principal Arguments sometimes directly and in form but always aptly and judiciously suitable to the Occasion the Place and the Party concern'd Though his Stile be extreamly concise and Brevity the thing he seems chiefly to affect yet does he frequently interweave with his main Business many entertaining Digressions such as that concerning the God Serapis in the Fourth Book of his History and that other strange one concerning the Iewish Religion and their Lawgiver Moses which we had occasion to pass our Censure on before He thought it seems very truly that as no Traveller would grudge sometimes to go a little out of his Way for the sight of a Place extreamly well worth his Pains or somewhat peculiar to the Country he is passing through so these little Excursions which please and refresh the Reader are no Transgressions of the Laws of History when seasonably indulged Even Thucydides and Salust are not more Sententious than he which yet is so artfully manag'd that there is no appearance of Ostentation but every Maxim he lays down â—lows naturally from the Subject he is treating of and resembles that Lustre and Beauty of the Stars which are said to be made out of the very Substance of that Firmament they adorn Here you see nothing foreign nothing affected nothing forc'd or far-fetch'd nothing superfluous but every Thought so pertinent so well fitted that no Man can dispute the Right it hath to that Place or think any other would better become it And which is still more here you do not learn barely the Events of Things but the very Reasons and Progress of those Events the secret Springs of each Action and all the Motives and Contrivances by which it was carry'd on And here a Man may say with great Reason with regard to History what the Poet does in the case of Husbandry Faelix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas Virg. Georg. L. 2. Happy the Man who studying Nature's Laws Through known Effects can trace the secret Cause Mr. Dryden And if the Notion some Philosophers have advanc'd concerning the Sea be true That its Waters nearer the bottom are much fresher than those about the top it is undoubtedly a Truth of much greater evidence that a History which contents it self with an Account of Matter of Fact only and presents only with the Outâ—side and Sâ—â—face as 〈◊〉 were of Things cannot pretend to either the Pleasure or the Profit which arises from a Discovery of the mysterious Causes and the several Counsels and Debates upon which each Action mov'd This reaches the very bottom of the Matter and every Man can justifie the vulgar Proverb here That the deeper you go the sweeter and more delicious you find the Entertainment But one particular Character there is which raises the Merit and Reputation of Tacitus above other Writers that I mean of ordering Matters so that a Man may oftentimes receive as much Information from what he does not say as from what he does This instructive Silence is an Excellence which others have observ'd before me And a very peculiar one it is when to speak in Terms of Arithmetick his very Blanks are as considerable as his greatest Summs So that here you are directed to form a Notion of Men every way because whether he give Characters or whether he give none all is done with mature Consideration exact Iustice and accurate Iudgment 'T is thus that the Ancients exâ—ol the Skill of that Eminent Painter â—imanthes in whose Pieces there was a great deal more for the Thought to work upon than lay open to the Eye of the Beholder And this great Wisdom and Depth is indeed very agreeable to that ripeness of Age and Iudgment in which he apply'd himself to Writing For we arâ— assur'd from himself that this Work was begun after Nerva's and in Trajan's Reign at which time he must have been pretty far g See Note b advanc'd in Years The Reader who is desirous of a more particular Character of Tacitus his Writings may find it to good Advantage in the Second Volume of Muretus his XIII XIV and XV. Orations The Passages were thought too large to be inserted here A Chronological TABLE OF THE Annals and History OF Cornelius Tacitus The First Book of the Annals contains the History of almost two Years Consuls Sextus Pompeius and Sextus Apuleius C. Iulius Drusus Caesar and C. Norbanus THE Emperor Augustus died at Nola in The Years from the Incarnation of our Lord. 16 The Years from the Building of Rome 767 Campania the Nineteenth Day of August Claudius Tiberius Nero the Son-in-law of Augustus succeeded him who began his Reign with the Murder of Agrippa Posthumus The Consuls Sex Pompeius and Sex Apuleius are the first that took the Oaths of Fidelity to Tiberius Germanicus appeases a Sedition in the Army by pretending to send away his Wife Agrippina and his Son Caligula Iulia the Daughter of Augustus formerly banished by her Father for her Lewdness died through want of the Necessaries of Life Anno Ch. 17 An. U.C. 768 Germanicus defeated Arminius or Harman the General of the Cherusci and took his Wife Prisoner the sixth Year after the Defeat of Quintilius Varus A Temple built to Augustus in Spain The Tax of the Hundredth Penny upon Commerce imposed after the Civil Wars is confirmed The Second Book contains the History of four Years Consuls Sisenna Statilius Taurus and Lucius Scribonius Libo C. Coelius Rufus and L. Pomponius Flaccus Tib. Iul. Caes. Aug. 3 io and Germanicus Caesar M. Iunius Silanus and C. Norbanus Flaccus Anno Ch. 18 An. U.C. 769 THe Beginning of the Parthian War Germanicus brings his Fleet into the River Amisia or Ems and passing over the Weser defeats Arminius and the Germans Germanicus's Army sailing through the Amisia into the Ocean is shatter'd by a Storm and the greatest part of it lost The Accusation and Death of Libo Drusus The Astrologers and Magicians are banished Italy A Defence of Luxury The Counterfeit Agrippa is taken Anno Ch. 19 An. U.C. 770 Germanicus Triumphs for his Victories over the Cherusci Chatti and other Nations of Germany betwixt the Rhine and the Elb. The Tax of the Hundredth Penny is abated by Tiberius and made the Two Hundredth Twelve Cities of Asia perished by an Earthquake Tacfarinas the Numidian begins a War in Africk Germanicus goes into Asia Anno Ch. 20 An. U.C. 771 Germanicus visits Egypt as far as Syene and Anno Ch. 21 An. U.C. 772 Elephantina Maroboduus the King of the Marcomanni lives at Ravenna in Italy eighteen Years Germanicus is poysoned by Piso. Livia the Wife of Drusus Tiberius's Son and Sister of Germanicus is delivered of Twins Arminius the General of the Cherusci dies in the thirty seventh Year of his Age. The Third Book contains the Actions of three Years Consuls M. Valerius Missala and M. Aurelius Cotta Tiber. Iul. Caes. Augustus 4 o and C. Iul. Drusus Caesar 2 o C. Sulpicius Galba and D. Haterius Agrippa THe Grief and
by the Graecians is a mere Fable and that the Persians gave a Relation of Xerxes's and Darius's Expeditions against Greece very different from what the Greeks themselves do but he carries his Point farther and as an Instance how little any History can be depended upon he tells you That of the most Eminent Greek Writers some make the Sea-Fight of Salamis to have been before that of Platea and others place it after Now it were I think a sufficient reply to all this Objection if a Man should urge That some Falshoods there are very reconcileable with Human Infirmity and such as according to the Distinction of the Schools though not true are yet no Lyes because they are utter'd in the Integrity of the Man's Heart But then as for the Impostures charged upon Tacitus by Tertullian and the Reproach of one of the most Scandalous and Profligate Authors extant cast upon him by Budâ—us their true Meaning is not to load him with such Accusations of Falshood as simple Ignorance or Inadvertency might acquit or excuse him in or the too easie Credit given to Mistakes generally receiv'd might be alledg'd in mitigation of But their Intention was to expose his impious Misrepresentations of the Christians the Scoffs and insolent Railleries against our Holy Religion attack'd by him in its very Foundations laid in the Old Testament his ridiculing the Miracles of Moses and reviling the Iews with Worshipping the Image of a Wild Ass. And these I acknowledge are Calumnies full of true Pagan Venom and such as no Man can be too severe in condemning But then I must take leave to urge withal that if this Author must be thrown aside in resentment for what he hath said to traduce the True GOD and the Christian Worship he must be banish'd in a great deal of Good Company For the same Rule will oblige us to burn almost all the Heathen Authors very few of whom are clear of endeavouring to blacken us by such kind of vile Aspersions The same Reply may serve to take off that Sâ—nâ—â—nce pronounc'd against this Author by Casaubon who in his Preface to Polybius affirms the Reading of Tacitus to be the most dangerous Study that Princes can employ themselves in by reason of the many ill Characters to be met with in his Works There is indeed a very ill Custom to which Casaubon is too much addicted That I mean of never bestowing a Man's Pains upon any Author without lowering the Reputation of all besides to gain more Credit and Authority to that One and however he might think fit to treat Tacitus upon this occasion we know that at other times he hath not been sparing in Commendations of him 'T is true his History now extant relates the Actions of the Worst and Wickedest Princes that perhaps ever were and it is our great Misfortune that those other Books of it which contain'd the Reigns of Emperours as eminently Good such as Vespasian Titus Nerva and Trajan are lost But at this rate no History in the World no not even that of the Bible it self can escape Censure if the exposing Ill Examples to publick View must be thought to deserve it For all treat of Bad as well as Good Men and require a Reader 's Iudgment