had done at home against the Moors Insomuch that Taxis taking him in that sense only reply'd to the King that he beseech'd him to be mindful of his word 'T was thought that this was the first motive for the Banishment of those unhappy people And that Taxis having given an account of his Discourse with the King upon this Subject the Council of Spain had as soon form'd the design of Persecuting those miserable Creatures But it may likewise be believ'd that this design was form'd a long time since That Taxis who well enough knew it laid hold on the occasion and would have made that pass for an effect of the Zeal of the King his Master which was but an effect of his Policy Discretion advis'd to rid himself of these people whose inconstancy and Infidelity caus'd every day great troubles Not but that Spain had really a design to destroy the Reformed in France It was necessary for the Projects that he had laid and that they should be strong enough to render themselves formidable But it was also necessary that they should not be at peace to the end that they might give a diversion to the King's Forces which might hinder him from giving succour to Foreign Protestants because the House of Austria hop'd easily to destroy 'em if they could deprive 'em of the Protection of France The Council of that House which at that time contain'd the most profound and most refin'd Politics of Europe and which at that time had the Jesuits on their side had already mov'd a long time towards the same Mark without losing sight of it And they kept themselves fix'd to the same design about thirty years with hope of approaching success But the divisions of the Reformed the good Fortune of Louis the thirteenth the Prosperity of Gustavus and the Intrigues of Cardinal Richlieu overthrew all his Projects and subrogated if I may so say France to the pretensions that this Powerful House had to the Universal Monarchy It was then the only drist of the Council of Spain to set the King to handy blows with the Reformed while they labour'd to set up a Catholic King in England to subjugate the United Provinces and to Ruin the German Protestants 'T was believ'd that it would require so much time to destroy the Reformed that Spain would have Leisure to execute her Grand Projects Nor would she be wanting to employ her Money and her Intrigues to prevent that Parties being too soon oppress'd which may be judg'd by what she did in the Reign of Lewis the thirteenth At least this Civil War would embroil the King with the Foreign Protestants which was one of the prospects of Spain because without their Alliance she believ'd France could not hurt her nor the Protestants resist her This is the Reason why all the other Projects having fail'd and the Death of Biron having dissipated the most dangerous Conspiracies there remain'd no other Wheel to be set a going to trouble the Kingdom then to make the Reformed take up Arms if it were possible To succeed in it Taxis on one side endeavour'd to render 'em suspected to the King in representing 'em as become his Enemies since they believ'd him a Catholic in good earnest And he added as boldly as if it had been true that they had often desir'd the assistance of Spain to begin the War On the other side he spread among the Reformed a thousand Rumours of Leagues that were making against 'em and he made 'em always believe that the King had gone a great way in these Combinations to the end that he might alienate the Reformed from him by a distrust He said too much to be believ'd The King knew well enough how he ought to take the Counsels that came from Spain and the Reformed well knew that the true Interest of their King was to preserve ' em Every one knew that as he had Prospects altogether opposite to those of the House of Austria so it was as necessary that he should maintain the Protestants at home and abroad as it was necessary for that House to suppress 'em or destroy ' em Nevertheless as Men are subject to deceive themselves when they pretend to judge of the Interests of Princes who having their Passions or their Weaknesses like other Men are often ignorant of or quit their true Advantages for other imaginary designs they who amongst the Reformed were in reputation of great Prudence were of Opinion that they should provide against uncertain accidents They believ'd that 't was better warding off a Thrust with what force soever made when a Man is on his Guard to receive it then when he does not expect it And that it is but a Weak excuse in Politics and which can never repair the mischief of a too great security to say I never believ'd it This is the Reason that there were some who propos'd to put themselves under the Protection of King James the first Queen Elizabeths Successor But the Weakness of this Prince which soon discover'd it self the Love of the Reformed for their King and the firmness he shew'd in his Design to preserve 'em dissipated these useless propositions He talk'd freely of the Affection he had for the Protestant Party And it may be he talk'd too freely for a King who had great Designs who ought to have said nothing which might discover 'em to those whose Interest it was to oppose him He call'd those of this Profession his intimate and approv'd Friends he confess'd that it was not safe for him to renounce their Alliance that that would but too well Fortify the party of his Enemies in weakning his own that he and the Protestant Party had mutually occasion for one another He testify'd likewise that his Heart could not endure the thought of Perâ—ecnting the Reformed when he call'd to mind that they had assisted him with all their Power when he was Attack'd on all sides It was not only to the Reformed of the Court that he spoke thus But he said likewise yet more to the Catholics and one time among the rest in the presence of many Lords among which there was none but Roquelaure that was not Bigotted he made a long Discourse of the Services that the Reformed had done him He testify'd that he had ever found 'em Constant and Faithful that they had often hazarded their Lives for his that for this cause he would give 'em an equal share of his Love and Bounty that Rochelle Bergerac and Montauban had always been places of Refuge to him where none ever dar'd to Attack him that apparently God made use of 'em in the time of the League to save his Life that he lov'd 'em for this Reason altho sometimes they were somewhat faulty and that he gratify'd 'em every year with something for their Fortifications and for their Colleges When these Words were related to the Reformed they fetch'd Tears into their Eyes they gave a new Vigour to the
removâ— from the Jurisdiction of their Bailiwick Some added pain of Death to those that should break the Conditions Paris remov'd the Liberty desir'd by the Reformed Ten Leagues round Villars banish'd it Roan and all the Towns and Places that he caus'd to submit to the King's Obedience and added That there should be neither Judge nor Officer that was not a Catholick employ'd therein and did not live according to the Constitutions of the Romish Church But to temperate this rigorous Clause it was subjoined that this should only last till the King had otherwise order'd it Poitieres besides the removal of the Exercise of the Reformed from the Town and Suburbs and from all the places that the Edict of 1577. did not permit demanded that the Catholick Religion might be restor'd in divers places of Poitou Agen limited her Bonlieve to half a league round where the Reformed Religion should not be exercis'd Amiens prohibited it in the City and whole Bailywick without having respect to the Edict of 1577. Beauvois obtain'd that it should be no nearer then three Leagues about nor in any places of the Bailywick but where it had been in the late King's time S. Malo treated after the same manner The Towns and Lords that return'd latest to their duty follow'd the example of the rest and got what they cou'd from the King against the Reformed Religion Some of the Edicts were publish'd before the Reformed had formed the Assembly they were permitted to hold at St. Foy â—o that they had time to see what they were to expect from the Reconciliation of their old Enemies with the King and to be â—onfirm'd in their fears of seeing the Kingdom pacifi'd at their â—ost They saw even some of those Cities which having held â—or the King revive their zeal after the example of the Towns of â—he League and