for they are not within this Statute and yet this Court doth it at pleasure But plainly by the Statute it self it appears that it meant only to the common writ for the preamble recites that the Sheriffs and other have taken and kept in prison persons detected of felony and let out to plevin such as were not reprisable to grieve the one party and to the gain of the other and forasmuch as before this time it was not determined what prisoners were reprisable which not but onely in certain cases were expressed therefore it is ordained c. Now this is no more but for direction of the keepers of the prisons for it leaves the matter to the discretion of the Judges whether bailable or no not of the Judges for when the Statute hath declared who are repleviable who are not as men outlawed have abjured the Realm Proves such as be taken in the manner breakers of prisons buâ—ners of houses makers of false money counter feiting of the Kings Seal and the like it is then ordained that if the Sheriff or any other let any go at large by surety that is not reprisable if he be Sheriff Constable or any other that hath the keeping of prisons and thereof be attainted he shall lose his office and fee for ever so that it extends to the common Goalers and keepers of prisons to direct them in what cases they shall let men to bail and in what cases not and that they shall not be Judges to whom to let to replevin and whom to keep in prison but it extends not to the Judges for if the makers of the Statute had meant them in it they should have put a pain upon them also So then I conclude upon these under your Lordships favour that as this case is there should have been a cause of the commitment expressed for these Gentlemen are brought hither by writ ad subjiciendum if they be charged and ad recipiendum if they be not charged and therefore in regard there is no charge against them whereupon they should be detained in prison any longer we desire that they may be bailed or discharged by your Lordship The Argument of Master Selden upon the Habeas corpus My Lords I am of Councell with Sir Edmond Hampden his case is the same with the other two Gentlemen I cannot hope to say much after that that hath been said yet if it shall please your Lordship I shall remember you of so much as is befallen my lot Sir Edmond Hampden is brought hither by a writ of Habeas corpus and the keeper of the Gate-house hath returned upon the writ that Sir Edmond Hampden is detained in prison per speciale mandatum Domini Regis mihi significatum per Warrantum duorum Privati Concilii dicti domini Regis and then he recites the warrants of the Lords of the Councell which is that they do will and require him to detain this Gentleman still in prison letting him know that his first imprisonment c. May it please your Lordship I shall humbly move you that this Gentleman may also be bailed for under favour my Lord there is no cause in the return why he should be any farther imprisoned and restrained of his liberty My Lord I shall say something to the form of the writ and of the return but very little to them both because there is a very little left for me to say My Lord to the form I say it expresseth nothing of the first caption and therefore it is insufficient I will adde one reason as hath been said the Habeas Corpus hath onely these words quod habeas corpus ejus una cum causa detensionis non captionis But my Lord because in all imprisonment there is a cause of caption and detention the caption is to be answered as well as the detention I have seen many writs of this nature and on them the caption is returned that they might see the time of the caption and thereby know whether the party should be delivered or no and that in regard of the length of his imprisonment The next exception I took to the form is that there is much incertainty in it so that no man can tell when the writ came to the keeper of the prison whether before the return or after for it appears not when the Kings command was for the commitment or the signification of the Councell came to him It is true that it appears that the warant was dated the seventh of November but when it came to the keeper of the prison that appears not at all and therefore as for want of mentioning the same time of the caption so for not expressing the same time when this warrant came I think the return is faulty in form and void And for apparent contradiction also the return is insufficient for that part of the return which is before the warrant it is said quod detentus est per speciale mandatum domini Regis the warrant of the Lords of the Councel the very syllables of that warrant are that the Lords of the Councell do will and require him still to detain him which is contrary to the first part of the return Besides my Lord the Lords themselves say in another place and passage of the warrant that the King commanded them to commit him and so it is their commitment so that upon the whole matter there appears to be a clear contradiction in the return and there being a contradiction in the return it is void Now my Lord I will speak a word or two to the matter of the return and that is touching the imprisonment per speciale mandatum domini Regis by the Lords of the Councell without any cause expressed and admitting of any or either of both of these to be the return I think that by the constant and settled Laws of this kingdome without which we have nothing no man can be justly imprisoned be either of them without a cause of the commitment expressed in the return My Lord in both the last Arguments the statutes have been mentioned and fully expressed yet I will adde a little to that which hath been said The statute of Magna Charta cap. 29. that statute if it were fully executed as it ought to be every man would enjoy his liberty better then he doth The Law saith expresly no Free-man shall be imprisoned without due processe of the Law out of the very body of this Act of Parliament besides the explanation of other statutes it appears Nullus liber homo capiatur vel imprisonetur nisi per legem terrae My Lord I know these words legem terrae do leave the question where it was if the interpretation of the Statute were not But I think under your Lordships favour there it must be intended by due course of Law to be either by presentment or by indictment My Lords if the meaning of these words Per legem terrae were but as we use to
his Majesty and so they put him upon designes that stand not with publick liberty that he commands what he lifts with Lives Goods and Religion and doth as he pleaseth and so they involve all true hearted English-men and Christians under the name of Puritans and so make their quarrel to be his Majesties which is treason of the highest quality Tuesday 27. A Petition was exhibited concerning one Lewis that said about the 25 of December The Devill take the Parliament which was avowed by 2 witnesses It was resolved to be an offence to the Parliament and it was ordered he should be sent for SIr Nathaniel Rich tendered a Petition touching the Fast which was agreed to be preferred to the King It was ordered that a conference should be desired with the Lords about this Petition who were desired to joyn with the lower House which was done accordingly THe King sent a Message by Secretary Cooke to this effect viz. That his Majesty understanding that the Remonstrance was called for to take away all question commanded me to deliver it to you but hopeth that you proceed with the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage and give precedence to that business and to give an end to further dispute between some of his Subjects or else he shall think his Speech that was with a good applause accepted had not that good effect which he expected But before his Messege there was a report made by Mr. Pym for a Committee for Religion where a motion was made about the Remonstrance the last Session concerning that part which toucheth Religion and the Clark answered that by command from the King he delivered it to the Lord Privy Seal and so the Committee proceeded no farther SIr Walter Earl replied to the Message The last part of the Message calls me up For point of precedency Religion challeâ—geth the precedence and the right of our best endeavors Vbi dolor ibi digitus I know justice and liberty is Gods cause but what will justice and liberty do when Popery and Arminianisme joyn hand in hand together to bring in a Spanish Tyranny under which those Laws and liberties must cease What hath been done for Religion since the last Session We know what declarations have been made what persons have been advanced what truthes confirmed by all Authority of Church Councels and King For my part I will forgo my life and estate and liberty rather than my Religion And I dare boldly affirm that never was more corruption between Religion and matters of state than is at this present time Humana consilia castigantur ubi coelestibus se praeferunt Let us hold our selves to method and that God that carried us through so many difficulties the last Parliament Session will not be wanting to us now Mr. Corrington LEt us not do Gods work negligently We receive his Majesties Message withall duty for our proceedings let us so proceed as it may soonest conduce to his Majesties desire Unity concerns all of us the unity of this house is sweet especially in Gods cause let us cry and cry again for this let us be resolved into a Committee and presently fall to debate thereof UPon Mr. Pyms motion It was ordered that Religion should have the precedency and that the particulars before named should be taken into consideration by a Committee of the whole House Wensday 28. Secretary COOKE delivered another Message from his Majesty HIs Majesty upon occasion of dispute in this House about Tonnage and Poundage was pleased to make a gracious declaration wherein he commended unto us the speedy finishing thereof and to give precedency thereto and since his Majesty understanding the preferring the Cause of Religion his Majesty expected rather thanks than a Remonstrance yet he doth not interrupt you so you do not intrench upon that which doth not belong unto you But his Majesty still commanded me to tell you that he expects precedency in Tonnage and Poundage assuring himself he hath given no occasion to put it back and so you will not put it off To this Mr. Long replied I Cannot see but with much sorrow how we are