far more rare less violent tending to and procuring the publick Good and therefore deserving praise The like having bin proved by the Examples of other Kingdoms and might be farther confirmed by many more which on account of brevity I omit is in my opinion sufficient to manifest that whilst the Foundation and Principle of a Government remains good the Superstructures may be changed according to occasions without any prejudice to it SECT XVIII Xenophon in blaming the Disorders of Democracies favours Aristocracies not Monarchies IN the next place our Author introduces Xenophon disallowing Popular Governments Cites Rome and Athens as places where the best Men thriv'd worst and the worst best and condemns the Romans for making it capital to pass Sentence of Death Banishment loss of Liberty or Stripes upon any Citizen of Rome But lest his Fraud in this should be detected he cites no precise Passage of any Author alledges few Examples and those mistaken never tells us what that Law was when made or where to be found whereas I hope to prove that he has upon the whole matter abominably prevaricated and advanced things that he knows to be either impertinent or false 1. To this end we are in the first place to consider whether Xenophon speaks of Popular Governments simply or comparatively if simply 't is confess'd that a pure Democracy can never be good unless for a small Town if comparatively we must examine to what he compares it We are sure it was not to Absolute Monarchy there was no such thing amongst the Greeks established by Law The little Tyrants who had enslaved their own Countries as Jason Phaereus Phalaris and the like had no pretence to it and were accounted as the worst of Beasts None but such as in all bestiality were like to them did ever speak or think well of them Xenophon's Opinion in this point may be easily found out by what pass'd between his Master Plato and the Sicilian Tyrant and the matter will not be mended by referring to his own experience He had seen the vast Monarchy of Persia torn in pieces by the fury of two Brothers and more than a million of men brought to fight upon their private quarrel Instead of that Order Stability and Strength which our Author ascribes to Absolute Monarchy as the effect of Wisdom and Justice he knew that by filling one man with pride and cruelty it brought unspeakable miseries upon all others and infected them with all the Vices that accompany Slavery Men lived like Fishes the great ones devour'd the small and as appeared by Tissaphernes Pharnabazus and others with whom he had to deal the worst and basest were made to be the greatest The Satrapes insulted over those of meaner rank with an insolence and cruelty that equal'd the depth of their servil submission to their proud Master Luxury and Avarice reigned in all many great Nations were made to live for the service of one man and to soment his Vices This produced weakness and cowardice no number of those Slaves were able to stand against a few free Grecians No man knew this better than Xenophon who after the death of Cyrus the younger and the treacherous murder of Clearchus and other Officers that commanded the Greeks who had served him made his retreat from Babylon to the Hellespont with ten thousand foot and passed over the bellies of all that dared to oppose him He would never have spent his life in exciting his Countrymen to attempt the Conquest of Asia nor perswaded Agesilaus to put himself at the head of the Enterprize if he had thought there was such admirable Order Stability and Strength in that Monarchy and in the Greeks nothing but giddiness of Spirit and so much Learning as made them seditious Nor could he being a wise Man and an excellent Captain have conceived such a design if he had not by experience found that Liberty inspir'd his Countrymen with such solid Virtue and produced such Stability good Order and Strength that with small numbers of them he might hope to overthrow the vain Pomp of the Barbarians and to possess himself of their Riches tho they could bring more than a hundred men to fight against one which Design being interrupted in his time by domestick Wars was soon after his death accomplished by Alexander But that Xenophon's meaning may be better understood 't is good to consider that he spoke of such Governments as were then in use among the Greeks which tho mixed yet took their denomination from the prevailing part so that the Dorians who placed the Power chiefly in the hands of a few chosen men were said to be governed Aristocratically and the Ionians giving more Power to the common People Democratically And he tho an Ionian either through friendship to Agesilaus conversation with the Spartans or for other reasons best known to himself preferr'd the Government of Sparta or some other which he thought he could frame and desir'd to introduce before that of Athens as Cimon Thucydides and many other excellent men of that City are said to have done And if I acknowledge they were in the right and that Athens was more subject to disorder and had less Stability than Sparta I think it will be of little advantage to Absolute Monarchy 2. The Athenians did banish some worthy men and put others to death but our Author like the Devil never speaking truth unless to turn it into a lie prevaricates in his report of them The temporary banishment which they called Ostracism was without hurt or dishonour never accounted as a Punishment nor intended for any other end than to put a stop to the too eminent greatness of a man that might prove dangerous to the City and some excellent Persons who fell under it were soon recalled and brought home with glory But I am not solicitous whether that reason be sufficient to justify it or not We are upon a general Thesis relating to the Laws of God and Nature and if the Athenians by a fancy of their own did make an imprudent use of their Liberty it cannot prejudice the publick Cause They who make the worst of it can only say that by such means they for a time deprived themselves of the benefits they might have received from the Virtues of some excellent men to the hurt of none but themselves and the application of it as an injustice done to Themistocles is absolutely false He was a man of great Wit Industry and Valour but of uncertain Faith too much addicted to his own Interest and held a most dangerous Correspondence with the Persians who then threatned the destruction of Greece Through envy and spite to Aristides and to increase his own Power he raised dangerous Factions in the City and being summoned to render an account of his Proceedings he declined the Judgment of his Country fled to their Enemies and justly deserved the Sentence pronounc'd against him Some among them were unjustly put to death and above all
from the ardency of a paternal Affection When Nero by the death of Helvidius Priscus and Thraseas endeavoured to cut up Vertue by the roots ipsam exscindere virtutem he did it because he knew it was good for the World that there should be no vertuous man in it When he fired the City and when Caligula wished the People had but one Neck that he might strike it off at one blow they did it through a prudent care of their Childrens good knowing that it would be for their advantage to be destroyed and that the empty desolated World would be no more troubled with popular Seditions By the same rule Pharaoh Eglon Nabuchodonosor Antiochus Herod and the like were Fathers of the Hebrews And without looking far backward or depending upon the Faith of History we may enumerate many Princes who in a paternal care of their People have not yielded to Nero or Caligula If our Author say true all those Actions of theirs which we have ever attributed to the utmost excess of Pride Cruelty Avarice and Perfidiousness proceeded from their princely Wisdom and fatherly Kindness to the Nations under them and we are beholden to him for the discovery of so great a Mystery which hath bin hid from mankind from the beginning of the World to this day if not we may still look upon them as Children of the Devil and continue to believe that Princes as well as other Magistrates were set up by the People for the publick Good that the Praises given to such as are Wise Just and Good are purely personal and can belong only to those who by a due exercise of their Power do deserve it and to no others CHAP. II. SECT I. That 't is natural for Nations to govern or to chuse Governors and that Vertue only gives a natural preference of one man above another or reason why one should be chosen rather than another IN this Chapter our Author fights valiantly against Bellarmin and Suarez seeming to think himself victorious if he can shew that either of them hath contradicted the other or himself but being no way concerned in them I shall leave their followers to defend their Quarrel My work is to seek after Truth and tho they may have said some things in matters not concerning their beloved Cause of Popery that are agreeable to Reason Law or Scripture I have little hope of finding it among those who apply themselves chiefly to School-Sophistry as the best means to support Idolatry That which I maintain is the Cause of Mankind which ought not to suffer tho Champions of corrupt Principles have weakly defended or maliciously betraid it and therefore not at all relying on their Authority I intend to reject whatsoever they say that agrees not with Reason Scripture or the approved Examples of the best polished Nations He also attacks Plato and Aristotle upon whose Opinions I set a far greater value in as much as they seem to have penetrated more deeply into the secrets of human Nature and not only to have judged more rightly of the Interests of Mankind but also to have comprehended in their Writings the Wisdom of the Grecians with all that they had learnt from the Phaenicians Egyptians and Hebrews which may lead us to the discovery of the Truth we seek If this be our work the question is not whether it be a Paradox or a received Opinion That People naturally govern or chuse Governors but whether it be true or not for many Paradoxes are true and the most gross Errors have often bin most common Tho I hope to prove that what he calls a Paradox is not only true but a Truth planted in the hearts of men and acknowledged so to be by all that have hearkned to the voice of Nature and disapproved by none but such as through wickedness stupidity or baseness of Spirit seem to have degenerated into the worst of beasts and to have retained nothing of men but the outward shape or the ability of doing those mischiefs which they have learnt from their Master the Devil We have already seen that the Patriarchical Power resembles not the Regal in principle or practice that the beginning and continuance of Regal Power