pretended that their fidelity shou'd not deprive 'em â—f the Advantages granted to Rebels whence they drew this â—onsequence that they ought not to be forc'd to suffer the exerâ—ise of the Reformed Religion seeing such were free'd from it as â—ad for a long time stood out against the King But their allarums â—ill encreas'd by the Ceremony of the King's Coronation which â—as celebrated at Chartres because Rheims was as yet in the â—ands of the League The Clergy that never forgot their â—â—terest in Ceremonies of this kind which they have introduc'd â—â—ther thro' Ambition then Necessity inserted a Clause in the Oath that was then taken by the King whereby he was bound 〈…〉 express words to root out Heresie He is made to swear â—fter some other things that concern Justice and publick Tranquity I shall to the utmost of my power sincerely endeavour to drive â—â—om my Jurisdiction and Lands of my Subjection all Hereticks deâ—ar'd by the Church The Reformed knew well what share they had 〈…〉 this Article of the Oath they to whom what Catholicks call the Church had so often declar'd their meaning they against whom the â—opes had rais'd such cruel Persecutions and they to whom the â—rench and even those of the King's Party gave every day the odiâ—us name of Hereticks But part of the Suspicion which this Clause might give was remov'd by granting the Reformed a Brief wherein the King assur'd 'em that he did not mean Them in that Oath And they had in fome measure provided a Remedy against this fear by one of the Articles that were agree'd on at Mantes Another cause of jealousie was the Favour into which the Jesuits had crept a little after the King had chang'd his Religion and chiefly after the Reduction of Paris The Cardinal de Bourbon had undertaken to establish 'em in spight of the oppositions of the University The Duke of Nevers upheld 'em with his whole Credit and many Lords openly protected them Part of the Parliament was for 'em the King himself who was brought to any thing in hopes to soften the Pope favour'd ' em Their cause was pleaded pro and con the Rights of the University were maintain'd with utmost vehemency Arnauld ther Advocate enlarg'd much upon the Inclination altogether Spanish of that Society whose Founder had made a vow of mortal hatred against France and shew'd how formidable their power was They had encreas'd in fifty years to the number of ten Thousand men they had already two Hunder'd twenty eight Houses two Millions of Gold Revenue great Lordships Cardinals in their order all which cleerly shew'd that they ow'd this propagation to their unquiet covetous and ambitious Disposition But it appear'd at that very time that they had a great credit in France seeing their Cause was pleaded privately to avoid Scandal That is to say these Refin'd Politicians by means of their Friends prevented their being told their own in a publick Audience Whence the wise might perceive that it was not safe to offend ' em The Reformed beheld the Settlement of the Jesuits as an ill omen for them because they were their sworn Enemies born on purpose to oppose the Reformation and the ordinary Instruments of all their Persecutions Moreover the Society was altogether Spanishly affected and consequently engag'd to persecute the Reformed whose ruine Spain sought with all the strength of her Policy But this terror did not go far the matter was not decided and e're the year was ended there fell out things that found the Jesuits other Intrigues to disintangle The Reformed were still deny'd any places of trust and there were Catholicks so unjust upon that matter that they chose rather to see the King lose a place then to suffer a Reformed to have the Government of it D' O. publickly said that it were better Catelet a Frontire place of Picardy shou'd be taken by the Spaniards then that a Protestant should have the keeping of it because it wouâ—d be easier to retake it from the King of Spain then to drive a Reformed Captain out of it But what made the Reformed more sensible of the injury of this denial was that whilst they were depriv'd of lesser Offices the chiefest places of the State were given to the Leaguers that demanded them for returning to their Obedience As if Rebellion had given more right to the highest Dignities then long Service and tryed Loyalty to the lesser ones Nay at Tours itself wou'd they make Recorders and Notaries take an Oath of living and dying in the Catholick Religion which if it were not done the place was declar'd vacant and free for the purchase of another This so unequal a distribution of Recompenses mortally offended the Protestants who not without a just Resentment found that the Parliament made no Scruple to Register the Patents for Admiral or Marshal of France granted to the Heads of the Rebels yet would not admit an Usher or a Procter of the Reformed Religion without obliging him to swear that he wou'd live a good Catholick Nor was this all the Governments and Places were taken from the Reformed and
the latter Civil Members of the State as well as they and equal Sharers in the Distribution of Favours and Rewards Yet in this important Matter the Reformed were highly Mistaken when they contented themselves with a wide and general Declaration of their capableness of Offices without solidly engaging the King that they should be really conferr'd upon them In effect to appease the Pope who made as if he had been offended at it they represented to him That there was a vast difference between declaring one capable of a Place and bestowing it upon him which perfidious Maxim the Event has shewn to be too true since the Reformed have been so far from being admitted to high Places or preferr'd to the greatest Dignities according to their Merits that they have been shifted with even about the meanest Places and the most inconsiderable Trades of the Kingdom There were some among them who foreseeing that some Time or other this general Declaration would be ministerpreted mov'd in the Assembly for fixing in each kind of Employments a certain number of Places that should be conferr'd upon the Reformed and du Plessis as I have said elswhere treating some Years before with Villeroy had obtain'd the fourth part of all Places and was even in hopes to obtain a third But besides that such a general Declaration had something more plausible and flattering than the limitation of a certain Number of Places because thereby the Reformed were more fully equall'd to the Catholicks it was more suitable to their different Circumstances in the Provinces of the Kingdom for in some their Number was so great that if they had been reduced to a fourth or a third part of the Offices they had been very unjustly dealt with and the Court had been under a necessity of calling Catholicks from the other Provinces to bestow the remainder upon them But in others they were so much inferior in number to the Catholicks that there had not been enough among them to fill the third or the fourth part of the Places Moreover a special Regulation had been necessary almost for every Balliwick insomuch that a general Clause was in a manner unavoidable Add to this That the Provinces where the Reformed were the strongest and most numerous they did so little question their being able to engross all the Offices to themselves for want of qualified Catholicks that it was no difficult Matter for the Court to satisfie them with that indefinite Declaration And indeed it was very advantagious had it been observ'd bona fide but as the same had been formerly eluded by Henry III's Artifices so his Example has been follow'd since for above 40 Years and this equitable Rule of Equality has been turn'd into a Sham by the Treachery of his Successors True it is that at the Time of the Edict the Reformed gain'd by it no small Credit since the best part of all inferior Offices fell immediately upon them and even the Catholick Lords were so well perswaded that they had a better Stock either of Ability or Honesty than others that they stuck not to prefer them before the Catholicks to such Places as were in their Gift moreover Offices being venal in France the Reformed bought them dearer than others and with the Help of that strong Machine overcame all sorts of Oppositions which happen'd especially for Places of a new creation when he that bids most is sure to be the Buyer But this happy State of the Reformed lasted only till after the taking of Rochel The seventh