and Care to distinguish between that part of the Account which ought to be imitated and that which ought to be avoided I cannot absolutely deny but in the Times of Tertullian there might be reason to apprehend some Danger from the bitter Invectives of Pagan Writers because the World was not then cleansed from Errours as now blessed be God by his Grace it is But I can by no means be brought to think that any Mischief is capable of being done by them now when every body sure is proof against such Calumnies and not in a condition to receive ill Impressions from any thing which the Infidelity they livâ—d in then might put them upon writing against the Gospel and its Doctrines Indeed without taking all this Pains Tacitus might have been left to stand upon his own Legs the general Esteem of his Works being more than enough to bear down all the Authorities we have been considering though no Arguments from the Reason of the thing had been brought to confute them But if it were necessary to balance one Authority against another besides the universal Consent and Approbation of Learned Men I am able to produce Two of weight sufficient to cast the Scale clearly on the other side The first is that of Tacitus the Emperour who in that highest Elevation this World is capable of did at Two hundred Years distance after this Historian's Death glory in the same Name and valued himself upon his Descent from so Great and Worthy an Ancestor As Marks of the Honour he bore to his Memory Statues of him were by his Order set up in the Libraries and Ten Transcripts of his Books made constantly f How little â—ffâ—ct this Order had is plain from the great part of Tacitus his Woâ—ks now lost Nor indeed was there time for any great good to come of his intended Respects for Tacitusâ— â—eign'd but Six Months every Year that so they might be preserv'd and handed down from one Age to another as we find they are now to ours The second is the Great Duke Cosmo de Medicis whose Memory will always live in Honour as long as Politics and Good Government to speak in the Language of his own Country continue to be cultivated and respected This Prince singled Tacitus out from the rest of the Historians as the Person most capable at once of forming his Iudgment and giving his Curiosity the most solid Satisfaction But to the Suffrage of Princes and Emperours we may indeed add the general Voice of Mankind For what can be a greater Testimony in his Honour than the Pains all Nations have taken to translate Tacitus into their own Language Besides his Annals and History he hath left us a Treatise concerning the different Sorts of People who inhabited Germany in his Time and their respective Manners and Customs as also the Life of his father-in-Father-in-Law Agricola Somâ— there are who father upon him the little Tract concerning the Causes of the Corruption and Decay of Latin Eloquence which others rather think to be Quintilian's But Lipsius seems to go upon better grounds when he thinks it cannot belong to either of them As for the little Collection of Facetiae which Fulgentius Planciades quotes under Tacitus his Name they are so manifestly supposititious that scarce any body but that wretched Grammarian was ever impos'd upon by them The genuine Compositions of Tacitus do very easily distinguish themselves both by their Matter and their Form By the former of which in agreement with Scaliger I am to understand the Diction or Manner of the Author and by the latter the Substance of Things treated of He is particularly remarkable for inserting Speeches upon all occasions sometimes only obliquely and hinting the
55 An. U.C. 806 the Daughter of Claudius and makes an Oration in behalf of the Trojans and the Inhabitants of Bolonia The Emperor Claudius is Poysoned by his Wife Anno Ch. 56 An. U.C. 807 The Thirteenth Book contains the Actions of four Years Consuls Nero Claudius and L. Antistius Vetus Q. Volusius and P. Cornelius Scipio Nero Claudius Augustus 2 o and L. Calpumius Piso Nero Claudius Augustus 3 io and Valerius Messala NEro begins his Reign well Anno Ch. 57 An. U.C. 808 He removes Pallas the Freed-man He procures his Brother Britannicus to be Poysoned Nero's Lewdness Anno Ch. 58 An. U.C. 809 Pomponia Graecina accused of Christianity or Anno Ch. 59 An. U.C. 810 of Iudaism Nero's Amphitheatre Provision is made for the Security of Masters against the Attempts of their Slaves Artaxata the capital City of Armenia is taken Anno Ch. 60 An. U.C. 811 by Domitius Corbulo The Cincian Law against mercenary Pleading or against those who plead Causes for Reward Sabina Poppaea Nero's Wife who had every thing but Vertue Nero hath Thoughts of remitting all Taxes A Design of joyning the Rivers Moselle and the Arar The Catti beaten by the Hermunduri The Fourteenth Book contains the Actions of four Years Consuls C. Vipsanius and L. Fonteius Capito Nero Cladius Augustus 4 o and Cossus Corn. Lentulus C. Caesenius Paetus and C. Petronius Turpilianus P. Marius Celsus and L. Asinius Gallus Anno Ch. 61 An. U.C. 812 NEro's Incest with his Mother Agrippina Agrippina's Death Nero a Fidler and a Poet. Domitius Afer the Orator dies Anno Ch. 62 An. U.C. 813 The Olympick Games instituted at Rome A Comet Domitius Corbulo the Roman General possesses himself of Armenia Laodicea not far from Colossis is ruined by an Earthquake Anno Ch. 63 An. U.C. 814 Seventy thousand Romans slain by the Britains London famous for its Merchants and Trade The Britains a while after are beaten by Suetonius Paulinus Anno Ch. 64 An. U.C. 815 Burrus Captain of Nero's Pretorian Bands and Seneca's great Friend dies Seneca is aspersed with Calumnies Musonius the Philosopher Persius the Poet dies Novemb. 14th Nero puts away Octavia and takes Poppaea again The Death of Pallas the Freed-man The Fifteenth Book contains the History of somewhat more than three Years Consuls C. Memmius Regulus and Verginius Rufus C. Lecanius Bassus and M. Licinius Crassus P. Silius Nerva and Atticus Vestinus A War with Vologeses the King of the Parthians Anno Ch. 65 An. U.C. 816 in which Domitius Corbulo is the Roman General Poppaea hath a Daughter Tiridates is constituted King of Armenia being placed before Nero's Statue The Conflagration of Rome continues six Days Anno Ch. 66 An. U.C. 817 The Christians are fasly charged with it Nero's new House A Conspiracy against Nero. Lucan the Poet dies with courage The Consul Lateranus is put to Death Seneca receives his Death with great Constancy April 30th The Sixteenth Book contains the Actions of one Year Consuls C. Suâ—tonius Paulinus and L. Pontius Telesmus POppaea big with Child dies of a Kick which she receives from her Husband Nero in his Rage A great Plague rages at Rome Anno Ch. 68 An. U.C. 819 Ostorius Scapula is destroyed by Calumny Nero puts to Death Bareas Soranus and Thraseas He sets the Diadem on the Head of Tiridates King of Armenia ********* The History of the remaining part of this Year and of the two following Years viz. 820 821 is wanting The First Book of the History contains the Actions of a few Months Consuls Ser. Sulpicius Galba and T. Vinius IUlius Vindex Governor of the Gauls and Galba revolt The Senate declare Nero a publick Enemy who at last kills himself Anno Ch. 71 An. U.C. 822 The Emperor Galba is sent for from Spain Galba Adopts Piso. Piso is Slain the fourth Day after his Adoption Galba resumes five hundred and fifty Tuns of Gold of what Nero had given away Otho Emperor Otho kills Galba Aulus Vitellius is chosen in Germany Vitellius marches towards Italy The Second Book The Occurrences are of the same Year but new Consuls A Counterfeit Nero in Asia Vitellius enters Italy He defeats Otho in a Battle The Death of Otho Vespasian is encouraged to take upon him the Empire The Third Book contains the History of the same Year LUcilius and Caecinna desert Vitellius Vitellius's Forces are defeated by Vespasian's Cremona destroyed Vitellius is taken and put to Death The Fourth Book Part of the Occurrences are of the same Year part in the Consulship of Consuls Vespasian Aug. 2 o and Ti. Flavius Vespasian THe Senate for Vespasian Helvidius Priscus Comotions in Germany Celer condemned Anno Ch. 72 An. U.C. 823 Vespasian cures a Blind and a Lame Man The Fifth Book contains the History of that same Year TItus Besieges Ierusalem A very false Account of the Iews and their Rites The Prodigies preceeding the Destruction of Ierusalem A War in Germany BOOKS Printed for and Sold by MATTHEW GILLYFLOWER at the Spread-Eagle in Westminster-hall FOLIO'S CAbala or Mysteries of State and Government in Letters of illustrious Persons in the Reigâ—s of Henry the VIII Queen Elizabeth King Iames and King Charles The Third Edition with large Additions The Compleat Gard'ner or Directions for the right Ordering of Fruit-gardens and Kitchen-gardens with the Culture of Oranges and Melons Made English by Iohn Evelyn Esq The Compleat Horseman discovering the surest Marks of the Beauty Goodness Faults and Imperfections of Horses with the Signs and Causes of their Diseases the true Method both of their Preservation and Cure with the regular Use of Bleeding and Purging Also the Art of Shooing Breeding and Backing of Colts with a Supplement of Riding By the Sieur de Sollâ—ysell Querry to the French King Made English from the 8th Edition by Sir Iohn Hope Kt. 