was contrary to and inconsistent with the Patriarchical that the first Fathers of mankind left all their Children independent on each other and in an equal liberty of providing for themselves that every man continued in this liberty till the number so increased that they became troublesom and dangerous to each other and finding no other remedy to the disorders growing or like to grow among them joined many Families into one civil Body that they might the better provide for the conveniency safety and defence of themselves and their Children This was a collation of every man's private Right into a publick Stock and no one having any other right than what was common to all except it were that of Fathers over their Children they were all equally free when their Fathers were dead and nothing could induce them to join and lessen that natural liberty by joining in Societies but the hopes of a publick Advantage Such as were wise and valiant procured it by setting up regular Governments and placing the best Men in the administration whilst the weakest and basest fell under the power of the most boisterous and violent of their Neighbours Those of the first sort had their root in Wisdom and Justice and are called lawful Kingdoms or Commonwealths and the Rules by which they are governed are known by the name of Laws These Governments have ever bin the Nurses of Vertue The Nations living under them have flourished in Peace and Happiness or made Wars with Glory and Advantage whereas the other sort springing from Violence and Wrong have ever gone under the odious title of Tyrannies and by fomenting Vices like to those from whence they grew have brought shame and misery upon those who were subject to them This appears so plainly in Scripture that the assertors of Liberty want no other Patron than God himself and his Word so fully justifies what we contend for that it were not necessary to make use of human Authority if our Adversaries did not oblige us to examine such as are cited by them This in our present case would be an easy work if our Author had rightly marked the passages he would make use of or had bin faithful in his Interpretation or Explication of such as he truly cites but failing grosly in both 't is hard to trace him He cites the 16th Chapter of the third Book of Aristotle's Politicks and I do not find there is more than twelve or tho that Wound might be cured by saying the Words are in the twelfth his Fraud in perverting the Sense were unpardonable tho the other mistake be passed over 'T is true that Aristotle doth there seem to doubt whether there be any such thing as one man naturally a Lord over many Citizens since a City consists of Equals but
was as soon composed as the rebellion of the County of Vaux against the Canton of Bern and those few of the like nature that have happened among them have had the like Success So that Thuanus in the History of his time comprehending about fifty years and relating the horrid domestick and foreign Wars that distracted Germany France Spain Italy Flanders England Scotland Poland Denmark Sweden Hungary Transilvania Muscovy Turky Africk and other places has no more to say of them than to shew what Arts had bin in vain used to disturb their so much envied quiet But if the modest temper of the People together with the Wisdom Justice and Strength of their Government could not be discomposed by the measures of Spain and France by the industry of their Ambassadors or the malicious craft of the Jesuits we may safely conclude that their State is as well setled as any thing among men can be and can hardly comprehend what is like to interrupt it As much might be said of the Cities of the Hanseatick Society if they had an entire Soveraignty in themselves But the Cities of the United Provinces in the Low Countries being every one of them Soveraign within themselves and many in number still continuing in their Union in spite of all the endeavours that have bin used to divide them give us an example of such steddiness in practice and principle as is hardly to be parallel'd in the world and that undeniably prove a temper in their Constitutions directly opposite to that which our Author imputes to all popular Governments and if the Death of Barnevelt and De Wit or the preserment of some most unlike to them be taken for a testimony that the best men thrive worst and the worst best I hope it may be consider'd that those Violences proceeded from that which is most contrary to Popularity tho I am not very willing to explain it If these matters are not clear in themselves I desire they may be compared with what has happen'd between any Princes that from the beginning of the world have bin joined in League to each other whether they were of the same or of different Nations Let an example be brought of six thirteen or more Princes or Kings who enter'd into a League and sor the space of one or more ages did neither break it nor quarrel upon the explication of it Let the States of the Switzers Grisons or Hollanders be compared with that of France when it was sometimes divided between two three or four Brothers of Meroveus or Pepin's Races with the Heptarchy of England the Kingdoms of Leon Arragon Navarr Castille and Portugal under which the Christians in Spain were divided or those of Cordoua Sevil Malaga Granada and others under the Power of the Moors and if it be not evident that the popular States have bin remarkable for Peace among themselves constancy to their Union and Fidelity to the Leagues made with their Associates whereas all the abovementioned Kingdoms and such others as are known among men to have bin joined in the like Leagues were ever infested with domestick Rebellions and Quarrels arising from the Ambition of Princes so as no Confederacy could be so cautiously made but they would find ways to elude it or so solemn and sacred but they would in far less time break through it I will confess that Kingdoms have sometimes bin as free from civil disturbances and that Leagues made between several Princes have bin as constantly and religiously observed as by Commonwealths But if no such thing do appear in the world and no man who is not impudent or ignorant dare pretend it I may justly conclude that tho every Commonwealth hath its Action sutable to its Constitution and that many associated together are not so free from disturbances as those that wholly depend upon the Authority of a Mother City yet we know of none that have not bin and are more regular and quiet than any Principalities and as to Foreign Wars they seek or avoid them according to their various Constitutions SECT XXIII That is the best Government which best provides for War OUR Author having huddled up all popular and mixed Governments into one has in some measure forced me to explain the various Constitutions and Principles upon which they are grounded but as the wisdom of a Father is seen not only in providing Bread for his Family or encreasing his Patrimonial Estate but in making all possible provision for the security of it so that Government is evidently the best which not relying upon what it dos at first enjoy seeks to increase the number strength and riches of the People and by the best Discipline to bring the Power so improved into such order as may be of most use to the Publick This comprehends all things conducing to the administration of Justice the preservation of domestick Peace and the increase of Commerce that the People being pleased with their present condition may be filled with love to their Country encouraged to fight boldly for the publick Cause which is their own and as men do willingly join with that which prospers that Strangers may be invited to fix their Habitations in such a City and to espouse the principles that reign in it This is necessary for several reasons but I shall principally insist upon one which is that all things in their beginning are weak The Whelp of a Lion newly born has neither strength nor fierceness He that builds a City and dos not intend it should increase commits as great an absurdity as if he should desire his Child might ever continue under the same weakness in which he is born If it do not grow it must pine and perish for in this world nothing is permanent that which dos not grow better will grow worse This increase also is useless or perhaps hurtful if it be not in Strength as well as in Riches or Number for every one is apt to seize upon ill guarded Treasures and the terror that the City of London was possessed with when a few Dutch Ships came to Chatham shews that no numbers of men tho naturally valiant are able to defend themselves unless they be well arm'd disciplin'd and conducted Their multitude brings consusion their Wealth when 't is like to be made a prey increases the fears of the owners and they who if they were brought into good order might conquer a great part of the World being destitute of it durst not think of defending themselves If it be said that the wise Father mention'd by me endeavours to secure his Patrimony by Law not by Force I answer that all defence terminates in force and if a private man dos not prepare to defend his Estate with his own Force 't is because he lives under the protection of the Law and expects the force of the Magistrate should be a security to him but Kingdoms and Commonwealths acknowledging no Superior except God alone can reasonably hope to be protected