Demand was concerning the Securities the principal whereof was in their Judgment the keeping of those Places which they had now in their Hands and were numerous and strong enough to resist their Enemies in case of an Attack But 't was this very thing made the Difficulty for the Court was very unwilling to leave so many Fortresses in the Hands of brave and bold Men amongst whom there was a great number of warlike and couragious Nobility who had been permitted to unite together for their mutual Defence but the Reformed were inflexible upon this Point and would by no means hear of parting with what they had for first the Experience of past Times made them afraid that the Edict might be us'd as a Pretence to disarm them and that the Catholicks might break their Oath as soon as their Places of Refuge should be taken from them Besides they could not but know that according to the Policy suggested by the Court of Rome to all Princes who submit to the Pope they keep Faith with none but such as they fear and that therefore it might be kept to the Reformed no longer than the Danger of breaking it should last 'T is a Maxim no less general than true Since Conscience and Honesty have not been a sufficient Warrant for the Security of Treaties that such as are concerned in the Observation of them must make themselves formidable to such as would break the same and make them sensible that they could not do it with impunity Therefore it was necessary for the Reformed to keep still some strong Garrisons to stifle in the Catholicks Hearts the Desire of attempting their Ruin by shewing them the frightful Prospect of an equal Danger on both sides moreover all the rest of the Kingdom was in Arms All such as during the War had commanded either under the King or under the League had some Place or other at their Devotion and as there was no great likelihood of so soon disarming so many Men who acted like petty Princes in their Government so the Reformed had good reason to fear that if they should lay down their Arms alone they might soon be at the Discretion of their irreconcilable Persecutors This same Article comprehended also many private Interests besides the general because there was neither Lord nor Captain which had not some Place in the Guard and no one was so disinterested to give up his own to preserve that of his Companion There was also as engaging an Interest which concern'd the common Cause diverse Places had Catholick Governours that were not bigotted enough to their Religion to neglect their own Fortune tho' it were advanc'd to the Prejudice of the Popish Cause nor yet so well affected to the Reformed to embrace their Party without an evident Advantage They plainly saw that when a Peace should be establish'd in the Kingdom their Places would become unuseful their Garrisons broke and their Profits cease but concluded that if the Reformed obtain'd the keeping of their Places they needed only to change their Religion to preserve their own as being the same Reason whereby others should possess them The Memoirs of those Times give an account That there were Men of this Character who had promised to profess the Reformed Religion but declar'd they would first see the State settl'd 'T was to favour these Conversions which might increase and Strengthen their Party as made them demand That if any Governour of
Publick State and the rest was set down in the other which was called the little State In respect to the first they followed the accustomed Order for the Payment of the Garrisons furnishing of Rolls of Acquittances c. and they were paid by the extraordinary Treasurer of War but the other was paid with less upon simple Orders obtained from the respective provincial Exchequers Thus ended the long Civil War whereof Religion was made the Pretence The Reformed began to take Breath and the Minds of the People to be a little settled again La Trimouille by his inflexibility incurr'd the Hatred of the King but gained the Esteem and Confidence of his own Party The Court endeavoured all ways possible to draw him from the common Cause but nothing could work upon him to that end the President de Thou offered him incredible Advantages but he answered very generously Whatsoever they could do for him would avail nothing whilst the Requests of the Reformed were unanswered but if they would grant them the Security of their Consciences and Lives they might hang him up at the Gate of the Assembly and that no Disturbance would come upon it They also endeavoured to stir him up with Emulation and Jealousy when the Duke de Bouillon came to the Assembly where La Trimouille being youngest gave him the first Place that he had held for two Years together But he was not concerned for this Point of Honour which would have shaken a Soul less Noble than his He gave way without any regret and maintained himself unto the end with an equal Courage There were many other great Men which seconded him the Minister Chamier was one of the most undaunted and because of that he became as odious to the Court as he was considerable to the Churches There are some Authors among the Reformed who affirm That the King's Avarice was the Reason why the Division was less in the Assembly than it might have been if the King had been willing to buy its Members at as dear a rate as he had bought the Leaguers But that many continued firm to the Common Cause because there was no Advantage in abandoning it Indeed Aubigny one of these Authors might speak by Experience he was not rich and he was very willing to make his Fortune but they did not love him at Court because he was too free and satyrical in his Discourses and disturbed them with the Reproaches of his Services Tho' it was not really so much from the King's Avarice as his Wisdom and good Intentions for the Preservation of the Reformed he chose rather to grant Favours to them in general whom he had some reason to love than to raise the Fortune of some private Persons which he thought he might have cause to complain of The End of the Fifth Book THE HISTORY OF THE Edict of NANTS BOOK VI. The Contents of the 6th Book THE Sentiment of the Reformed in the Provinces upon the Edict Artifices to gain them at a Synod at Mompellier The Number and Condition of the Churches What it is that Forms a Church Uniting of many Churches into one Reasons why they are contented with the Edict obtain'd Projects of Re-union The Religion of Lesdiguiers A Treatise of the Eucharist The Consequences of its Publication Three Important Negotiations with the Pope 1. A Dissolution of the King's Marriage 2. The Re-establishment of the Jesuits their Confidence and their Credit the Passion of the Monks against the King The Persecution in Piedmont and in the Marquisate of Saluces the Kings Reasons for favouring the Jesuits Opposition Marriage of Madam her Constancy the Unkindness of the King unto her The difficulties on the Popes side and their Reasons The King goes on without staying for a Dispensation The Pope is Offended thereat and persists in his Refusal the Consequence of this Negotiation until the Death of the Princess The Advantages the Reformed drew from her Perseverance Difficulties upon the Examination of the Edict An Assembly of the Clergy their Propositions upon the Edict The Disgust of some Prelates The Moderation of the Nuncio Contradictions of the Parliament The Equity of the Duke of Mayenne The Resolution of the King The withdrawing of the Reformed from the Court upon many Articles Prejudices of the Clergy The Chambre of the Edict at Rouën The Mipartie Chambre in Guienne The Examination of the Edict after which the Pope makes great Complaints to stop the Mouth of the Spaniards The Answers of Cardinal de Joyeuse and Cardinal D'Ossat agreeable to the Inclination of the Pope An Edict for the Principality of Bearn which is Received Complaints of the Alterations made in the Edict Article concerning Burials Particular demands Precedency pretended by the Catholick Officers who compos'd the Chambres Miparties over the Reformed Verbal demand upon Occasion of the Chappels in Gentlemens Houses Answers to those Papers Article concerning Church-Yards Precedency preserv'd to the Ancient President Martha Brosier counterfeiting her self to be Possess'd The Consequence of that Comedy both within and out of the Kingdom The Kings Marriage dissolv'd The Decree of the Parliament of Bretagne upon the Oath referr'd by one of the Reformed to a Catholick