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Henry Cardinal King of Portugal died the same hour in which he was born 68 years before had finish'd his Life The number of his Consulships was extoll'd likewise which equall'd those of Valerius Corvinus and Caius Marius c Paterculus says that he was Consul eleven times and refused to be Consul any more Book 2. Chap. 89. Now Marius had been Consul seven times and Corvinus six both together that had enjoy'd the Tribunitial Power without Intermission 37 Years had been saluted Emperor d That is Victorious General or Great Captain Tacitus says that 't is an honour which Armies formerly gave to their Captains when they were over-joy'd for having gain'd a Victory So that at the same time there were many Emperors who did not take place of one another At the end of the 3 Book of his Annals one and twenty times Besides a multitude of other Honours which had been heap'd upon him or invented for him But the Politicians examin'd the conduct of his Life after another manner Some said that his filial Piety to Caesar the necessity of Affairs and the importance of the Laws had hurry'd him into a Civil War 1 We must not always ascribe to Princes the Cause of publick Evils for sometimes the Times contribute more to them than the Men. A Prince who at his accession to the Throne finds the Kingdom in disorder and upon the brink of ruine must of necessity use violent Remedies to give Life again to the Laws to root out dissentions and to set the Government upon a right foot which cou'd not possibly be manag'd with the Forms of Iustice though the Cause was honest That he had consented to many violent proceedings of Anthony and e 'T is true says Paterculus they reviv'd again the Proscription which had been begun by Sylla but this was not approved of by 〈◊〉 though being single against two he could not oppose the Fury of 〈◊〉 and Lepidus joyn'd together Lepidus 2 Sometimes Princes shut their Eyes that they may not see the Oppressions and Crimes they would be obliged to punish if their Eyes were open There are times when rigour wou'd be pâ—ejudicial to their Affairs and particularly in the midst of a Civil War when 't is dangerous to encrease the Number of Male-Contents because he had need of their assistance to revenge the Murther of his Father That Lepidus being grown Effeminate by the Sloath of a Private Life Anthony drown'd in his debauches and the Common-Wealth torn in pieces by the Discord of her Citizens there was no other Remedy left in Nature but the Government of a single Person which notwithstanding Augustus had never taken up the Title f Paterculus says that Caesar was become odious from the day he assisted at the Feast of the Lupercalia when Mark Anthony his Coleague in the Consulship put upon his Head a Royal Diadem for Caesar refused it in such a manner as shewed that though the Action was rash yet it had not much displeased him Hist. 2. Chap. 56. Besides he happen'd to say before that they must take care how they spoke to him for the future and that he meant what he said should be a Law Suetonius in his Life of King 3 A Prince ought to forbear to assume new Titles and Honours for instead of gaining by the new Power he pretends to he runs the risque of losing that which no body denied him Augustus a wise Prince was cautious of taking the Title which a Thought of only cost his Predecessor his Life or of Dictator 4 The Dictatorship being an image of the ancient Regal Power Augustus would never accept it to shew that he avoided whatsoever had made his Uncle odious Ovid makes the reign of Augustus and Romulus to oppose each other as Liberty and Sovereign Power Tiâ— domini nomen says he to Romulus principis ille gerit but contented himself to be call'd Prince of the Senate That the Empire was owing to him for being surrounded by the Ocean g The Roman Empire was bounded on the West by the Ocean on the North by the Danube and the Rhine on the East by the Euphrates and the Tygris on the South by the Mountain Atlaâ— and remote Rivers 5 The greatest Contests which happen among Princes arise upon the subject of limits especially when their Lands lie one among the others as those of the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua in Montferrat of the King of Spain and of the Dukedome of Venice in the Milaneze of the same Republick and of the Grand Signior in Dalmatia and in the Islands of the Levant On the contrary when Kingdoms are divided by the Sea by Mountains or by strong Forts which hinder a Passage Princes have less disputes with one another That the Provinces the Legions and the Naval Force were well united the Citizens obedient to the Laws the Allies in terms of dutiful respect and the Town adorn'd with stately Buildings that it was to be acknowledg'd he sometimes made use of Severity and Force but very rarely and always for preservation of the Publick Safety h Paterculus says that Augustus was resolved to refuse the Dictatorship when the People offer'd it to him Chap. 89. On the other side it was alledg'd that the boasted Piety of a Son to a Father and the Necessities of a Common-Wealth were only his pretext 6 The actions of great Princes have always been liable to the Peoples censure how wise soever they may have been the Speculative have ever been able to give probable reasons for their conduct nor do the Male-contents and the Envious ever want matter to deâ—ame them When Philip II. caused his Son Don Carlos to be arrested all the Courtiers spoke of it as their inclinations led them for the Father or the Son Some call'd him Prudent and others Severe because his Sport and his Revenge met together Cabrera Chap. 22. the 7th Book of his History Commines paints Iohn II. King of Portugal as a Cruel and Barbarous Prince because he kill'd his Coâ—in-German the Duke of Viseu and cut off the Head of the Duke of Bragance Brother to the Queen his Wife Chap. 17. of the last Book of his Memoirs On the contrary Mariana says that he was a lover of â—ustice and the Great Men of the Kingdom hated him because he seiz'd the Criminals who withdrew for shelter into their Territories and Castles And as for the Dukes of Viseu and Bragance who had both conspired against the Person of the King and his Kingdom I believe Commines would have agreed with Mariana if he more narrowly examin'd this matter Chap. 23. of the 14th Book and the 11th of the 26 Book of the History Where by the way we may observe that the Resemblance between Vice and Virtue often causes the Common People to confound and blend 'em together giving to both the Name which belongs to its contrary that through an insatiable desire of reigning he
restrain their Madness Their Rage was chiefly bent against Auâ—idieâ—â— Rufus who from a private Soldier had been rais'd to a Centurion and from thence to a Prefect or Mareschâ—l de Camp 1 Those Men who from private Soldiers 〈◊〉 to the great Offices of 〈◊〉 Army are commonly the most 〈◊〉 because they know better â—han 〈◊〉 the Licentious Humour of Soldiers and all the Tricks which 〈◊〉 use to dâ—ceive the Vigilance of 〈…〉 as also all the 〈◊〉 and Injuries which they 〈◊〉 in the Towns where they 〈◊〉 Garison Such a one in the 〈◊〉 Age was Colonel 〈…〉 who from a private Soldier and a very poor Gentleman rose by his Merit to be one of the General 〈◊〉 of the Spanish Army and 〈…〉 He was 〈◊〉 to say That he was Fransisco for the good Soldiers and Verdugo for the bad A Name that in Spanish signifies a Hangman D. Carlos Colomâ— lib. 8. of his Wars of Flanders They pull'd him from his Chariot they loaded him with Baggage and made him march at the Head of a Battalion asking him in scorn If he were not pleas'd to carry such a Burden and to travel so far on Foot For Rufus was an indefatigable Man who restor'd to use the strictness of the ancient Discipline 2 Rigour is the Soul of Military Discipline and we see every Day by Experience that there are no worse Soldiers than those who serve under an indulgent Captain But we must observe by the way that as Military Seditions which arise from the Severity of a General are less frequent so they are more dangerous and of longer continuance than those whereof Indulgence is the cause and who spar'd their Labour so much the less because he had undergone himself what he had impos'd on others XV. The arrival of these Mutineers renew'd the Tumult and roaming lawlesly round the Country they made Waste of all Things in their way Blesus caus'd some of them who return'd loaden with their Plunder to be beaten and made Prisoners thereby to imprint a greater Terror in the rest For the Centurions and the sober part of the Soldiers still continu'd in their Duty The Pillagers thereupon resist those who force 〈◊〉 to Prison embrace the Knees of their Camerades implore their Succour either in particular by their Names or in general the Company the Cohort or the Legion in which they serv'd crying out Their own Turn must be next in the same Usage They pour out a thousand Reproaches against their General and call the Gods to witness his Injustice In short they omit nothing to move Compassion to raise Envy and Fear and to foment Sedition The Soldiers run in heaps to their Relief break open the Prisons deliver their Companions and strengthen their Party with Deserters and Criminals condemn'd to Death XVI From thence the Mutiny grew more outragious and the Numbers of their Heads inâ—reas'd One Vibulenus a private Soldier 1 Nam hi saith Tacitus Hist. 1. 