still presed to this point I hoped those near the Chair would have truly informed his Majesty of our good intentions but we see how unhappy we are still some about his Majesty makes him diffident of us Sir Thomas Edmonds I am sorry this House hath given occasion of so many Messages about Tonnage and Poundage after his Majesty hath given us a full satisfaction You may perceive his Majesty is sensible of the neglect of his business we that know this should not discharge our duties to you if we should not perswade you to that course which should procure his Majesties good opinion of you Your selves are witnesses how industrious his Majesty was to procure you gracious Laws in his Fathers time and since that what enlargement he hath made of our liberties and yet still we give him cause to repent him of the good he hath done Consider how dangerous it is to Alienate his Majesties heart from Parliamens Mr. Corington When men speak here of neglect of duty to his Majesty let them know we know no such thing nor what they mean I see not how we do neglect the same I see it is all our hearts to expedite the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage in due time our business is still put back by these Messages and the business in hand is of God and his Majesty Things are certainly amiss and every one sees it and wo be to us if we present them not to his Majesty Sir Iohn Elliot His Speech to the same effect IT was ordered that a Committee should be appointed to pen an Answer to his Majesties Message and shew that it is their resolution to give him all expeditions in his service and that they hold it fit not onely to give him thanks but further to shew what perill we are in and that Tonnage is their own gift and it is to arise from themselves and that they intend not to enter into any thing that belongs not unto themselves Thursday 29. THe former part of the day was spent in dilating of the transportation of corn and victuals into Spain and it was ordered that Message should be sent to his Majesty that it is now evident that diverse ships are bound for Spain and to desire a stay of them After the House sat at a Committee about Religion after long debate it was resolved by the Commons-House as before Friday 30. THe House received an answer from his Majesty touching the Ships which was that he would consider of it and send them an answer in due time Also this day a Committee of the Lower-House went to the King in the Privy-Chamber with the Petition for the Fast and the Arch-Bishop of York after he had made a short Speech presented it to his Majesty in the name of both Houses To which the King answered Munday Febr. 2. THe Lower-House presented a declaration
and constant use in the Court of Kings Bench as it cannot be doubted but your Lordships will easily know also from the grave and learned my Lords the Judges These two causes the one of the Entrie of Committitur Marescallo postea traditur in ballium and the other Remittitur quousque and Remittitur generally or Remittitur prisonae predict together with the nature of the habeas Corpus being thus stated it will be easier for me to open and your Lordships to observe whatsoever shall occurre to this purpose in the Presidents of Record to which I shall come in particular But before I come to the Presidents I am to let your Lordships know the resolution of the House of Commons touching the enlargement of any man committed by the command of the King or of the Privie Councell or of any other without cause shewed of such commitment It is thus That if a Free-man be committed or detained in prison or otherwise restrained by the Command of the King the Privie Councell or any other and no cause of such commitment detainer or restraint be expressed for which by Law he ought to be committed detained or restrained and the same be returned upon a habeas Corpus granted for the partie that then he ought to be delivered or bailed This resolution as it is grounded upon those Acts of Parliament already shewed and the reason of the Law of the Land which is committed to the charge of another and anone to be opened unto you is strengthened also by many Presidents of Record But the Presidents of Record that concerne this point are of two kinds for the House of Commons hath informed it self of such as concern it either way The first such as shew expresly that persons committed by the Command of the King or of the Privie Councell without any cause shewed have been enlarged upon Baile when they prayed it Whence it appeares cleerly that by Law they were bailable and so by habeas Corpus to be set at liberty For although they ought not to have been committed without cause shewen of their commitment yet it is true that the reverend Judges of this Land in former Ages did give such a respect to such commitment by Command of the King or of the Lords of the Councell as also to the commitments sometimes of inferiour persons that upon the habeas Corpus they rarely used absolutely to discharge the prisoners instantly but to enlarge them only upon Baile which sufficiently secures and preserves the Liberty of the Subject according to the Lawes that your Lordships have already heard Nor in any of these cases is there any difference made between any such commitments by the King and commitments by the Lords of the Councell that are incorporated with him The second kind of Presidents of Record are such as have been pretended to prove the Law to be contrarie and that persons so committed ought not to be set at liberty upon Baile and are in the nature of Objections out of Record I shall deliver them summarily to your Lordships with all faith as also the true Copies of them Out of which it shall appear cleerly to your Lordships that of those of the first kind there are no lesse then twelve most full and directly in the point to prove that persons so committed are to be delivered upon baile and among those of the other kind there is not so much as one that proves at all any thing to the contrary I shall first my Lords go through them of the first kind and so observe them to your Lordships that such scruples as have been made upon them by some that have excepted against them shall be cleered also according as I shall open them severally The first of this first kind is of Edw. 3. time It is in Pasche 18. E. 3. Rot. 33. Rex The case was thus King E. 3. had committed by Writ that under his Great Seal as most of the Kings Commands in that time were one Iohn de Bidleston a Clergie man to the prison of the Tower without any cause shewed of the commitment The Lieutenant of the Tower is commanded to bring him into the Kings Bench where he is committed to the Marshall But the Court asked of the Lieutenant if there were any cause to keep this Bidleston in prison besides that commitment of the King He answered No. Whereupon as the Roll saith Quia videtur Curiae breve predictum that is the Kings Command sufficientem non esse causam predictum Johannem de Bidleston in prisona Marr. Regis hic detinend idem Johannes dimittitur per manucaptionem Will. de Wakefield and some others Where the Judgement of the Court is fully declared in the very point The second of this first kind of Presidents of Record is in the time of H. the 8. One Iohn Parker was committed to the Sheriffs of London prosecuritate pacis at the Suit of one Brinton ac pro suspicione fellonie committed by him at Cow all in Glocester shire ac per mandatum Dni Regis he is committed to the Marshall of the Kings Bench posâ—ea isto eodem Terminâ— traditur in Ballium There were other causes of the commitment but plainly one was a Command of the King signified to the Sheriff of London of which they took notice But some have interpreted this as if the commitment here had been for suspicion of fellony by command of the King in which case it is agreed of all hands that the Prisoner is â—ailable But no man can think so of this President that observes the Contents and understands the Grammar of it wherein most plainly ac per mandatum Regis hath no reference to any other cause whatsoever but is a single cause enumerated in the Return by it self as the Record cleerly shewes It is in the 22. H. 8. Rot. 37. The third is of the same time It is 35. H. 8. Rot. 33. Iohn Bincks case He was committed by the Lords of the Councell pro suspicione fellâ—nie ac pro aliiâ— caâ—sis illos movantibus Qui committitur Marescallo c. et immediate ex gratiâ— curiae special traditur in ballium They commit him for suspicion of fellony and other causes them thereunto moving wherein there might be matter of State or whatsoever else can be supposed and plainly the cause of the commitment is not expressed yet the Court bailed him without having regard to those other unknown causes that moved the Lords of the Councell But it is indeed somewhat different from either of those other two that precede and from the other nine that follow For it is agreed That if a cause be expressed in the return insomuch as the Court can know why he is committed that then he may be bailed but not if they know not the cause Now when a man is committed for a cause expressed pro aliis causis Dominos de Concilio moventibus certainly the Court can no more know in such a case