La Trimouille made a Peer of France the Pope grumbles and d'Ossat appeases him He takes little Notice of Roni's Advancement Commissioners to put the Edict in Execution and their Power General Observations upon the Edict Reproaches of the Catholicks cast upon the Reformed Answer'd THE Edict being then at length Decreed in this manner nevertheless did not all of a sudden allay the general Murmurings And when the News was carry'd into the Provinces several people of Nice and Difficult Palates found that there were many things altogether omitted others ill-explain'd others inconvenient and with which the Reformed had less Reason to be contented then the Catholics The delay of the Verification put 'em to a great deal of trouble and the Reputation of the Duke of Beuillon who had taken upon him to engage 'em to Patience in this particular was not sufficient to stop the Mouths of all the World But the Court had then recourse to little Artifices to mollifie their minds by gentle means and bring 'em to that submission which she desir'd She had her Confidents in all places who according to the Genius of those people with whom they discours'd knew how to vary their Arguments and their Remonstrances Sometimes they put a Value upon the King 's private Promises who durst go no farther for fear of Offending the Catholics and returning their Arms into the Hands of the Leaguers but who had giv'n his Word to do so many things for the Reformed for the future which was that which far exceeded all they had demanded and which was contain'd most favourable in the Edict Sometimes the Prince himself was represented as altogether of the Reformed Religion in his Heart Weeping when he spoke of the Churches and causing his usual Prayers to be
were afraid of if they should be oblig'd to Request the Kings Permission for holding their Colloquies and Synods or else they were remitted to the Instructions of the Commissioners to which the Reformed had likewise agreed and according to which the Edict was to be Executed Such was the Article wherein they complain'd of an Addition of the Equivocal Words By them Establish'd in the 9th Article of the Edict From whence it appear'd that they were to seek for the Meaning of this Term in the Manner of the Commissioners or Judges ordering the Confirmation of Right or Priviledge grounded upon this Article whereas in our days they would needs derive the Interpretation from the Discipline itself of the Reformed as if it could not be said that an Exercise had been Establish'd by them if they had fail'd to observe the least Formalities therein Lastly in others besides the General Instruction which was written on the side of the Article Answer'd there was a secret Reservation according to which they were to Govern themselves in the Execution of the Thing and those Reservations were always to the Advantage of the Reformed So that altho the King left the two Clauses complain'd of in the 11th Article because said he in his Answer That the second Place of Bailliage was a favour which he might have Limited with all the Restrictions which he thought proper to add Nevertheless there was this Reservation That if it prov'd more difficult to Establish the second Place of the Bailliage either because of the Exception of Ecclesiastical Demeans or for want of some convenient place in the Kings Demesnes it should be settl'd upon the â—eife of some Catholic Lord. Also upon the Exception of Ecclesiastical Causes which the Chambers are forbid to take Cognizance of tho the King preserv'd this Priviledge to the Clergy yet there was this Reservation That the Leading-men of the Parlament should be treated with to send back Causes of that Nature to the Chamber of Edict since there would be but one Reformed Counsellor in that Chamber But the Clergy would never surrender this Point for fear it should be taken for too express a Mark of their Consent to the Edict should they own the Jurisdiction of a Chamber that bare the Name of it As to the Change that was made in the 27th Article from whence they had taken away the Prohibition to insert the Clause of the Religion Catholic and Apostolic in Grants of Offices 't was answer'd that the Prohibition was made in the Chancery and so that they would make that Prohibition pass for Insignificant because it had been put in Execution But that Alteration was one of the most Important and Lewis XIII took his Advantage of it to debar the Reformed from all Offices and Employments The truth is that the King supposing always in his Grants and Patents the Religion and Good Manners of the Person who enjoys any Place of Trust had slid in after the Word Religion the Words Catholic Apostolic and Roman to exclude from all Employment all those that made Profession of any other Doctrine But now that the Edict declar'd as well Reformed as Catholics indifferently capable of Employments it was but just to take away that Mark of Distinction and to require only Testimonials of the Religion of the Person to be preferr'd without expressing what Religion since it was indifferent what Religion the Person admitted Profess'd whither the one or the other This was very useful to the Reformed for the time it was observ'd but Lewis XIII thought it the better way to mark the difference of Religions to the end that the Name of Pretended Reformed being inserted in the Grants might be a signal to give notice to the Jurisdiction where the Parties were to be Presented to start Scruples upon the Admission of those that were the Bearers of ' em The particular Remonstrance was answer'd much after the same manner The King ordain'd upon the point of Precedence that the Articles of the Edict should be observ'd and there was a private promise that the President de Paule should be commanded to return to Castres and obey the Regulations Thus the Reformed gain'd their point but for the Honour of the Parlament of Tholouse the Matter was privately adjudg'd The Amnesty of Hostilities committed before 1585 was granted to the Province of Lang uedoc and promis'd to all the rest that stood in need of it as also to particular persons who might be put to trouble under that pretence The Affair of Church-yards and Burying-places was referr'd to the Commissioners but there was this Reservation that the Commissioners should order Places for Burying the Dead to be allow'd Gratis or otherwise that they shou'd order the Corporations to purchase 'em without putting the Reformed to any Charges of Contribution As to the Process of the Jesuits against the City of Pamiers it vvas order'd That the Decrees of Council made in favour of the City should be put in execution not withstanding any Decrees of the Parlament of Tholouse to the contrary As to what concern'd the Churches and Chappels in Reformed Gentlemens Houses as it was only propos'd by Word of Mouth so it was determin'd after the same manner The King gave leave that particular persons who were concern'd therein shou'd appeal to him and he would treat with the Clergy in order to perswade 'em to remove into other places and to rebuild at the Charges of the Reformed in places left to the Bishops choice Chappels and Churches endow'd wherein the Catholic Service should be continu'd for the future But as for places not endow'd and where the Service was only perform'd at the pleasure of the Proprietor that the Clergy should agree to leave 'em at the Discretion of those to whom they belong'd This seem'd to be nothing but Justice then but the Law being alter'd in these later years the Clergy is become Master of all the places of this Nature without any other pretence then that of the Name of Chappel which those places bore or some Figure of a Cross or some other Footsteps of the Roman Worship still remaining But while the Assembly that kept firm at Chastâ—lleraud were busily employ'd in drawing up Papers and getting Answers the Zealous Catholics were preparing new Devices to disturb their Repose and not finding the Wiser sort dispos'd to make new Broils they resolv'd to stir up the Mobile by means most proper to put 'em in a Ferment Martha Brossiere the Daughter of a person of mean Extraction Born at Romorantin having a good Wit but a very Infirm and Diseas'd Body and joining Hypocrisie to her Infirmities would needs set up for one possess'd by the Devil Her Father being Advis'd by some Bigots or Flatter'd by the Hopes of Profit by reason of the Concourse of people to such Sights and the Alms which they pour forth upon people under such Circumstances carry'd her up and down from Province to Province under pretence of getting