much as they who have a part cannot but have a right of defending that part Quia data facultate datur jus faculiatem tuendi without which it could be of no effect The particular limits of the Rights belonging to each can only be judged by the precise Letter or general Intention of the Law The Dukes of Venice have certainly a part in the Government and could not be called Magistrates if they had not They are said to be supreme all Laws and publick Acts bear their Names The Ambassador of that State speaking to Pope Paul the 5th denied that he acknowledged any other Superior than God But they are so well known to be under the Power of the Law that divers of them have bin put to death for transgressing it and a marble Gallows is seen at the foot of the stairs in St. Mark 's Palace upon which some of them and no others have bin executed But if they may be duly opposed when they commit undue Acts no man of judgment will deny that if one of them by an outragious Violence should endeavour to overthrow the Law he might by violence be suppressed and chastised Again some Magistrates are entrusted with a power of providing Ships Arms Ammunition and Victuals for War raising and disciplining Soldiers appointing Officers to command in Forts and Garisons and making Leagues with Foreign Princes and States But if one of these should imbezel sell or give to an Enemy those Ships Arms Ammunition or Provisions betray the Forts employ only or principally such men as will serve him in those wicked Actions and contrary to the trust reposed in him make such Leagues with Foreigners as tend to the advancement of his personal Interests and to the detriment of the Publick he abrogates his own Magistracy and the Right he had perishes as the Lawyers say frustratione finis He cannot be protected by the Law which he has overthrown nor obtain impunity for his Crimes from the Authority that was conferred upon him only that he might do good with it He was singulis major on account of the excellence of his Office but universis minor from the nature and end of his institution The surest way of extinguishing his Prerogative was by turning it to the hurt of those who gave it When matters are brought to this posture the Author of the mischief or the Nation must perish A Flock cannot subsist under a Shepherd that seeks its ruin nor a People under an unfaithful Magistrate Honour and Riches are justly heaped upon the heads of those who rightly perform their duty because the difficulty as well as the excellency of the work is great It requires Courage Experience Industry Fidelity and Wisdom The good Shepherd says our Saviour says down his life for his Sheep The Hireling who flies in time of danger is represented under an ill character but he that sets himself to destroy his Flock is a Wolf His Authority is incompatible with their subsistence and whoever disapproves Tumults Seditions or War by which he may be removed from it if gentler means are ineffectual subverts the Foundation of all Law exalts the fury of one man to the destruction of a Nation and giving an irresistible Power to the most abominable Iniquity exposes all that are good to be destroy'd and Virtue to be utterly extinguished Few will allow such a Preeminence to the Dukes of Venice or Genoa the Advoyers of Switzerland or the Burgomasters of Amsterdam Many will say these are Rascals if they prove false and ought rather to be hang'd than suffer'd to accomplish the Villanies they design But if this be confess'd in relation to the highest Magistrates that are among those Nations why should not the same be in all others by what name soever they are called When did God confer upon those Nations the extraordinary privilege of providing better for their own safety than others Or was the Gift universal tho the Benefit accrue only to those who have banished great Titles from among them If this be so 't is not their Felicity but their Wisdom that we ought to admire and imitate But why should any think their Ancestors had not the same care Have not they who retain'd in themselves a Power over a Magistrate of one name the like over another Is there a charm in words or any name of such efficacy that he who receives it should immediately become Master of those that created him whereas all others do remain for ever subject to them Would the Venetian Government change its nature if they should give the name of King to their Prince Are the Polanders less free since the title of King is conferr'd upon their Dukes or are the Moscovites less Slaves because their chief Magistrate has no other than that of Duke If we examine things but a little 't will appear that Magistrates have enjoy'd large Powers who never had the name of Kings and none were ever more restrained by Laws than those of Sparta Arragon the Goths in Spain Hungary Bohemia Sweden Denmark Poland and others who had that Title There is therefore no such thing as a Right universally belonging to a Name but every one enjoys that which the Laws by which he is confer upon him The Law that gives the Power regulates it and they who give no more than what they please cannot be obliged to suffer him to whom they give it to take more than they thought fit to give or to go unpunished if he do The Agreements made are always confirmed by Oath and the treachery of violating them is consequently aggravated by Perjury They are good Philosophers and able Divines who think this can create a Right to those who had none or that the Laws can be a protection to such as overthrow them and give opportunity of doing the mischiefs they design If it do not then he that was a Magistrate by such actions returns into the condition of a private man and whatever is lawful against a Thief who submits to no Law is lawful against him Men who delight in cavils may ask Who shall be the Judg of these occasions and whether I intend to give to the People the decision of their own Cause To which I answer that when the Contest is between the Magistrate and the People the party to which the determination is referred must be the Judg of his own case and the question is only Whether the Magistrate should depend upon the Judgment of the People or the People on that of the Magistrate and which is most to be suspected of injustice That is whether the people of Rome should judg Tarquin or Tarquin judg the people He that knew all good men abhorred him for the murder of his Wife Brother Father-in-law and the best of the Senate would certainly strike off the heads of the most eminent remaining Poppies and having incurr'd the general hatred of the people by the wickedness of his Government he seared revenge and endeavouring to
Crown till after the death of his two Bastards Lewis and Carloman Charles le Gros and Eudes Duke of Anjou Charles le Gros was deposed from the Empire and Kingdom strip'd of his goods and left to perish through poverty in an obscure Village Charles the Simple and the Nations under him thrived no better Robert Duke of Anjou raised War against him and was crown'd at Rheims but was himself slain soon after in a bloody battel near Soissons His Son-in-law Hebert Earl of Vermandois gathered up the remains of his scatter'd party got Charles into his power and called a General Assembly of Estates who deposed him and gave the Crown to Raoul Duke of Burgundy tho he was no otherwise related to the Royal Blood than by his Mother which in France is nothing at all He being dead Lewis Son to the deposed Charles was made King but his Reign was as inglorious to him as miserable to his Subjects This is the Peace which the French enjoy'd for the space of five or six Ages under their Monarchy and 't is hard to determine whether they suffer'd most by the Violence of those who possessed or the Ambition of others who aspired to the Crown and whether the fury of active or the baseness of slothful Princes was most pernicious to them But upon the whole matter through the defects of those of the latter sort they lost all that they had gained by sweat and blood under the conduct of the former Henry and Otho of Saxony by a Virtue like that of Charlemagne deprived them of the Empire and settled it in Germany leaving France only to Lewis sirnamed Outremer and his Son Lothair These seemed to be equally composed of Treachery Cruelty Ambition and Baseness They were always mutinous and always beaten Their frantick Passions put them always upon unjust Designs and were such plagues to their Subjects and Neighbours that they became equally detested and despised These things extinguished the veneration due to the memory of Pepin and Charles and obliged the whole Nation rather to seek relief from a Stranger than to be ruin'd by their worthless Descendents They had tried all ways that were in their power deposed four crowned Kings within the space of a hundred and fifty years crowned five who had no other Title than the People conferred upon them and restored the Descendents of those they had rejected but all was in vain Their Vices were incorrigible the Mischiefs produc'd by them intolerable they never ceased from murdering one another in battel or by treachery and bringing the Nation into Civil Wars upon their wicked or foolish quarrels till the whole Race was rejected and the Crown placed upon the head of Hugh Capet These mischiefs raged not in the same extremity under him and his Descendents but the abatement proceeded from a cause no way advantagious to Absolute Monarchy The French were by their Calamities taught more strictly to limit the Regal Power and by turning the Dukedoms and Earldoms into Patrimonies which had bin Offices gave an Authority to the chief of the Nobility by which that of Kings was curbed and tho by this means the Commonalty was exposed to some Pressures yet they were small in comparison of what they had suffer'd in former times When many great men had Estates of their own that did not depend upon the Will of Kings they grew to love their Country and tho they chearfully served the Crown in all cases of publick concernment they were not easily engaged in the personal quarrels of those who possessed it or had a mind to gain it To preserve themselves in this condition they were obliged to use their Vassals gently and this continuing in some measure till within the last fifty years the Monarchy was less tumultuous than when the King 's Will had bin less restrained Nevertheless they had not much reason to boast there was a Root still remaining that from time to time produced poisonous Fruit Civil Wars were frequent among them tho not carried on with such desperate madness as formerly and many of them upon the account of disputes between Competitors for the Crown All the Wars with England since Edward II. married Isabella Daughter and as he pretended Heir of Philip Le Bel were of this nature The defeats of Crecy Poitiers and Agincourt with the slaughters and devastations suffer'd from Edward III. the black Prince and Henry V. were merely upon Contests for the Crown and for want of an Interpreter of the Law of Succession who might determine the question between the Heir Male and the Heir General The Factions of Orleans and Burgundy Orleans and Armignac proceeded from the same Spring and the Murders that seem to have bin the immediate causes of those Quarrels were only the effects of the hatred growing from their competition The more odious tho less bloody Contests between Lewis the 11 th and his Father Charles the 7 th with the jealousy of the former against his Son Charles the 8 th arose from the same Principle Charles of Bourbon prepared to fill France with Fire and Blood upon the like quarrel when his designs were overthrown by his death in the assault of Rome If the Dukes of Guise had bin more fortunate they had soon turned the cause of Religion into a claim to the Crown and repair'd the Injury done as they pretended to Pepin's Race by destroying that of Capet And Henry the third thinking to prevent this by the slaughter of Henry le Balafré and his Brother the Cardinal de Guise brought ruin upon himself and cast the Kingdom into a most horrid confusion Our own Age furnishes us with more than one attempt of the same kind attended with the like success The Duke of Orleans was several times in arms against Lewis the 13 th his Brother the Queen-mother drew the Spaniards to favour him Montmorency perished in his Quarrel Fontrailles reviv'd it by a Treaty with Spain which struck at the King's head as well as the Cardinal 's and was suppress'd by the death of Cinq Mars and de Thou Those who understand the Affairs of that Kingdom make no doubt that the Count de Soissons would have set up for himself and bin follow'd by the best part of France if he had not bin kill'd in the pursuit of his Victory at the Battel of Sedan Since that time the Kingdom has suffer'd such Disturbances as show that more was intended than the removal of Mazarin And the Marechal de Turenne was often told that the check he gave to the Prince of Condé at Gien after he had defeated Hocquincourt had preserved the Crown upon the King's head And to testify the Stability good Order and domestick Peace that accompanies Absolute Monarchy we have in our own days seen the House of Bourbon often divided within it self the Duke of Orleans the Count de Soissons the Princes of Condé and Conti in war against the King the Dukes of Angoulesme Vendome Longueville the Count