18. Edward 3. he was returned and brought before them as Committed onely by the Writt wherein noe Cause is expressed and the Leivetenant the Constable of the Tower that brought him into the Court saies that he had no other warrant to detain him Nisi breve predictum wherein there was no mention of any Cause the Court thereupon adjudged that breve predictum for that speciall command was not sufficient causa to detain him in prison and thereupon he is by judgment of the Court in Easter term let to Mainprize But that part of the Record wherein it appears that he had indeed been committed for suspicion of Treason is of Trinity term following when the King after the letting of him to Mainprize sent to the Judges that they should discharge his Mainprize because no man prosecuted him And at that time it appears but not before that he had been in for suspicion of Treason so that he was returned to stand committed by the Kings special command onely without Cause shewed in Easter term And then by judgment of the Court let to Mainprize which to this purpose is but the same with bail though otherwise it differ And in the term following upon another occasion the Court knew that he had been committed for suspicion of Treason which hath no relation at all to the letting of him to Mainprize nor to the judgement of the Court then given when they did not nor could possible know any Cause for which the King had committed him And it was said in behalf of the house of Commons that they had not indeed in the Argument expresly used this latter part of Bildstones Case because it being onely of Trinity term following could not concern the reason of an Award given by the Court in Easter term next before yet notwithstanding that they had most faithfully at the time of their Argument delivered into the Lords as indeed they had a perfect coppy at large of the whole Record of this Case as they had done also of all other presidents whatsoever cited by them in so much as in truth there was not one president of Record of either side the coppy whereof they had not delivered in likewise nor did M r. Attorney mention any one besides those that were so delivered in by them And as touching those 3. kinds of Records the remembrance Roll the return and file of the Writt and the Scruets it was answered by the gentlemen imployed by the house of Commons that it was true that the Scruect and return of this Case of Bildstone was not to be found but that did not lessen the weight of the president because always in the Award or Judgment drawn up in the remembrance Roll the Cause whatsoever it be when any is shewed upon the return is always expressed as it appears clearly by the constant Entries of the Kings-Bench Court so that if any Cause had appeared plainly in that part of the Roll which belongs to Easter term wherein the Judgment was given but the return of the commitment by the Kings command without Cause shewed and the Judgment of the Court that the Prisoner was to be let to Mainprize appears therein onely and so notwithstanding any Objection made by M r. Attorney the Cause was maintained to be a clear proof among many others touching the resolution of the house of Commons To the second of these 12. which is Parkers Case in the 22. H. 8. Rot. 37. his Objections were two First that it is true that he was returned to be committed Per mandatum domini Regis but it appeared that this command was certified to the Shreiffs of London by one Robert Peck gentleman and that in regard that the command came no otherwise the return was held insufficient and that therefore he was bailed Secondly that it appears also in the Record that he was committed pro suspicione felloniae ac per mandatum domini Regis so that in regard that the command that in the expression of the causes of his commitment suspicion of fellony preceeds the command of the King therefore it must be intended that the Court tooke the Cause why the King committed him to be of less moment then fellony and therefore bailed him For he Objected that even the house of Commons themselves in some Arguments used by them touching the interpretation of the statute of Westminster the first cap. 15. about this point had affirmed that in enumeration of particulars those of greatest nature were first mentioned and that it was supposed that such as followed were usually of less nature or moment But the reply was to the first Objection that the addition of the certefying of the Kings command by Robert Peck altered not the Case First because the Sheriffs in their Return took notice of the command as what they were assured of and then howsoever it came to them it was of equal force as if it had been mantioned without reference to Peck Secondly as divers Patents pass the great Seal by writ of privy Seal and are subscribed Per breve de privato sigillo so diverse per ipsum Regem are so subscribed and oftentimes in the Roll of former times to the words per ipsum Regem are added nunciante A. B. So that the Kings command generally and the Kings command related or certified by such a man is to this purpose of like nature Thirdly in the late great Case of Habeas Corpus where the Return of the commitment was Per speciale mandatum Domini Regis mihi significatum per Dominos de privato Consilio the Court of Kings-Bench did agree that it was the same and of like force as if mihi significatum c. had not followed and that those words were void According whereunto here also Per mandatum Dom. Regis nunciatum per Robert Peck had been wholly omitted and void likewise And in truth in that late Case this Case of Parker was cited both at the Barr and Bench and at the Bench it was interpreted by the Judges no otherwise then if it had been onely per mandatum Domini Regis in place of it but the Objection there was made of another kinde as was delivered in the first Argument made out of presidents in the behalf of the house of Commons Therefore to the second Objection touching the course of Enumeration of the Causes in the Return it was said that howsoever in some Acts of Parliament and else where in the solemn expressions used in the Law things of greater nature preceded and the less follow yet in this Case the contrary was most plain for in the Return it appears that there were three Causes for detaining the Prisoners Surety of the peace Suspicion of Fellony and the Kings command and Surety of the peace is first mentioned which is plainly less then Fellony And therefore it is plain if any force of Argument be taken from this enumeration that the contrary to that which M r. Attorney inferred is
to his Majesty in answer to two Messages sent by him Tuesday 3. SEcretary Cook reported that himself and the rest of the Committees attended his Majesty upon Munday and he said For my part I have used all diligence to do all the commands of my Master and this House and I find that some exceptions have been taken at some words by me used when I delivered the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage Indeed I used many Arguments in speaking of his Majesty I said it much concerned him and that his Majesty much desired it and I required it in his name which I did not intend but to avoide dispute and I said not this was an ordinary revenue but this Tonnage was the means to inable his Majesty to set his Fleet to sea After this Apology he read his Majesties answer to the Petition of the Lower-House Sir Iohn Elliot Mr. Speaker I confess this hath given great satisfaction for present desires and future hopes and howsoever I find the misinterpretation of some and the danger of Religion yet I find his Majesties ears open and if these things be thus as we see that then he is not rightly counselled I am confident we shall render his Majesty an account of what he expecteth but Sir I apprehend a difference between his Majesties expression and the expression of his Ministers First Sir that Bill was here tendered in his Majesties name and now we find his Majesty disavows it that he did it not What wrong is this done to his Majesty and to this House to press things in his Soveraigns name to the prejudice and distraction of us all I think him not worthy to sit in this House Mr. Speaker THis Honorable person did explain himself that he did not press it in his Majesties name but onely did commend it to your considerations Secretary Cook I Said that in regard of the difference between his Majestie and his Subjects my desire was to accommodate it Sir Humfrey May IF ye be too quick to except against the ministers of his Majestie that serve his Majestie and this House it will discourage and stop our mouthes whose service ye dayly commend At the Committee for Religion Sir Iohn Elliot FOr the way of our proceedings to shew the weight and unitie thereof to all the world we have laid a good foundation I collect out of the particulars about the Article of Lambeth that the difference was in the manner of the use of them but all did profess the truth and worth of them at which unitie in all our hearts we may all rejoyce whereas the enemie abroad gives out that we are at faction amongst our selves whereas all of us took them granted not onely to make use of them to oppose our adversaries but also for the worth of them Let us boldly relie on the ground alreadie laid let us look to them that offended us in this our truth which I hope we shall live and die in if there be cause Are there Arminians for so they are called look to this see what degree they creep let us observe their Books and Sermons let us strike at them and make our charge at them and vindicate our truth that seems yet obscure and if any justifie themselves in their new opinions let us deal with them and then testimonie will be needfull our truth is clear our proofs will be many and if these parties will dare to defend themselves then seek for proof The Remonstrance of the last Parliament was read in part about Arminians and also his Majesties Declaration printed with the book of Articles and the Proclamation against Mountague Wednesday Febr. 4. A Bill preferred that no Clergie-man shall be in Commission for Peace except Bishops Deans Vice-Chancellors of both Universities c. within their severall jurisdictions Doctor Reeves which sat as Judge upon the Conservation of Mr. Mountague called in and examined saith That Objections were offered Ore tenus and after offered in writing but he rejected the same because they had not an advocates hand and upon the whole saith he durst neither admit of any objections for the present nor give time for the same upon pain of premunire by the Statute Doctor Talbot and Doctor Steward are assigned for Councel with Mr. Iones the Printer in his Cause Mr. Selden THe point considerable is not whether Doctor Reeves hath done well or ill for he did but as any discreet man would have done but the point is now whether Mr. Mountague be a lawfull Bishop or no. Neither is the question to be debated whether the exceptions be lawfull or no but being legal of what force they be to hinder the confirmation of the Bishop All which is agreed and Doctor Reeves for the present discharged A Petition is preferred by Thomas Ogle against Doctor Cosens with Articles annexed thereunto tending to the introducing of Popish Doctrine and Popish Ceremonies into the Cathedral Church at Durham Sir Euball Thelwall THere were two affidavits that Cosens should say That the King had no more to do with Religion then his Horse-keeper and that by the appointment of Mr. Attorney these affidavits were taken and he said to the end a Bill in Star-chamber might be filed against him But since Cosens hath his pardon and the King