by the Commissioners to perform that Exercise fell by Succession or otherwise into the hands of Catholics of which they alledg'd an Example in Baujolâ—is where the Propriet of a Barn that was design'd 'em for their Assemblies was upon the point of being sold They made likewise Complaints of the Seditious Terms that the Catholic Preachers made use of in their Sermons as they had done all the Lent long at Blois at Orleans at Angiers and elsewhere at Chalons upon Sacne at Mortagne at Chartres the Judges to whom the Complaints were made never using their endeavours to repress ' em They spoke also of the attempts of some Judges that wou'd take upon themselves the Authority of proportioning upon the Reformed the Sums of which they had occasion for the Maintenance of their Ministers The Kings Answers were all favourable however they were forc'd to come again more then once to desire the Abolishing of those Monuments which preserv'd the Memory of the Civil Wars Very near the same time the Inhabitants of the Country of Gex sollicited the Confirmation of the Regulations which they had obtain'd in the Matters of Religion since their Country came under the power of the King I have already observ'd that they had there follow'd the Methods of the Edict as in all the rest of the Kingdom whether for the Restoration of the Exercise of the Roman Religion or for maintaining the Reformed in the possession where the King had found ' em But to have a stronger Title then those Regulations made upon particular Accidents they desir'd something more Authentic that they might make 'em effectual and they obtain'd it in the Month of June by a Declaration for that purpose In the mean time they prepar'd themselves to hold a General Assembly and indeed the following Year they held it at Chatelleraud The King was much afrad lest some things shou'd pass there against his Interest because it was said that this Assembly wou'd Grant their Protection to the Marshal de Bouillon The Marshal made his Affair pass over all Europe for an Affair of Religion and when he writ to the King after his disgrace he spoke more in the Style of an Accuser that threaten'd then of a Criminal that humbl'd himself It was dangerous in the Example that that shou'd be taken for a Cause of Religion in an Assembly of Subjects which was held a Crime of State in the Council of a Soveraign Moreover the place was suspected because it was at Chatelleraud from whence la Trimouille and du Plessis were not far distant For in regard the Duke had a great passion for Liberty and Sentiments on that Subject becoming a Hero if he had not been Born under a Monarchy 't was fear'd that he wou'd have endeavour'd to make of the Reformed Party a kind of Common-wealth of which the Marshal de Bouillon was accus'd to have laid the Project This likewise gave so much the more occasion to the Kings Council to think that they had perhaps already some prospects of oppressing the Public Liberty by an Absolute Power 'T is certain at least that the suggestions which came from Italy or Spain tended that way and little Papers ran among the people that taught how to rise to the highest degree of Despotic Authority The Reformed did not Palate these Designs of a Power without Bounds because they knew well what they ought to expect from a Catholic Council if once they went about to set themselves above Promises and Laws 'T was therefore that there were many amongst 'em that were desirous to take measures to avoid Civil Servitude because they saw it wou'd be easie to fall into the Servitude of Conscience if the first were once Establish'd But the Death of the Duke of Trimouille deliver'd the King of that pain It happen'd so seasonably that it might be said to have been procur'd His Distemper began with Convulsions which terminated in a Languishment wherein he lingred some months and when there seem'd some likelihood of his Cure his Convulsions seiz'd him again and carry'd him off He had bin invited by Roni a little before his Distemper began and I knew some of his Domestic Servants that were strongly perswaded that his Death was not Natural This Death was taken by the King for a Fortunate Hit because the Duke's Genius gave him a great deal of trouble 'T is a difficult matter for a Man to behave himself before Kings if he be Fear'd he is Hated if he be Peaceable he is Despis'd and when some part of their favour is obtain'd 't is not agreeable to a Man who has a Soul to be more oblig'd to blind Compliance or a servile Dependance then to his Merit There was this Year an Affair that made a great Noise which was judg'd at the Chamber of the Edict The Cardinal de Chatillon had been Marry'd ever since the year 1564. yet for all that had neither quitted his Habit nor his Dignity His Death happening some years after his Widow agreed for his Inheritance with the Admiral and after that having been carry'd away by a Man who Robb'd her of all that she had got it came into her mind when the Edict of Nants was publish'd to demand a Review of the Contracts which she had made and to dispute with the Heirs of the Admiral the Inheritance of her Husband She grounded her Suit upon the Edict which by the Nine and Thirtieth Article of Particulars order'd a Toleration of Marriages such as Hers. But on the other side the Quality of the Person was a great Obstacle to her pretensions She might have succeeded better if the Dispute had been about any other then a Prelate but the affront had been too heinous for the Pope to bear had the Marriage of a Cardinal been confirm'd Bishop and Peer of France who had presum'd to retain after this Marriage his Revenues and his Purple Besides the Cardinal was the Elder Brother of the Admiral and of d'Andelot and his Marriage 't is like cou'd not be confirm'd without the Ruin of two Families which descended from these Lords one of which was half Catholic to wit that of d'Andelot whose Son had embrac'd both the Roman Religion and the League Servin Advocate-General made a long Speech in this Cause He spoke not of this Marriage of the Cardinal but as of an unlawful Conjunction and wou'd never grant that there had been any Solemnization of this Marriage even in the Forms accustom'd among the Reformed As Servin inclin'd very much to their Doctrine it may be judg'd that all his discourse was made on purpose to be sent to Rome where he was necessary to make it appear that such a Marriage had not been approv'd of His Evidences took from the Cardinals Wise the Quality of his Widow depriv'd her of all that she cou'd pretend to in that Quality and did not so much as order any Provision for support of her Children The Court order'd the Advocates
he had invested their Predecessors Thus those ancient Prelaâ—es who thereby acquir'd such Treasures to the Church according to the common Phrase laid the Foundation of their Successors Policy who in order to obtain great Priviledges high Dignities rich Gifts and great Revenues have always been ready to confirm to them as it were in exchange for their Favour the Right of Oppressing the People and to trample upon the most lawful Priviledges of Liberty Those who are any wise conversant with History must needs know that for several Ages complaisance towards the Prelates and munificence towards the Church were sufficient to sanctifie all the Actions of Soveraigns and even of Persons of an inferior Rank when they were Rich and Potent 2. The Policy of the Popes has also contributed considerably towards the Oppression of the People They have given Princes a helping hand to ruin their Subjects whenever Soveraigns have condescended to submit to the Authority of the Roman See This is the way by which that See has indemnified Princes for the independence it has extorted from them By sacrificing the interest of the people to them they have recompenc'd them for what they have usurp'd over Crown'd Heads This is the Reason that those that are the greatest assertors of Soveraign Power in relation to Subjects are those that are most zealous to maintain that the Popes are the only Judges of the Differences that happen between the State and the Prince that they only can make it lawful for Subjects to take Arms and free mankind from all the Bonds of subjection Therefore the Catholicks who were ingaged in the Holy League would never condemn it