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A92147 A treatise of civil policy: being a resolution of forty three questions concerning prerogative, right and priviledge, in reference to the supream prince and the people. / By Samuel Rutherford professor of divintiy of St Andrews in Scotland. Rutherford, Samuel, 1600?-1661. 1656 (1656) Wing R2396; Thomason E871_1; ESTC R207911 452,285 479

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thee up but they shall save thee from the hand of Saul As David beleeved he might say this as well as its contradicent then David behoved to keep the city for certainly Davids question pre-supposeth he was to keep the city The example of Elisha the Prophet is considerable 2 Kings 6. 32. But Elisha sate in his house and the Elders with him And the King sent a man before him but ere the messengers came to him he said to the Elders See now the sonne of a murtherer hath sent to take away mine head Here is unjust violence offered by King Ioram to an innocent man Elisha keepeth the house violently against the Kings Messenger as we did keep Castles against King Charles his unlawfull messengers Look saith he when the messenger commeth shut the doore 2. There is violence also commanded and resistence to be made Hold him fast at the doore In the Hebrew it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Arias Montan. Claudite ●stium opprimetis eum in ostio Violently presse him at the doore And so the Chaldee Paraphrase Ierom. Ne sinatis eum introire The LXX Interpreters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illidite eum in ostio Presse him betwixt the doore and the wall It is a word of bodily violence according to Vatablus Yea Theodoret will have King Ioram himselfe holden at the doore And 3. It is no Answer that D. Ferne and other Royalists give that Elisha made no personall resistance to the King himselfe but onely to the Kings cut-throat sent to take away his head Yea they say It is lawfull to resist the Kings cut-throats But the text is cleere that the violent resistance is made to the King himselfe also for he addeth Is not the sound of his Masters feet behinde him And by this answer it is lawfull to keep Townes with iron gates and barres and violently to oppose the Kings cut-throats comming to take away the heads of the Parliaments of both Kingdomes and of Protestants in the three Kingdomes Some Royalists are so impudent as to say that there was no violence here and that Elisha was an extraordinary man and that it is not lawfull for us to call a King the son of a murtherer as the Prophet Elisha did but Ferne sect 2. pag. 9. forgetting himselfe saith from hence It is lawfull to resist the Prince himselfe thus farre as to ward his blowes and hold his hands But let Ferne answer if the violent binding of the Princes hands that he shall not be able to kill be a greater violence done to his Royall person then Davids cutting off the lap of Sauls garment for certainly the Royall body of a Prince is of more worth then his cloathes Now it was a sinne I judge that smote Davids conscience that he being a subject and not in the act of naturall self-defence did cut the garment of the Lords Annointed Let Ferne see then how he will save his owne principles for certainly hee yeeldeth the cause for me I judge that the person of the King or any Judge who is the Lords Deputy as is the King is sacred and that remaining in that honourable case no subject can without guiltinesse before God put hands in his person the case of naturall self-defence being excepted for because the Royall dignity doth not advance a King above the common condition of men and the Throne maketh him not leave off to bee a man and a man that can do wrong and therefore as one that doth manifest violence to the life of a man though his subject he may be resisted with bodily resistance in the case of unjust and violent invasion It is a vaine thing to say Who shall be judge betweene the King and his subjects The subject cannot judge the King because none can be judge in his owne cause and an inferiour or equall cannot judge a superiour or equall But I answer 1. This is the Kings owne cause also and he doth unjust violence as a man and not as a King and so he cannot be judge more then the subject 2. Every one that doth unjust violence as he is such is inferiour to the innocent and so ought to be judged by some 3. There is no need of the formality of a judge in things evident to natures eye such as are manifestly unjust violences Nature in acts naturall of self-defence is judge party accuser witnesse and all for it is supposed the Judge is absent when the Judge doth wrong And for the plea of Elisha's extraordinary spirit it is no thing extraordinary to the Prophet to call the King the sonne of a murtherer when hee complaineth to the Elders for justice of his oppression no more then it is for a plaintiffe to libell a true crime against a wicked person and if Elisha's resistance came from an extraordinary spirit then it is not naturall for an oppressed man to close the doore upon a murtherer then the taking away of the innocent Prophets head must be extraordinary for this was but an ordinary and most naturall remedy against this oppression and though to name the King the sonne of a murtherer be extraordinary and I should grant it without any hurt to this cause it followeth no wayes that the self-defence was extraordinary 3. 2. Chron. 26. 17. Foure score of Priests with Azariah are commended as valiant men LXX 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Arias Montan filii virtutis Men of courage and valour for that they resisted Vzziah the King who would take on him to burne Incense to the Lord against the Law M. Symmons pag. 34. sect 10. They withstood him not with swords and weapons but onely by speaking and one but spake I answer It was a bodily resistance for beside that Ierome turneth it Viri fortissimi Most valiant men And it is a speech in the Scripture taken for men valorous for warre As 1 Sam. 14. 25. 2 Sam. 17. 10. 1 Chron. 5. 18. And so doth the phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Potent in valour And the phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 Sam. 24. 9. 2 Sam. 11. 16. 1 Sam. 31. 12. and therefore all the 80. not onely by words but violently expelled the King out of the Temple 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Arias Mont. ●s●●t●runt contra Huzzi-Iahu the LXX say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They resisted the King so Dan. 11. 17. The armies of the south shall not stand Dan. 8. 25. It is a word of violence 3. The text saith ver 20. and they thrust him out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ar. Mont. fecerunt eum festinare Hyerony festinatò expulerunt eum The LXX say The Priest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so Vatablus they cast him out And 4. it is said ver 21. he was cut off from the house of the Lord. Doctor Ferne saith sect 4. pag. 50. They are valiant men who dare withstand a King in an evil way by a home reproofe and by withdrawing the