was told it was onely raised by the spleen of some Puritane Mr. Shervile DEsired that search might be made for the pardons There were four pardons under the Great Seal granted to Mountague Sibthorpe Cosens and Manwering it pardons all Treasons Premunires Errors erronious Opinions and all false Doctrines scandalous Speeches or Books and all offences by word and deed all corrupt contracts c. Treason to the person of the King and Witchcraft onely excepted Mr. Rousse HEre are four persons that have made the Common-wealth sick thus by the Phisick you see the Diseases but I conceive there is other physick to be ministered to those rotten Members for questionless this is not to be cured but by cutting off those Members Mr. Kirton MAster Kirton moved that the procurers of these Pardons might be enquired after that it might be seen who gave order to the Signet for the going forth of those Pardons for questionless there are Cosens at Court too Sir Robert Philips IF ever any was abused it was our King in granting those pardons we would save the time of doing any thing if this be not searched to the bottom The goodness of our King is much abused I desire the Attorney may give account by what Warrant he drew these pardons so shall we find out those that misled the King to the heart-grief of us all It is high time to find out all these things A Committee was hereupon named to enquire who have been the Solicitors and Procurers of these pardons Sir Edward Giles I Know not what prevention may happen in these for questionless the devil of hell hath his hand in it Therefore presently let us send for Mr. Attorney Which was Ordered Sir
by the Lord Keeper ibid. S r Iohn Elliot's speech Iune 3. ibid. A Report from the Committee for trade Iune 4. pag. 201 His Majesties message to the House of Commons by the Speaker Iune 6. pag. 203 The Kings Speeches Iune 7 and the Petition of Right read and granted pag. 204 The motions of the lower House to the Higher ibid. Sir Thomas Wentworths speech pag. 205 The Kings message to the lower House by Sir Humphry May Iune 10. pag. 206 Eight particulars voted in the House of commons against the Duke of Buckingham Iune 11 ibid. The first Remonstrance of the House of Commons ibid. A Schedule of the shipping of this Kingdome which have been taken by the Enemy and lost at sea within the space of three yeares last past pag. 215 The Kings Answer to the Remonstrance Iune 17. p. 217 The Kings speech at the end of the Session Iune 26. ibid. The second Remonstrance pag. 218 A Letter which was found amongst some Jesuits that were lately taken at London and addressed to the Father Rector at Bruxills pag. 220 Motives to induce the Knights Citizens and Burgesses of the Commons house of Parliament to petition his Majesty for the revoking and abolishing of the degrees of Baronets lately erected by his Highnesses letters pattents pag. 224 The examination of Andrew le Brun Captain of the Mary of Rochell pag. 226 Articles against Melvin p. 227 A privie Seal for the transporting of horses Ianuary 30 tertio Caroli ibid. The Commission to the Lords and others of the Privy Councell concerning the present raising of Money pag. 228 Articles to be propounded to the Captains and Masters as well English as French touching the service in hand at Rochell May 4. 1628. p. 230 The Answer to the Articles propounded by the Lord generall and the rest of the Councell of warre pag. 231. A TABLE of the transactions of the second Session of the Parliament begun Ian. 20. 1628. M r Selden's report concerning the Petition of Right Ianuary 21 pag. 235 M r Pymms motion ibid. Sir Iohn Elliots reply ibid. M r Seldens speech concerning the Petition of Right p. 236 M r Norton the Kings Printer brought to the barre ibid. Sir Iohn Elliot ibid. Sir Robert Phillip's speech Ianuary 22. ibid. M r Littleton pag. 237 Sir Iohn Elliot ibid. M r Selden concerning the printing of the Petition of Right ibid. His Majesties message Ian. 23 24. pag. 238 M r Walter Ian. 26 ibid. M r Secretary Coke ibid. Sir Francis Beamor ibid. M r Kirton ibid. M r Sherland pag. â—39 Sir Nath. Rich Ian. 27 ibid. The Kings Message by Secretary Coke ibid. Sir Walter Earl pag. 240 M r Corrington ibid. M r Pymme ibid. Another Message from his Majesty Ianuary 28 deliver'd by Secretary Coke ibid. M r Long 's Reply pag. 241 Sir Thomas Edmonds ibid. M r Corrington ibid. Sir Iohn Elliot ibid. Secretary Coke's speech Feb. 3 pag. 242 Sir Iohn Elliot ibid. M r Speaker pag. 243 Secretary Coke ibid. Sir Hum. May ibid. Sir Iohn Elliot at the Committee for Religion ibid. A Bill that no Clergy man be in Commission for Peace Feb. 4 ibid. M r Selden pag. 244 A Petition against D r. Cosens ibid. Sir Eubal Thelwall ibid. M r Shervile ibid. M r Rouse ibid. M r Kirton ibid. Sir Robert Phillips pag. 245 Sir Edward Giles ibid. Sir Iames Perot ibid. M r Pymme ibid. Sir Robert Phillips ibid A Petition about an imposition upon mault Febr. 5 p. 246 M r Long ibid. M r Ogle ibid. Secretary Coke ibid. Sir Robert Phillips ibid. A Petition against Whittington a Papist Febr. 6. ibid. M r Shervile pag. 247 S r Nath. Rich ibid. S r O. Roberts upon an Affidavit against D r Cosens ibid. S r Iohn Elliot ibid. M r Kirton Febr. 7. ibid. S r Walter Earl ibid. S r Robert Phillips ibid. M r Selden pag. 249 S r Robert Phillips ibid. M r Pymme ibid. M r Shervile ibid. S r Iohn Stanhope ibid. S r Nath. Rich ibid. S r Iohn Elliot ibid. S r Daniel Norton pag. 250 S r Robert Phillips ibid. The Chancellor of the Dutchy ibid. S r Thomas Heale ibid. M r Valentine ibid. Transactions concerning Cosens Bishop Mountague c. Febr. 9. ibid. S r Robert Phillips February 10 pag. 251 M r Chancellor of the Dutchy pag. 252 M r Selden ibid. S r Francis Seymour ibid. M r Selden pag. 253 M r Kirton ibid. M r Littleton ibid. S r Benjamin Ruddier ibid. M r Selden Febr. 11 ibid. A Petition of the booksellers and printers at the Committee for Religion pag. 254 M r Shervile's Report concerning D r Sibthorpe Cosens and Manwaring ibid. Sir Walter Earl pag. 255 A Committee for tonnage and poundage Febr. 12 Shervile in the Chair ibid. S r Iohn Elliot ibid. A Petition against Burges a Priest Febr. 13 pag. 257 S r Iohn Elliot ibid. Sir Will. Bawstrod at a Committee for Religion ibid. Sir Richard Gravenor pag. 258 Secretary Coke ibid. A Complaint against the Lord Lambert Febr 14 pag. 259 M r Kirton ibid. S r Thomas Hobbie at a Committee for Religion pag. 260 M r Stroud at a Committee for Religion Febr. 16 p. 261 Another petition preferred by M r Chambers Febr. 17. p. 262 A publick Fast Febr. 18 p. 263 M r Dawes call'd in question for taking M r Rolls his goods Febr. 19 ibid. A petition of Complaint against the Lord deputy of Ireland Febr. 20 ibid. A petition by M r Symons in complaint of the Customers Febr. 21 pag. 264 The Committee for Merchants ibid. The protestation of the Commons in Parliament March 2 1628 Pag. 267 The Kings speech in the House of Parliament March 10. to dissolve it Pag. 268 His Majesties letter and queres concerning ship money and the answer thereunto The KINGS Speech 17. March 1627. My Lords and Gentlemen THese Times are for action wherefore for examples sake I meane not to spend much time in words expecting accordingly that your as I hope good resolutions will be speedy not spending time unnecessarily or that I may better say dangerously for tedious Consultations at this conjuncture of time are as hurtfull as ill Resolutions I am sure you now expect from me both to know the cause of your meeting and what to resolve on yet I think there is none here but knowes that common Danger is the cause of this Parliament and that Supply at this time is the chief end of it so that I need but point to you what to do I will use but few perswasions for if to maintaine your owne advises and as now the case stands by the following thereof the true Religion Lawes and Liberties of this State and the just defence of our true Friends and Allies be not sufficient then no eloquence of Men or Angels will prevaile Only let me remember you that my duty most of all and every one of yours according to his degree is to seek the maintenance of this Church and
courages but to presse to provision worthy the wisdome of a Parliament And for that cause his Majestie hath called you hither that by a timely provision against those great imminent dangers our selves may be strengthened at home our Friends and Allies incouraged abroad and those great causes of feare scattered and dispelled And because in all warlike preparations Treasure bears the name and holds the semblance of the nerves and sinewes and if a sinew be too short or too weak if it be either shrunk or strained the part becomes unusefull it is needfull that you make a good and timely supply of treasure without which all counsells will prove fruitlesse I might presse many reasons to this end I will but name few First for his Majesties sake who requires it great is the duty which we owe him by the law of God great by the law of Nature and our own Allegeance great for his own merit and the memory of his ever blessed Father I do but point at them but me thinks our thoughts cannot but recoyle on our consideration touched by his Majestie which to me seemes to sound like a Parliamentarie part or Covenant A Warre was advised here Assistance professed yea and protested here I do but touch it I know you will deeply think on it and the more for the example the King hath set you his Lands his Plate his Jewells he hath not spared to supply the War what the People hath protested the King for his part hath willingly performed Secondly for the Cause sake it concernes us in Christian Charity to tender the distresses of our Friends abroad it concernes us in honour not to abandon them that have stood for us and if this come not close enough you shall finde our Interest so woven and involved with theirs that the Cause is more ours then theirs If Religion be in perill wee have the most flourishing and orthodoxe Church if Honour be in question the steps and monuments in former ages will shew that our Ancestours have left us as much as any Nation if Trade Commerce be in danger we are Islanders it is our life all these at once lye at stake and so doth our safety and being Lastly in respect of the manner of his Majesties demand which is in Parliament the way that hath ever best pleased the subjects of England and good cause for it for Aides granted in Parliament