doing the like unless they have made municipal Laws of their own to the contrary which our Author and his Followers may produce when they can find them His next work is to go back again to the Tribute paid by Christ to Cesar and judiciously to infer that all Nations must pay the same Duty to their Magistrates as the Jews did to the Romans who had subdued them Christ did not says he ask what the Law of the Land was nor inquire whether there was a Statute against it nor whether the Tribute were given by the consent of the People but upon sight of the superscription concluded c. It had bin strange if Christ had inquired after their Laws Statutes or Consent when he knew that their Commonwealth with all the Laws by which it had subsisted was abolished and that Israel was become a Servant to those who exercised a most violent domination over them which being a peculiar punishment for their peculiar sins can have no influence upon Nations that are not under the same circumstances But of all that he says nothing is more incomprehensible than what he can mean by lawful Kings to whom all is due that was due to the Roman Usurpers For lawful Kings are Kings by the Law In being Kings by the Law they are such Kings as the Law makes them and that Law only must tell us what is due to them or by a universal Patriarchical Right to which no man can have a title as is said before till he prove himself to be the right Heir of Noah If neither of these are to be regarded but that Right follows Possession there is no such thing as a Usurper he who has the Power has the Right as indeed Filmer says and his Wisdom as well as his Integrity is sufficiently declared by the Assertion This wicked extravagancy is followed by an attempt of as singular ignorance and stupidity to shuffle together Usurpers and Conquerors as if they were the same whereas there have bin many Usurpers who were not Conquerors and Conquerors that deserved not the name of Usurpers No wife man ever said that Agathocles or Dionysius conquer'd Syracuse Tarquin Galba or Otho Rome Cromwel England or that the Magi who seiz'd the Government of Persia after the death of Cambyses conquer'd that Country When Moses and Joshua had overthrown the Kingdoms of the Amorites Moabites and Cananites or when David subdued the Ammonites Edomites and others none as I suppose but such Divines as Filmer will say they usurped a Dominion over them There is such a thing amongst men as just War or else true Valour would not be a Virtue but a Crime and instead of glory the utmost infamy would always be the companion of Victory There are says Grotius Laws of War as well as of Peace He who for a just Cause and by just Means carries on a just War has as clear a right to what is acquired as can be enjoy'd by Man but all usurpation is detestable and abominable SECT X. The words of St. Paul enjoying obedience to higher Powers favour all sorts of Governments no less than Monarchy OUR Author's next quarrel is with St. Paul who did not as he says in enjoyning subjection to the higher Powers signify the Laws of the Land or mean the highest Powers as well Aristocratical and Democratical as Regal but a Monarch that carries the Sword c. But what if there be no Monarch in the place or what if he do not carry the Sword Had the Apostle spoken in vain if the liberty of the Romans had not bin overthrown by the fraud and violence of Cesar Was no obedience to be exacted whilst that people enjoy'd the benefit of their own Laws and Virtue flourished under the moderate Government of a legal and just Magistracy established for the common good by the common consent of all Had God no Minister amongst them till Law and Justice was overthrown the best part of the people destroy'd by the fury of a corrupt mercenary Souldiery and the world subdued under the Tyranny of the worst Monsters that it had ever produced Are these the ways of establishing God's Vicegerents and will he patronize no Governors or Governments but such as these Do's God uphold evil and that only If the world has bin hitherto mistaken in giving the name of evil to that which is good and calling that good which is evil I desire to know what can be call'd good amongst men if the Government of the Romans till they entred Greece and Asia and were corrupted by the Luxury of both do not deserve that name or what is to be esteemed evil if the establishment and exercise of the Cesars Power were not so But says he Wilt thou not be afraid of the Power And was there no Power in the Governments that had no Monarchs Were the Carthaginians Romans Grecians Gauls Germans and Spaniards without Power Was there no Sword in that Nation and their Magistrates who overthrew the Kingdoms of Armenia Egypt Numidia Macedon and many others whom none of the Monarchs were able to resist Are the Venetians Switzers Grisons and Hollanders now lest in the same weakness and no obedience at all due to their Magistrates If this be so how comes it to pass that justice is so well administred amongst them Who is it that defends the Hollanders in such a manner that the greatest Monarchs with all their Swords have had no great reason to boast of any advantages gained against them at least till we whom they could not resist when we had no Monarch tho we have bin disgracefully beaten by them since we had one by making Leagues against them and sowing divisions amongst them instigated and assisted the greatest Power now in the world to their destruction and our own But our Author is so accustom'd to fraud that he never cites a passage of Scripture which he does not abuse or vitiate and that he may do the same in this place he leaves out the following words For there is no power but of God that he might intitle one sort only to his protection If therefore the People and popular Magistrates of Athens the two Kings Ephori and Senate of Sparta the Sanhedrims amongst the Hebrews the Consuls Tribuns Pretors and Senate of Rome the Magistrates of Holland Switzerland and Venice have or had power we may conclude that they also were ordained by God and that according to the precept of the Apostle the same obedience sor the same reason is due to them as to any Monarch The Apostle farther explaining himself and shewing who may be accounted a Magistrate and what the duty of such a one is informs us when we should fear and on what account Rulers says he are not a terror to good works but to the evil Wilt thou then not be afraid of the Power do that which is good and thou shalt have praise of the same for he is the Minister of God a revenger to execute wrath
Countries they enslaved But if this be equally false sottish absurd and execrable all those Epithets belong to our Author and his Doctrine for attempting to depress all modest and regular Magistracies and endeavouring to corrupt the Scripture to patronize the greatest of Crimes No man therefore who does not delight in error can think that the Apostle designed precisely to determin such questions as might arise concerning any one mans right or in the least degree to prefer any one form of Government before another In acknowledging the Magistrate to be Man's Ordinance he declares that Man who makes him to be may make him to be what he pleaseth and tho there is found more prudence and virtue in one Nation than in another that Magistracy which is established in any one ought to be obeyed till they who made the establishment think fit to alter it All therefore whilst they continue are to be look'd upon with the same respect Every Nation acting freely has an equal right to frame their own Government and to employ such Officers as they please The Authority Right and Power of these must be regulated by the judgment right and power of those who appoint them without any relation at all to the name that is given for that is no way essential to the thing The same name is frequently given to those who differ exceedingly in right and power and the same right and power is as osten annexed to Magistracies that differ in name The same power which had bin in the Roman Kings was given to the Consuls and that which had bin legally in the Dictators for a time not exceeding six months was asterwards usurped by the Cesars and made perpetual The supreme Power which some pretend belongs to all Kings has bin and is enjoy'd in the fullest extent by such as never had the name and no Magistracy was ever more restrain'd than those that had the name of Kings in Sparta Arragon England Poland and other places They therefore that did thus institute regulate and restrain create Magistracies and give them names and powers as seemed best to them could not but have in themselves the coercive as well as the directive over them for the regulation and restriction is coercion but most of all the institution by which they could make them to be or not to be As to the exterior force 't is sometimes on the side of the Magistrate and sometimes on that of the People and as Magistrates under several names have the same work incumbent upon them and the same Power to perform it the same Duty is to be exacted from them and rendred to them which being distinctly proportion'd by the Laws of every Country I may conclude that all Magistratical Power being the Ordinance of Man in pursuance of the Ordinance of God receives its being and measure from the Legislative Power of every Nation And whether the power be placed simply in one a few or many men or in one body composed of the three simple Species whether the single Person be called King Duke Marquess Emperor Sultan Mogol or Grand Signor or the