〈◊〉 temporibus partâ—m se Reipub. faciunt For in troublesome 〈◊〉 the meanest People make a Figure in a State and private Soldiers have more Authority than Generals Civilibus bellis plus militibus quam ducibus licere Hist. 2. being hoisted on the Backs of his Companions was carried as it were in Triumph before the Tribunal of the General and the Soldiers big with expectation of his Speech and thronging to hear him thus began 'T is true Companions you have restor'd to Life and Liberty our innocent Fellow-Soldiers but who shall give me back my Brother who being Commission'd to you from the Army now in Germany for our common Interests has this Night been butcher'd by the Gladiators who are purposely entertain'd by Blesus for our General Massacre Tell me Blesus where thou hast thrown this murder'd Body Even Enemies refuse not Burial to the Slain When I have satisfied my Grief with Tears and Kisses command me to be murder'd and I consent to my own Death provided thou wilt order us to be laid in one common Grave like Brothers who suffer'd Death not for the Guilt of any Crime but only for defending the Cause of the r When the Duke of Maiâ— heard at Lyons the News of the Duke and the Cardinal of 〈◊〉 his Brothers he caused it to be published through the whole City that Henry the Third had taken away their Lives for no other Reason but because they protected and defended the Catholick Religion against the Huguenots Herrera l. 5. of the Third Part of his History c. 3. Notwithstanding the Duke of Guise being at the Estates of Blois had refused to sign a Declaration which the King caused to be offered to him by a Secretary of State wherein he promised and swore to make War on the Hugâ—â—â—ots provided that his Subjects would assist him with their Forces and would make no League with Foreigners without his Approbation and that those who should act contrary to this Condition should incur the Penalties of High-Treason c. 11. l. 4. of the same Part. I cite this Historian here because being a Spaniard his Testimony is of greater force against the Guises whom all the Spanish Writers make to be Maccabees notwithstanding at the bottom they were acted only by Ambition to make themselves Kings of France with the Catolicâ—â—â— of Spain against all Laws both Divine and Humane Ligions 2 All Rebels and Traitors cover their wicked Designs with the Cloke of publick Good The Count de Charolois and other Princes of France having taken Arms against Lewis the Eleventh this War was afterwards called the Publick Good because it was undertaken as they said for the Publick Good of the Kingdom Memoirs of Câ—â—mines l. 1. c. â— The Demands of the Lords adds he in cap. 12. weâ— great The Duke of Berry demanded Normandy for his Share the Count de Charolois the Cities seated on the River of Somme as Amiâ—ns Abbeville S. Quentin and Perenne and several other Demands for each with some Overtures for the Good of the Kingdom But this was not the bottom of their Designs for their Publick Good was turned into Private Interest and as Salust saith speaking of Cataline and his Accomplices Bonum publicum simulantes pro sua quisque potentia â—â—rtabant XVII He animated this Discourse with Sobs and Groans and with the Blows which he gave himself on his Face and Breast then getting loose from those who had carried him on their Shoulders he threw himself hastily at the Feet of the Assistants and mov'd them so much to Compassion and Revenge 1 In Seditions he is always the most mutâ—nous who is most hearkned to that one part of the Soldiers seiz'd on the Gladiators of Blesus another secur'd his Menial Servants whilst many of them ran searching here and there for the Body of their slain Companion And if by good Fortune it had not been immediately discover'd that Vibulenus never had a Brother that there was no such Body to be found and that the
or le ts slip all Occasions and beside despairing of Protection from the Laws I desir'd of Varus to make me Prisoner together with Arminius and his Accomplices I call that Night to witness of this Truth which I wish to Heaven had been my last What since has happen'd may be Deplor'd better than Excus'd For what remains I have formerly detain'd Arminius in Fetters and he and his Faction in their Turn have given me the same Treatment Even since I have had the Opportunity of making my Addresses to you O Caesar I have constantly retain'd my old Inclinations and I preferr'd Repose to Trouble And this not in prospect of any Recompence which I pretend but to clear my Innocence from Suspicion of Perjury and to put my self the better in condition to make Terms with Rome for my Compatriots when ever they consult their Safety by Repentance I implore your Clemency in my Son's behalf desiring that his Youth may excuse his Error I confess my Daughter is brought hiâ—her against â—er Consent I leave it to your Iudgment whether you will consider her as the Wife of Arminius or as the Daughter of Segestes LII To this Germanicus graciously answer'd That his Children and Relations had no cause of Fear that for himself he had provided an honourable Retreat in an ancient Roman Province where he might live secure from Danger This Affair being thus ended he brought back his Army and receiv'd the Title of Imperator by the Command of Tiberius The Wife of Arminius was deliver'd of a Son who had his Breeding at Ravenna What contumelious Usage he receiv'd when he was grown to Age 1 It is fatal to great Men to be unfortunate Fathers and to behold Fortune a Step-mother to their Children If Arminius espoused the Interest of his Father and Mother as it is to be presumed he could not expect better Treatment from the Romans than what they gave him it being the Maxim of all Princes to revenge upon the Children the Injuries which they have received from the Parents It may be also observed here that great Men are often punished by the same Evilâ— which they have inflicted on others Arminius had taken away from Segestes his Daughter who was promisâ—d to another and Germanicus by a just retâ—rn took away from him hâ—◠〈◊〉 and his Son whereby Segâ—sâ—â—â—â—â— doubly revenged Commâ—â—â—â—â— makes mâ—ny Reâ—â—â—â—â—ions of 〈◊〉 kind whereof this is the most Instructive Although said he the Duke of 〈◊〉 had just cause to hare the Constable S. Pol and to procure his Death yet all the Reasons that can be alledged in this Matter cannot justifie what he did in selling him to the King out of Covetousness in order to have him put to Death after he had given him a good and authenticâ— Safe-conduct And as this was at the first Sâ—ege of Nancy that he committed this Crime in dispatching the Order to deliver the Coâ—â—table to the King's Men God permitted that at the second Siege of this City he was betrayed by him in whom he put the greatest conâ—idence and justly paid for his Perâ—â—diousness to the Constable His 〈◊〉 l. 5. c. 6. shall be related in due place LIII The News of the good Entertainment given to 〈◊〉 was diversly received by some with Pleasure by otâ—ers with Regret as they either fear'd or wish'd the War Arminius besides the Violence of his Nature being inflam'd with the Outrage done to him in the 〈◊〉 of his Wife whom his Enemies had seiz'd and 〈◊〉 â—is Child unborn yet already destin'd for a Slave took a rapid Course through the Country of the Cherusâ—i solliciting that People to rise in Arms against Germanicus and sparing no opprobrious Language against Segestes Behold said he a pious Father in Segestes Behold a doughty Warriour in Germanicus A wonderful Exploit for a whole Army to take a Woman Prisoner I on the other side have destroy'd three Legions of theirs and three Lieutenant-Generals The Wars I make are without Surprize or Treachery I fight fairly and in the open Field not with Women big with Child but with Arm'd Soldiers There are yet to be seen in our Sacred Woods the Roman Eagles and their Ensigns which I have hung in Triumph on the Altars of our Gods Let Segestes please himself with his secure Abode in a conquer'd Country let lâ—t him restore to his Son the Priesthood of the Ubians the Germans never can forgive him for having brought betwixt the Elb and the Rhine the Consulary Fasces and Axes of the Romans with all other the Marks of their Dominion The rest of the Nations who are free from their Subjection know not yet the Names of Punishment and Taxes After having shaken off the Yoke and made vain the Attempts of that Augustus to whom they have given the Title of a God and of that Tiberius whom they have chosen in his stead to inslave our Country shall we fear a Boy a Novice in the War and an Army made up of Mutineers If then you have more Affection for your Native Country your Families and your ancient Laws than for Tyrants and new Colonies rather follow Arminius the Defender of your Freedom and your Honour than the infamous Segestes who would betray you into Slavery LIV. Not only the Cherusci but all the Neighbouring Nations were set on fire by this Oration He also drew Inguiomer into his Party who was his Uncle by the Father's side and of great Reputation among the Romans which increas'd the Trouble of Germanicus who apprehended lest with their United Forces they should come pouring upon him To make some Diversion g Alphonso King of Naples said That there was no succeeding in War but by Diligence and Diversion Guiccardin's Hist. l. 1. he sent Cecina with Forty Roman Cohorts through the Country of the Bructerians Pedo led the Cavalry by the Confines of Frisia and he himself embarking with Four Legions pass'd the Lakes the Foot the Horse and his Navy arriving at the same time on the Banks of Amisia h This River is now called Ems whence the City of Embdâ—n takes its Name which was the Place appointed for the Rendevous The Cauci who had offer'd their Assistance were receiv'd as Companions of the War The Bructerians who had set fire on all their open Towns were defeated by Lucius Stertinius whom Germanicus had sent forth with some Troops of Light-Horsemen to encounter them Amidst the Dead and amongst the Spoils he found the Eagle of the Nineteenth Legion which was lost at the Overthrow of Varus i 〈◊〉 saith That in the Defeat of Varus's Legions there were lost two Eagles one White and the other Black that the White sell to the Auxiliarâ— Sarmatians and the other to the Germans whence came the Arms of the Empire which bears an Eagle Sable in a Field Or and of Poland which bears an Eagle Aâ—gent in a Field Gâ—les In his Chronicle Our Army thereupon advanc'd to the farmost Limits of the Bructerian Counâ—ry