work good effects for the People they be commonly accompanied with wholesome Lawes gracious Pardons and the like Besides just and good Kings finding the love of their people and the readinesse of their supplies may the better forbear the use of their Prerogatives and moderate the rigour of the Lawes towards their Subjects This way as his Majestie hath told you he hath chosen not as the onely way but as the fittest not as destitute of others but as most agreeable to the goodnesse of his own most gracious disposition and to the desire and weâ—le of his people If this be deferred Necessity and the Sword of the Enemy make way to the others Remember his Majesties admonition I say remember it Let me but adde and observe Gods mercy towards this land above all others the torrent of Warre hath overwhelmed other Churches and Countries but God hath hitherto restrained it from us and still gives us warning of every approaching danger to save us from surprize And our gracious Sovereign in a true sense of it calls together his High Court of Parliament the lively representation of the wisdome wealth and power of the whole Kingdome to joyn together to repell those hostile attempts which have distressed our Friends and Allies and threatned our selves And therefore it behoves all to apply their thoughts unto Counsell and Consultations worthy the greatnesse and wisdome of this Assembly to avoid discontents which may either distemper or delay and to attend that unum necessarium the common Cause propounding for the scope and work of all the debates the generall good of the King and Kingdome whom God hath joyned together with an indissoluble knot which none must attempâ— to cut or untie And let all by unity and good accord endeavour to pattern this Parliament by the best that have been that it may be a pattern to future Parliaments and may infuse into Parliaments a kinde of multiplying power and faculty whereby they may be more frequent and the King our Sovereign may delight to sit on this Throne and from hence to distribute his graces and favours amongst his people His Majestie hath given you cause to be confident of this you have heard from his royall mouth which neverthelesse he hath given me expresse command to redouble If this Parliament by their dutifull and wise proceedings shall but give this occasion his Majestie will be ready not onely to manifest his gracious acceptation but to put out all memory of those disasters that have troubled former Parliaments I have but one thing to adde and that is As your consultations be serious so let them be speedy The Enemy is beforehand with us and flies on the wings of Successe we may dallie and play with the houre-glasse that is in our powers but the houre will not stay for us and an opportunity once lost cannot be regained And therefore resolve of your Supplies that they may be timely and sufficient serving the occasion Your Counsel your Aid all is but lost if your Aid be either too little or too late And his Majestie is resolved that his affaires cannot permit him to expect it overlong And now having delivered what his Majestie hath commanded me concerning the cause of this Assembly his Majestie willeth that you of the House of Commons repaire to your owne House to make choice of a Speaker whom his Majestie will expect to be presented unto him on Wednesday next at two of the clock The Speaker Sir John Finches Speech March 19. 1627. Most Gracious Sovereign YOur obedient and loyall Subjects the Knights Citizens and Burgesses by your royall Summons here assembled in obedience to your gracious direction according to their antient usage aud priviledge have lately proceeded to the choice of a Speaker and whether fequestring their better Judgements for your more weighty affairs or to make it known that their honour and wisdome can suffer neither increase nor diminution by the value or demerits of any one particular Member in what place soever serving them omitting others of worth and ability they have fixed their eyes of favour and affection on Mee Their long knowledge of my unfitnesse every way to undergo a charge of this important weight and consequence gave mee some hope they would have admitted my just excuse yet for their further and clearer satisfaction I drew the curtains and let in what light I could upon my owne inmost thoughts truely and really discovering to them what my self best knew and what I most humbly beseech your royall Majestie to take now into consideration that of so many hundreds
Assembly so that you are secure not onely from wilfull and pregnant errours but from doubt of sinister interpretation My Lord the King is as an Angel of God of a quick of a noble and just apprehension he straines not at gnats he will easily distinguish between a vapour and a fogg between a mist of â—rrour and a cloud of evill right he knowes if the heart be right Out of the abundance of the heart the mouth speakes You proceed to a survey of the lustre of this great and glorious Assemblie and in that as in a curious Crystall you observe the true happinesse which we all here enjoy You have distributed and divided aright and whosoever sees it otherwise hath an evill eye or a false glasse We have enjoyed it long through the happy meanes of gracious and good Princes and the way to enjoy it still is to know and heartily to acknowledge it and that God hath not done so to any other Nation It is a prime cause or meanes of this our happinesse You mention the forme of Government under which we live a Monarchie and the best of Monarchies where Sovereignty is hereditarie no Inter-Regnum nor competition for a Crown Descent and Succession are all one The Spirit of God by the mouth of the wisest of Kings long since proclaimed this happinesse Blessed art thou O Land where thy King is the son of Nobles The frames of other States are subject some to inconstant Levitie some to Faction some to Emulation and Ambition and all to manifold Distempers in which the People go to wrack The Monarchie is most naturall and in it Unity is the best cement of all government principally in respect of the unity of the Head which commands the rest And therefore other States when they have tryed a while doe for the most part resolve into this as into the best for Peace for Strength and for Continuance But formes of other governments though never so exact move not of themselves but are moved of their governours And therefore our Monarchie as you have truly said this glorious Assemblie the lively image and representation of our Monarchie is made happy and perfect by the Royall Presence that sits here in his highest Royal Throne the Throne of the Law-giver glorious in it selfe glorious by those happy Lawes and Oracles which have issued from it and most glorious by them that sit on it his Majestie and his Royall Progenitours incomparable Kings that with so much honour have swayed the Sceptre of this Kingdome so many successions of Ages In the next place after the Throne of Majestie you look into the Chaire of Doctrine the reverend Prelates and upon the state of Religion their proper charge This is the blessing of all blessings the priviledge and assurance that secures us of all the rest that as our Religion is most sincere and orthodoxe so our Clergie is eminent both for purity of Doctrine and integritie of Life our Priests are clothed with righteousnesse and their lips preserve knowledge and therefore God's Saints may and doe sing with joyfulnesse I must joyn with you in attributing this transcendent blessing to us as in the first place to God's goodnesse so in the second to his Majestie 's piety who following the steps of his ever-blessed Father is carefull that all the Lamps of the Church may be furnished with Oyle and especially those which are set on golden Candle-sticks with the purest and best oyle The Schools also and nurceries of Learning never so replenished especially with Divinity as in this last Age as they all shew his Majestie 's Piety so are they infallible Arguments of his Constancy The triall which you call the fierie triall undergone by his Majestie in the place of danger and again the power and policie of Rome and Spaine hath approved his resolution inimitable and his own remarkable example in his closet and his chamber his strict over-sight of and command to his Houshold servants and his charge to his Bishops and Judges his Edicts his Proclamations and Commissions and the like for the execution of the Lawes and his general care to preserve the fountain pure both from Schisme and Superstition are faire fruits and effects of a pious and zealous resolution From the chaire of Doctrine you turn to the state of Honour unto the Nobles and Barons of England These are Robur belli who for the service of the King and Kingdome are to make good with their Swords what the Church-men must hallow and blesse by their Prayers And therefore as the Prelates are the great Lights of the Church so the Nobility are the Starres of the State and you know that the starres have fought and fought powerfully against the enemies of God From the state of Honour you come to the state of Justice and to the twelve Lyons under Solomon's Throne the Iudges and Sages of the Law and as their peculiar charge intrusted to them by our Sovereigne the Lawes of the Kingdome Lawes undoubtedly fitted to the constitution of this people for Leges Angliae and Consuetudines Angliae are Synonyma and Confuetudo est alter a natura so as besides the justnesse and rightnesse of the Lawes they are become naturall to our people and that is one of the powerfullest meanes which begetteth obedience and such Lawes in the mouthes of learned and upright Judges are like waters in a pure chanel which the fairer it runs the clearer they run and produce that whereof Solomon speaks Prov. 29. 2. When the righteous are in authority the People rejoyce From the Law you passe to the Knights Citizens and Burgesses and the third Estate who represent the Commons of England in whom the Scripture is verified In the multitude of People is the Kings honour and therefore you may be sure that distance of place and order breeds no distance in affection for wise Kings everlay their honour next to their hearts Kings are Pastores populi and the Shepherds care is nothing lesse to the furthest then to the next part of his Flock and it is asmuch towards the least of his Lambs as towards the greatest Cattel And as in the Natural bodie no member is so remote but it is still within the care of the head so in this great Politick bodie of the Kingdome no ranck or order of People so low is at such distance from the Throne but it dayly feeles the influence and benefit of the Kings care and protection And to say the truth in a well-governed Kingdome the superiour rancks of Nobles of Judges and of Magistrates are not ordained for themselves but as conduits for the Kings justice protection and goodnesse to the lower rancks of his People And as the People are so its just cause they should be constant to the Poles of Love and Loyalty And thus having perused both Houses by divided parts joyn them together and in that juncture you believe truly and materially that the greatest denyal of their joynt requests is The King
