated in the Mesentery and pancreas In these places divers humours are heaped together which in processe of time turne into a loose and soft tumour then if they grow bigger into a stiffe hard and very scirrhous tumour Whereof Fernelius affirmeth that in those places he hath found the causes of choler melancholy fluxes dysenteries cachexia's atrophia's consumptions tedious and uncertain fevers and lastly of many hidden diseases by the taking away whereof some have received their health that have been though past cure Moreover Ingrassias affirmeth out of Julius Pollux that Scrophulaes may be engendred in the Mesentery which nothing differs from the mind
twelve ounces of oyle flow from an ounce of Turpentine This kind of oyle is effectuall against the Palsie Convulsions punctures of the nerves and wounds of all the nervous parts But you shall thus extract oyle out of waxe take one pound of waxe melt it and put it into a glasse Retort set in sand or ashes as wee mentioned a little before in drawing of oyle of Turpentine then destill it by encreasing the fire by degrees There distills nothing forth of waxe besides an oyly substance and a little Phlegma yet portion of this oyly substance presently concreats into a certaine butter-like matter which therefore would be distilled over againe you may draw â„¥ vj or viij of oyle from one pound of waxe This oyle is effectuall against Contusions and also very good against cold affects CHAP. XV. Of extracting of oyles out of the harder sorts of Gummes as myrrhe mastich frankincense and the like SOme there be who extract these kinds of oyles with the Retort set in ashes or sand as we mentioned in the former Chapter of oyles of more liquid gums adding for every pound of gumme two pints of Aqua vitae and two or three ounces of oyle of Turpentine then let them infuse for eight or ten dayes in Balneo Mariae or else in horse dung then they set it to distill in a Retort Now this is the true manner of making of oyles of Myrrhe Take Myrrhe made into fine pouder and therewith fill hard Egges in stead of their yoalkes being taken out then place the Egges upon a gridiron or such like grate in some moist place as a cellar and set under them a Leaden earthen panne the Myrrhe will dissolve into an oilely water which being presently put into a glasse and well stopped with an equall quantitie of rectified aqua vitae and so set for three or foure monthes in hot horse dung which past the vessell shall be taken forth and so stopped that the conteined liquor may be poured into an Alembecke for there will certaine grosse setling by this meanes remaine in the bottome then set your Alembecke in Balneo and so draw off the aqua vitae phlegmaticke liquor and there will remaine in the bottome a pure cleare oile whereto you may give a curious colour by mixing therewith some Alkanet and a smell by droping thereinto a little oyle of Sage Cinnamon or cloves Now let us shew the composition and manner of making of balsames by giving you one or two examples the first of which is taken out of Vesalius his Chirurgery and is this â„ž terebinth opt lb. j. ol laurini â„¥ iiij galbani â„¥ iij. gum elem â„¥ iiij ss thuris Myrrhae gum hederae centaur majoris ligni aloës an â„¥ iij. galangae caryophyll consolidae majoris Cinamoni nucis moschat zedoaniae zinzib dictamni albi an â„¥ j. olei vermium terrestrium â„¥ ij aq vitae lb. vj. The manner of making it is this let all these things be beaten and made small and so iâ—fused for three dayes space in aqua vitae then distilled in a Retort just as wee said you must distill oyle of Turpentine and waxe There will flow hence three sorts of liquors the first watrish and cleare the other thinne and of pure golden colour the third of the colour of a Carbuncle which is the true Balsame The first liquor is effectuall against the weakenesse of the stomacke comming of a cold cause for that it cuts flegme and discusses â—â—atulencies the second helpes fresh and hot bleeeing wounds as also the palsie The third is chiefly effectuall against these same effects The composition of the following Balsamum is out of Fallopius and is this â„ž terebinth clarae lb. ij olei de semine lini lb. j. resinae pini â„¥ vj thuris myrrhae aloes mastiches sarcocollae an â„¥ iij. macis ligni Aloes an â„¥ ij croci â„¥ ss Let them all be put in a glasse Retort set in ashes and so distilled First there will come forth a cleere water then presently after a reddish oyle most proâ—â—table for wounds Now you must know that by this meanes we may easily distill all Axungia's fatts parts of creatures woods all kinds of barkes and seeds if so bee that they be first macerated as they ought to bee yet so that there will come forth more watry than oyly humidity Now for that wee have formerly frequently mentioned Thus or frankinsense I have heere thought good out of Thevets Cosmography to give you the description of the tree from which it flowes The frankincense tree saith hee growes naturally in Arabia resembles a pine yeelding a moisture that is presently hardened and it concreates into whitish cleare graines fatty within which cast into the fire take flame Now frankincense is adulte rated with pine-rosin and Gumme which is the cause that you shall seldome finde that with us as it is here described you may finde out the deceit as thus for that neither Rosin nor any