but to God But the contrary is true Beside the King and the Peoples covenant with the Lord King Joash made another covenant with the People and Jehoiada the Priest was only a witnesse or one who in Gods name performed the rite of annointing otherwise he was a subject on the peoples side obliged to keep allegiance to Joash as to his Soveraigne and Master But certainly who ever maketh a covenant with the people promising to governe them according to Gods word and upon that condition and these termes receiveth a throne and crown from the people he is obliged to what he promiseth to the people Omnis promittens facit alteri cui promissio facta est jus in promittent●m Who ever maketh a promise to another giveth to that other a sort of right or jurisdiction to challenge the promise The covenant betwixt David and Israel were a shadow if it tye the people to allegiance to David as their King and if it tye not David as King to govern them in righteousnesse but leave David loose to the people and only tye him to God then it is a covenant betwixt David and God only But the Text saith It is a covenant betwixt the King and the People 2 King 11. 17. 2 Sam. 5. 3. Hence our second Argument He who is made a minister of God not simply but for the good of the subject and so he take heed to walk in Gods law as a King and governe according to Gods will he is in so far only made King by God as he fulfilleth the condition and in so far as he is a minister for evill to the subject and ruleth not according to that which the book of the Law commandeth him as King in so far he is not by God appointed King and Ruler and so must be made a King by God conditionally But so hath God made Kings and Rulers Rom. 13. 4. 2 Chron. 6. 16. Ps 89. 30 31. 2 Sam. 7. 12. 1 Chron. 28. 7 8 9. This argument is not brought to prove that Jeroboam or Saul leave off to be Kings when they faile in some part of the condition or as if they were not Gods Vicegerents to be obeyed in things lawfull after they have gone on in wicked courses For the People consenting to make Saul King they give him the Crown pro hac vice at his entry absolutely there is no condition required in him before they make him King but only that he covenant with them to rule according to Gods law The conditions to be performed are consequent and posterior to his actuall coronation and his sitting on the Throne But the argument presupposing that which the Lords word teacheth to wit that the Lord and the people giveth a crown by one and the same action for God formally maketh David a King by the Princes and Elders of Israels choosing of him to be their King at Hebron and therefore seeing the people maketh him a King covenant-wise and conditionally so he rule according to Gods Law and the people resigning their power to him for their safety and for a peaceable and godly life under him and not to destroy them and tyrannize over them it is certain God giveth a King that same way by that same very act of the people and if the King tyrannize I cannot say it is beside the intention of God making a King not yet beside his intention as a just punisher of their transgressions for to me as I conceive nothing either good or evill falleth out beside the intention of him who doeth all things according to the pleasure of his Will if then the people make a King as a King conditionally for their fafety and not for their destruction for as a King he saveth as a man he destroyeth and not as a King and Father and if God by the peoples free election make a King God maketh him a King conditionally and so by covenant and therefore when God promiseth 2 Sam. 7. 12. 1 Chron. 28. 7 8 9. to Davids seed and to Solomon a Throne he promiseth not a Throne to them immediatly as he raised up Prophets and Apostles without any mediate action and consent of the people but he promiseth a Throne to them by the mediate consent election and covenant of the people which condition and covenant he expresseth in the very words of the people covenant with the King so they walke as Kings in the Law of the Lord and take heed to Gods Commandements and Statutes to doe them Obj. But then Solomon falling in love with many outlandish women and so not walking according to Gods Law loseth all royall dignity and Kingly power and the people is not to acknowledge him as King since the Kingly power was conferred upon him rather then Adonijah upon such a condition which condition not being performed by him it is presumed that neither God nor the people under God as Gods instruments in making King conferred any royall power on him Ans It doth not follow that Solomon falling in love with strange women doth lose Royall dignity either in the Court of Heaven or before men because the conditions of the covenant upon which God by the people made him King must be exponed by the Law Deut. 17. now that cannot beare that any one act contrary to the Royall Office yea that any one or two acts of Tyranny doth denude a man of the Royall dignity that God and the people gave him for so David committing two acts of tyranny one of taking his owne faithfull subjects wife from him and another in killing himselfe should denude himselfe of all the Kingly power that he had and that therefore the people after his Adultery and Murther were not to reknowledge David as their King which is most absurd for as one single act of unchastity is indeed against the matrimoniall covenant and yet doth not make the woman no wife at all so it must be such a breach of the Royall Covenant as maketh the King no King that anulleth the Royall Covenant and denudeth the Prince of his Royall authority and power that must be interpreted a breach of the Oath of God because it must be such a breach upon supposition whereof the people would not have given the Crowne but upon supposition of his destructivenesse to the Common-wealth they would never have given to him the Crowne Obj. 2. Yet at least it will follow that Saul after he is rejected of God for disobedience in not destroying the Amalekites as Samuel speaketh to him 1 Sam. 15. is no longer to be acknowledged King by the people at least after he committeth such acts of tyranny as are 1. Sam. 8. 12 13 14 15. c. and after he had killed the Priests of the Lord and persecuted innocent David without cause he was no longer either in the Court of Heaven or the Court of men to be acknowledged as King seeing he had manifestly violated the royall covenant made with the people 1 Sam.