number go under the name of Senat Council Pregadi Diet Assembly of Estates and the like 't is the same thing The same obedience is equally due to all whilst according to the Precept of the Apostle they do the work of God for our good and if they depart from it no one of them has a better Title than the other to our obedience SECT XIII Laws were made to direct and instruct Magistrates and if they will not be directed to restrain them I Know not who they are that our Author introduces to say that the first invention of Laws was to bridle or moderate the overgreat Power of Kings and unless they give some better proof of their judgment in other things shall little esteem them They should have considered that there are Laws in many places where there are no Kings that there were Laws in many before there were Kings as in Israel the Law was given three hundred years before they had any but most especially that as no man can be a rightful King except by Law nor have any just Power but from the Law if that Power be found to be overgreat the Law that gave it must have bin before that which was to moderate or restrain it for that could not be moderated which was not in being Leaving therefore our Author to fight with these Adversaries if he please when he finds them I shall proceed to examin his own Positions The truth is says he the Original of Laws was for the keeping of the Multitude in order Popular Estates could not subsist at all without Laws whereas Kingdoms were govern'd many Ages without them The People of Athens as soon as they gave over Kings were forced to give power to Draco first then to Solon to make them Laws If we will believe him therefore wheresoever there is a King or a man who by having power in his hands is in the place of a King there is no need of Law He takes them all to be so wise just and good that they are Laws to themselves Leges viventes This was certainly verified by the whole succession of the Cesars the ten last Kings of Pharamond's Race all the Successors of Charles the Great and others that I am not willing to name but referring my self to History I desire all reasonable men to consider whether the piety and tender care that was natural to Caligula Nero or Domitian was such a security to the Nations that lived under them as without Law to be sufficient for their preservation for if the contrary appear to be true and that their Government was a perpetual exercise of rage malice and madness by which the worst of men were armed with power to destroy the best so that the Empire could only be saved by their destruction 't is most certain that mankind can never fall into a condition which stands more in need of Laws to protect the innocent than when such Monsters reign who endeavour their extirpation and are too well furnished with means to accomplish their detestable designs Without any prejudice therefore to the Cause that I defend I might confess that all Nations were at the first governed by Kings and that no Laws were imposed upon those Kings till they or the Successors of those who had bin advanced for their virtues by falling into Vice and Corruption did manifestly discover the inconveniences of depending upon their will Besides these there are also children women and fools that often come to the succession of Kingdoms whose weakness and ignorance stands in as great need of support and direction as the desperate fury of the others can do of restriction And if some Nations had bin so sottish not to foresee the mischief of leaving them to their will others or the same in succeeding Ages discovering them could no more be obliged to continue in so pernicious a
a Commonwealths-man as Cato but the washed Swine will return to the Mire He overthrows all by a preposterous conjunction of the rights os Kings which are just and by Law with those of Tyrants which are utterly against Law and gives the sacred and gentle name os Father to those Beasts who by their actions declare themselves enemies not only to all Law and Justice but to Mankind that cannot subsist without them This requires no other proof than to examine whether Attila or Tamerlan did well deserve to be called Fathers of the Countries they destroy'd The first of these was usually called the scourge of God and he gloried in the Name The other being reproved for the detestable cruelties he exercised made answer You speak to me as to a man I am not a man but the scourge of God and plague of Mankind This is certainly sweet and gentle Language savouring much of a fatherly tenderness There is no doubt that those who use it will provide for the safety of the Nations under them and the preservation of the Laws of Nature is rightly referred to them and 't is very probable that they who came to burn the Countries and destroy the Nations that fell under their power should make it their business to preserve them and look upon the former Governors as their Fathers whose acts they were obliged to confirm tho they seldom attained to the Dominion by any other means than the slaughter of them and their Families But if the enmity be not against the Nation and the cause of the war be only for Dominion against the ruling Person or Family as that of Baasha against the house of Jeroboam of Zimri against that of Baasha of Omri against Zimri and of Jehu against Joram the prosecution of it is a strange way of becoming the Son of the Person destroyed And Filmer alone is subtil enough to discover that Jehu by extinguishing the house of Ahab drew an obligation upon himself of looking on him as his Father and confirming his acts If this be true Moses was obliged to confirm the acts of the Kings of the Amalekites Moabites and Amorites that he destroy'd the same duty lay upon Joshua in relation to the Cananites but 't is not so easily decided to which of them he did owe that deference for the same could not be due to all and 't is hard to believe that by killing above thirty Kings he should purchase to himself so many Fathers and the like may be said of divers others Moreover there is a sort of Tyrant who has no Father as Agathocles Dionysius Cesar and generally all those who subvert the Liberties of their own Countrey And if they stood obliged to look upon the former Magistrates as their Predecessors and to confirm their Acts the first should have bin to give impunity and reward to any that would kill them it having bin a fundamental Maxim in those States That any man might kill a Tyrant This being in all respects ridiculous and absurd 't is evident that our Author who by proposing such a false security to Nations for their Liberties endeavours to betray them is not less treacherous to Kings when under a pretence of defending their rights he makes them to be the same with those of Tyrants who are known to have none and are Tyrants because they have none and gives no other hopes to Nations of being preserved by the Kings they set up for that end than what upon the same account may be expected from Tyrants whom all wise men have ever abhorr'd and affirmed to have bin produced to bring destruction upon the World and whose Lives have verifi'd the Sentence This is truly to depose and abolish Kings by abolishing that by which and for which they are so The greatness of their Power Riches State and the pleasures that accompany them cannot but create enemies Some will envy that which is accounted Happiness others may dislike the use they make of their Power some may be unjustly exasperated by the best of their Actions when they find themselves incommoded by them others may be too severe judges of slight miscarriages These things may reasonably temper the joys of those who delight most in the advantages of Crowns But the worst and most dangerous of all their enemies are these accursed Sycophants who by making those that ought to be the best of men like to the worst destroy their Being and by perswading the world they aim at the same things and are bound to no other rule than is common to all Tyrants give a fair pretence to ill men to say They are all of one kind And if this should be received for truth even they who think the miscarriages of their Governors may be easily redressed and desire no more would be the most fierce in procuring the destruction of that which is naught in Principle and cannot be corrected SECT XVII Kings cannot be the Interpreters of the Oaths they take OUR Author's Book is so full of absurdities and contradictions that it would be a rope of Sand if a continued series of frauds did not like a string of Poisons running through the whole give it some consistence with it self and shew it to be the work of one and the same hand After having endeavoured to subvert the Laws of God Nature and Nations most especially our own by abusing the Scriptures falsly alledging the Authority of many good Writers and seeking to obtrude upon Mankind a universal Law that would take from every Nation the right of constituting such Governments within themselves as seem most convenient for them and giving rules for the administration of such as they had established he gives us a full view of his Religion and Morals by destroying the force of the Oath taken by our Kings at their Coronation Others says he affirm that although Laws of themselves do not bind Kings yet the Oaths of Kings at their Coronation tie them to keep all the Laws of their Kingdoms How far this is true let us but examine the Oath of the Kings of England at their Coronation the words whereof are these Art thou pleased to cause to be administred in all thy judgments indifferent and upright Justice and to use discretion with Mercy and Verity Art thou pleased that our upright Laws and Customs be observed and dost thou promise that those shall be protected and maintained by thee c. To which the King answers in the Affirmative being first demanded by the Archbishop of Canterbury Pleaseth it you to confirm and observe the Laws and Customs of the antient times granted from God by just and devout Kings unto the English Nation by Oath unto the said People especially the Laws Liberties and Customs granted unto the Clergy and Laity by the famous King Edward From this he infers That the King is not to observe all Laws but such as are upright because he finds evil Laws mention'd in the Oath of Richard the
