wise but such as did altogether sequester themselves from all such imployments and courses of life as were liable to either hatred or envy What religion Pliny the elder was of may easily be known from himselfe It appeares clearely by him that his religion in point of doctrine and opinions was Epicurus his religion and therefore we may probably suppose that his aime was no other then that of Epicurus where he makes this observation it is in the Proem of his seventh book that Homini plurima ex homine sunt mala Now all this that hath been brought from severall authors of men being the cause of evills well considered let us see what there is in Aul. Gellius his words justly to be excepted against why they should not passe for perfect as in former editions Homines fecisse dicitur saith he tantam vim esse aerumnarum malorum Adversus ea Chrysippus cùm in libro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quarto dissereret Nihil est inquit c. that is It is commonly said that men themselves have bene the cause that this world doth so abound with evills and miseries Against which opinion Chrysippus in his fourth book of Providence disputing There is nothing saith he c. That this was the opinion of many hath sufficiently been shewed and that Chrysippus writing of and for Providence had reason to take notice of the opinion may also as clearly appeare by what hath been said If the Latine of the words were it that they stuck at a poore businesse to be stood upon when the meaning is knowne then this happily fecisse tantam esse vim for ut tanta vis esset which indeed is more ordinary as facere ut numerarent and facere ut scirent in Cornelius Nepos and the like and there is an old Grammarian whether Servius or Priscian I know not well who somewhere passeth his judgement that one Infinitive to governe another is against the custome of the Latine tongue but how much the good man did overshoot himselfe in so saying let latter accurate Grammarians Alvarez Vossius and others or rather let any ancient Latine authors be looked upon and it will easily appear If all that is not ordinary may be suspected that I say not condemned I durst undertake out of this one author to produce five hundred places that may seeme more strange then this such as these Ibi scriptum est tum multa alia c. Faceret me ut earum rerum essem prudentior c. and Omnia quae pater jusserit parendum and the like Or was it because adversus ea they thought was improper after a single sentence But if so they should have considered that antea postea praeterea and the like before that through much use they did coalescere in one word were so taken and used divided as now joyned they are commonly antea after one single thing spoken of as well as after many and so of the rest I say commonly so I take it though I find that Hadrianus the Cardinall in his learned Observations De sermone Latino modis Latinè loquendi dedicated Carolo Principi Hispaniarum makes it a particular observation of the word praeterea Haec quoque clausula praeterea observatione praecipuè digna videtur nam certo modo loquends non post multa solum connumerata à perfectis illis autoribus ponitur verum etiam post singularem aliquam vel personam vel rem Cicero c. And so is postilla to this day sometimes joyned and sometimes divided to be found in Plautus And so much to that passage of Aulus Gellius we are beholding to him that he gave us the hint of so much pertinent matter and we hope we have in some measure requited him We are now come to the etymology of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and it is more then reason that Grecians themselves of whom we received it should be first heard about it Plato in his Cratylus where he doth purposely intreat of the derivation of ancient Greek words among others he takes this into his consideration and his opinion is which hath since been followed by most that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is so contracted of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is as much as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wise or prudent as Plato himselfe there expounds it or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Hesychius and the Etymologist that is skilfull well experienced And so indeed we find the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the contrary of it used by Homer and others so that of that word or what it signifieth no question at all can be made though Plato mention it or at least the sense of it as out of use and in a manner antiquated in his dayes And this etymology of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 taking it in the worst sense for an evill spirit would very well agree with what is written Genesis III 1. and elsewhere of the subtilty of the Serpent Some question may be made whether 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which would much confirme this derivation were ever used for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Some passages perchance yet to be found in ancient Greek authors might induce some to beleeve that it hath As for example this distich of the Anthology 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Some to whom the Greek tongue hath been much beholding produce this very passage to prove that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereof much hath been said before is sometimes taken for cacodaemon that is a devill Whether they were led into this error by those that first wrote upon those Epigrams or led them into it I know not but an error it is as will easily appeare to any that shall wel examine the construction of the words which cannot stand with that interpretation neither is the jest or acumen of them any wayes improved by it but rather obscured and impaired I did wonder saith the Poet to see a black