nor treat with Henry the IV. as Rebells who sued for Pardon The Popes had Authoriz'd their Fatal Conspiracy against their lawful King whom they had declar'd a relaps'd Excommunicated Heretick From whence we may conclude that to judge of the Liberties of Subjects we must never consult Popes nor their Adherents who in order to make Kings their Subjects assist Kings to make their Subjects Slaves 3. Should the Suffrages of all those that have spoken of this matter be told I do not doubt but the people would lose their Cause by the Plurality of Voices but if we weigh opinions and allow the recusation of partial Judges the number of the Votaries for Arbitrary Power will diminish more than one half If we retrench the decisive Voice of Ambitious self interested Writers and Pensioners of those that flatter by profession or out of policy of those that have been forc'd to allow all to Soveraigns to gain their favour by the sacrifice of publick Liberty and of all those that have had other reasons for what they have said upon that Subject besides those that are drawn from the nature of things there will not perhaps remain so many Votaries of Arbitrary Power as people commonly imagin And if the rights of the people find as few adherants it is not to be wondred at There is nothing to be got by asserting that cause and the danger is eminent Pensions and Favours are not dispos'd of by the people and the services of that kind are often attended with a miserable Life or a shameful Death To love liberty in a state where it begins to decay To assert it when it is tumbling To speak for it when its Priviledges are violated by the strongest is call'd Sedition and disturbing of the publick Peace and judg'd worthy of the severest torments Therefore it is no wonder that liberty seldom meets Protectors since those that love it and would preserve their Rights are accounted Criminal 4. We may conclude from thence that this question is neither to be decided by any consideration of number nor yet by the quality of Assertors among which there are few that are free from the marks of a lawful recusation The best way to decide it were to consult Nature and the things themselves and to see what natural Right of which the Principles are common to all the World allows to be to each party In following this maxim it will be soon discovered that the Original of Societies and States is very different and that it is impossible to imagine a source of that Civil Vnion applicable to all the Empires that have been form'd in the World But in the diversity of the motives that have induc'd men to errect those Societies or of the forms they have given them we will observe three things the truth of which is undeniable The first is that mutual preservation was the end of those Vnions and that none of them were ever made with an intention to give any one a power of destroying and abusing the rest at pleasure and with out cause If any would except from this Rule the States that have been form'd by the violence of the strongest which has constrain'd the weakest to obey it is evident that the said power of commanding others is a usurpation which gives no right to him that assumes it and of which the effect ceases with the cause I mean that as soon as the Oppressor loses the force which he abuses or the oppress'd recover their former vigor Liberty resumes its former rights and Vsurpation loses its Conquests That Right is so certain that it is the foundation of that which annuls all forc'd contracts and allows us to break them as soon as we are free of the constraint that forc'd us to accept them It is in vain to reply that God presides at the Birth and Preservation of States and that when he has allon'd them to be establishâ—d by Force those that are involv'd in them must respect their Slavery as a Divine Ordinance the yoke of which they ought to bear with patience I answer that God indeed is the Author of Order and Equity and that consequently those forms of Government in which we find Order and Equity are undoubtedly the Work of his Providence but that he has never reveal'd that he approv'd Disorder and Injustice and that consequently we cannot look upon a Government that is founded on Fury and Rapine as ordain'd and instituted by God Thus the mutual preservation Order and Welfare of Societies ought to be accounted the first end of those that have form'd thein and even of God by whom they are anthoriz'd The second which is also an undeniable Truth is that publick Faith ought to be the Soul of all Governments and that as there must of necessity be a bond to unite the parts that compose a Body of what nature soever Phisical or Moral nothing but Publick Faith can make the Bond of those Societies It is presupos'd by all those that unite their interests for their common defence Each Member using his particular endeavours expects that the others should concur with him for the Common Good So that nothing can be more contrary to or more pernicious in Societies than the violation of Publick Faith It breaks the most sacred tyes of Civil Bodies and as it were takes away
would of necessity follow his Inspirations and Orders and would serve for Spies to give him a faithful Account of all Transactions there Moreover in Order to put the Assembly in a place where they might have no more Liberty than they had at Grenoble the Court Resolv'd to remove them from Nimes and Order'd Frere to transfer them to Montpellier This seem'd to be done for the Interest and Honour of the King to the End that the Assembly which was only Lawful by his Permission might seem to receive from him the appointment of the place where they might continue their Deliberations But the secret Motive of the Council was that Montpellier was at the disposal of a Lord from whom the Court expected as great services as from Lesdiguieres It was Chatillon Grand Son to the Famous Admiral That Consideration and his own Merit had acquir'd him a great deal of Credit among the Reform'd He was of a Mild Temper and was an Enemy to Troubles and Confusion but he had not the Zeal of his Grand-Father for the Reform'd Religion in which his only Son was so ill Educated that he did not â—arry for his Father's Death to turn Catholic Moreover he was Ambitious and the Court knowing his Foible on that side flatter'd him with the hopes of a Marshal's Staff which was given him some years after as a Recompence for his having abandon'd the Affairs of the Reform'd So that he was a Man like Lesdiguieres in two Respects First in holding a great Rank among the Reform'd and Secondly in being accessible to Hopes and Rewards The Reform'd still confided in him as they made it appear several years after it by Intrusting him with their Affairs in the Circle of the Lower Languedoc There had been an Example not long before how much he was lik'd on both sides The Government of Aiguemortes having been taken from Rambures the Reform'd had made great Complaints about it and the Court not being inclin'd to restore it to him whatever Promises they had made about it by Reason that they were desirous to maintain Berticheres in that Post whom the Churches were not pleas'd with they were oblig'd to agree upon a third Person to keep the Place until the Case were decided Chatillon was propos'd The Court accepted of him and the Reform'd agreed to it But soon after that in Order to put a stop to the Jealousies which the Enterprises of the Court upon divers places belonging to the Reform'd might Create in them Rambures gain'd his Cause and was Restor'd The Assembly had not as yet laid aside the Confidence the Reform'd had repos'd in Chatillon till then but they had already a general diffidence of the Fidelity of those Eminent Persons who only know how to Obey Sovereigns and who never joyn with their Inferiors unless it be to Command them who never unite the Interests of their Party to those of their Fortunes and who look upon the Services of the People and the Recompences of Kings as things that are equally due to them They had Learnt at Saumur that the Reform'd Lords were capable of promoting their private Interest at the Cost of others and that the common Cause may become the sport of their Ambition and of their Intrigues Those diffidencies were increas'd at Grenohle from whence the Assembly departed very much dissatisfy'd at the Behaviour of Lesdiguieres Therefore they refus'd to put themselves in the Power of another who might put them to the