foro Soli in the name and authority of the King but being once made a Iudge in foro poli before God he is as essentially a Iudge and in his officiall acts no lesse immediately subjected to God then the King himself Argum. 2. These powers to whom we are to yield obedience because they are ordained of God these are as essentially Iudges as the supreme Magistrate the King but inferiour Iudges are such Ergo Inferiour Iudges are as essentially Iudges as the supreme Magistrate The proposition is Rom. 13. 1. For that is the Apostles Arguments whence we prove Kings are to be obeyed because they are powers from God I prove the assumption Inferiour Magistrates are powers from God Deut. 1. 17. and 19. 6 7. Exod. 22. 7. Jere. 5. 1. and the Apostle saith The powers that are are ordained of God 3. Christ testified that Pilate had power from God as a Iudge say Royalists no lesse then Caesar the Emperour Iohn 19. 11. and 1 Pet. 2. 12. We are commanded to obey the King and these that are sent by him and that for the Lords sake and for conscience to God and Rom. 13. 5. We must be subject to all powers that are of God not onely for wrath but for conscience 4. These who are rebuked because they execute not just judgement as well as the King are supposed to be essentially Iudges as well as the King but inferiour Iudges are rebuked because of this Ierem. 22. 15 16 17. Ezek. 45. 9 10 11 12. Zeph. 3. 3. Amos 5. 6 7. Eccles 3. 16. Micah 3. 2 3 4. Jerem. 5. 31. Ierem. 5. 1. 5. He is the Minister of God for good and hath the sword not in vain but to execute vengeance on the evil doers no lesse then the King Rom. 13. 2 3 4. He to whom agreeth by an Ordinance of God the specifick acts of a Magistrate he is essentially a Magistrate 6. The resisting of the inferiour Magistrate in his lawfull commandmen●s is the resisting of Gods Ordinance and a breach of the fifth Commandment as is disobedience to parents and not to give him tribute and fear and honour is the same transgression Rom. 13. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7. 7. These stiles of Gods of Heads of the people of Fathers of Physicians and healers of the sonnes of the most High of such as Raign and Decree by the wisdome of God c. that are given to Kings for the which Royalists make Kings onely Iudges and all inferiour Iudges but deputed and Iudges by participation and at the second hand or given to inferiour Iudges Exod. 22. 8 9. Ioh. 10. 35. These who are appointed Iudges under Moses Deut. 1. 16. are called in Hebrew or Chaldee 1 Kings 8. 1 2. Chap. 5. 2. Mic. 3. 1. Iosh 23. 2. Num. 1. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rasce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fathers Act. 7. 2. Iosh 14. 1. c. 19. 51. 1 Chro. 8 28. Healers Esai 3. 7. Gods and sonnes of the most High Psal 82. 1. 2. 6. 7. Prov 8. 16 17. I much doubt if Kings can infuse Godheads in their Subjects I conceive they have from the God of Gods these gifts whereby they are inhabled to be Iudges and that Kings may appoint them Iudges but can do no more they are no lesse essentially Iudges then themselves 8. If inferiour Iudges be Deputies of the King not of God and have all their authority from the King then may the King limit the practise of these inferiour Iudges Say that an inferiour Iudge hath condemned to death an Paricide and he be conveying him to the place of execution the King commeth with a force to rescue him out of his hand if this inferiour Magistrate beare Gods sword for the terrour of ill doers and to execute Gods vengeance on murtherers he cannot but resist the King in this which I judge to be his Office for the inferiour Iudge is to take vengeance on ill doers and to use the coactive force of the sword by vertue of his Office to take away this Paracide now if he be the Deputy of the King he is not to breake the jawes of the wicked Iob 29. 17. not to take vengeance on evill doers Rom. 13. 4. nor to execute judgement on the wicked Ps 149 9. nor to execute judgment for the fatherlesse De. 10. 18. except a mortall man his Creator the King say Amen Now truly then God in all Israel was to rebuke no inferiour Iudge for perverting judgement As he doth Exod. 23. 2. 6. Mic. 3. 2 3 4. Zach. 3. 3. Numb 25. 5. Deut. 1. 16. For the King onely is Lord of the conscience of the inferiour Iudge who is to give sentence and execute sentence righteously upon condition that the King the onely univocall and proper Iudge first decree the same as Royalists teach Heare our Prelate How is it imaginable that Kings can be said to Iudge in Gods place and not receive the power from God but Kings Iudge in Gods place Deut. 1. 17. 2 Chro. 19. 6. Let no man stumble this is his Prolepsis at this that Moses in the one place and Iehosaphat in the other speake to subordinate Iudges under them this weakeneth no waies our Argument for it is a ruled case in Law Quod quis facit per alium facit per se all Iudgements of inferiour Iudges are in the name authority and by the power of the supreme and are but communicatively and derivatively from the Soveraigne power Ans How is it possible that inferiour Iudges Deut. 1. 17. 2. Chron. 19. 6. can be said to judge in Gods place and not receive the power from God immediatly without any consent or covenant of men So the Prelate But inferiour Iudges judge in the Gods place as both the P. Prelate and Scripture teach Deut. 1. 17. 2. Chro. 19. 6. Let the Prelate see to the stumbling conclusion for so he feareth it proves to his bad cause 2. He saith the places Deut. 1. 17. 2 Chro. 19. 6. prove that the King judgeth in the Roome of God because their Deputies judge in the place of God The Prelate may know we would deny this stumbling and lame consequence for 1. Moses and Iehosaphat are not speaking to themselves but to other inferiour Iudges who doth publickly exhort them Moses and Iehosaphat are perswading the regulation of the personall actions of other men who might pervert Iudgement 2. The Prelate is much upon his Law after he had forsworne the Gospell and Religion of the Church where he was baptized What the King doth by another that he doth by himselfe but were Moses and Jehosaphat feared that they should pervert Iudgement in the unjust Sentence pronounced by under Iudges of which Sentence they could not know any thing And doe inferiour Iudges so judge in the name authority and power of the King as not in the Name Authority and Power of the Lord of Lords and King of Kings or is the Iudgement