Maure Professor of Rhetorick such eloquence from such lips in another Epigram to the very same purpose called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 triple lips to proceed so white an attire such was the custome of those times upon so black a skin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore here must of necessity be translated either peritus or Deus but the latter being not onely more warrantable because common and ordinary but also in that sense that Tully calls Plato Deum philosophiae farre more emphaticall here is doubtlesse to be preferred and so indeed I find the word by some others that have written upon the same Epigrams well rendred And so much I had to say concerning this Etymology which makes the word originally a Greek word Others there be of the same kinde mentioned by Greek Grammarians and others but obvious enough and in my judgement so little considerable that I thinke it needlesse to insist upon them here Neither indeed would I eagerly contend with
first father and mother Adam and Eve to make them transgress and so to forfeit their first happiness And when some men by the very light of naturall humane reason that remained in them began to discerne the impiety and absurdity of this opinion they fell into another not altogether so impious but more absurd that God is not omnipotent and wanted not will but power to amend what they conceived to be amiss in the world or that there were two Authors and Creators of all things the one good and the other evill These were the first errors and extravagancies of men against the true doctrine of Gods Providence and administration of the world as it is taught by the holy Scriptures Most men that have written of and for Providence fall upon Epicurus and his opinions copiously enough as indeed it is a large and copious argument especially since that by so many it hath been beaten and troden But I know not of any that hath examined and refuted that more ancient error or scarce taken notice of it which neverthelesse is not lesse yea in some respect I may say more considerable For as it is more ancient so it may more clearely be derived from its first spring mistaken Scripture which affords us a good argument for the antiquity and authenticknes of the Scriptures themselves against atheists and infidels as good almost as any can be This is it therefore that in this ensuing Treatise I have proposed to my selfe and endeavoured I intend it I confesse but as a part of a greater worke concerning Divine Providence in generall which long agoe I have had in my thoughts But whatever becomes of the rest this either as a part if it shal please God to spare me life and other opportunities shall serve may begin or if otherwise stand by it selfe as a supplement to what hath already been written by others of that argument and either way give some satisfaction I hope in this maine point to His glory to whom whatsoever is not referred I never thought much considerable Errata Pag. 14. Lin. 33. Soon after p 16. l. 26. he did so p. 20. l. 25. in his XV. Iliad p. 22. l 6. heterogeneous p. 50. l. 2. Thou shalt know p. 61. l. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 THE ORIGINALL CAVSE OF TEMPORALL EVILS THat the life of man in this world is full of troubles miseries is so common a complaint in the mouths of all men of what ranke and quality soever they be and so obvious a subject in Writers of all Ages Nations and Professions as that it may well be reckoned among those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or known Principles which common sense teacheth and Artists ground upon as indisputable truths Yet he that will see this common and beaten subject most exquisitely even in the judgement of humane reason setting aside the credit and authority of divine inspiration handled needeth but goe to Ecclesiastes the excellency of which discourse he shall best understand who judiciously compares it with the choicest and most approved peeces either old or late concerning that argument The truth is there hath been little said by others upon that Theme either for wit or wisdome much considerable which may not both be found here and probably be supposed originally to have proceeded hence I will give one instance What among the Ancients upon this subject of mans misery more famous then that old saying whereof they made one of their Sileni a degree above Philosophers among ancient Heathens to be the authour That it was the chiefest happinesse not to be born next to that quickly to die Divers expressions of this saying by severall Greek Poets if any shal desire to see them together compare them have been collected by Erasmus The matter is by Tully in his Tuscul briefly thus recorded Fertur de Sileno fabella quaedam c. There goes an old tale or story for so the word fabula sometimes is taken of a Silenus who being taken by Midas the King is said to have given him a ransome or reward for his dismission which was that he taught him how that it was a most happy thing not to be born but in the next place to die very soon And this long before any memory of any either Midas or Silenus Eccles 4. ver 1 2 3. was thus delivered by wise Solomon So I returned and considered all the oppressions that are done under the Sunne and behold c. Wherefore I praised the dead which are already dead more then the living which are yet alive Yea better is he then both they which hath not yet been who hath not seen the evil work that is done under the Sun These words Better is he then both they c. misunderstood might probably occasion that opinion of the ancientest Philosophers of which we shall have occasion for to say more afterwards that the soules of men had a subsistence long before their incorporation and were thus driven into this lower world and confined into bodies as