and the Verdict is from them tho the Judges having heard the point argued declare the sense of the Law thereupon Wherefore if I should grant that the King might personally assist in judgments his work could only be to prevent frauds and by the advice of the Judges to see that the Laws be duly executed or perhaps to inspect their behaviour If he has more than this it must be by virtue of his politick capacity in which he is understood to be always present in the principal Courts where Justice is always done whether he who wears the Crown be young or old wise or ignorant good or bad or whether he like or dislike what is done Moreover as Governments are instituted for the obtaining of Justice and the King is in a great measure entrusted with the power of executing it 't is probable that the Law would have required his presence in the distribution if there had bin but one Court that at the same time he could be present in more than one that it were certain he would be guilty of no miscarriages that all miscarriages were to be punished in him as well as in the Judges or that it were certain he should always be a man of such wisdom industry experience and integrity as to be an assistance to and a watch over those who are appointed for the administration of Justice But there being many Courts sitting at the same time of equal Authority in several places far distant from each other impossible for the King to be present in all no manner of assurance that the same or greater miscarriages may not be committed in his presence than in his absence by himself than others no opportunity of punishing every delict in him without bringing the Nation into such disorder as may be of more prejudice to the publick than an injury done to a private man the Law which intends to obviate offences or to punish such as cannot be obviated has directed that those men should be chosen who are most knowing in it imposes an Oath upon them not to be diverted from the due course of justice by fear or favour hopes or reward particularly by any command from the King and appoints the severest punishments for them if they prove false to God and their Country If any man think that the words cited from Bracton by our Author upon the question Quis primo principaliter possit debeat judicare c. Sciendum est quod Rex non alius si solus ad haec sufficere possit cum ad hoc per virtutem Sacramenti teneatur are contrary to what I have said I desire the context may be considered that his opinion may be truly understood tho the words taken simply and nakedly may be enough for my purpose For 't is ridiculous to infer that the King has a right of doing any thing upon a supposition that 't is impossible for him to do it He therefore who says the King cannot do it says it must be done by others or not at all But having already proved that the King merely as King has none of the qualities required for judging all or any cases and that many Kings have all the desects of age and person that render men most unable and unfit to give any Sentence we may conclude without contradicting Bracton that no King as King has a power of judging because some of them are utterly unable and unfit to do it and if any one has such a power it must be confer'd upon him by those who think him able and fit to perform that work When Filmer finds such a man we must inquire into the extent of that power which is given to him but this would be nothing to his general proposition sor he himself would hardly have inferr'd that because a power of judging in some cases was conserred upon one Prince on account of his fitness and ability therefore all of them however unfit and unable have a power of deciding all cases Besides if he believe Bracton this power of judging is not inherent in the King but incumbent upon him by virtue of his Oath which our Author endeavours to enervate and annul But as that Oath is grounded upon the Law and the Law cannot presume impossibilities and absurdities it cannot intend and the Oath cannot require that a man should do that which he is unable and unfit to do Many Kings are unfit to judg causes the Law cannot therefore intend they should do it The Context also shews that this imagination of the King 's judging all causes if he could is merely Chymerical for Bracton says in the same Chapter that the power of the King is the power of the Law that is that he has no power but by the Law And the Law that aims at justice cannot make it to depend upon the uncertain humour of a Child a Woman or a foolish Man for by that means it would destroy it self The Law cannot therefore give any such power and the King cannot have it If it be said that all Kings are not so that some are of mature age wise just and good or that the question is not what is good sor the Subject but what is glorious to the King and that he must not lose his right tho the People perish I answer first that whatsoever belongs to Kings as Kings belongs to all Kings this Power of judging cannot belong to all for the Reasons above mentioned it cannot therefore belong to any as King nor without madness be granted to any till he has given testimony of such Wisdom Experience Diligence and Goodness as is required for so great a work It imports not what his Ancestors were Virtues are not entail'd and it were less improper for the Heirs of Hales and Harvey to pretend that the Clients and Patients of their Ancestors should depend upon their advice in matters of Law and Physick than for the Heirs of a great and wise Prince to pretend to Powers given on account of virtue if they have not the same talents for the performance of the works required Common sense declares that Governments are instituted and Judicatures erected for the obtaining of justice The Kings Bench was not established that the Chief Justice should have a great Office but that the oppressed should be relieved and right done The Honor and Profit he receives comes in as it were by accident as the rewards of his service if he rightly perform his duty but he may as well pretend he is there for his own sake as the King God did not set up Moses or Joshua that they might glory in having six hundred thousand men under their command but that they might lead the People into the Land they were to possess that is they were not for themselves but for the People and the glory they acquir'd was by rightly performing the end of their institution Even our Author is obliged to confess this when he says that the Kings Prerogative
is instituted for the good of those that are under it 'T is therefore for them that he enjoys it and it can no otherwise subsist than in concurrence with that end He also yields that the safety of the People is the supreme Law The right therefore that the King has must be conformable and subordinate to it If any one therefore set up an interest in himself that is not so he breaks this supreme Law he doth not live and reign for his People but for himself and by departing from the end of his institution destroys it and if Aristotle to whom our Author seems to have a great deference deserves credit such a one ceases to be a King and becomes a Tyrant he who ought to have bin the best of men is turned into the worst and he who is recommended to us under the name of a Father becomes a publick Enemy to the People The question therefore is not what is good for the King but what is good for the People and he can have no right repugnant to them Bracton is not more gentle The King says he is obliged by his Oath to the utmost of his power to preserve the Church and the Christian World in peace to hinder rapine and all manner of iniquity to cause justice and mercy to be observed He has no power but from the Law that only is to be taken for Law quod recté fuerit definitum he is therefore to cause justice to be done according to that rule and not to pervert it for his own pleasure profit or glory He may chuse Judges also not such as will be subservient to his will but Viros sapientes timentes Deum in quibus est veritas eloquiorum qui oderunt avaritiam Which proves that Kings and their Officers do not possess their places for themselves but for the People and must be such as are fit and able to perform the duties they undertake The mischievous fury of those who assume a power above their abilities is well represented by the known fable of Phaeton they think they desire fine things for themselves when they seek their own ruin In conformity to this the same Bracton says that If any man who is unskilful assume the seat of justice he falls as from a Precipice c. and 't is the same thing as if a sword be put into the hand of a mad man which cannot but affect the King as well as those who are chosen by him If he neglect the functions of his Office he dos unjustly and becomes the Vicegerent of the Devil for he is the Minister of him whose works he dos This is Bracton's opinion but desiring to be a more gentle Interpreter of the Law I only wish that Princes would consider the end of their institution endeavour to perform it measure their own abilities content themselves with that power which the Laws allow and abhor those Wretches who by flattery and lies endeavour to work upon their frailest Passions by which means they draw upon them that hatred of the People which frequently brings them to destruction Tho Ulpian's words Princeps legibus non tenetur be granted to have bin true in fact with relation to the Roman Empire in the time when he lived yet they can conclude nothing against us The Liberty of Rome had bin overthrown long before by the power of the Sword and the Law render'd subservient to the will of the Usurpers They were not Englishmen but Romans who lost the Battels of Pharsalia and Philippi The Carcases of their Senators not ours were exposed to the Wolves and Vulturs Pompeius Scipio Lentulus Afranius Petreius Cato Cassius and Brutus were defenders of the Roman not the English Liberty and that of their Country not ours could only be lost by their defeat Those who were destroy'd by the Proscriptions left Rome not England to be enslaved If the best had gained the victory it could have bin no advantage to us and their overthrow can be no prejudice Every Nation is to take care of their own Laws and whether any one has had the Wisdom Virtue Fortune and Power to defend them or not concerns only themselves The Examples of great and good men acting freely deserve consideration but they only perish by the ill success of their designs and whatsoever is afterwards done by their subdued Posterity ought to have no other effect upon the rest of the world than to admonish them so to join in the defence of their Liberties as never to be brought under the necessity of acting by the command of one to the prejudice of themselves and their Country If the Roman greatness perswade us to put an extraordinary value upon what passed among them we ought rather to examin what they did said or thought when they enjoy'd that Liberty which was the Mother and Nurse of their Virtue than what they suffer'd or were forc'd to say when they were fallen under that Slavery which produced all manner of corruption and made them the most base and miserable People of the world For what concerns us the Actions of our Ancestors resemble those of the antient rather than the