same hardships and so remain'd at Nimes pretending that they were afraid of displeasing Lesdiguieres by putting themselves at the Discretion of Chatillon as if they design'd to show that they confided more in the one than in the other However those two Lords us'd all their endeavours to hinder the Assembly from joyning with the Prince of Conde And as they had Creatures among them they delay'd the Conclusion of the Treaty a long while The Prince of Conde tempted them both to joyn with him and sent some Gentlemen to them with Reasons and Offers to perswade them But it was to no purpose because they expected greater and more speedy advantages from the Court than they could possibly expect in following the Prince who had not manag'd his Affairs well and who seem'd almost reduc'd to the necessity of submitting to the Mercy of the Court. But an unexpected Accident broke all their Measures and made them lose the Fruit of their Intrigues and Pains in the Assembly The Duke of Candale Eldest Son to the Duke d'Espernon being dissatisfy'd with his Father from whom he had endeavour'd to take the City and Castle of Angouleme threw himself into the Party of the Reform'd and Embrac'd their Religion publickly at Rochel They receiv'd him with great Demonstrations of Joy and of greater hopes for the future They gain'd one of the most considerable Houses in France by it The Example of it might prove Fortunate and invite other Persons of Quality to do the same So that they omitted nothing to express their Respect and Esteem for him The Assembly of Nimes paid him great Honour and made him General of the Cevennes and gave him so great an Authority over them at the very first that he broke through all the Oppositions of Chatillon and Lesdiguieres and made them Resolve to declare themselves in favour of the Prince But that was all the Good or Ill he did while he was Reform'd The Duke his Father was not Tractable in point of Religion He had begun to hate the Reform'd from the time of his being in favour with Henry the III. It seem'd to be one of the Proprieties of their Religion to be expos'd to the hatred of Favourites perhaps because they were not so willing as others to bend their Knees before those Idols which the Gapricio of Princes or of Fortune Rais'd above them and that they complain'd highly of the profusions that Ruin'd the State to Inrich those Objects of an unruly Favour I will say nothing in this place of the Cardinal de Tournon under Francis the I. Of the Constable of Montmorency under Henry the II. and under his Children of the Duke of Guise Father and Son under the same Kings and under Henry the III. But at least the Dukes of Joyeuse and of Epernon Favourites to that last King had ever express'd an invincible Aversion towards them And under Lewis the XIII the Marshal d'Ancre and the Constable de Luines show'd the same Passion to destroy them But besides this General Reason of Hatred against the Reform'd he had another which was Personal because they suspected his having had a Hand iu the Death of Henry the IV. Some look'd upon him as an Accomplice to the Conspiracy which succeeded so fatally against the Person of that Prince And those who spoke with most Modesty about it made no scruple of saying that sitting next to the King he might easily have warded the second Stab that was given him had be been so pleas'd
with Equivocal Councils and Irresolutions Lesdiguieres form'd a Party separated from the rest and though all the Corruption of his Heart was not known the Reform'd were sensible that Interest was the chief Article of his Religion Chatillion had as much if not more Ambition than Piety and was as much ingag'd to the Court by the first as to Religion by the second La Trimouille was so young that it was not possible to judge what might be expected from him The Letters written by the Assembly of Rochel to the said Lords had produc'd no great effect and had neither been able to unite them among themselves nor yet to awaken them in favour of the Common Cause The Duke of Rohan Soubise his Brother and La Force were the only Persons who seem'd resolv'd to undertake every thing Moreover Affairs abroad afforded no prospect to hope that the Protestants would assist the Churches of France The House of Austria taking the advantage of the Troubles of the Kingdom began to execute their Projects in Germany and assuming the pretence of Religion in order to hinder the Catholck Princes from opposing them oppress'd the Protestants publickly Bohemia was full of Troubles and the ill success of the Arms which the People had taken up for the preservation of their Liberties made them lose in a short time both their Political Liberty and that of their Consciences These Confusions held all the Princes of the same Communion in suspence expecting the Event to see what measures they should take Prince Maurice was imploy'd in the Vnited Provinces and the Arminians afforded him too much business to permit him to ingage in the Affairs of France The King of England plaid the Theologian And while on one side he suffer'd People to give the Pope great hopes in his Name to restore his three Kingdoms to the Roman Communion he disturb'd all the North with Disputes which made him pass for a Zealous Protestant So that considering the present State of Europe it was impossible to expect a happy Issue of the Resistance of Bearn The King's Forces not being imploy'd elsewhere might all be sent that way and subdue the Country before the rest of the Reform'd had taken their final Resolutions Moderate Councils only serv'd to break their Measures and occasion'd great loss of time They prevail'd with those who only wanted a pretence not to meddle with any thing to forsake the Party of the others And the time which would have been necessary to put themselves in a posture of defence being consum'd in useless disputes when the King was ready to go into Bearn to force them to obey he found no body ready to resist him Too much consideration commonly ruines the Affairs of the People A little boldness is better in those Cases than slow considerate Proceedings Particularly when we are to deal with Enemies who esteem themselves to be above all Laws and who lay aside the Maxims of Integrity and Justice by reason that they know no other Rules of it but their Will That Prudence which sticks scrupulously to the Maxims of Probity is for the most part Unfortunate The Enemy takes the advantage of the Niceness of the Consciences of those he attacks and while they were deliberating about the Right of Resistance they afforded him time to prevent them Towards the end of the Year the Bearnois publish'd an Apology compos'd by Lescun with the advice and approbation of the Assembly of Orthez to whom it was Dedicated That piece was written at different times as may easily be discover'd by the management of it The Stile is not of a piece The Arguments are distinct and not well follow'd It is full of Allusions to Holy Writ and other Authors But yet it is good and solid and the Rights of Bearn were asserted in it with vigour enough to give a pretence to Charge the Author with a Crime of State for his boldness particularly because he speaks vehemently against Arbitrary Power altho' the respect due to the King be Religiously observ'd in it The Events of any consideration were noted in it by Years and by Days The Establishment of the Reformation in Bearn The Ancient Rights of the Country The Examples drawn out of the Old For which show that even in the beginning of the Thirteenth Century the People did not Swear Allegiance to their Soveraign till the Sovereign had Sworn to the Barons and to all the Court that he would be a faithful Lord to them that he would Govern them justly and that he would do them no prejudice The said Oath was renew'd in 1585 by the late King in imitation of his Predecessors The Author prov'd at large in it that the Laws only receiv'd their Force by and never could be alter'd without the Authority of the Prince and the consent of the Estates but more by the one without the other To prove which he brought several Examples He recited the alteration which was made in Bearn under Queen Jane and the Vengeance which Mongommery exerted against those who had oblig'd that Princess to fly by their Conspiracies A Vengeance which even Moluâ— one of the most cruel Persecutors of the Reform'd look'd upon as sent from Heaven by reason that the said Count reduc'd all that