Cages or Prisons for some miscariages in their former and better condition Pliny the eldest who had studied the world as much as any man and hath written of the world his Naturall History I mean more then any who for his parts of nature wit and curiosity and other great advantages of fortune might be supposed to know as much as any other man his observation is that nullum frequentius votum no wish more frequent among men then the wish of death and thereupon his conclusion is that Natura nihil brevitate vitae praestitit melius and elsewhere he cals death pracipuum naturae bonum the greatest benefit of nature or the greatest blessing that heavens have vouchsafed unto mankind Yet all this notwithstanding if any judging of this life by what hath hitherto happened unto themselves and not much sensible of what they have known to happen unto others be of another mind and thinke better of the world then so I might tell them of Croesus and others who once thought themselves the happiest of men and afterwards became notorious examples of mans misery I might also tell them that among the miseries of this life those that are publique and extend unto many such as are the miseries of wars slaughters slaveries plagues famines and the like of which that of the Poet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That both Sea and Land are full of miseries hath generally beene true and visible at all times are the chiefest and those which most affect a man that is a man indeed that is truly sociable and communicable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Greek Philosophers expresse it this I say and much more to this purpose I might tel them but that not the consideration of our miseries be they more or lesse or what opinion men have of them is the subject by me here undertaken but the originall cause of our miseries what was the opinion of ancientest Heathens about it and
how consonant and agreeable it is with the truth of the holy Scriptures such consonancy either of humane reason in times of Paganisme or ancient traditions with the Scriptures having been accounted by ancient learned Christians no small evidence of the truth of the Scriptures themselves and by them therefore upon all occasions with all possible care and curiosity sifted and inquired into But before I come to what I have more directly proposed to my selfe I must be way of introduction take notice of some other opinions of theirs that have much affinity with the former subject and what relation they have to my main scope will appear in the progresse and conclusion of our discourse It is a common observation among the Ancients that there is no worldly good which is not either tempered with some present evill or at least hath the seeds in it selfe of some evill consequence and future inconvenience 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or as some others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that no worldly good or pleasure is pure and sincere unmixed and untainted of the contrary I know not any other subject that ancient both Historians and Philosophers Greeks especially more frequently insist upon if it come in their way or more willingly digresse into Theophrastus in that excellent fragment of his Metaphysicks handles it with admirable wit and profundity shewing that such is the nature of this sublunary world as to consist of contraries and how one contrary doth beget another a curious speculation curiously handled and speculated no◠by Theophrastus onely but by the authour of that polite Treatise De mundo too polite I doubt for Aristotles stile though ascribed unto him by divers ancients besides Apuleius as Justin Martyr and Philoponus the which Apuleius of old and Budaeus of late have turned into Latin One of the first if not the very first now extant in whom this observation of the mixture of sweet and sowre in worldly things is to be found is old Plato who recordeth how his Master Socrates that very day that he dranke his last and fatall cup which made him immortall to all ensuing generations having casually rubbed his thigh or knee to allay the itch which the fetters had occasioned and perceiving a kind of pleasure to ensue upon it took that occasion to instruct his friends and auditors then present concerning the nature of all worldly delights and pleasures in these wo ds How incongruous in my judgement O friends is that thing which men usually tearm sweet how marvellously or naturally inclinanable it is to that which because they cannot be together at one time seemeth contrary pain Yet neverthelesse such is their nature that if a man pursue after the one and obtain it it shall go very hard but he shall be constrained as if both hanged by one string to have part in the other also And certainly had Aesop thought of it he would have made a Fable of it how that God purposing to reconcile these two sweet and sowre together and not being able he did chain them together by the head alterum ex altero verticibus inter se contrariis deligavit as Aulus Gellius expresseth it so that whosoever is partaker of the one cannot be long without the other also as now it hath happened unto me the same fetter having caused first pain and now pleasure unto my thigh So Socrates in Plato What Aesop did not learned and ingenious Camerarius hath since done he hath contrived it into two fables the one of thē with the text of Plato the Reader shall find if he please at the end of this Treatise This was the practice of the Ancients I note it by the way because we have many examples of it in the holy Scriptures by fables and parables to worke upon men and they found it a most powerfull and effectuall way whereof Plutarch in his Consolation to Apollonius hath a notable instance it is in an argument of much affinity to this But to return it would