Parliament 4. He d●clared both Kingdoms Rebels 5. Attempted in his Emissaries to destroy the Parliament 6. And to bring in a forraigne enemie And the Law saith An imminent danger which is a sufficient warrant to take up Armes is not strokes but either the terrour of Armour or threatning Glossator in d. l. 1. C. Vinde vi ait non esse verbera expectanda sed vel terrorem armorum sufficere vel minas hoc esse immin●ns periculum L. Sed si quemcunque in princ ff ad leg Aquil. l. 3. quod qui armati ff de vi vi armata is qui aggressorem C. adlegem C. adlegem Corneli In most hainous sinnes conatus the endeavour and aime etiamsi effectus non sequatur puniridebet is punishable Bartoln in l. Si quis non dicam rapere The King hath aimed at the destruction of his Subjects through the power of wicked counsellors and we are to consider not the intenton of the workes but the nature and intention of the work Papists are in armes their religion the Conspiracy of Trent their conscience if they have any their malice against the convenant of Scotland which abjureth their Religion to the full their ceremonies their Prelates lead and necessitate them to root out the name of Protestant Religion yea and to stab a King who is a Protestant Nor is our King remaining a Protestant and adhering to his oath made at his Coronation in both kingdomes Lord of his own person master of himself nor able as King to be a King over Protestant subjects if the Papists now in armes under his standard shall prevail The King hath been compelled to go against his own oath and the Lawes which he did swear to maintaine The Pope sendeth to his popish armies both dispensations bulls mandats incouragements The King hath made a cessation with the bloody Irish and hath put arms in the hands of Papists Now he being under the oath of God tied to maintain the Protestant Religion he hath a metaphysically subtle pearcing faith of miracles who beleeveth armed Papists and Prelates shall defend Protestants their Religion and these who have abjured Prelats as the lawful sons of the Pope that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and as the law saith Quilibet in dubio praesumitur bonus L. merito praesumi L. non omnes § à Barbaris de re milit Charity beleeveth not ill So Charity is not a foole to beleeve all things So saith the Law Semel malus semper praesumitur malus in eodem genere C. semel malus de jure gentium in 6. Once wicked is alwayes wicked in that kind Marius Salamonius I. C. in L. ut vim at que injuriam ff de just jure We are not to wait on strokes the terrour of armour omnium consensu by consent of all is sufficient n. 3. If I see saith he the enemy take an arrow out of the Quiver before he bend the bow it is lawfull to prevent him with a blow cunctatio est periculosa The Kings comming with armed men to demand the Five Members into the House of Commons is very symbolicall and Warre was printed on that fact he that runneth may reade His comming to Hull with an Armie saith not he had no errand there but aske what it was in the clock See Novellus that learned Venetian Lawyer in a Treatise for defence he maketh continuatam rixam a continued upbraiding a sufficient ground of violent defence He citeth Doctores Comniter in L. ut vim ff de just jure Yea he saith Drunkennesse defens n. 44. Error n. 46. Madnesse n. 49 50. Ignorance n. 51. 52. Impudence n. 54. Necessity n. 56. Lasciviousnesse 58. Continuall reproaches 59. The fervour of anger 64. Threatning 66. Feare of imminent danger 67. Iust grief doe excuse a man from homicide and that in these he ought to be more mildly punished Quia obnubilatum mancum est consilium Reason in these being lame and clogged Ambros l. 1. offic Quinon repellit injuriam à socio cum potest tam est in vitio quam ille qui facit And as Nature so the Law saith When the losses are such as can never be repaired as Death Mutilation lesse of Chastity Quoniam facta infecta fieri nequeunt things of that kinde once done can never be undone we are to prevent the enemy l. Zonat. tract defens par 3. l. in bello § factae de capit notat Gloss in l. si quis provocatione If the King send an Irish Rebell to cast me over a bridge and drowne me in a water I am not to do nothing while the Kings emissary first cast me over and then in the next room I am to defend my self but nature and the law of self-defence warranteth me if I know certainly his ayme to horse him first over the bridge and then consult how to defend my selfe at my own leasure Royalists object that David in his defence never invaded and persecuted Saul yea when he came upon Saul and his men sleeping hee would not kill any but the Scottish and Parliaments Forces not onely defend but invade offend kill and plunder and this is cleerely an offensive not a defensive warre Answ There is no defensive warre different in spece and nature from an offensive warre if we speake physically they differ onely in the event and intention of the heart and it is most cleare that the affection and intention doth make one and the same action of taking away the life either homicide or no homicide If a man out of hatred deliberately take away his brothers life he is a murtherer eatenus but if that same man had taken away that same brothers life by the flying off of an Axe head off the staffe while he was hewing timber he neither hating him before nor intending to hurt his brother he is no murtherer by Gods expresse Law Deut. 4. 42. Deut. 19 4. Ioshua 20. 5. 2. The cause betweene the King and the two Parliaments and betweene Saul and David are so different in this as it is much for us Royalists say David might if he had seene offending to conduce for selfe-preservation have invaded Sauls men and say they the case was extraordinary and bindeth not us to selfe-defence and thus they must say for offensive weapons such as Goliahs sword and an hoast of armed men cannot by any rationall men be assumed and David had the wisdome of God but to offend if providence should so dispose and so what was lawfull to David is lawfull to us in self-defence he might offend lawfully and so may we 2. If Saul and the Philistims ayming as under an oath to set up Dagon in the land of Israel should invade David and the Princes and Elders of Israel who made him King and if David with an hoast of armed men he and the Princes of Israel should come in that case upon Saul and the Philistims sleeping if in that case David might not lawfully