Treason the King shall not have this Jewell if he payes not the ten pound So if Cattel be distreined and the owner of them afterwards be attainted yet the King shall not have them untill he have satisfied that for which they were distreined And if in these Cases where the owners of the goods are such capitall offendours the King cannot have them much lesse shall he have them when the owner is innocent and no offendour Nay I may well say that almost every leaf and page of all the volumes of our Common Law prove this right of propriety this distinction of meum and tuum aswell between King and Subject as one Subject and another and therefore my Conclusion follows that if the Prerogative extend not neither to Lands nor to Goods then à fortiori not to the Person which is more worth then either lands or goods as I said And yet I agree that by the very law of Nature service of the Person of the Subject is due to his Soveraigne but this must be in such things which are not against the law of Nature but to have the body imprisoned without any cause declared and so to become in bondage I am sure is contrary unto and against the law of Nature and therefore not to be inforced by the Soveraigne upon his Subjects 3. My next reason is drawn ab inuâ—ili incommodo For the Statute de frangentibus prisonam made 1 E. 2. is quod nullus qui prisonam fregerit subeat judicium vitae vel membrorum pro fractione prisonae tantum nisi causa pro qua captus imprisonetur tale Iudicium requirat Whence this Conclusion is clearly gathered That if a man be committed to prison without declaring what cause and then if either Malefactour do break the prison or the Gaoler suffer him to escape albeit the prisoner so escaping had committed Crimen laesae majestatis yet neither the Gaoler nor any other that procured his escape by the Law suffer any corporall punishment for setting him at large which if admitted might prove in consequence a matter of great danger to the Common-wealth 4. My next reason is drawn ab Regis honore from that great honour the Law doth attribute unto soveraigne Majesty and therefore the Rule of Law is that Solum Rex hoc non potest facere quod non potest juste agere And therefore if a Subject hath the donation and the King the presentation to a Church whereunto the King presents without the Subjects nomination here the quare impedit lies against the Incumbent and the King is in Law no disturber And Hussey chief Justice in 1 H. 7. fol. 4. saith that Sir Iohn Markâ—am told King Edw. 4. he could not arrest a man either for treason or fellony as a Subject might because that if the King did wrong the party could not have his Action against him What is the reason that an Action of false imprisonment lies against the Sheriff if he doth not return the Kings Writ by which he hath taken the body of the Subject but this because the Writ doth breviter enarrare causam eaptionis which if it doth not it shall abate and is void in Law and being returned the party when he appears may know what to answer and the Court upon what to judge And if the Kings Writ under his great Seal cannot imprison the Subject unlesse it contains the cause shall then the Kings warrant otherwise doe it without containing the cause that his Judges upon return thereof may likewise judge of the same either to remain or judge the partie imprisoned I should argue this point more closely upon the statute of Magna Charta 29. quod nullus liber homo imprisonetur the statute of West 1. cap. 15. for letting persons to bail and the Judgements lately given in the Kings Bench but the later of these statutes referring having been by that honourable Gent. to whom the Professours of the Law both in this and all succeding ages are and will be much bound already expounded unto us and that also fortified by those many contemporary Expositions and Judgements by him learnedly cited and there being many learned Lawyers here whose time I will not waste who were present and some of them perhaps of councell in the late Cause adjudged in the Kings Bench where you to whose person I now speak do well know I was absent being then of councel in a cause in another Court and my practice being in the Country farre remote from the treasure of Antiquity and Records conducing to the clearing of this point Therefore the narrowness of my understanding commends unto me sober ignorance rather then presumptuous knowledge and also commands me no further to trouble your Patience But I will conclude with that which I find reported of Sir Iohn Davis who was the Kings Serjeant and so by the duty of his place would no doubt maintain to his uttermost the Prerogatives of the King his royall Master and yet it was by him thus said in those Reports of his upon the case of Tavistry Customs That the Kings of England alwayes have had a Monarchy Royall and not a Monarchy Seignorall where under the first saith he the Subjects are Free-men and have propriety in their goods and free-hold and inheritance in their Lands but under the later they are as Villains and Slaves and have proprietie in nothing And therefore saith he when a Royall Monarch makes a new Conquest yet if he receives any of his Nations ancient Inhabitants into his protection they and their heirs after them shall enjoy their Lands and Liberties according to the Law And there he voucheth this President and Judgement following given before William the Conquerour himself viz. That one Sherborn at the time of the Conquest being owner of a Castle and lands in Norfolk the Conquerour gave the same to one Warren a Norman and Sherborn dying the Heir clayming the same by descent according to the Law it was before the Conquerour himself adjudged for the Heir and that the gift thereof by the Conquerour was void If then it were thus in the Conquerour's time by his own sentence and judgement and hath so continued in all the successions of our Kings ever since what doubt need we have but that his most excellent Majestie upon our humble petition prostrated at his feet which as was well said is the best passage to his heart will vouchsafe unto us our ancient Liberties and Birthrights with a through reformation of this and other just grievances And so I humbly crave pardon of this honourable House that I have made a short Lesson long Sir Benjamin Ruddier's Speech March 22. 1627. Mr. Speaker OF the mischiefs that have lately fallen upon us by the late distractions here is every man sensible and that may ensue the like which God forbid we may easily see and too late repent The eyes of Christendome are upon us and as we speed here so go the Fortunes of
made to the King and Lords which is against the statute made in the 25 Ed. 3. c. 4. 42 E. 3. c. 3. By the Statute 25 Ed. 3. cap. 4. It is ordained and established that no man from henceforth shall be taken by petition or suggestion made to the King or his Councell but by indictment or course of Law and acordingly it was enacted 42 E. 3. c. 3. the title of which statute is None shall be put to answer an accusation made to the King without presentment Then my Lord it being so although the cause should not need to be expressed in such manner as that it may appear to be none of these causes mentioned in the statute or else the Subject by this return loseth the benefit and advantage of these Laws which be their birth-right and inheritance but in this return there is no cause at all appearing of the first commitment and therefore it is plain that there is no cause for your Lordship to remand him but there is no cause you should deliver him since the writ is to bring the body and the cause of the imprisonment before your Lordship But it may be objected that this writ of Habeas Corpus doth not demand the cause of the first commitment but of the detaining onely and so the writ is satisfied by the return for though it shew no cause of the first commitment but of detaining onely yet it declareth a cause why the Gentleman is detained in prison this is no answer nor can give any satisfaction for the reason why the cause is to be returned is for the Subjects liberty that if it shall appear a good and sufficient cause to your Lordship then to be remanded if your Lordship think and finde it insufficient he is to be enlarged This is the end of this writ and this cannot appear to your Lordship unlesse the time of the first commitment be expressed in the return I know that in some cases the time is not materiall as when the cause of the commitment is and that so especially returned as that the time is not materiall it is enough to shew the cause without the time as after a conviction or triall had by Law But when it is in this manner that the time is the matter it self for intend what cause you will of the commitment yea though for the highest cause of treason there is no doubt but that upon the return thereof the time of it must appear for it being before triall and conviction had by Law it is but an accusation and he that is onely accused and the accusation ought by Law to be let to bail But I beseech your Lordship to observe the consequence of this Cause If the Law be that upon this return this Gentleman should be remanded I will not dispute whether or no a man may be imprisoned before he be convicted according to the Law but if this return shall be good then his imprisonment shall not continue on for a time but for ever and the Subjects of this Kingdome may be restrained of their liberties perpetually and by Law their can be no remedy for the Subject and therefore this return cannot stand with the Laws of the Realm or that of Magna Charta Nor with the statute of 28 Ed. 3. ca. 3. for if a