be long even to name those severall ancient Authours who have descanted upon it and applied it to severall occasions Pliny the latter among the Latins in his incomparable Panegyrick in few words but as elegant and pithy as they are short thus Habet has vices conditio mortalium ut adversa ex secundis ex adversis secunda nascantur nascuntur not noscantur as it is in some editions Occultas utrorumque semina Deus plerunque bonorum malorúmque causae sub diversâ speci◠latent But that which concerns us to take more especiall notice of is an other observation of the same Ancients concerning all extraordinary worldly successes and more then usuall prosperity in any kind which they held generally to be very ominous yea very unlucky in so much as they were accounted wise and prudent who could if not altogether prevent which is not in the power of man yet by certain art and cunning temper and allay such excesses of fortune Whether this was intended by Menander or no that famous Comick I know not for he might have another aim but his words are pertinent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of all unhappinesse among men the chief cause is Much or too much happinesse The opinion may seeme strange but the practice of many of them upon it much more and the grounds both of the one and of the other when well weighed and considered most of all Herodotus shall be the first from whom we will take our information about it as being the first of ancient Historians now extant and in that respect for his antiquity to us most considerable He toucheth upon it often upon divers occasions but most fully and positively though not as from himselfe there but in the person of Amasis King of Aegypt a Prince of great renown among the Ancients in his third book and fortieth chapter as it is usually divided Polycrates King or rather Tyrant of Samos an Island of the Egean sea bordering upon Asia once so flourishing that even the hens of it were proverbially said to be milked but now in a manner altogether forsaken of inhabitants having had for a long time more then ordinary successe in all his enterprises his felicity all that while not crossed in any other kinde either at home or abroad Amasis King of Aegypt his great friend and confederate is reported to have writen a Letter to him about it the copy whereof according to Herodotus was this Amasis to Polycrates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 haec mandat as Camerarius renders it saith thus That thou dost well and prosper is no small joy unto me as thy friend and confederate but I must tell thee plainly that these great and overflowing successes doe not please me who know ful wel the nature of the Deity how envious it is It is my wish concerning my own self and the same I wish to all that are deare unto me sometimes to prosper and sometimes to miscarry and in
to say it among heathens which though it might yet it doth not follow but that originally it might be from the Scriptures since that it may as probably be supposed whoever that first was by so many ages either neerer or farther from the spring that he had it from the Scriptures which all antiquity beleeved that Pherecydes Pythagoras Plato and divers others in their times by travelling into Egypt and other farre countries and there conversing with some of the Iewish nation had some knowledge of Neverthelesse to give the reader all satisfaction I can in this point I will as we promised before see what can be said about it There be two more it may be but two that I remember who seeme to make Herodotus the first Plutarch sufficiently knowne unto all men and Eustathius who hath commented or rather abbreviated and contracted the ancient innumerous Commentators upon Homer Plutarch among other many tractats in that part of his workes which is called his Morals hath one intitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Concerning the malignity of Herodotus and in that tractat among other things as well became him he takes notice of his malignity towards the Gods His words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. In the person of Solon he reproacheth the Gods in these words Dost thou ó Croesus consult me about humane affaires who know full well that all Deitie is of an envious and unpeaceable Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that takes pleasure to disturbe to create troubles we have spoken of the word before disposition For what himselfe conceited of the Gods in fathering it upon Solon he addes malignity to blasphemy This is all he saith of it and it is very observable he saith no more First that whereas Herodotus foure severall times at least upon severall occasions doth so blaspheme he should take notice but of one And secondly that he should say nothing copious enough if not exuberant upon most other particulars against the opinion it selfe by way of confutation and in vindication of his gods knowing well that if Herodotus were the first he was not the onely that had said it The truth is it is not likely that Plutarch did beleeve Herodotus to have been the first neither indeed doth he directly say it though his words might seeme to import as much But besides this Plutarch was conscious unto himselfe that himselfe had said as much or little lesse There be divers places to be found in him that might be pressed to this purpose I shall instance in one In his Consolation to Apollonius Philip King of Macedon saith he we had somewhat of this Philip before upon the hearing of three severall happy tydings all in one day lifting up his hands unto heaven he said O daemon unto these my good haps oppose I pray thee some tolerable misfortune Knowing that such is the nature of fortune to envy great successes So Plutarch who doth not indeed use the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Herodotus