it would create more enemies not help his Cause 3. To David to kill Saul sleeping and the people who out of a mis-informed conscience came out many of them to help their lawfull Prince against a Traitor as was supposed seeking to kill their King and to usurp the throne had not been wisdome nor justice because to kill the enemie in a just self-defence must be when the enemie actually doth invade and the life of the defendant cannot be otherwise saved A sleeping enemie is not in the act of unjust pursuit of the innocent but if an Armie of Papists Philistims were in the fields sleeping pursuing not one single David onely for a supposed personall wrong to the King but lying in the fields and campe against the whole Kingdome and Religion labouring to introduce arbitary Government Popery Idolatry and to destroy Lawes and Liberties and Parliaments then David were obliged to kill these murtherers in their sleep If any say The case is all one in a naturall self-defence what ever be the cause and who ever be the enemy because the self-defender is not to offend except the unjust Invader be in actuall pursuit now Armies in their sleep are not in actuall pursuit Answ When one man with a multitude invadeth one man that one man may pursue as he seeth most conducible for self-defence Now the Law saith Threatnings and terror of Armour maketh imminent danger and the case of pursuit in self-defence lawfull if therefore an Armie of Irish Rebels and Spanyards were sleeping in their Camp and our King in a deep sleep in the midst of them and these Rebels actually in the Camp besieging the Parliament and the Citie of London most unjustly to take away Parliament Laws and Liberties of Religion it should follow that Generall Essex ought not to kill the Kings Majesty in his sleep for he is the Lords Anointed but 1. will it follow that Generall Essex may not kill the Irish Rebels sleeping about the King and that he may not rescue the Kings Person out of the hands of the Papists and Rebels ensnaring the King and leading him on to Popery and to employ his Authority to defend Popery and trample upon Protestant Parliaments and Lawes Certainly from this example this cannot be concluded For Armies in actuall pursuit of a whole Parliament Kingdome Lawes and Religion though sleeping in the Camp because in actuall pursuit may be invaded and killed though sleeping And David useth no argument from conscience why hee might not kill Sauls Armie I conceive he had not Armes to doe that and should have created more enemies to himselfe and hazard his owne life and the life of all his men if he had of purpose killed so many sleeping men yea the inexpedience of that for a private wrong to kill Gods mis-led people should have made all Israel enemies to David But David useth an Argument from Conscience onely to prove it was not lawfull for him to stretch forth his hand against the King and for my part so long as he remaineth King and is not dethroned by those who made him King at Hebron to put hands on his person I judge utterly unlawfull one man sleeping cannot be in actuall pursuit of another man so that the self-defender may lawfully kill him in his sleep but the case is farre otherwise in lawfull wars the Israelites might lawfully kill the Philistims encamping about Jerusalem to destroy it and Religion and the Church of God though they were all sleeping even though we suppose King Saul had brought them in by his Authority though he were sleeping in the midst of the uncircumcised Armies and it is evident that an hoast of armed enemies though sleeping by the law of self-defence may be killed left they awake and kill us whereas one single man and that a King cannot be killed 2. I think certainly David had not done unwisely but hazarded his owne life and all his mens if he and Ahimel●ch and Abishai should have killed an host of their enemies sleeping that had been a work as impossible to three so hazard some to all his men D. Ferne as Arnisaeus did before him saith The example of David was extraordinary because he was anointed and designed by God as successor to Saul and so he must use an extraordinary way of guarding himselfe Arnisaeus citeth Alberic Gentilis that David was now exempted from amongst the number of Subjects Answ There were not two Kings in Israel now both David and Saul 2. David acknowledgeth his subjection in naming Saul the Lords Anointed his Master Lord King and therefore David was yet a subject 3. If David would have proved his title to the Crowne by extraordinary wayes he who killed Goliah extraordinarily might have killed Saul by a miracle but David goeth a most ordinary way to work for self-defence and his comming to the Kingdom was through persecution want eating shew-bread in case of necessity defending himself with Goliahs sword 4. How was any thing extraordinary and above a Law seeing David might have killed his enemie Saul and according to Gods Law he spared him and hee argueth from a morall duty he is the Lords annoynted therefore I will not kill him was this extraoardinary above a law then according to Gods law he might have killed him Royalists cannot say so what ground to say one of Davids acts in his deportment toward Saul was extraordinary and not all was it extraordinary that David fl●d no or that David consulted the oracle of God what to do when Saul was coming against him 5. in an ordinary fact something may be extraordinary as the dead sleep from the Lord upon Saul and his men 1. Sam. 26. and yet the fact according to its substance ordinary 6. Nor is this extraordinary that a distressed man being an excellent warriour as David was may use the help of six hundred men who by the law of charity are to help to deliver the innocent from death yea all Israel were obliged to defend him who killed Goliah 7. Royalists make Davids act of not putting hands on the Lords annointed an ordinary morall reason against resistance but his putting on of armour they will have extraordinary and this is I confesse a short way to an adversary to cull out something that is for his cause and make it ordinary and something that is against his cause must be extraordinary 8. These men by the law of nature were obliged to joyne in armes with David ergo the non-helping of an oppressed man must be Gods ordinary law a blasphemous tenet 9. If David by an extraordinary spirit killed not King Saul then the Jesuits way of killing must be Gods ordinary Law 2. David certainly intended to keep Keilah against King Saul for the Lord would not have answered David in an unlawfull fact for that were all one as if God should teach David how to play the Traitor to his King for if God had answered They will not deliver