other gumme takes flame for râ—Râ—sin goes away in smoake but frankincese presently burnes The smell also beâ—ayes the counterfeite for it yeelds no gratefull smell as frankincense doth The Arabians wound the tree that so the liquor may the more readily flow forth whereof they make great gaine It fills up hollow Vlcers and cicatrizes them wherefore it enters as a cheefe ingredient into artificiall balsame frâ—nâ—… alone made into powder and applyed stanches the blood that flowes out or wounds Mathiolus faith that it being mixed with Fullers earth and oyle of Roses is a singular remedy against the inflammation of the breasts of women lately delivered of childe CHAP. XVI The making of oyle of Vitriall TAke ten pounds of Vitrioll which being made into powder put it into an earthen pot and set it upon hot coales untill it be calcined which is when as it becomes reddish after some five or sixe houres when as it shall bee throughly cold breake the pot and let the vitrioll be againe made into powder that so it may be calcined againe and you shall doe thus so often and long untill it shall be perfectly calcined which is when as it shall be exactly red then let it be made into powder and put into an earthen Retort like that wherein aqua fortis is usually drawne adding for every pound of your calcined vitrioll of tile shreds or powdered bricke 1 quarter then put the Retort furnished with its receiver into a fornace of Reverberation alwayes keeping a strong fire and that for the space of 48 houres more or lesse according to the manner and plenty of the distilling liquor You shall know the distillation is finished when as the receiver shall begin to recover his native perspicuity being not now filled with vaporouse spirits wherewith as long as the humor distills it is replenished and lookes white Now for the receiver there are 2 things to be observed The first is that it bee great and very capacious
had made and the rebounds that it made on the ground kild foure souldiers which remained dead in the place I was not farre from this stroake so that I felt some-what the mooved aire without doing mee any harme than a little feare which made mee stoope my head very low but the Bullet was already passed farre beyond mee The Souldiers mock't me to be affraid of a Bullet already gone My little Master I thinke if you had beene there that I had not beene affraid alone and that you would have had your share of it What shall I say more Monsieur the Duke of Guise Francis of Lorraine was hurt before Bullogne with a stroake of a Lance which above the right eye declining towards the nose entred and pass'd quite through on the other side betweene the nucha and the eare with so great a violence that the head of the Lance with a great part of the wood was broken and remained within in such sort that it could not bee drawne out but with great force yea with Smithes pincers Notwithstanding all this violence which was not done without breaking of bones nerves and arteries and other parts my said Lord by the helpe of God was cured the said Lord went alwayes with open face which was the cause that the Lance went through on the other side The voyage of Germany 1552. I Went the voyage to Germany in the yeare 1552. with Monsieur De Rohan Captaine of 50. horse where I was Chirurgion of his company which I have said already In this voyage Monsieur the high Constable of France was Generall of the Army Monsieur de Chastillon since Admirall was chiefe Colonell of the foote having foure Regiments of Lansquenets under the conduct of these Captaines Recrod and Riâ—grave having each of them two Regiments each Regiment was of tenne Ensignes and each Ensigne of five hundred men And besides these was Captaine Chartel who conducted the troopes that the Protestant Princes had sent to the King This was a very faire company on foote accompanied with fifteene hundred Horse with the following of each one two Archers which might make foure thousand five hundred Horse besides two thousand Light horse and as many Muskettieres on horsebacke of whom Monsieur de Aumalle was Generall besides the great number of Nobility who came for their pleasure Moreover the King was accompanied with two hundred Gentlemen of his house likewise with divers Princes there was also for his troope that served him the French Scottish and Swissers Guards amounting to sixe hundred men on foote and the companies of Monsieur the Dolphin Messieres de Guise de Aumalle and of the Marshall S. Andrew which amounted to foure hundred Lances which was a mervelous thing to see such a faire Company and in this equipage the King entred into Thou and Mets. I will not omit to tell that it was ordained that the Companions of Messieres de Rohan of the Count of Sancerr of Iarnac which was each of them of fifty horse went by the Wings of the Campe and God knowes we had scarcitie of victualls and I protest to God that at three divers times I had thought I should have beene famisht and it was not for want of money for I had enough and we could not have victualls but by force by reason that the Pesants withdrew it all into the Citties and Castles One of the servants of a Captaine of the company of Monsieur de Rohan went with others thinking to enter into a Church where the Pesants were retired thinking to finde victualls by force or love but amongst the rest this man