man be not bailable upon this return they cannot have the benefit of these two Laws which are the inheritance of the Subject If your Lordship shall think this to be a sufficient cause then it goeth to a perpetuall imprisonment of the subject for in all those causes which may concern the Kings Subjects and are appliable to all times and cases we are not to reflect upon the present time and government where justice and mercy floweth but we are to look what may betide us in the time to come hereafter It must be agreed on all sides that the time of the first commitment doth not appear in this return but by a latter warrant from the Lords of the Councell there is a time indeed expressed for the continuing of him in prison and that appeares but if this shall be a good cause to remand these Gentlemen to prison they may lie there this seven yeares longer and seven yeares after them nay all the dayes of their lives And if they sue out a writ of Habeas corpus it is but making a new warrant and they shall be remanded and shall never have the advantage of the Laws which are the best inheritance of every Subject And in Ed. 6. fol. 36. the Laws are called the great inheritance of every Subject and the inheritance of inheritances without which inheriritance we have no inheritance These are the exceptions I desire to offer to your Lordship touching the return for the insufficiency of the cause returned and the defect of the time of the first commitment which should have been expressed I will not labour in objections till they be made against me in regard the sttatute of Westminster primo is so frequent in every mans mouth that at the Common Law those men that were committed in four cases were not replevisable viz. those that were taken for the death of a man or the commandment of the King or his Justices for the forest I shall speak something to it though I intend not to spend much time about it for it toucheth not this Case we have in question For that is concerning a Case of the Common Law when men are taken by the Kings writs and not by word of mouth and it shall be so expounded as Master Stamford fol. 73. yet it is nothing to this Case for if you will take the true meaning of that statute it extends not at all to this writ of Habeas corpus for the words are plain they shall be replevisable by the Common writ that is by the writ de homine replegiando directed to the Sheriffe to deliver them if they were baileable but the Case is above the Sheriffe and he is not to be Judge in it whether the cause of the commitment be sufficient or not as it appears in Fitz Herbert de homine replegiando and many other places and not of the very words of the statute this is clear for thereby many other causes mentioned as the death of a man the commandment of the Justices c. In which the statute saith men are not replevisable but will a man conceive that the meaning is that they shall not be bailed at all but live in perpetuall imprisonment I think I shall not need to spend time in that it is so plain let me but make one instance A man is taken de morte hominis he is not baileable by writ saith this statute that is by the common writ there was a common writ for this Case and that was called de odio acia as appeareth Bracton Coron 34. this is the writ intended by the statute which is a common writ and not a speciall writ But my
deliberari non debeat Rex Iusticiar suis de Banco salut Cum nos nuper ad significationem S. de Isle c. usque ibi excommunicat extitisse nec se velle c. esset satisfactum ex parte ipsius N. virtute mandati nostri praed capt in Prisona nostra de Newgate tunc detenti c. nolentes eo praetextu praefato N. per breve nostrum praed via praecludat quo minus appellac suae negotium c. processerat appellant statut c. per breve nostrum praeceperimus praefat vic quod scire facerent c. signific consult circumspect in Placitis per breve praedict coram vobis pendentibus procedere valeatis secundum legem consuetudinem Regni nostri Stamf. 72. 5. E. 3. c. 8. 1 E. c. 3. 9. saith that every Capias in a personall action is a Commandment of the King for it is Praecipimus tibi quod capias c. and yet the defendant as there it is said is replevisable by the Common Law 7 R. 20. a. Calvins case saith that there are two kind of writs viz. brevia mandatoria remedialia brevia mandatoria non remdeialia breuia mandatoria remedialia are writs of Right Formedon c. debts trespasses and shortly all writs reall and personall whereby the party wronged is to recover somewhat and to be remedied for that wrong which is done unto him Sixthly I do finde by our books of Law and by the Register that this speciall mandatum domini Regis is expounded to be his writ and that the Law taketh no notice of any other speciale mandatum then by this writ the which being so when the return is made that he is imprisoned and detained in prison by the speciall commandment of the King how can the Court adjudge upon this return that Sir Iohn Corbet ought to be kept in prison and not to be bailed when the nature of the speciall commandment is not set forth in the return whereby it may appear unto the Court that he is not bailable In Bracton c. 12. 112. you shall see a writ reciting Praecipimus tibi quod non implacites nec implacitari permittas talem de libero tenemento suo in tali villa sine speciali praecepto nostro vel Capitalis Iusticiar ' nostri And the reason of it there is given quia nemo de libero tenemento sine brevi sive libello conventionali nist gratis voluerit respondebit So as the exception of speciall commandment by the very book appeareth to be breve sive libellus conventionalis Regist. 271. the writ of Manucaption goeth in this manner Rex vic Salut Cum nuper assignaverimus dilectos fideles nostros A. B. C. D. ad inquisitiones de forstallariis transgressionibus contra formam statuti dudum apud Winton editi in com tuo faciend ad illos quos inde culpabiles invenirent capiend in Prisona nostra salvo custod faciend donec aliud inde praecepissemus quod C. D. E. pro hujusmodi forstallamentis transgressionibus unde coram praefat A. B. C. indict fuerint capt in Prisona de L. detent exist à qua delibera ri non possunt sine mandato nostro speciali Nos volentes eisdem C. D. E. graciam in hac parte facere specialem tibi praecipimus quod si praedict C. D. E. occasione praedict non a lia in Prisona praedict detineantur pro transgressionibus illis secundum legem consuetudinem Regni nostri Angliae replegiabiles existunt c. tunc impos C. D. E. à Prisona praedict si ea occasione non alia detineantur in eadem interim deliberari facias per manucapt supradict habeas ibi tunc coram praefat Iusticiar nomina manncapt illorum hoc breve And the exposition of this speciale mandatum domini Regis mentioned in the writ is expounded to be breue domini Regis and thereupon is this writ directed unto the Sheriffe for the delivery of them And so for the branch of the first part I conclude that the speciall command of the King without shewing the nature of the commandment of the Kings is too generall and therefore insufficient for he ought to have returned the nature of the commandment of the King whereby the Court might have adjudged upon it whether it were such a commandment that the imprisonment of Sir Iohn Corbet be lawfull or not and whether it were such a commandment of the King that although the imprisonment were lawfull at the first yet he might be bailed by Law And as for the generall return of speciale mandatum domini Regis without shewing the cause of the imprisonment either speciall or generall I hold that for that cause also the return is insufficient First in regard of the Habeas corpus which is the commandment of the King onely made the 15 of November According to the Teste of the writ commanding the keeper of the Gatehouse to have the body of Sir Iohn Corbet una cum causa detensionis ad subjiciendum recipiendum ea quae curia nostra de eo ad tunc ibid. ordinar contingat So as the commandment of the writ being to shew the cause of his detaining in prison the keeper of the gatehouse doth not give a full answer unto the writ unlesse the cause of the detainment in prison be returned and the Court doth not know how to giue their judgement upon him either for his imprisonment or for his discharge according to the purport of the writ when there is not a cause returned and forasmuch as upon an excommengement certified it hath been adjudged oftentimes that Certificates were insufficient where the cause of the commitment hath not been certified that the Court might adjudge whether the Ecclesiasticall Judges who pronounced the excommunication had power over the original cause according to the book of 14 Hen. 4. 14. 8. Rep. 68. Trollops case 20 Ed. 3. Excommengement 9. So upon an Habeas corpus in this Court where a man hath been committed by the Chancellour of England by the Councell of England Marches of Wales Warden of the Stanneries High Commission Admiralty Dutchy Court of request Commission of Sewers or Bankrupts it hath severall times been adjudged that the return was insufficient where the particular cause of imprisonment hath not been shewen to the intent that it might appear that those that committed him had jurisdiction over the cause otherwise he ought to be discharged by the Law and I spare to recite particular causes in every kind of these because there are so many presidents of them in severall ages of every King of this Realm and it is an infallible maxime of the Law That as the Court of the Kings Bench and Judges ought not to deny an Habeas corpus unto any prisoner that shall demand the same by whomsoever he be committed so ought the