for trying the Government of a Woman named Erato whom they soon laid aside 2 Gynecocracy is the Worst of all Governments For this Sex saith Tacitus is not only weak and voluptuous and consequently unfit for the Management of Affairs of State but besides is Cruel Untractable and desirous infinitely to extend its Power if its Ambition be not restâ—â—in'd The Prophet Isaiah Ch. 3. threatens the Iews with the Government of Children and with that of Women as with two equal Curses So that we are not to wonder if 〈◊〉 is so odious in those very 〈◊〉 where Women have right of Succession nor why divers Nations have for ever excluded them from the Throne and thus being in an unsettled and confus'd Condition 3 Anarchy is the most miserable Condition that a Kingdom oâ— a Common-Wealth can fall into and it is the only plague that can make the loss of a Female Government regreted For it is impossible for Civil 〈◊〉 to subâ—ist without a Master and without Laws And this is the râ—ason that Anarchy hath been always of short duration and rather without a Master than in Liberty they offer the Crown to exil'd Vonones 4 A State however it changes the Form of its Government sooner or later will return to that which it had in its Original The first Goverâ—ment to a Body-Politick is what the Natural Air is to a Humane body But as soon as Artabanus threatned him and it appeared that there was little reliance on the Armenians and as little expectation of assistance from the Romans who could not defend him unless they would engage in a War against the Parthians he retires to Creticus Silanus the Governor of Syria who although he had invited him set a Guard upon him as soon as he came leaving him however the Title and the State of a King 5 It is not the Royal Title or 〈◊〉 that make a King but the Authority The Majesty is in the Functions not in the Ornaments and it is 〈◊〉 this reason that the Title of 〈◊〉 dâ—d not belong to the Senate oâ— Rome although it had all the exterior Marks of it as the Rods the Purple Robe the Ivory-Chair c. but to the People in whom the Supreme Power resided Witness the Form of Words which was pronounced with a loud voice at the opening of all the Assemblies Velitis Iubeatis Quirites which is the Appellation they gave the People in their Assemblies Cabrera saith that Philip II. having marry'd Mary Queen of England and received from his Father the Renunciation of the Kingdom of Naples on the score of this Marriage took it very ill that his Father kept the Administration and the Revenues of it and the more because he was hereby King of Naples and of England only in Title and Name There were also some Englishmen who gave him no other Title but that of the Queens Husband Chap. 5 and 7. Lib. 1. of his History The Earls of Egmond and Horn having been arrested by the Duke of Alva without the privity of the Dutchess of 〈◊〉 Governess the Low-Countreys this Princess who saw that the Duke besides his large power had secret Orders which leâ—t her 〈◊〉 more than the Name of Governess desir'd leave of Philip II. to retire out of these Provinces saying that it was neither for his Service nor her Honour whom he was pleas'd to call his Sister to continue there with a Title without Authority Strada Lib. 6. of Hist. 1. Decad. How he endeavour'd to escape from this Pageant-Royalty we will relate in its proper place 6 A Prince who is dispossess'd of his Dominions doth not willingly continue in the hands of him who hath goâ— possession of them how well soever he is treated by him For this is to adorn with his presence the Conqueror's or the Usurper's Triumph Ferdinand the Catholick assigned Lands and Revenues to Boabdiles whose Kingdom of Granada he had Conquered or Usurped but this Prince soon passed into Africk For saith Mariana those who have seen themselves Kings have not constancy or paâ—ience enough to lead a Private Life Ch. 18. Book 25. of his History of Spain V. But these troubles in the East were no unwelcome News to Tiberius since they gave him a fair Pretence to draw off Germanicus from the Legions that had been accustom'd to his 1 How great soever the Fidelity of a Subject appears to be to whom an Army or a Province hath offered the Sovereignty it is prudence in a Prince under some specious pretence to remove him from this Army or Province for feaâ— lest the Infidelity of others and opportunity may at last inspire him with a desire to accept what may be again offer'd him The Mutineers of Germanicus's Legions had offer'd Germanicus their service being resolved to follow his Fortune if he would seize the Empire Ann. â— and consequently Tiberius had reason to be jealous of the Fidelity of Germanicus and of the Affection which these Legions had for him and Agâ—ippinae who was continually giving them largesse The Satisfaction which the Neapoliâ—ans had in the Goveâ—nment of Gonsalo Hernandez whom they styled by way of Eminence the Great Captain was the principal Cause of the Resolution that Ferdinand the Catholick took to make him return into Spain with hopes of being rewarded with the Office of Grand Master of the Order of St. Iamâ—s which was the highest Honour in the Kingdom command m Philip II. dealt with his Nephew Alexander Farnese almost after the same manner He sent him into France to the assistance of the League whilst his presence was absolutely necessary in the Low-Countreys where he had begun to re-establish the Royal Authority having obliged the Arch-Duke Matthias to return into Germany the Duke of Alonson into 〈◊〉 the Earl of Liecester into England and the Prince of Orange into Holland For his absence gave the Rebels new strength and was the Cause that they recovered a great part of what they had loâ—t So that Don Carlos Coloma had good reason to say that Philip II. acted herein against all the Rules of Policy Lib. 2 and 3. of his Wars of Flanders and to expose him at once to Hazards and Treachery in Provinces where he was a Stranger But the more he was hated by his Uncle and loved by the Soldiers the more he endeavoured to put an end to this War by a Decisive Battel in order to which he consider'd well with himself the Methods of Fighting and what had succeeded well or ill with him after three years War in this Country He found that the Germans were always beaten in pitch'd Battels and on even Ground that their advantages lay in Woods and Marshes in short Summers and early Winters That his Soldiers were more troubled at their long marches and the loss of their Arms than for the Wounds they had receiv'd That the Gauls were weary of furnishing Horses That his long train of Carriages was much exposed to
one to Reform it 3 Princes are never pleas'd to hear Discourses of Reformation for under the Colour of reforming Luxury and other Abuses which creep into Civil Societies the Censors often go up to the very Springs of Government the Secrets of which ought not to be laid open to Subjects Besides the Reformation of Abuses is not proper to be made at all times If Physicians need wait for a Proper time to purge a sick Person â— Prince hath much greater reason to use this Precaution seasonably to apply the Remedies which are necessary to the Body-Politick which is always charged with many humours which it is dangerous to stir too much A great Person said to some who spoke to him of the Disorders of his age Let it run it will die soon for it is very sick In the Aphorisms of Anthony Perez XXXIV Upon which L. Piso complain'd of the Illegal ways of obtaining Offices of the Corruptions of the Courts of Iudicature of the Insolence of Advocates who menac'd People with Accusations protesting that he would retire from the City and live in some remote and obscure Country and at the same time went out of the Senate-House Tiberius was incens'd however he caressed Piso with fair words 1 It is the Quintessence of Knowledge to pass sometimes for Ignorant and the greatest Victory of Reason to suffer ones self to be overcome by the present Necessity David himself put this Reason of State in practice He was willing enough to punish Ioab for killing Abner but it being dangerous to raise troubles in the beginning of his Reign he defer'd the Punishment of this Crime saying I am this day weak though anointed King 2 Sam. 3. and put his Relations upon using their endeavours to prevail with him to stay A while after Piso gave another instance of as great freedom when he commenced a Law Suit against Urgulania who was so much in favour with Augusta that she thought her self above the reach of the Laws As Urgulania instead of appearing to the Summons went to the Emperor's Palace 2 It is of pernicious example for a Prince to permit his Palace to be a Sanctuary to those who contemn the Authority of the Magistrates A famous Carver who fled into Arragon for having resisted the Iustice of Madrid could never obtain his Pardon of Philip II. notwithstanding that he was the best Workman of his Profession and that this King had great need of him to work on the Escurial setting Piso at defiance so he desisted not from his Prosecution notwithstanding Augusta complain'd that she her self was Affronted and exposed thereby Tiberius thinking it was but decent for him to shew so much complaisance to his Mother 3 It is very becoming a Prince to be complaisant to his Mother so long as it is not to the prejudice of the Laws and his Reputation A certain Prince being importun'd by his Mother to grant her an unjust thing excus'd himself saying that she would sell him too dear the Nine Months that she had carry'd him The Pagliari saith after the Goselin That that which ruined Ferrante Gonzaga Governor of Milan with C. V. was his suffering his Daughter and his son-in-Son-in-Law Fabricius Colonna to intermeddle in recommending the Causes of private Persons to the Publick Magistrates Observation 40. Queen Margaret blamed her Brother Henry III. for suffering himself to be influenc'd by the Persuasions of his Minions Maugiron and Saint-Luke to that degree that he went himself to sollicite a Law-suit for Madame de Seneterre against M. de la Chastre because the Latter was in the Service of the Duke of Alenson his Brother Lib. 2. of his Memoirs The Majesty of Kings saith Cardinal de Richelieu obliges them to reserve themselves for the Party of Reason which is the only one that they ought to espouse on all occasions They cannot do otherwise without divesting