way should oppose us in helping which blessed be the Lord the honourable houses of the Parliament of England hath not done though Malignant spirits tempted them to such a course what in that case we should owe to the afflicted members of Christs body is a case may be determined easily The fift and last opinion is of those who think if the King command Papists and Prelates to rise against the Parliament and our dear brethren in England in warres that we are obliged in conscience and by our oath and covenant to help our native Prince against them to which opinion with hands and feet I should accord if our Kings cause were just and lawfull but from this it followeth that we must thus far judge of the cause as concerneth our consciences in the matter of our necessary duty leaving the judiciall cognizance to the honourable Parliament of England But because I cannot returne to all these opinions particularly I see no reason but the Civil Law of a Kingdom doth oblige any Citizen to help an innocent man against a murthering robber that he may be judicially accused as a murtherer who faileth in his duty that Solon said well beatam remp esse illam in quâ quisque injuriam alterius suam estimet It is a blessed society in which every man is to repute an injury done against a brother 〈…〉 injury done against himself As the Egyptians had a good law by which he was accused upon his head who helped not one that suffered wrong and if he was not able to help he was holden to accuse the injurer if not his punishment was whips or three dayes hunger it may be upon this ground it was that Moses flew the Egyptian Ambrose commendeth him for so doing Assert We are obliged by many bands to expose our lives goods children c. in this cause of religion and of the unjust oppression of enemies for the safety and defence of our deare brethren and true religion in England 1. Prov. 24. 11. If thou forbear to deliver them that are drawn to death 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 taken as captives to be killed and those that are ready to be slaine 12. If thou say behold we know it not doth not he that pondereth the heart consider it and he that keepeth thy soul doth he not know it and shall he not render to every man according to his work Master Iermin on the place is too narrow who commenting on the place restricteth all to these two that the priest should deliver by interceding for the innocent and the King by pardoning only But 1. to deliver is a word of violence as 1 Sam. 30. 18. David by the sword rescued his wives Hos 5 14. I will take away and none shall rescue 1 Sam. 17. 35. I rescued the lambs out of his mouth out of the Lyons mouth which behoved to be done with great violence 2 King 18. 34. They have not delivered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Samaria out of my hand So Cornel. à Lapide Charitas suad●● ut vi armis eruamus injuste ductos ad mortem Ambros lib. 1. offic c. 36. citeth this same text and commendeth Moses who killed the Egyptian in defending a Hebrew man 2. It is an act of Charity and so to be done though the judge forbid it when the innocent is unjustly put to death Object But in so doing private men may offer violence to the lawfull magistrate when he unjustly putteth an innocent man to death and rescue him out of the hands of the magistrate and this were to bring in anarchy and confusion for if it be an act of charity to deliver the innocent out of the hand of the Magistrate it is homicide to a private man not to do it for our obedience to the law of nature tyeth us absolutely though the Magistrate forbid these acts for it is known that I must obey God rather then man Answ The law of nature tyeth us to obedience in acts of charity yet not to performe these acts after any way and manner in a meere naturall way impetu naturae but I am to performe acts of naturall charity in a rationall and prudent way and in looking to Gods law else if my brother or father were justly condemned to die I might violently deliver him out of the Magistrates hand but by the contrary my hand should be first on him without naturall compassion As if my brother or my wife have been a blasphemer of God Deut. 13. 6 7 8. and therefore am I to do acts naturall as a wise man observing as Solomon saith Eccles 8. 5. both time and judgement Now it were no wisdom for one private man to hazard his own life by attempting to rescue an innocent brother because he hath not strength to do it and the law of nature obligeth me not to acts of charity when I in all reason see them unpossible but a multitude who had strength did well to rescue innocent Ionathan out of the hands of the King that he should not be put to death yet one man was not tyed by the law of nature to rescue Ionathan if the King and Prince had condemned him though unjustly 2. The hoast of men that helped David against King Saul 1 Sam. 22. 2. entered in a lawfull war and 1 Chron. 12. 18. Amasa by the spirit of the Lord blesseth his helpers peace peace be unto thee and peace be to thy helpers for thy God helpeth the. Ergo Peace must be to the Parliament of England and to their helpers their brethren of Scotland 3. Numb 32. 1. 2. 3. 16. 17. 18. 19. Iosh 1. 12. 13. 14. The children of Gad and of Reuben and the half tribe of Manasseh though their inheritance fell to be in this side of Iordan yet they were to goe over the river armed to fight for their brethren while they had also possession of the land at the commandement of Moses and Joshua 4. So Saul and Israel helped the men of Iabesh Gilead conjoyned in blood with them against Nahash the Ammonite and his unjust conditions in plucking out their right eyes 1 Sam. 11. 5. Iephtha Iudg. 12. 2. justly rebuketh the men of Ephraim because they would not help him and his people against the Ammonites 6. If the communion of Saints be any bound that England and we have one Lord one faith one Baptisme one head and Saviour Iesus Christ then are we obliged to help our bleeding sister Church against these same common enemies Papists and Prelates but the former is undenyably true for 1. We send help to the Rotchel if there had not been a secret betraying of our brethren we send help to the recovery of the Palatinate and the aide of the confederat Princes against Babels strength and power and that lawfully but we did it at great leisure and coldly Q. Elizabeth helped Holland against the King of Spain And beside the union in Religion 1. We sayle in one