was well beaten and returned with seaven wounds with a sword in the head the least of which penetrated the second table of the scull and he had foure other upon the armes and upon the right shoulder which cut more than one halfe of the blade-bone or Omoplate He was brought backe to his masters lodging who seeing of him so wounded and that they were to depart thence the morrow after at the breake of day and not thinking ever he could be cured made him a grave and would have cast him therein saying that or else the Pesants would massacre and kill him I mov'd with pitty told him that he might yet be cured if he were well drest divers Gentlemen of the company prayd him that he would cause him to bee brought along with the Baggage seeing I had the willingnesse to dresse him to which he agreed and after that I had cloth'd him he was but put into a Cart upon a bed well covered and well accommodated which one horse did draw I did the office of a Physition Apothecary Chirurgion and Cooke I drest him even to the end of his cure and God cured him in so much that all these three Companies admired at this cure The horsemen of the company of Monsieur de Rohan the first muster that was made gave me each one one Crowne and the Archers halfe a Crowne The voyage of Danvilliers 1552. AT the returne from the German Campe King Henry beseiged Danvilliers those within would not render They were well beaten and our pouder failed us in the meane time they shot much at our people There was a Culverin shot pass'd a traverse the Tent of Monsieur de Rohan which hit a Gentlemans Leg which was of his traine which I was faine to finish the cutting off the which was done without applying hot irons The King sent for pouder to Sedan which being come they began a greater battery than before in such sort that they made a breach Messiers de Guise and the high Constable being in the Kings Chamber told him they concluded the next day to make assault that they were assured they should enter into it that they should keep it secret lest the enemy were advertized And all of them promised not to speake of it to any one Now there was a Groome of the Kings chamber who lay under the Kings bed in the Camp to sleep understood that they resolved the next day to give an assault he presently revealed it to a certaine Captaine and told him that for certaine the day following assault should be given that he had heard it of the King praid the said Captaine that he would not speake a word of it to any body which he promised but his promise was not kept for at the same instant he went and declared it to a Captaine this Captaine to another Captaine and from the Captaines to some of the Souldiers saying alwayes say nothing It was so well hid that the next day early in the morning there was seene the greatest part of the Souldiers with their round hose and their breeches cut at knee for the better mounting at the breach The King was advertiz'd of the rumor which runne through the Campe that the assault must be given whereof hee much mervailed seeing there was but three of that advise which had
of the blood descends under the Diaphragme and on the left side is conjoyned to the emulgent veine which is the way by which the matter in pleuresies and in Empiema doe manifestly empty themselves by urine and stoole As it is likewise seene the pure milke of the brests of women newly brought to bed to descend by the Mammillary Veines and to be evacuated downewards by the necke of the wombe without being mixt with the blood And such a thing is done as it were by a miracle of nature by her expulsive and sequesting vertue which is seene by experience of two glasse vessells called Mount-wine let the one be filled with water and the other with Claret wine and let them be put the one upon the other that is to say that which shall bee filled with water upon that which shall be filled with wine and you shall apparently see the wine mount up to the top of the vessell quite through the water and the water descend atraverse the wine and goe to the bottome of the vessell without mixture of both and if such a thing be done so exteriorly and openly to the sense of our eye by things without life you must beleeve the same in our understanding That nature can make matter and blood to passe having beene out of their vessells yea through the bones without being mingled with the good blood Our discourse ended I embalmed the body and put it into a Coffinne after that the Emperors Chirurgion tooke me apart and told me if I would remaine with him that he would use me very well and that he would cloath me anew also that I should ride on horsebacke I thanked him very kindly for the honour he did me and told him that I had no desire to doe service to strangers and enemies to my Countrey then he told mee I was a foole and if he were prisoner as I hee would serve the divell to get his liberty In the end I told him flat that I would not dwell at all with him The Emperors Physition returned toward the sayd Lord of Savoy where he declared the cause of the death of the sayd Lord of Martigues and told him that it was impossible for all the men in the would to have cured him and confirmed againe that I had done what was necessary to be done and prayed him to winne mee to his service and spoke better of me than I deserved Having beene perswaded to take me to his