themselves of the Quality of Iudges and Sovereigns to take upon them that of Parties which in some sort sinks them into the Condition of Private Men. Those who are to defend themselves against the Power of a King know too well that they cannot do it by force and therefore have recourse to Intrigues to Artifices and secret Practices to secure themselves which often raises great disturbances in Kingdoms Pol. Test. part 1. c. 6. as to promise to go himself to the Praetor's Court and appear on Urgulania's behalf and in order to it went out of his Palace ordering his Guards to follow him at a Distance As the People flock'd about him he appear'd very composed talking freely of several things as he went to prolong the time in the mean time Piso's Friends importun'd him to let fall his suit but to no purpose however before the Emperor had reach'd the Court he was acquainted that Augusta had order'd Piso the Sum of Money that he demanded So that the Issue of this Affair was not inglorious to Piso 4 There is nothing more dangerous for a Great Man than to come off with advantage from an Affair wherein the Prince's Authority seems to have been 〈◊〉 and very much for the Honour of Tiberius But Urgulania grew so assuming that she refused to come and give her testimony in a Cause that was heard before the Senate so that the Praetor was sent to examine her at her own house whereas it was always the Custom even for the Vestal Virgins themselves to come into the Courts whenever they were summon'd to give their Testimony XXXV I would not mention the stop that was put to Publick Affairs this Year but that it is worth the while to know the different Opinions of Cn. Piso and Asinâ—us Gallus 1 It is the Duty of an Historian as Tacitus saith in the Preface to his History to relate not only the Events of things but also the Causes and Motives which producèd them nothing can make a History more instructive than faithfully to report the Opinions of those who have had a share in the Consultations of the Great Affairs which it speaks of For it is in these Opinions that we discern the Ability the Interests the Passions and all the Good or Evil qualities of those who have deliver'd them Amongst the Modern Writers those who have excell'd in this Kind are the Famous Fryar Paul in the Histories of the Council of Trent and of the Interdict of Venice the C. Bentivoglio and Strada in the History of the Wars of the Low-Countrys Lewis Cabrâ—â—â— in his Philip II. The Author of the History of the Union of Portugal with Castile attributed by the Italians to Ierom Conestaggiâ— a Genouese Gentleman and restor'd by Father Belâ—azar Gracian and by some other Spanish Writers to Doâ— Iohn de Silva Count of Portelegre in Portugal on this Occasion Tiberius having said that he should be absent for a few days Piso was of Opinion that they ought the rather to proceed in publick Business it being for the Honour of the
takes not place if it be not done in its Place Gracian Discourse 30 of his Agudeza When there is a great Number of People involv'd in a Conspiracy or any attempt against a Prince or State and consequently that it requires a long Inquiry to discover them all it is more expedient for him to dissemble that he may not irritate Wasps All Punishment which is extended far how just foever it be passes not for an Act or Iustice nor for Example but for a Butchery and makes the Prince hated as Sanguinary and his Body to be privately carry'd out And although he was inform'd that several Courtiers and Senators had assisted him with their Counsel and Money yet no farther enquiry was made z A Courier who was carrying Letters from several Protestant Princes and Lords of Germâ—ny to the Landâ—grave of Hâ—sse being taken by some 〈◊〉 of Charles V. they found among his Dispatches a Memorandum of Succours which they offer'd him in order to continue the War against the Emperor but this Prince without reading any more than the Title threw it into the Fire judging as Iulius Caesar who would not read the Letters sent to Pompey from the Nobility of Rome that the most agreeable way to Pardon was voluntarily to be ignorant of the Offence Epitâ—â—e of his Life by Don Iuan Ant. de Vera. XLI Towards the End of this Year a Triumphal Arch was erected near Saturn's Temple for the recovery of the Eagles by the Conduct of Germanicus and under the Auspices of Tiberius a Temple was dedicated to Fo rs Fortunae a Tacitus saith Aedes Fortis Fortunâ— There was at Rome a Fortune named Fâ—rs Fortunae as if one should say Casual Fortune or Fortune which decides the Lot of War With which may agree Prosperous For 〈◊〉 which Rodolph the Master gave her This Goddess had a Temple first at Rome under the Reign of Servius Tâ—lliâ—â— and receiv'd then Gifts of those who liv'd on their Rents without being of any Trade in the Gardens near the Tiber which Iulius Caesar bequeath'd to the People of Rome A Chapel to the Family of the Iulii and Statues to Divine Augustus in a Place call'd the Bovillae 770 Years after the Building of Rome XLII IN the Consulship of C. Caelius and L. Pomponius on the 26th of May Germanicus triumph'd for his Victories over the Cherusci Chatti Angrivarii and the rest of the Nations lying betwixt the Rhine and the Elb. Spoils Captives and Pictures of the Mountains Rivers and Battels were carried before him as if the War had been ended because he would have made an end of it had he not been Countermanded but the Comeliness of Germanicus's Person sitting in his Triumphal Chariot with his Five Children added much to the Splendor of the Show and the satisfaction of the Spectators But secret Fears allay'd the Ioy of those who consider'd that the Favour of the People had not been fortunate to his Father Drusus that his Uncle Marcellus was snatch'd from their Affections in the Bloom of his Youth and that the Love of the People of Rome was commonly fatal and an Omen of short Life to those they lov'd 1 A Great Man who hath the Favour of the People and cultivates it by popular actions as Germanicus did and his Father had done is always hated by his Prince either because such a Subject seems not to stand in need of his Favour or because a Man who hath the People at his Devotion exposes himself to a thousand Suspicions which his Rivals have opportunity to raise and foment in the Prince's Mind Insomuch that this Great Man must fall soon or late if he continues at Court or amongst the People whose Idol he is Every body knows what the Battel of Barieades May 12. 1588. cost the Duke of Guise when the Parisians declar'd so openly for him that Henry III. was forc'd to leave the City To conclude as the Hatred of the People is the reward of the Prince's Favourites the Hatred of the Prince is reciprocally the reward of the Peoples Favourites XLIII Tiberius gave the People three hundred Sesterces b About thiry five Shillings in our Money a Man in Germanicus's Name and nominated him for his Collegue in the Consulship c It is to be observ'd That all the Collegues of Tiberius's Consulships came to Unfortunate Ends Quintilius Varus by Despair Germanicus and Drusus by Poyson Piso Governor of Syria and Sejanus by the Sentence of the Senate but after all this he was not believ'd to be sincere in his Affection to him 1 When the Prince is hated his sincerest actions are mis-interpreted but above all the Caresses and Honours which he doth to a Great Man whom the People knows or imagines that he doth not love and the less when it was known that he resolv'd to send him from Court pretending it was for his Honour and in order to it contriv'd Occasions or laid hold on the first that offer'd Archelaus had reign'd fifty years in Cappadocia and was hated by Tiberius d Dio saith that when Archelaus was accused by his Subjects before Augustus Tiberius pleaded his Cause in the Senate So that Tiberius might 〈◊〉 him for his Ingratitude Lib. 14. because he had never paid him any respect during his retreat at Rhodes 2 Commines saith that most People have naturally an Eye to aggrandize or to save themselves and this is the Reason that they easily range themselves on the strongest side Memoâ—rs l. 1. c. 9. which Archelaus did not omit out of any neglect of Tiberius but by the Directions of the Principle Favourites of Augustus who were of Opinion that it was not safe for him to hold any correspondence with Tiberius whilst C. Caesar was living and had the Government of the East 3 The Counsel which Augustus's Ministers gave Archelaus was according to all the Rules of Policy and so much the more because that Caius Caesar had also two Brothers and that they were all three younger than Tiberius Notwithstanding this Counsel was the principle Cause of this King's ruine An instance that Humane Prudence serves for the sport of Fortune which to speak with Polibius often takes delight to give the greatest Actions of Men an issue directly contrary to what they design'd Hist. 2. All that Archelaus could have done was to have carry'd himself after such a manner towards these two Princes as to have honour'd Calus as the Principal and Tiberius as Subordinate which would not have given â—ealousie to Caius nor have affronted Tiberius who had not himself retir'd to Rhodes but that he might not by his presence obscure the Glory of the Grandsons of Augustus who were enter'd on Employments In fine Evils that are very remote and not certain ought not to hinder a Prudent Man from making his advantage of the present Conveniencies for if one must take into consideration all accidents that may happen one what can one ever resolve