doth but how common and ordinary it is to all sorts of writers professed Epicureans and Atheists excepted to use the word fortune in stead of God is not unknowne and hath been even by heathens observed We shall not long after quote a passage of Diod. Siculus where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fortune and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Gods are apparently in one and the same sentence put for the same Perhaps the generality of the assertion that all Deity c. was it that Plutarch excepted against in Herodotus so he might be the onely perchance that so generally and peremptorily take them both together doth affirme it Certainely whosoever was the first that durst publickly so blaspheme so easily to entertaine and so often to inculcate the blasphemy as Herodotus doth even this was enough to evince his impiety and it was not I beleeve without some providence that his malignity in generall should be so sifted and as it were publickly in the eyes of all men and that by the heathens themselves cited arraigned and condemned as it is there in that accurate Invective or Indictment rather who had shewed so little ingenuity in the cause of God As Plutarch so Eustathius he also seemeth to make Herodotus the first author of this blasphemy but seemeth onely His words upon the last of the Iliads are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. The Poet making or setting out or bringing in the gods 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 generally as often hath been observed adscribes unto them such affections as men in such cases would probably be affected with Among which this is one that those who in other things are far eminent would not have those of a lower condition to be equall unto them in point of happinesse whether 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because they spight them or as Herodotus would say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because they envy or for some other cause I translate the words as they must be read not as they are printed in the Basil edition at lest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of which no sense can be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 imply but one thing and it is likely some either Poet or prose author upon this very subject had the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 However 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being the word and the onely as I take it often used by Herodotus upon this occasion it can be no wonder if Eustath or whoever some ancienter Commentator in him perchance having now occasion to use it himselfe name him thereby rather alluding to his word as I conceive then to his opinion as either proper to him or derived from him But may not Eustathius be thought to derive it here rather from Homer him selfe I think not for all that can be made of his words is not that Homer doth directly say so but this that the Poet doth adscribe such affections unto the Gods as may be thought to proceed from such a cause Homer's owne words in that place are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is How have the Gods appointed unto miserable men to live in grief Which is no more then the Scripture saith in divers places not of gods but of God and yet the cause neverthelesse according to the Scriptures not envy but justice and just judgement yea and mercy in some respect as heathens themselves upon this very subject acknowledge Besides it is well knowne that Homer elsewhere we shall have occasion to produce his words upon the passage of Aul. Gell. brings in Jupiter complaining of the iniquity of men who lay the cause of their miseries upon the Gods But were it so that Plutarch and Eustathius should directly say it either of Herodotus or Homer yet there would be other Ancients found of no lesse anthority then they to contradict them Simonides an ancient Greek Poet was since Homer indeed but before Herodotus one full century of yeares at least Now
the literall sense of those of the Prophet where he saith Vsque adeò res humanas vis abdita quaedum Lucret. I ib. v. Obterit pulchros fasceis saevasque secures Proculcare ludibrio sibi habere videtur Of Scripture Histories that of holy Iobs more then ordinary prosperity as it is recorded in the first Chapter and the sudden alteration which upon Satan there said to have appeared among the sons of God his wicked and malitious suggestion and crimination ensued so ancient and so remarkable as it cannot be conceived that it should altogether be unknown unto them so what they might ignorantly inferre upon it they that are versed in their mythologies may easily guesse Through the instigation of the same Satan as is expressed I Chron. XXI v. 1. David King of Israel would needs have the people numbred whereupon Gods wrath and a great plague upon the people of God ensued Of this there is no question the Text is plaine that God was angry and the people plagued but what was Davids crime doth not so clearly appear by the Text neither are Expositors of one minde about it Josephus of old and some Rabbins since him make this to have been Davids trespasse because he did not impose the redemption mony half a sicle commanded by God Exod. XXX v. 12 13. upon such occasions Learned Diodatus his opinion slipt over in the late English Edition of his Notes upon II Sam. c. 24. is that David besides some other concurring provocations offended in that he did not observe the law concerning the right age to wit 20 years from which and upwards the people was to be numbred Exo XXX 14. Num. I. 2. So they but the current opinion of Interpreters saith P. Martyr upon the place is that elatio animi and superbia was his fault God saith he had given him peace He had got a Catalogue of his valiant men