service he gave charge to one of his stewards named Monfieur du Bouchet to tell me if I would dwell in his service that he would use me kindly I answered him that I thank't him most humbly and that I had resolved not to dwell with any stranger This my answer being heard by the Duke of Savoy he was somewhat in choller and sayd hee would send mee to the Gallies Monsieur de Vandeville Governour of Gravelin and Colonell of seaventeene Ensignes of foote prayed him to give me to him to dresse him of an Vlcer which he had in his Leg this six or seaven yeares Monsieur de Savoy told him because I was of worth that he was content and if I ranckled his Leg it would be â—ell done Hee answered that if hee perceaved any thing that hee would cause my throate to be cut Soone after the said Lord of Vaudeville sent for me by fowre Germane Halberdiers which affrighted me much not knowing whither they led mee they spake no more French than I high Dutch being arrived at his lodging he told mee I was welcome and that I was his and as soone as I should have cured him of that Vlcer in his Leg that he would give me leave to be gone without taking any ransome of me I told him I was not able to pay any ransome Then he made his Physition and Chirurgions in ordinary to shew mee his ulcerated Leg having seene and considered it we went apart into a Chamber where I began to tell them that the said Vlcer was annuall not being simple but complicated that is to say of a round figure and scaly having the lips hard and callous hollow and sordid accompanied with a great varicous veine which did perpetually feede it besides a great tumor and a phlegmonous distemper very painefull through the whole Leg in a body of cholericke complexion as the haire of his face and beard demonstrated The method to cure it if cured it could be was to begin with universall things that is with purgation and bleeding and with this order of dyet that hee should not use any wine at all nor any salt meates or of great nourishment chiefely these which did heat the blood afterward the cure must begun with making divers scarifications about the Vlcer and totally cutting away the callous edges or lips and giving a long or a triangular figure for the round will very hardly cure as the Ancients have left it in writing which is seene by experience That done the filth must be mundified as also the corrupted flesh which should be done with Vnguentum Aegyptiacum and upon it a bolster dipt in juice of Plantaine and Nightshade and Oxycrate and roule the Leg beginning at the foote and finishing at the knee not forgetting a little bolster upon the Varicous veine to the end no superfluities should flow to the Vlcer Moreover that he should take rest in his bed which is commanded by Hippocrates who saith that those who have soare Legs should not use much standing or sitting but lying along And after these things done and the Vlcer well mundified a plate of Lead rubbed with quickesilver should be applyed See then the meanes by which the said Lord Vaudeville might be cured of the said Vlcer all which they found good Then the Physition left mee with the Chirurgion and went to the Lord Vaudeville to tell him that he did assure him I would cure him and told him all that I had resolved to doe for the cure of his Vlcer whereof hee was very joyfull He made mee to bee called to him and asked me if I was of the opinion that his Vlcer could be cured and I told him yes provided he would be obedient to doe what he ought He made me a promise hee would performe all things which I would appoint and as soone as his Vlcer should be cured he would give me liberty to returne without paying any ransome Then I beseech't him to come to a better composition with me telling him that the time would be too long to bee in liberty if I stayd till hee was perfectly well and that I hoped within fifteene dayes the Vlcer should bee diminished more than one halfe and it should bee without paine and that his Physitions and Chirurgions would finish the rest of the cure very easily To which hee agreed and then I tooke a peece of paper and cut it the largenesse of the Vlcer which I gave him and kept as much my selfe I prayd him to keepe promise when he should
of the hippe which fractured and broke the Os femoris in divers places from whence divers accidents did arise and then death which was to my great greefe The day after my arrivall I would goe to the field where the battell was given to see the dead bodyes I saw a league about all the earth covered where there was by estimation five and twenty thousand men or more All which were dispatcht in the space of two houres I would my little master for the love I beare you that you had beene there to recount it to your schollers and to your children Now in the meane time while I was at Dreux I visited and drest a great number of gentlemen and poore Souldiers amongst the rest many Swisser Captaines I dressed 14 in one chamber onely all hurt with Pistoll shot and other instruments of Diabolicall fire and not one of the foureteene dyed Monsieur the Count of E◠being dead I made no long tarrying at Dreux there came Chirurgions from Paris who performed well their duty toward the hurt people as Pigray Cointeret Hubert and others and I returned to Paris where I found diverse gentlemen wounded who had retired themselves thither after the