among them So Piso that was called The Father of the Legions after he was accused by the Senator Sentius for endeavouring to raise a Civil-war in the Province encreased the Suspicion of that Crime by conversing familiarly with the Legion that returned to Rome as soon as he arrived at Narni n A Câ—ty of Umbria he embarked upon the River Nare to avoid Suspicion or because those that are timorous are always uncertain But he incensed the People by his landing in their sight at the Burying-place of the Caesars with Plancina both were pleasant and cheerful he attended with a Multitude of Followers and she with a great Train of Women Their House which stood very publickly was adorned with Lawrels and Garlands there was a Festival and great Rejoycings and all so publick as to raise them more Envy 7 Pomp Ceremony Festivals and Rejoycings are accounted so many new Crimes in one accused of Designs against the State for it is indeed to brave a Prince and the Laws in shewing he fears them not Tiberius rejoyced at Germanicus's Death but that troubled him Piso should have forbore entring with so much Splendour and making those Shews at his House which served only to raise a publick Displeasure by the Comparison was made betwixt his Rejoycings and the Silence Sorrow and Mourning at Agrippina's Cabrera says The Magnificence Anthony Perez lived in while the Wife and Children of the Secretary Iuan Escovedo whom he had caused to be Assassinated prosecuted his Death so provok'd the People that Phillip II. was at last forced to give him over to Iustice which treated him with great Rigour and Ill-will X. The next day Fulcinus Trio accused Piso before the Consuls but Veranius Vitellus and others that had been with Germanicus insisted That it belong'd to them and not to Trio and that instead of being Accusers they would only report as Witnesses the last Declaration of the Deceased Trio waved that part and contented himself with the Liberty to enquire into the Life of Germanicus The Emperor desired Cognizance of this himself and Piso freely consented for fear of falling into the hands of the People or Senate both too much enclined to Germanicus's Family and knowing also Tiberius valued not Reports and that his Mother had agreed with him the Orders she sent Plancina Besides Truth is more easily discerned by a single Iudge than an Assembly 1 The diversity of Humours and Interests among those compose an Assembly opens the way to all Passion and then it is impossible to discern Truth from Falshood which has always Prejudice for its Advocate where Hatred and Envy are too prevalent Tiberius was not ignorant of the Consequence of this Affair nor the Reflections he lay under After hearing therefore before some of his Confidents the Complaints of the Accusers and Piso's Answer he sent all back to the Senate XI In the mean time Drusus returning from Sclavonia came privately to Rome deferring till another time the Triumph the City decreed him for the taking Maroboduus and his great Actions the Summer before Afterwards Piso desiring T. Aruntius Fulcinius Asinius Gallus Eserninus Marcellus and Sextus Pompeius for his Advocates and they excusing themselves 2 A Criminal when the People seek for his Death with Threats that they will cut him in pieces tho' he should be acquitted by his Iudges would find â—t difficult getting Advocates to make his Defence Means are often found to escape the Wrath of a Prince but very seldom that of the People on divers Pretences M. Lepidus Lucius Piso and Liveneius Regulus were appointed him All the City expected with great Impatience to see the Fidelity of Germanicus's Friends o They had promised Germanicus before he died to lose their Lives rather than his Death should be unpunished as Tacitus says towards the end of his Second Book of Annals the Courage of the Criminal and whether Tiberius would discover or conceal his Sentiments For the People never shewed greater Suspicion nor took more Liberty to Censure their Prince XII The Day the Senate met Tiberius made a set Speech and said That Piso had been Augustus's Friend and Lieutenant and that by Authority of the Senate 3 When a Prince has chose a Governor or other Officer whose Administration is blamed he commonly divides it with his Council So Tibâ—rius here would have it believed that the reason why he sent Piso Governour into Syria was in Conformity to Augustus who had honoured him with his Friendship and divers Employs in which he had well acquitted himself he was sent with Germanicus to govern the East They were impartially to judge whether he had provoked the young Prince by his Disobedience and Disputes if he rejoyced at his Death or was the Cause of it For says he if he exceeded what was committed to him when Lieutenant disobeyed his General rejoyced at his Death and my Affliction I will banish him my House and be revenged of him as a Father not a Prince 1 There is great difference betwixt Offences against the Person and the Authority of a Prince He may pardon the first but ought never to let the others go unpunished because their Consequences are always dangerous to the State For that would be as Cardinal Richlieu has very well observed A mistaken Clemency more dangerous than Cruelty Ch. 5. de lâ— seconde partie de son Testament Politique Nay if he hath been guilty of any Crime that deserves Punishment even the Death of any private Man give your selves the Children of Germanicus and us their Parent just Satisfaction And especially forget not to enquire if he hath corrupted the Military Discipline if he hath ambitiously endeavoured to gain the Soldiers Affections and if he returned into the Province by force of Arms or if these things be false and aggravated by the Accusers 2 When a Prince puts a great Man into the Hands of Iustice and there is enough against him it is wise and honourable in him to Command the Iudges not to trouble themselves with the Examination of uncertain and doubtful Crimes whereof he is accused to shew he acts without Passion and will proceed only according to Law whose great zeal I have cause to be offended with For Why was Germanicus's Body stript and exposed naked to the People and why has it been reported he was Poisoned if these things are yet uncertain and to be proved I lament the loss of my Son and shall always do it but will not hinder the Accused making his Defence 3 A Prince has a double Obligation upon him that of Nature to his Children and of Government to his People As he is a common Father he ought to hold the Balance even especially when he is to Revenge the Death or Complaints of the former without sparing Germanicus if he hath been to blame I beseech you let not my Trouble make you take Accusations for Crimes If any among you are Relations or
S. Galba by Cato the Censor and P. Rutilius by M. Scaurus a very unlikely thing Scipio and Cato should ever take such Revenges or Scaurus Great Grand-father to this Mamercus who dishonour'd his Ancestors by so infamous an Action Iunius Otho who formerly taught School and afterwards was made a Senator by Sejanus's Interest brought his obscure beginning into Reproach by these Villanies 1 Great Men have no worse Enemies than those that have raised themselves from a mean Birth to a share in Publick Affairs It were odious and unnecessary to give Domestick Examples of this Kind every Man has a hundred before his Eyes The Cause of this Hatred according to Tâ—â—itus is Quiâ— minorâ—â—us 〈◊〉 aâ—m dandi cura Hist. 4 Because these little People are naturally ill-disposed to them But there is another Reason has a better Foundation becauâ—e few of them but have received somâ— ill Usage â—rom Great Men or have been oppressed by them So that scarce any of them â—ise without Resâ—ntments A Man is an Enemy to the Law because he lost a Tryal and the like Instances hold in other Cases Brusidius was a Man well qualified and if he had taken a right Course might have come to Preferment he was too impatient which made him first endeavour to outgo his Equals then his Superiors and at last even his own Hopes Which hath been the ruine of many good Men who have hastned to gain that before their time which they might have had with a little Patience and possessed with Security 2 A wise Spaniard says He that will not obey another takes the way not to command himself The Means should be suitable to the Ends we propose We would have Passive Obedience be taken for a Principle in us when it is often only an impudent Pride When a Man has once gain'd Honours his manner of rising to them is forgot Suffering much to arrive afterwards to great Employs is neither Meanness nor want of Spirit but Discretion There are those can wait for nothing which proceeds from their Excessive Ambition for they will almost at the same time out-go their Equals then their Superiors and out-strip even their own Expectations Push'd on by their natural Impetuousness they neglect the surest means as too flâ—w and embrace the shortest though most hazardous The same thing commonly happens to them as to Buildings erected in haste without giving time to the Materials to settle they fall down presently Those Trees that upon the first warm Weather put out their Buds soon lose them not staying till the Severities of the Winter are past He never reaps any Benefit from his Affairs that precipitates them his Impatience makes them abortive and serves only to hasten Danger Saavedra empresa polit 34. In less than an Year N ... Mâ—â—got was Master of Requests First President of Bourdeux Secretary of War and Keeper of the Seals but as he understood little of this last Place they were forced to restore the Seals to Monsieur du Vair his Predecessor The Duke of Beausort lost his Crediâ— with the Queen-Regent for pretending too much to her Favour and Conâ—â—dence in him For not being satisâ—ied to rest upon the Pretensions the Duke of Vendosâ—e his Father had to the Government of Brâ—tâ—gne he supported those also of all the Great Men that suffer'd under Richelieu's Ministâ—y to make himself Creatures and to give such clear Testimonies of his Power that every one might ascribe to that whatsoever could satisfie his Ambition and Vanity Memoires de M. le Duâ— de L. R. LXVIII Gâ—llius Poplicola and M. Paconius one Silanus's Treasurer the other his Lieutenant