later Romans tho our Government be not the same with theirs in form yet it is in principle and if we are not degenerated we shall rather desire to imitate the Romans in the time of their virtue glory power and felicity than what they were in that of their slavery vice shame and misery In the best times when the Laws were more powerful than the commands of men fraud was accounted a crime so detestable as not to be imputed to any but Slaves and he who had sought a power above the Law under colour of interpreting it would have bin exposed to scorn or greater punishments if any can be greater than the just scorn of the best men And as neither the Romans nor any people of the world have better defended their Liberties than the English Nation when any attempt has bin made to oppress them by force they ought to be no less careful to preserve them from the more dangerous efforts of fraud and falshood Our Ancestors were certainly in a low condition in the time of William the First Many of their best men had perished in the Civil Wars or with Harold their valour was great but rough and void of skill The Normans by frequent Expeditions into France Italy and Spain had added subtilty to the boisterous violence of their native climate William had engaged his Faith but broke it and turned the power with which he was entrusted to the ruin of those that had trusted him He destroy'd many worthy men carried others into Normandy and thought himself Master of all He was crafty bold and elated with Victory but the resolution of a brave People was invincible When their Laws and Liberties were in danger they resolved to die or to defend them and made him see he could no otherwise preserve his Crown
beyond or contrary to the true meaning of it private men who swear obedience ad legem swear no obedience extra or contra Legem whatsoever they promise or swear can detract nothing from the publick Liberty which the Law principally intends to preserve Tho many of them may be obliged in their several Stations and Capacities to render peculiar services to a Prince the People continue as free as the internal thoughts of a man and cannot but have a right to preserve their Liberty or avenge the violation If matters are well examined perhaps not many Magistrates can pretend to much upon the title of merit most especially if they or their progenitors have continued long in Office The conveniences annexed to the exercise of the Sovereign power may be thought sufficient to pay such scores as they grow due even to the best and as things of that nature are handled I think it will hardly be found that all Princes can pretend to an irresistible power upon the account of beneficence to their People When the family of Medices came to be masters of Tuscany that Country was without dispute in men mony and arms one of the most flourishing Provinces in the World as appears by Macchiavel's account and the relation of what happened between Charles the eighth and the Magistrates of Florence which I have mentioned already from Guicciardin Now whoever shall consider the strength of that Country in those days together with what it might have bin in the space of a hundred and forty years in which they have had no war nor any other plague than the extortion fraud rapin and cruelty of their Princes and compare it with their present desolate wretched and contemptible condition may if he please think that much veneration is due to the Princes that govern them but will never make any man believe that their Title can be grounded upon beneficence The like may be said of the Duke of Savoy who pretending upon I know not what account that every Peasant in the Dutchy ought to pay him two Crowns every half year did in 1662 subtilly find our that in every year there were thirteen halves so that a poor man who had nothing but what he gained by hard labour was through his fatherly Care and Beneficence forced to pay six and twenty Crowns to his Royal Highness to be employ'd in his discreet and virtuous pleasures at Turin The condition of the Seventeen Provinces of the Netherlands and even of Spain it self when they fell to the house of Austria was of the same nature and I will confess as much as can be required if any other marks of their Government do remain than such as are manifest evidences of their Pride Avarice Luxury and Cruelty France in outward appearance makes a better show but nothing in this world is more miserable than that people under the fatherly care of their triumphant Monarch The best of their condition is like Asses and Mastiff-dogs to work and fight to be oppressed and kill'd for him and those among them who have any understanding well know that their industry courage and good success is not only unprofitable but destructive to them and that by increasing the power of their Master they add weight to their own Chains And if any Prince or succession of Princes have made a more modest use of their Power or more faithfully discharged the trust reposed in them it must be imputed peculiarly to them as a testimony of their personal Virtue and can have no effect upon others The Rights therefore of Kings are not grounded upon Conquest the Liberties of Nations do not arise from the Grants of their Princes the Oath of Allegiance binds no privat man to more than the Law directs and has no influence upon the whole Body of every Nation Many Princes are known to their Subjects only by the injuries losses and mischiefs brought upon them such as are good and just ought to be rewarded for their personal Virtue but can confer no right upon those who no way resemble them and whoever pretends to that merit must prove it by his Actions Rebellion being nothing but a renewed War can never be against a Government that was not established by War and of it self is neither good nor evil more than any other War but is just or unjust according to the cause or manner of it Besides that Rebellion which by Samuel is compar'd to Witchcraft is not of private men or a People against the Prince but of the Prince against God The Israelites are often said to have rebelled against the Law Word or Command of God but tho they frequently opposed their Kings I do not find Rebellion imputed to them on that account nor any ill character put upon such actions We are told also of some Kings who had bin subdued and afterwards rebelled against Chedorlaomer and other Kings but their cause is not blamed and we have some reason to believe it good because Abraham took part with those who had rebelled However it can be of no prejudice to the cause I defend for tho it were true that those subdued Kings could not justly rise against the person who had subdued them or that generally no King being once vanquished could have a right of Rebellion against his Conqueror it could have no relation to the actions of a people vindicating their own Laws and Liberties against a Prince who violates them for that War which never was can never be renewed And if it be true in any case that hands and swords are given to men that they only may be Slaves who have no courage it must be when Liberty is overthrown by those who of all men ought with the utmost industry and vigour to have defended it That this should be known is not only necessary for the safety of Nations but advantagious to such Kings as are wise and good They who know the frailty of human Nature will always distrust their own and desiring only to do what they ought will be glad to be restrain'd from that which they ought not to do Being taught by reason and experience that Nations delight in the Peace and Justice of a good Government they will never fear a general Insurrection whilst they take care it be rightly administred and finding themselves by this means to be safe will never be unwilling that their Children or Successors should be obliged to tread in the same steps If it be said that this may sometimes cause disorders I acknowledg it but no human condition being perfect such a one is to be chosen which carries with it the most tolerable inconveniences And it being much better that the irregularities and excesses of a Prince should be restrained or suppressed than that whole Nations should perish by them those Constitutions that make the best provision against the greatest evils are most to be commended If Governments were instituted to gratify the lusts of one man those could not be good that
Empire If the disputes between Durstus Evenus the third Dardannus and other Kings of Scotland with the Nobility and People might have bin determined by themselves they had escaped the punishments they suffer'd and ruined the Nation as they designed Other methods were taken they perished by their madness better Princes were brought into their plaees and their Successors were by their example admonished to avoid the ways that had proved fatal to them If Edward the second of England with Gaveston and the Spencers Richard the second with Tresilian and Vere had bin permitted to be the Judges of their own cases they who had murdered the best of the Nobility would have pursued their designs to the destruction of such as remained the enslaving of the Nation the subversion of the Constitution and the establishment of a mere Tyranny in the place of a mixed Monarchy But our Ancestors took better measures They who had felt the smart of the vices and follies of their Princes knew what remedies were most fit to be applied as well as the best time of applying them They found the effects of extreme corruption in Government to be so desperately pernicious that Nations must necessarily perish unless it be corrected and the State reduced to its first principle or altered Which being the case it was as easy for them to judg whether the Governor who had introduced that corruption should be brought to order removed if he would not be reclaimed or whether he should be suffer'd to ruin them and their posterity as it is for me to judg whether I should put away my Servant if I knew he intended to poison or murder me and had a certain facility of accomplishing his design or whether I should continue him in my service till he had performed it Nay the matter is so much the more plain on the side of the Nation as the disproportion of merit between a whole people and one or a few men entrusted with the power of governing them is greater than between a privat man and his servant This is so fully confirmed by the general consent of mankind that we know no Government that has not frequently either bin altered in form or reduced to its original purity by changing the families or persons who abused the power with which they had bin entrusted Those who have wanted wisdom and virtue rightly and seasonably to perform this have been soon destroy'd like the Goths in Spain who by omitting to curb