have a ministeriall power saith he in spirituall things but in order to Christ ergo in order to others it is not ministeriall but Lordly So here a Lordly power Pastors have over Kings by the P. P. way We teach it is ministeriall in relation to all because Ministers can make no Lawes as Kings can doe but only as Heralds declare Christs Lawes 2. None of us give any coercive Civill power to the Church over either Kings or any other it is Ecclesiasticall a power to rebuke and censure was never civill 3. A religious Covenant to swear to resist that is to defend our selves is one thing and a lawfull Oath as is cleare in those of Israel that did sweare Asa's Covenant without the authority of their owne King 2 Chron. 15. 9 10 11 12. and to sweare to force the King to submit to Christs Scepter is another thing the Presbytery never did sweare or covenant any such thing nor doe we take Sacrament upon it to force the King Prelates have made the King sweare and take his Sacrament upon it that he shall roote out Puritanes that is Protestants whereas he did sweare athis Coronation to roote out Heretickes that is if Prelates were not traiterous in administring the Oath Arminians and Papists such as this P. P. is knowne to be but I hold that the Estates of Scotland have power to punish the King if he labour to subvert Religion and Lawes 4. If this Argument that Religion is to be perswaded not forced which P. P. useth be good it will make much against the King for the King then can force no man to the externall profession and use of the ordinances of God and not only Kings but all the people should be willing P. Prelate Though the King may not preach c. yet the exercise of these things freely within his Kingdome what concerneth the decent and orderly doing of all and the externall man in the externall government of the Church in appointing things arbitrary and indifferent and what else is of this straine are so due to the prerogative of the Crown as that the Priests without highest Rebellion may not usurpe upon him a King in the State and Church is a mixed person not simply civill but sacred too They are not only professors of truth that they have in the capacity of Christians but they are defenders of the faith as Kings they are not sonnes only but Nurse-fathers they serve God as Augustine saith as men and as Kings also Ans If yee give the King power of the exercises of Word and Sacraments in his Kingdome this is deprivation of Ministers in his Kingdome for sure he cannot hinder them in another Kingdome you may make him to give a Ministeriall calling if he may take it away By what word of God can the King close the mouth of the man of God whom Christ hath commanded to speake in his name 2. If the King may externally governe the Church why may he not excommunicate for this is one of the speciall acts of Church Government especially seeing he is a mixed person that is halfe a Church-man and if he may prescribe Arbitrary teaching Ceremonies Surplice to instruct men in the duties of holinesse required of Pastors I see not but he may teach the Word 3. Dr. Ferne and other Royalists deny Arbitrary Government to the King in the State and with reason because it is Tyranny over the people but Prelates are not ashamed of commanding a thing Arbitrary and indifferent in Gods Worship shall not Arbitrary Government in the Church be tyranny over the conscience But say they Church-men teacheth the King what is decent and orderly in Gods Worship and he commandeth it Ans Solomon by no teaching of Church-men deposed Abiathar David by no teaching of Church-men appointed the forme of the Temple 2. Hath God given a Prerogative Royall to Kings whereby they may governe the Church and as Kings they shall not know how to use it but in so farre as they are taught by Church men 3. Certainely we shall once be informed by Gods Word what is this Prerogative if according to it all the externall worship of God may be ordered Lawyers and Royalists teach that it is an absolutenesse of power to doe above or against a Law as they say from 1 Sam. 8. v. 9. 11. and whereby the King may oppresse and no man may say What dost thou Now Good P. Prelate if by a plenitude of tyranny the King prescribe what he will in the externall worship and government of Gods House who can rebuke the King though he command all the Antichristian Ceremonies of Rome and of Turkey yea and the sacrificing of children to Molech for absolutenesse Royall will amount to shedding of innocent blood for if any oppose the King or say Sir What doe you he opposeth the Prerogative Royall and that is highest Rebellion saith our P. Prelate 5. I see not how the King is a mixt person because he is Defender of the Faith as the Pope named the King of England Henry the eighth he defendeth it by his Sword as he is a Nurse-father not by the sword that commeth out of his mouth 6. I would know how Iulian Nebuchadnezzar Og and Sihon were mixed persons and did all in the externall government of the Church and that by their office as they were Kings 7. All the instances that Augustine bringeth to prove that the King is a mixt person proveth nothing but Civill acts in Kings as Hezekiah cast down the high places the King of Nineve compelled to obey the Prophet Ionah Darius cast Daniels enemies to the Lyons P. Prelate If you make two Soveraignes and two Independents there is no more peace in the State then in Rebeckahs wombe while Jacob and Esau strove for the prerogative Ans 1. What need Israel strive when Moses and Aaron are two Independents If Aaron make a golden Calfe may not Moses punish him If Moses turne an Achab and sell himselfe to doe wickedly ought not 80 valiant Priests and Aarons both rebuke censure and resist 2. p. 65. The P. P. said Let no man imagine we priviledge the King from the direction and power of the Church so he be no intruding Vzzah I pray P. P. what is this Church power Is it not supreme in its kinde of Church power or is it subordinate to the King If it be supreme see how P. P. maketh two Supremes and two Soveraignes If it be subordinate to the King as he is a mixt person the King is priviledged from this power and he may intrude as Vzzah and by his prerogative as a mixed person he may say Masse and offer a sacrifice if there be no power above his prerogative to curbe him If there be none the P. P. his imagination is reall The King is priviledged from all Church power Let the P. P. see to it I see no inconvenience for reciprocations of subjections in two Supremes and