battell to be drest of their hurts The Voyage of the battell of Moncontor 1569. DVring the battell of Moncontour King Charles was at Plessei the Towers where he neard they had wonne it a great number of hurt gentlemen and Souldiers with drew themselves into the Citty and suburbes of Towers to be drest and help◠where the King and Queene Mother commanded me to shew my duty with the other Chirurgions who were then in quarter as Pigray du Bois Portail and one named Siret a Chirurgion of Towers a man very skilfull in Chirurgery and at that time Chirurgion to the Kings brother and for the multitude of the wounded wee were but little in repose nor the Physitions likewise Count Mansfield Governer of the Duchy of Luxembourge Knight of the King of Spaines order was greatly hurt in the battell in the left arme with a Pistoll shot which broke a great part of the joynt of the elbow and had retired himselfe to Bourgueil neere Towers being there he sent a gentlemen to the King affectionately to beseech him to send one of his Chirurgions to helpe him in his hurt Counsell was held what Chirurgion should be sent Monsieur the Marshall of Montmorency told the King and the Queene that it were best to send him his cheefe Chirurgion and declared to them that the sayd Lord Mansfield was one part of the cause of winning the battell The King sayd flat he would not that I should goe but would have me remaine close to him Then the Queene Mother sayd I should but goe and come and that he must consider it was a strange Lord who was come from the King of Spaines side to help and succour him And upon this he permitted me to goe provided that I should returne quickly After this resolution he sent for me and likewise the Queene Mother and commanded me to goe finde the sayd Lord Mansfield in the place where I was to serve him in all I could for the cure of his hurt I went and found him having with me a letter from their Majesties having seene it he received me with a good will and from thenceforth discharged three other Chirurgions that drest him which was to my great greefe because his hurt seemed to me uncureable Now at Bourgueil there were retired divers gentlmen who had beene hurt at the sayd battell knowing that Mounsieur de Guise was there who had beene also very much hurt with a Pistoll shot through one legge well assured that he would have good Chirurgions to dresse him and also that hee being kind and liberall would assist them with a great part of their necessities And for my part I did helpe and ayd them in my Art as much as it was possible some dyed some recovered according to their hurts The Count Ringrave died who had such a shot in the shoulder as the King of Navarro before Roüen Monsieure de Bassompiere Colonell of twelve hundred horse was hurt also in such a like place as Count Mansfield whom I drest and God cured God so well blessed my worke that within three weekes I led him back to Paris where I must yet make some incisions in the arme of the sayd Lord Mansfield to draw out the bones which were greatly broken and caries'd he was cured by the grace of God and gave me an honest reward so that I was well contented with him and he with me as he hath since made it appeare he writ a letter to the Duke of Ascot how that he was cured of his hurt and also Monsieur de Bassompiere of his and divers others which I had dress'◠after the battell of Montcontour and counselled him to beseech the King of France my good master to give me leave to goe see Monsieur the Marquesse of Auret his brother Voyage of Flanders MOnsieur the Duke of Ascot did not faile to send a Gentleman to the King with a letter humbly to beseech him to doe him so much good and honour as to permit and command his cheefe Chirurgion to come see the Marquesse of Auret his brother who had received a Musket shot neare the knee with fracture of the bone about seaven monthes since with the Physitions and Chirurgions in those parts were much troubled to cure The King sent for me and commanded me to goe see the said Lord Auret and to helpe him in all that I could for the cure of his hurt I told him I would imploy all that little knowledge which it had pleased God to give me I went then conducted by two Gentlemen to the Castle of Auret which is a league and a halfe from Mounts in Hainaut where the said Marquesse was as soone as I arrived I visited him and told him the King had commanded me to come see him and to dresse him of his hurt he told me he was glad of my comming and was much bound to the King to have done him the honour to have sent me to him I found him in a great Feaver his eyes very much sunke with a countenance gastly and yellow his tongue drie and rough and all the body emaciated and leane his speech low like that of a dying man then I found his thigh much swelled apostemated ulcerated and casting out a greene stinking matter I searcht it with a silver probe and by the same I found a cavity neare the groyne ending in the middle of the thigh and others about the knee sauious and cuniculous also certaine scales of bones some separated others not The Legge was much tumified and soaked with a pituitous humor cold moist and flatulent in so much that the naturall heate was in the way to be suffocated and extinguished and the said Legge crooked and retracted toward the buttockes his rumpe ulcerated the breadth of the palme