the fury of Witza and Rodrigo in time became a prey to the Moors Their Kingdom by this means destroy'd was never restored and the remainder of that Nation joining with the Spaniards whom they had kept in subjection for three or four Ages could not in less than eight hundred years expel those enemies they might have kept out only by removing two base and vitious Kings Such Nations as have bin so corrupted that when they have applied themselves to seek remedies to the evils they suffered by wicked Magistrates could not fall upon such as were proportionable to the disease have only vented their Passions in destroying the immediate instruments of their oppression or for a while delay'd their utter ruin But the root still remaining it soon produced the same poisonous fruit and either quite destroy'd or made them languish in perpetual misery The Roman Empire was the most eminent example of the first many of the monsters that had tyrannized over them were killed but the greatest advantage gained by their death was a respit from ruin and the Government which ought to have bin established by good Laws depending only upon the virtue of one man his Life proved to be no more than a lucid interval and at his death they relapsed into the depth of Infamy and Misery and in this condition they continued till that Empire was totally subverted All the Kingdoms of the Arabians Medes Persians Moors and others of the East are of the other sort Common sense instructs them that barbarous pride cruelty and madness grown to extremity cannot be born but they have no other way than to kill the Tyrant and to do the like to his Successor if he fall into the same crimes Wanting that wisdom and valour which is requir'd for the institution of a good Government they languish in perpetual slavery and propose to themselves nothing better than to live under a gentle Master which is but a precarious lise and little to be valued by men of bravery and spirit But those Nations that are more generous who set a higher value upon Liberty and better understand the ways of preserving it think it a small matter to destroy a Tyrant unless they can also destroy the Tyranny They endeavour to do the work throughly either by changing the Government intirely or reforming it according to the first institution and making such good Laws as may preserve its integrity when reformed This has bin so frequent in all the Nations both antient and modern with whose actions we are best acquainted as appears by the foregoing examples and many others that might be alledged if the case were not clear that there is not one of them which will not furnish us with many instances and no one Magistracy now in being which dos not owe its original to some Judgment of this nature So that they must either derive their right from such actions or confess they have none at all and leave the Nations to their original liberty of setting up those Magistracies which best please themselves without any restriction or obligation to regard one person or family more than another SECT XLII The Person that wears the Crown cannot determine the Affairs which the Law refers to the King OUR Author with the rest of the vulgar seems to have bin led into gross errors by the form of Writs summoning persons to appear before the King The common stile used in the trial of Delinquents the name of the King's Witnesses given to those who accuse them the Verdicts brought in by Juries coram domino Rege and the prosecution made in the King's name seem to have caused this And they who understand not these Phrases render the Law a heap of the most gross absurdities and the King an Enemy to every one of his Subjects when he ought to be a Father to them all since without any particular consideration or examination of what any witness deposes in a Court of Justice tending to the death confiscation or other punishment of any man he is called the King's Witness whether he speak the truth or a lie and on that account favour'd 'T is not necessary to allege many instances in a case that is so plain but it may not be amiss to insert two or three of the most important reasons to prove my assertion 1. If the Law did intend that he or she who wears the Crown should in his or her person judg all causes and determine the most difficult questions it must like our
This is he who never dos any wrong 'T is before him we appear when we demand Justice or render an account of our actions All Juries give their verdict in his sight They are his Commands that the Judges are bound and sworn to obey when they are not at all to consider such as they receive from the person that wears the Crown 'T was for Treason against him that Tresilian and others like to him in several ages were hanged They gratified the lusts of the visible Powers but the invisible King would not be mock'd He caused Justice to be executed upon Empson and Dudley He was injured when the perjur'd wretches who gave that accursed Judgment in the case of Shipmony were suffered to escape the like punishment by means of the ensuing troubles which they had chiefly raised And I leave it to those who are concerned to consider how many in our days may expect vengeance for the like crimes I should here conclude this point if the power of granting a Noli proseq Cesset Processus and Pardons which are said to be annexed to the person of the King were not taken for a proof that all proceedings at Law depend upon his will But whoever would from hence draw a general conclusion must first prove his proposition to be universally true If it be wholly false no true deduction can be made and if it be true only in some cases 't is absurd to draw from thence a general conclusion and to erect a vast fabrick upon a narrow foundation is impossible As to the general proposition I utterly deny it The King cannot stop any Suit that I begin in my own name or invalidate any Judgment I obtain upon it He cannot release a Debt of ten shillings due to me nor a Sentence for the like sum given upon an action of Battery Assault Trespass publick Nuisance or the like He cannot pardon a man condemned upon an Appeal nor hinder the person injured from appealing His power therefore is not universal if it be not universal it cannot be inherent but conferred upon him or entrusted by a superior Power that limits it These limits are fixed by the Law the Law therefore is above him His proceedings must be regulated by the Law and not the Law by his will Besides the extent of those limits can only be known by the intention of the Law that sets them and are so visible that none but such as are wilfully blind can mistake It cannot be imagined that the Law which dos not give a power to the King of pardoning a man that breaks my hedg can intend he should have power to pardon one who kills my father breaks my house robs me of my goods abuses my children and servants wounds me and brings me in danger of my life Whatever power he has in such cases is founded upon a presumption that he who has sworn not to deny or delay justice to any man will not break his Oath to interrupt it And farther as he dos nothing but what he may rightly do cum magnatum sapientum Consilio and that 't is supposed they will never advise him to do any thing but what ought to be done in order to attain the great ends of the Law Justice and the publick safety nevertheles lest this should not be sufficient to keep things in their due order or that the King should forget his Oath not to delay or deny justice to any man his Counsellors are exposed to the severest punishments if they advise him to do any thing contrary to it and the Law upon which it is grounded So that the utmost advantage the King can pretend to in this case is no more than that of the Norman who said he had gained his cause because it depended upon a point that was to be decided by his Oath that is to say if he will betray the trust reposed in him and perjure himself he may sometimes exempt a Vilain from the punishment he deserves and take the guilt upon himself I say sometimes for appeals may be brought in some cases and the Waterman who had bin pardoned by his Majesty in the year 1680 for a murder he had committed was condemned and hanged at the Assizes upon an appeal Nay in cases of Treason which some men think relate most particularly to the person of the King he cannot always do it Gaveston the two Spencers Tresilian Empson Dudley and others have bin executed as Traitors for things done by the King's command and 't is not doubted they would have bin saved if the King's power had extended so far I might add the cases of the Earls of Strafford and Danby for tho the King signed a Warrant for the execution of the first no man doubts he would have saved him if it had bin in his power The other continues in prison notwithstanding his pardon and for any thing I know he may continue where he is or come out in a way that will not be to his satisfaction unless he be found innocent or something fall out more to his advantage than his Majesty's approbation of what he has done If therefore the King cannot interpose his authority to hinder the course of the Law in contests between privat men nor remit the debts adjudged to be due or the damages given to the persons agriev'd he can in his own person have no other power in things of this nature than in some degree to mitigate the vindictive power of the Law and this also is to be exercised no other way than as he is entrusted But if he acts even in this capacity by a delegated power and in few cases he must act according to the ends for which he is so entrusted as the same Law says Cum magnatum sapientum consilio and is not therein to pursue his own will and interests If his Oath farther oblige him not to do it and his Ministers are liable to punishment if they advise him otherwise If in matters of Appeal he have no power and if his pardons have bin of no value when contrary to his Oath he has abused that with which he is entrusted to the patronizing of crimes and exempting such delinquents from punishment as could not be pardoned without prejudice to the publick I may justly conclude that the King before whom every man is bound to appear who dos perpetually and impartially distribute Justice to the Nation is not the man or woman that wears the Crown and that he or she cannot determine those matters which by the Law are referr'd to the King Whether therefore such matters are ordinary or extraordinary the decision is and ought to be placed where there is most wisdom and stability and where passion and privat interest dos least prevail to the obstruction of Justice This is the only way to obviate that confusion and mischief which our Author thinks it would introduce In cases of the first sort this is done in England by Judges and Juries