that they may mutually censure and judge one another Object Not in the same cause that is impossible If the King say Masse shall the Church judge and censure the King for intrusion and because the King is also Soveraigne and Supreme in his kinde he may judge and punish the Church for their act of judging and censuring the King it being an intrusion on his prerogative that any should judge the highest Judge Ans The one is not subiect to the other but in the case of male-administration the innocent as innocent is subject to no higher punishing he may be subject to a higher as accusing citing c. Now the Royalist must give instance in the same cause where the Church faileth against the King and his Civill law and the King in the same cause faileth against the Church-canon and then it shall be easie to answer P. Prelate Religion is the bottome of all happinesse if you make the King only to execute what a Presbyterie commandeth he is in a hard case and you take from him the chiefest in Government Ecclesiasticall power hath the soule in subjection the Civill Soveraigntie holdeth a dead dominion ever the body Then the Pope and Presbyterie shall be in better condition then the King Cic. in Ver. Omnes Religione moventur Superstition is furious and maddeth people that they spare neither Crown nor Mitre Ans Cold and dry is the P. P. when he spendeth foure pages in declamation for the excellencie of Religion The madnesse of Superstition nothing to the purpose 1. The King hath a chiefe hand in Church affaires when he is a Nurse-father and beareth the Royall sword to defend both the Tables of the Law though he doe not spin and weave Surplices and other base Masse-cloaths to Prelates and such Priests of Baal They dishonour his Majestie who bring his Prerogative so low 2. The King doth not execute with blind obedience with us what the Pope commandeth and the Prelates but with light of knowledge what Synods discernes and he is no more made the servant of the Church by this then the King of Iudah and Nebuchadnezzar are servants to Ieremiah and Daniel because they are to obey the Word of the Lord in their mouth Let them shew a reason of this why they are servants in executing Gods will in Discipline and in punishing what the Holy Ghost by his Apostles and Elders decree when any contemne the Decree concerning the abstinence from blood things strangled c. Act. 15. rather then when they punish murther idolatrie blasphemie which are condemned in the Word preached by Pastors of Christ and farther this objection would have some more colour realitie it hath not if Kings were only to execute what the Church ministerially in Christs name commandeth to be done in Synods but Kings may and doe command Synods to conveen and doe their duty and command many duties never Synodically decreed as they are to cast out of their Court apostare Prelates sleeping many yeares in the Devils armes and are to command Trencher-Divines neglecting their flock and lying at Court attending the falling of a dead Bishop as Ravens doe an old dying horse To goe and attend the flock and not the Court as this P. P. did 3. A King hath greater outward glory and may doe much more service to Christ in respect of extension and is excellenter then the Pastor who yet in regard of intension is busied about nobler things to wit the Soule the Gospel Eternitie than the King 4. Superstition maddeth men but it followeth not that true Religion may not set them on work to defend soule and body against Tyrannie of the Crown and Antichristian Mitres P. Prelate The Kingdome had peace and plentie in Prelates time Ans A belly-argument We had plenty when we sacrificed to the Queen of Heaven 2. If the Traveller contend to have his purse againe shall the Robber say Robberie was blessed with peace The rest to the end are lies and answered already Only his invectives against ruling Elders falsly called Lay-Elders are not to purpose Parliament-Priests and Lay and Court-Pastors are Lay-Prophets 2. That Presbyteries meddle with Civill businesse is a slander They meddle with publike scandals that offendeth in Christs Kingdome But the Prelate by office was more in two elements in Church and State then any Frogs even in the Kings Leaven-tubs ordinarily 3. Something he saith of Popes usurping over Kings but only of one of his fathers a great uncleane spirit Gregorie the Great But if he had refuted him by Gods Word he should have thrown stones at his own Tribe for Prelates like him doe ex officio trample upon the neck of Kings 4. His testimonies of one Councell and one Father for all Antiquitie proveth nothing Athanasius said God hath given Davids Throne to Kings What to be Head of the Church No to be the Minister of God without 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to tutour the Church And because Kings reigne by Christ as the Councell of Arimin saith therefore it may follow a Baily is also Head of the Church It is taken from Prov. 8. and answered 5. That Presbyteries have usurped upon Kings more then Popes since Hildebrand is a lie all stories are full of the usurpation of Prelates his own tribe The Pope is but a swelled fat Prelate and what he saith of Popes he saith of his own house 6. The Ministers of Christ in Scotland had never a contest with King Iames but for his sinnes and his conniving with Papists and his introducing Bishops the usher of the Pope QUEST XLIII Whether the King of Scotland be an absolute Prince having Prerogatives above Parliament and Laws The Negative is asserted by the Lawes of Scotland the Kings Oath of Coronation the Confession of Faith c. THe negative part of this I hold in these Assertions Assert 1. The Kings of Scotland have not any Prerogative distinct from Supremacie above the Lawes 1. If the People must be governed by no Lawes but by the Kings own Lawes that is the Lawes and Statutes of the Realme acted in Parliament under paine of disobedience then must the King governe by no other Lawes and so by no Prerogative above Law But the former is an evident truth by our Acts of Parliament ergo so is the latter The Proposition is confirmed 1. Because what ever Law enjoyneth passive obedience no way but by Lawes that must injoyne also the King actively to command no other way but by Law for to be governed by Law essentially includeth to be governed by the Supreme Governour only by Law 2. An act of Regall governing is an act of Law and essentially an act of Law an act of absolute Prerogative is no act of Law but an act above Law or of pleasure loosed from Law and so they are opposed as acts of Law and non-acts of Law If the Subjects by command of the King and Parliament cannot be governed but by Law How can the King but