and now he sets his minde upon it to know the number of his thousands of Subjects So Rev. Dr. Rivet also Quando tuleris summam filioâ—um Isr c. When thou takest the summe of the children of Israel that is When thou shalt number them either by me commanded or of thy selfe when thou shalt think it expedient for the publicke good For the numbring of the people upon such occasions was not displeasing unto God which neverthelesse in David for other causes was reprehended Not certainly as some Hebrews are of opinion because he took no care for the tribute money which was to be payed unto God this could not be the reason why Joab disswaded him from it but because he saw that it was not done out of a good minde but rather out of vanity and pride as may appear from the whole context II Sam. XXIV So he And this indeed all circumstances as he saith of the story well weighed will appear the most probable conjecture multitude of subjects according to that of Solomon In the multitude of people is the Kings honour but in the want of people is the destruction of the Prince Prov. XIV 28. being a very likely object of a Princes pride and carnall confidence Now if pride was the cause both of this anger and plague and the matter so publickly noysed and construed it is very likely that the fame of so memorable a judgement the sudden operation and cessation of it if not the plague it selfe being apparently miraculous spread it self to many parts of the world then inhabited by Heathens Of Ambassadours sent by the Princes of Babylon to enquire of the wonder in the land vouchsafed unto King Hezekiah in confirmation of his recovery and prolongation of dayes by the immediate hand of God we are told expresly II Chr. XXXII v. 31. And since I have mentioned this of Hezekiah I cannot passe by being so pertinent to our purpose Isidore Pelusiota Isid Pelus Epist l. 11. Ep. 74. that elegant and witty Writer his observation concerning him as it followeth In the reign of King Hezekiah the King of Persia came with all his power against Ierusalem and was overthrowne by a divine miracle one of the greatest that ever was Whereupon Hezekiah being puffed up and now through immoderate joy entertaining thoughts of himself above a man God with a sicknesse as with a bridle curbed him to compose his swelling minde and to make him sensible of his naturall frailty and to cure him of that disease which his soule had contracted through excesse of joy So Isidore and it is in that Epistle that he writes of Epaminondas the Theban Commander of whom we had somewhat in the beginning What ground this Isidore might have either from the Scriptures themselves by way of inference or from tradition for this observation I know not But in my judgement Hezekiah's miraculous in some circumstances of it recovery of that sicknesse he speaks of and upon it his vaine ostentation of all his treasures and pretious things in all his Kingdome before those Ambassadours whom forein Princes had sent to congratulate him so particularly noted in the Scripture II Kings XX. 12 13 c. and upon this ostentation that dreadfull denunciation of future heavie judgements upon his posterity do sufficiently evince that Hezekiah in his prosperity after his recovery at least did forget himself and that God in mercy to him did use means to recall him before he should be too far gone These words besides the story seem to me to import as much II Chr. XXXII 25 26. But Hezekiah rendred not againe according to the benefit done unto him for his heart was lifted up therefore there was wrath upon him and upon Judah and Jerusalem Notwithstanding Hezekiah humbled himself for the pride of his heart both he and the inhabitants of Jerusalem so that the wrath of the Lord came not upon them in the dayes of Hezekiah These and the like passages of Scripture might and did as I conceive at the first in part occasion that observation of the Heathens of the danger of more then ordinary worldly prosperity But their ignorance of the Scriptures or want rather of perfect knowledge of them made them upon this observation to inferre in the manner I have said before this wicked and impious conclusion that God was of a maligne and envious disposition I see here a large field open but I will not enter into it as not being within the compasse either of my undertaking which was only to shew the originall of the opinion or my leisure and opportunity at this time I shall only take notice of two reasons which are touched upon by ancient Heathens not Philosophers I do not meane who have written of purpose and more generally concerning Providence but Historians upon the by and in this very subject of either great prosperity suddenly blasted or sorrowes intermingled with joyes their reasons as I conceive being very agreeable to the doctrine of the sacred Scriptures Herodotus in one of those places where he chargeth God with
was though not approved by all yet generally known and agitated among ancient Heathens that men themselves had been the cause of those evils they commonly complained of And that this was the opinion of some though not of them only who either brutishly denied the providence or blasphemously the goodnesse of God which opinion as commonly known being here by our Author but briefly set down and not understood by some that read him principally as we conceive occasioned this imaginary at the first but now reall as the words are printed imperfection Homer shall leade not for his antiquity only but for his credit also among ancient Heathens In his first Odyssie he makes Jupiter himself to expostulate the matter with mortall men in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The sense of which words is That men do wrongfully accuse the Gods as the authors of their evils whereas they may thank their own 