Country in three Days time and took all the Leaders of the Rebellion Prisoners After that Lescun related the said Expedition and all that pass'd upon the account of the Forfeiture and Seizure of the Ecclesiastical Lands until the Month of October of the said Year He observ'd the Falsity of what had been advanc'd by the Bishops who in order to be heard at Court pretended to be Authoriz'd by the Catholicks of Bearn and to be seconded by the Catholicks told them that the King had order'd the aforesaid Reversion or Restoration of his own accord from whence they concluded that it would be imprudent to refuse an advantage which offer'd it self Those good Prelates â—â— which one was of very obscure Birth as being Son of a Man who had been a Cobler Butcher and had kept a Caâ—aret those Prelates I say who made so much noise whenever the Reform'd took up Arms to defend themselves made â—o difficulty of taking them up to attack They made Assemblies Fortify'd their Houses gave Military Employments kept Guards as in time of open War and those Officers of Episcopal Creation never went abroad without being attended by Armed Men. In the next place he did refute the Bishop of Macon's Speech which I have mention'd before And he made this particular Remark upon it That this Prelate had taken his Exordium out of the same Subject from which that of a certain Libel â—ad been taken call'd The English Catholick written against Henryâ—… â—… So that the one began with the same Arguments in order to Exasperate the King against his Subjects as the other had done to make the Subjects rise against their King He approv'd the Book Printed at London
â—…eql for Religion well perceiv'd that the Power of the Reformed had only serv'd for an Obstacle to delay the Public Sâ—…viâ—ude The Sovereign Courts were treated with unheard 〈…〉 Scorn and lofty Disdain The Court of Aides refus'd to veriâ—… certain Edicts that burthen'd the State with new Impositionâ— and being inform'd that the Edicts were just ready to be brougâ—… to 'em while the Court was sitting they would not stay 〈…〉 'em but rose immediately For the punishment of which presumption the Court was interdicted and other Judges 〈…〉 up in the room of those that had been so hardy to judge of theâ—… Power They continu'd in this Condition for some Months nor could they be restor'd till they had most servilely submitteâ— themselves Nor was the Parlament any better us'd For aftâ—… the Queenmother and the Duke of Orleance were withdrawâ— the King sent a Declaration to the Parlament against the Prinâ—… and his Adherents But that same Senate instead of verifyinâ— the Declaration divided and order'd Remonstrances Thâ— King to punish this piece of Malapertness sent an Order to thâ— Members to come a-foot to the Loure not by their Deputiâ—… but in a Body and to bring the Registers along with 'em Which being done the whole Assembly as August as the stil'd themselves were enforc'd upon their Knees to hear â— tedious and mortifying Censure which reduc'd all their Powâ—… only to the enregistring and publishing all Declarations thaâ— were sent 'em without any hesitation The Keeper of the Sâ—…tore before their faces the Decree for dividing the House anâ— the Parlament had the hard Fortune to hear a Decree pronounc'd which either exil'd or suspended from their Employments some of the most considerable of their Members It was not to be wonder'd that such unheard-of Proceeding should provoke the Spirits of the People to take Arms. Thâ—… Duke of Orleans therefore being return'd into France was 〈…〉 join'd by a numerous Body of Malecontents and in a smaâ—… time beheld all Languedoc at his devotion and they who haâ—… bin the most fierce Persecutors of the Reformed threw themselves into this New Party Lestranges Lord of Privas sideâ— with the Duke and perish'd in the Cause The Bishops â—… â—…lbi Vsez Nimes Alets St. Pons and Lodeve join'd with the Duke of Mommorenci The Bishiop of Leon also was accus'd to have had a share in this War and could not obtain his Pardon â—ill after the King's Death On the other side the Reformed serv'd the King with extraordinary Courage The Second Consul of Nimes preserv'd that City for the King and exâ—ell'd the Bishops and the First Consul who favour'd the Duke â—f Orleans Montaubon sent her Deputies as far as Monceaux â—o assure the King of the Fidelity of the Inhabitants who ofâ—er'd to march a League out of their City to meet the Duke and â—ight his men if they approach'd near their Quarters The Duke â—f Espernon also had so much confidence in 'em that he made â—o scruple to enter the Town tho much inferior in strength â—nd to commit himself to the mercy of a People whom he had â—o rudely handl'd in time of War Marion Camp-Assistant on the King's side made himself Master of Privas which had â—in abandon'd since it was taken and recall'd the Inhabitants who serv'd him successfully and defended the Town for the King against their own Lord. One would have thought that such an Action should have cancell'd the Memory of what was pass'd and indeed those poor Creatures were suffer'd to resettle themselves without any notice taken of it But Thirty years after they were made to understand by Cruel Persecutions that past Offences are never to be expiated by succeeding Services and that by a Maxim quite opposite to the Rule of the Almighty Transgressions are longer retain'd in the Memories of Princes then Good Services The Bishops of Albi and Nimes were degraded by reason of their Rebellion and the Bishop of Vsez dying in the midst of the Process avoided the Disgrace The rest were no less guilty but perhaps might have better Recommendations and their Acquittal cost 'em no more then a little agony of Fear However the Process commenc'd against Bishops for High Treason made so loud a noise that the Reformed could not forbear triumphing and to reproach 'em with their Principal Members tumbling into Rebellion which till then was lookt upon to be the only Portion and Character of Heresy The Ministers lookt upon it as a piece of Divine Vengeance that the Bishops who had so often accus'd 'em of breathing nothing but Rebellion should so openly precipitate themselves into the Sin of Rebellion that the veneration due to their Character could not exempt 'em from Punishment But to mortify these Triumphers they thought it expedient to put to death Marets the Minister of Alets as if he had had a hand in the Insurrection Nevertheless all his Crime was only this That all the People of the City siding either with the Lordâ—… or with the Bishop he was not so fortunate as to hinder the City from joining with the Malecontents though he himself sate still without so much as medling on either side Thuâ— was one Innocent Minister offer'd up to attone for the Transgression of several Prelats and the Minister of Alets paid for the Bishop Couran another Minister of the same Church was only banish'd The City of Lunel the Governor oâ— which was the Bishop of Nimes's Brother was inveagl'd into the Duke of Orleans's Party and Scoffier Minister of the Place was set down in the Catalogue of those that were to be sacrific'd But after the defeat and taking of the Duke oâ— Mommorenci he gave the Governor of Aiguemortes notice of the Flight of the Bishop and his Brother which was well taken 〈…〉 and that Mark of his Affection for the King's Service sav'd his life The Duke of Rohan was recall'd to Court upon occasion of these Troubles and honour'd with several Employments whether it were to find him business that might hinder him from seeking for any in these Confusions or whether it were to take him by the point of Honour and engage him in the King's Service by that Mark of Confidence But this War being suddenly ended by the taking and death of Marshal de Mommorenci serv'd only to advance the King's Authority and disgust the Duke of Orleans who retir'd out of France a second time as also to add some new access of weight to the Slavery of the People The Reformed reapt this little advantage by it That they had but few Injuries done 'em this year and continu'd somewhat free from Molestations Only the Ministers in the Dauphinate were still tormented because they preach'd in more then one place But upon a Petition which they presented to the King they obtain'd a Decree which sent 'em to four Commissioners of the Parlament of Grenoble who were order'd to take their Informations and after that to give their Advice to the