encreased the number of Informers There was no doubt he was guilty of Cruelty and Avarice but many other things were accumulated dangerous to the Innocent For besides so many Senators that were his Enemies he was to answer himself the most Eloquent of Asia that were pick'd out to be his Accusers he was ignorant in Pleading and in dread of his Life which was enough to have confounded the ablest Person Tiberius refrained not pressing him with hard Expressions and a severe Countenance he ask'd many Questions but gave him not Liberty to answer or reply he often confess'd what he might have denied that Tiberius might not seem to ask in vain And his Slaves were sold that so they might be examin'd upon the Rack And he was also accus'd of Treason to make it necessary for his Friends to be silent and leave him He desir'd a few days then let fall his Defence and had the Courage to send Letters to Tiberius mixed with Prayers and Complaints LXIX Tiberius to justifie the Proceeding against Silanus caus'd the Records of Augustus against Volesus Messala Pro-consul also of Asiâ— to be read and a Decree of the Senate against him 3 When Princes would do an hard thing they are used to seek for Examples to authorise or at least excuse their Injustice After P. II. of Spain had arrested Don Carlos he sent his Officers to Barcelona to take out of the Archieves the Process against Don Carlos Prince of Viana Eldest Son of Iohn III. King of Arragon which he caused to be translated into Spanish to be a President to him in proceeding against his Son Cabrera chap. 22. du Livre 7. de son Histoire Then asked L. Piso's Iudgment who after a long Discourse of the Prince's Clemency 4 No Princes are so much commended for Clemency as those have least of it Piso according to Tacitus's Character of him in his Sixth Annals was a very wise Man and hated base Flattery yet commended Tiberius for a Virtue he wanted not to â—latter him but to make him in love with the Reputation of it and thereby to make him more merciful For this Prince knew very well Quae â—ama clementiam sequeretur Ann. 4. concluded he should be banish'd to the Island Gyarus The rest agreed with him only Cn. Lentulus thought it fit that the Goods of his Mother Cornâ—lia for he was by another Woman should be separated from the rest and given her Son to which Tiberius consented But Cornelius Dolabella to flatter more s This was the same Man was â—or Tiberius's entring Rome in Triumph which Tiberius expos'd in his Letter to the Senate that it was not fit for him to accept a Triumph for taking the Air. after he had blamed Silanus's Morals added That for the future no Person of a Scandalous and Infamous Life should draw Lots for the Government of the Provinces and that the Prince should be Iudge thereof 1 This is one of those Counsels appear well but under colour of encreasing the Prince's Power in effect destroy it Dolabella would have furnished Tiberius with a way to exclude from Government all that displeas'd him but on the other side it expos'd him to the Hatred of most of the Great Men if he expected it Cardinal Richelieu speaking of the Selling of Offices concludes it better to continue
O. Occâ—a the Superiour of the Vestals 284 Octavius Father of Augustus both die in the same City and in the same Chamber 27 Odrusians revolt 340 Oracles their Answers always doubtful 241 Otho Iun. from a Schoolmaster made Senator by Seiaâ—â—s 371 Ovation the Nature of it Vide Note 2. 311 P. Pacuvius P. Commander of a Legion 277 Peace amongst stubborn Nations those who advise Peace have never much Credit given to them 113 Under a Tyrant War to be preferred before it 345 Pâ—ndus Vice-Praetor of Maesia 260 Parsa Consul his Death 30 Pedo commands Germanicus his Cavalry against Arminius 119 Perceâ—â—ius a private Soldier causes the Legions of Paâ—â—onia to revolt 47 Killed by order of Drusus 68 Philadelphis overturned by an Earthquake 231 Philopator King of Cilicia 220 Phraatâ—s sends most of his Children to Augustus for a Pledge of his Faith 162 Piso Cn. offends Tiberius by his Liberty 145 Advises to leave Tiber in the condition it is in 154 Would have the Senate dispatch Business in the Prince's absence 20â— Is made Governor of Syria 222 So proud that he looked upon the two Sons of Tiberius as his Inferiors ib. Is put into the Government to break the Designs of Germanicus ib. Blames Germanicus 242 Inveighs against the Athenians why ib. Is assisted by Germanicus in a great Danger but makes no acknowledgment of it 243 Corrupts the Military Discipline ib. Disobeys Germanicus 245 Insults him at a Feast 246 And changes all his Orders in Syria 263 Stops the Rejoycings which the People of Antiâ—ch made for the recovery of Germanicus 264 Who suspect that he poison'd him ib. Retires from Syria 265 Rejoices insolently for the Death of Germanicus 273 Strives to regain the Government of Syria 276 Gives up his Arms to Sentius 279 Goes to seek Drusus 296 Comes to Rome 298 Accused before the Consuls 299 Consented that the Emperour should take cognizance of it himself and why 299 Iudged by the Senate ib. Abandoned by his Wife 304 His Death ib. Contents of his last Letter 306 Which clears his Son of Treason ib. Who hath all his Fathers Estate 308 Piso L. inveighs against the Advocates 204 Commences a Law Suit against the Empress's Favourite ib. Appointed Advocate for Cn. Piso 299 Is for banishing Silâ—nus 373 Plancina her Riches puff up Piso 222 The Empress orders her to teaze Agrippina the Wife of Germanicus 223 Her Exercises not suitable to her Sex 243 Her insolent Discourses ib. Her Ioy at Germanicus's Death 273 Pardoned by Augustâ—'s means 304 Tiberius speaks for her 307 The People complain of it ib. Planâ—us Mâ—nalus Consular departed from the Senate to Germanicus in danger of being killed 84 Pliny the Historian what he says of Agrippina 133. Pomponius Flaccus Vice-Praetor of Maesia deceives Rhescuporis King of Thrace 261 Poverty when it proceeds neither from Luxury nor Debauch it ought to be relieved by the Prince 146 232 Without Reproach a Credit rather than Disgrace 371 Praetors Tiberius will not augment the Number settled by Augustus 43 A Senator proposes to nominate 60 at a time for 5 years instead of 12 yearly 206 Tiberius perceives the cunning 207 Pretexta what it is Vide Note h. 9 Priest of Iupiter when sick officiated for by the High Priest 362 His Place vacant 62 years ib. Must be absent from Rome but two days c. 377 Priests The Priests of Augustus 106 281 369 The Solian Priests or Priests of Mars 281 The Titian Priests 106 Priscus Luterius accused for composing an Elegy for Drusus 350 Lepidus spoke for him ib. Only one of the Consuls agreed with Lepidus 351 Priscus carried back to Prison and suffered ib. Publicus a Temple of Flora built by the Aediles Publicus and Lucius 234 Pyrrhus King of Epirus formidable to the Romans 255 Is advertised by them that his Physician would poison him 286 Q. Quirinus Publ. accuses his Wife of a supposititious child c. 314 His Age and means of Birth made him not a fit Husband for her 316 His Employs Death and Funeral 348 349 His Memory not agreeable to the Senate ib. R. Religion The Mysteries of Religion ought not to be divulged 148 All the Rites of it in the Cities of Italy subject to the Roman Empire 377 Remius lets Vonones go and after kills him 263 Revolt of the Cities of Gallia 341 Revolt of Arminius 109 Revolt of the Legions of Pannonia 46 It s Beginning ib. It s Progress 48 c. And End 69 70 Rhoemetalces succceeds to part of his Father's Estate 262 Rhescuporis Augustus divides Thrace between Rhescuporis and Cotys his Nephew 258 After the Death of Augustus Rhescuporis ravages the Land of Cotys ib. Invites him to an Interview makes him Prisoner 258 259 After kills him 260 Flaccus seizes him sends him to Rome where he is degraded 261 262 Is carried to Alexandria where he is slain 262 Rhine separates in Batavia as into two Rivers 171 Rome its Kings Vid. Notes 1 It s Dictators Vid. Note c. 2 Its Decemvirates Vid. Note d. 3 It s Military Tribunes 3 4 Its Tyrants Cinna Sylla and Caesar 4 Beautified by Augustus 29 It s multitude of Laws 324 As fatal to them as their Crimes 320 Rubrius accused of Perjury 142 Tiberius causes him to be absolved from it ib. Ruâ—illa Anna imprisoned for reproaching a Senator 337 Rufus Aufidienus Mareschal de Camp a rigorous observer of Military Discipline 54 Ruâ—us Trebellianus Tutor of K. Cotys his Children 262 340 The Thracians complained of him ib. S. Sabinus â—ontinues in the Government of Mesia 154 Sallustius Minister of State to Tiberius sends the order to kill young Agrippa 19 Says that a Prince ought never to reveal the Counsels of his Ministers ib. Stops the counterfeit Agrippa 215 216 His Death and Commendation 327 Sardis a City of Asia overturned by an Earthquake and assisted by Tiberius who remitted all their Taxes 230 231 Sanctuaries their Abuse 364 Reasons for them 365 366 The Senates Order 367 Sacrovir Iul. incensed Gallia to rebel 341 Fights for the Romans to betray them 342 Made himself Master of Angiers 343 His short Harangue 345 Is beaten and kills himself 347 Scaurus Mamercus offends Tiberius by the hopes he gave that Tiberius would accept the Empire 41 c. 316 330 371 Salonius Asinius his Death 381 Scribonia Augustus his first Wife 196 Scribonius L. Consul 161 Segestes a German Lord discovers the Plot against the Romans to Farus 109 Demands Succour from Germanicus against Arminius 113 His Harangue to Germanicus 115 His Daughter Wife of Arminius Prisoner of War 114 Brought to Bed of a Son 117 Segimer Brother to Segestes surrenders himself voluntarily to the Romans 138 His Son with difficulty obtains his Favour and why ib. Segimond Son of Segestes scruples to go find Germanicus and why 113 His Father asks pardon for him 117 Sâ—janus goes into Pannonia with Drusus Son of Tiberius 58 Foments the Hatred of Tiberius and the Empress against Agrippina 135 Cheats Cneius