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wretchednesse or wickednesse through which they bring griefs upon themselves which never were destinated unto them So the Golden verses as they commonly call them containing the chiefe doctrine and instructions of Pythagoras 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. He shall know he that takes a right course to knowledge and wisdome that is how men by acts of their own free-wils bring mischiefs upon their own heads c. Crantor an ancient Academick Xenocrates his Scholar in his Consolation to Hippocles cited by Plutarch in his Consolation to Apollonius had these words All these things doth that ancient philosophy well teach and admonish all which if we shall not altogether allow of yet this that concernes the troubles and travels of this life is certainly true For if it be not so by any order of nature 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are his words yet by our selves it is brought to this degree of wretchednesse and corruption Now these and so divers others whom we may spare though they derive the chiefest miseries of men from men themselves yet doe acknowledge certain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unavoidable chances or casualties which proceeded from another cause as by Crantor his words that follow in Plutarch and by other passages not of Homer only but even of those Aurea carmina though not many may appear The Stoichs might be thought to say the same but do not That concourse of free-will and fatall necessity they speak of is quite another thing as will appear to them that shall examine the particulars of the opinions which we shall not now stand upon But Seneca in his Naturall Questions comes off more roundly and charges men to the purpose Never did man I think upon one single subject as that is the benefit of windes with more wit or Rhetorick plead for providence then he doth in that Chapter His words some of them that chiefly concerne us here are these Ingens naturae beneficium si illud in injurtam suam non vertat hominum furor c. Adeò quicquid ex illis utile necessarium est non potest his repensari quae in perniciem suam generis humani dementia excogitat Sed non ideò non sunt naturâ suâ bona si vitio malè utentium nocent And againe Non tamen ut paulò ante dicebam queri possumus de auctore nostri Deo si beneficia ejus corrumpimus ut essent contraria efficimus And afterwards more generally yet If we shall weigh saith he the benefits of nature by the perversenesse of them that use them we may say we have received nothing but to our hurt Who useth his eyes that he may be the better for them who his tongue to whom is not his very life a torment There is not any thing so apparently good and profitable which abuse or vitiousness may not turne to a contrary use Much more to the same purpose is there to be found Later Philosophers that have written of this subject to mans wickednesse they joyn Gods justice punishing or preventing which how conformable it is to the Scriptures no Christian need to be told So Hierocles upon the Aurea Caerminae in few words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Our wickednesse saith he and Gods righteousnesse these two concurring are the cause of all our calamities It is very well said but it is not unknown to them that are versed in these Philosophers that lived since Christianity began to spread in the world that they borrowed even those that were their greatest enemies as Porphyrius this very Hierocles divers things from Christians and so might in divers points come nearer to our doctrine then former Philosophers did There is not any thing that I more admire in this this kinde then what Virgil hath to this purpose in his fourth Ecloge Sicelides Musae c. which consideratis considerandis what he was when he lived c. I conceive to be a very good comment upon GODS words Gen. III. v. 17 18 19. But to return to Aul. Gel. or rather for we have not digressed what hath been said to apply to him as it often fals out that men may speak the same thing but upon different grounds and which much alters a case to contrary ends so we noted before that many who derived the evils and miseries of this life from men did it not to maintaine but to overthrow providence so far as in them lay which must now againe be remembred because to such especially these words of Gellius seem to have reference Those many I speak of were for the most part Epicureans professed Epicureans I mean who positively maintained That God had nothing at all to do with the affairs of men no nor with the World in generall which they did not acknowledge to have been created by God and consequently what either good or evill happened unto men in this World they must needs fetch from some other cause Epicurus as Dio. Laertius witnesseth in his life made this very thing to be the chiefest occasion of evils among men that men adscribed the cause of their goods of their evils unto God So Diogenes of Epicurus so Tully Plutarch divers others But the Latin Interpreter of Diog. Laert. as if he had studied how to make him ridiculous and to speak contradictions he turnes it to a quite contrary sense and makes Epicurus of the worst of Heathens by Heathens thens themselves for his opinions extreamly abhorred rather a Christian then a heathen The same Epicurus as the same D. Laer recordeth maintained 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is That most evills men suffered or were subject unto in this life proceeded from men themselves either hatred or envy or comtempt being the cause Upon which foundation was that famous saying of his erected that Fortuna sapienti rarò intervenit as his words are translated by Seneca that is That Fortune suddaine evill chances and alterations had little or no power upon a wise man because he held none