cause of his imprisonment to be shewn upon the return so that the Court may adjudge of the cause whether the cause of the imprisonment be lawfull or not and because I will not trouble the Court with so many presidents but such as shall suit with the cause in question I will onely produce and vouch such presidents whereas the party was committed either by the commandment of the King or otherwise by the commandment of the Privy Councell which Stampford fol. 72. tearmeth the mouth of the King such acts as are done by the Privy Councell being as Acts done by the King himself And in all these causes you shall find that there is a cause returned as well as a speciale mandatum domini Regis c. or mandatum Privati Concilii domini Regis whereby the Court may adjudge of the cause and bail them if they shall see cause In the eighth of Henry the seventh upon return of an Habeas corpus awarded for the body of one Roger Sherry it appeareth that he was committed by the Mayor of Windsor for suspicion of felony and ad sectam ipsius Regis pro quibusdam feloniis transgressionibus ac per mandatum domini Regis 21 Hen. the seventh upon the return of an Habeas corpus sent for the body of Hugh Pain it appeared that he was committed to prison per mandatum dominorum Privati Concilii domini Regis pro suspicione feloniae Primo Henrici Octavi Rot. 9. upon the return of an Habeas corpus sent for the body of one Thomas Harrison and others it appears that they were committed to the Earl of Shrewsbury being Marshall of the houshould Per mandatum Domini Regis pro suspicione feloniae pro homicidio facto super Mare 3 4 Philip. Mariae upon a return of an Habeas corpus sent for the body of one Peter Man it appeareth that he was committed pro suspicione feloniae ac per mandatum Domini Regis Reginae 4 5 Philippi Mariae upon the return of an Habeas corpus sent for the body of one Thomas Newport it appeared that he was committed to the Tower pro suspicione contrafact monetae per privatum Concilium domini Regis Reginae 33 Elizabethae upon the return of an Habeas corpus for the body of one Lawrence Brown it appeareth that he was committed per mandatum Privati Concilii dominae Reginae pro diversis causis ipsam Reginam tangen ac etiam pro suspicione proditionis So as by all these presidents it appeareth where the return is either Per mandatum domini Regis or Per mandatum dominorum Privati Concilii domini Regis there is also a cause over and besides the mandatum returned as unto that which may be objected that per mandatum domini Regis or Privati Concilii domini Regis is a good return of his imprisonment I answer First that there is a cause for it is not to be presumed that the King or Councell would commit one to prison without some offence and therefore this mandatum being occasioned by the offence or fault the offence or fault must be the cause and not the command of the King or Councell which is occasioned by the cause Secondly it apeares that the jurisdiction of the Privy Councell is a limited jurisdiction for they have no power in all causes their power being restrained in certain causes by severall Acts of Parliament as it appeareth by the statute of 20 Edward the third c. 11. 25. Ed. the third c. 1. stat 4. the private petition in Parliament permitted in the 1 of R. 2. where the Commons petition that the Privie Councell might not make any Ordinance against the Common Law Customes or Statutes of the Realm the fourth of Henry the fourth ca. 3. 13 Hen. the fourth 7â—31 Henry the sixth and their jurisdictions being a limited jurisdiction the cause and grounds of their commitment ought to appear whereby it may appear if the Lords of the Councell did commit him for such a cause as was within their jurisdiction for if they did command me to be committed to prison for a cause whereof they had not jurisdiction the Court ought to discharge me of this imprisonment and howsoever the King is Vicarius Dei in terra yet Bracton cap. 8. fol. 107. saith quod nihil aliud potest Rex in terris cum sit Minister Dei Vicarius quam solum quod de jure potest nec obstat quod dicitur quod Principi placet legis habet vigorem quia sequitur in fine legis cum lege Regia quae de ejus imperio lata est id est non quicquid de voluntate Regis temere praesumptum est sed animo condendi Iura sed quod consilio Magistratuum suorum Rege author praestant habita super hoc deliberatione tract rect fuer definit Potestat itaque sua juris est non injuriae The which being so then also it ought to appear upon what cause the King committeth one to prison whereby the Judges which are indifferent between the King and his Subjects may judge whether his commitment be against the Laws and Statutes of this Realm or not Thirdly it is to be observed that the Kings command by his Writ of Habeas corpus is since the commandment of the King for his commitment and this being the latter commandment ought to be obeyed wherefore that commanding a return of the body cum causa detentionis there must be a return of some other cause then Per mandatum domini Regis the same commandment being before the return of the Writ Pasch. 9. E. 3. pl. 30. fol. 56. upon a Writ of Cessavit brought in the County of Northumberland the Defendants plead That by reason the Country being destroyed by Warres with the Scots King Edward the second gave command that no Writ of Cessavit should be brought during the Warres with Scotland and that the King had sent his Writ to surcease the Plea and he averreth that the Warres with Scotland did continue Hearle that giveth the Rule saith That we have command by the King that now is to hold this Plea wherefore we will not surcease for any writ of the King that is dead and so upon all these reasons and presidents formerly alledged I conclude that the return that Sir Iohn Corbet was committed and detained in prison Per speciale mandatum domini Regis without shewing the nature of the commandment by which the Court may judge whether the commandment be of such a nature as he ought to be detained in prison and that without shewing the cause upon which the commandment of the King is grounded is not good As unto the second part which is Whether the time of the commitment by the return of the Writ not appearing unto the Court the Court ought to detain him in prison or no I conceive that he ought not to be continued in prison admitting that the first
or direction the same was here â—aid again by way of Reply to him as is before said touching the letter in Beckwithes case After these were dispatched he came to urge the eight Presidents which seemed to make for the other side against the resolution of the House of Commons which eight were used and Coppies of them also were given in to the Lords at the first conference Of these eight the first 4. were urged by him as being of one kinde the difference of them onely being such that save onely in the names of Prisons and of Persons they are but the self same The force of these four he objected thus that Richard Everard for the purpose in the first of them which is 5. H. 7. Rot. 18. Roger cherry in the second of them which is 9. H. 7. Rot. 12. Christofer Burton in the third of them which is 9. H. 7. Rot. 14. and George Urswick in the fourth of them which is 19. H. 7. Rot. 33. were returned into the Kings-bench upon â—everal Writs of Habeas corpus to have been committed and detained in the several Prisons whence they came per mandatum Domini Regis that upon that return they were committed to the Marshall of the Kings-bench and that however it had been objected against those Presidents that this kinde of commitment was by the course of that Court alwayes done before the bayling of the Prisoner Yet that it did not appear that they were bayled The Reply to this Objection was That by constant course of Kings-bench whosoever came in upon Habeas Corpus or otherwise upon any Writ in that Court cannot be bayled untill he be first committed to the Marshall of that Court and that thence it was that all those 4. were committed to the Marshall as appears by the entry Qui committitur Mareschallo c. which is the usual entry in such a case and that the Clerks of that Court acknowledge this course and entry to be most constant So that all the inference that can be made out of these four is but that four Prisoners being brought from several Prisons by Habeas Corpus into the King-bench and return'd to stand committed per mandatum Domini Regis were so far from being remaunded by the Law that in all these four cases they were partly first taken from the several Prisons wherein they had been detained by such a general command which could not have been if they had not been adjudged in every one of the cases to have been baylable by the Court and that this commitment of them to the Marshall of the Kings-bench was the first step towards the bayling of them as in all other cases But that it appears not that either they ever demaunded to be bayled or that they were able to finde sufficient bayl And if they did not the one or could not do the other it may follow indeed that they were not bayled But this commitment to the Kings-bench being the first step to the bayling of them as by the constant course it is shews most plainly that they were baylable by the Law which is the onely thing in question So that although these 4. Presidents were rancked among them that may seem to make against the resolution of the House of Commons which was done both because they have this small colour in them for the other side to any man that is acquainted with the nature and reasons of the entries and courses of the Court of Kings-bench and also all or some of them had been used in the late great case in the Kings-bench as Pâ—esidents that made against the Liberty claimed by the subject yet in truth all 4. of them do fully prove their resolution that is they plainly shew that the Court of Kings-bench in every of them resolved that the Prisoners so committed were baylable otherwise they had been remaunded and not committed to the Marshall of the Kings-bench And this was the Answer to the Objection made by M r. Attorney upon those 4. Presidents being all of the time of King Henry the seventh The fifth of these 8. being Edward pages case in 7. H. 8. Rot. 23. M r. Attorney objected thus He said that Edward Page was committed to the Marshal-sea of the houshold per mandatum Domini Regis ibidem salvo custodiendum c. Qui Committitur Marescallo c. Hospitii Domini Regis by which it appeareth as he said that the Court remaunded him to the Prison of the Marshal-sea of the houshold and he said that whereas it had been objected at the first conference that there was some mistaking in the entry he conceived indeed that there was a mistaking but it was that the Clark had entred Committitur for remittitur and that it should have been Qui remittitur Marescallo bospitii Domini Regis for when ever they remaunded the Prisoner Remittitur and not Committitur should be entered And that mistaking being so rectified and understood he conceived it was a direct president against the resolution of the House of Commons To this it was answered by the Gentlemen of the House of Commons That there was no doubt indeed but that a mistaking was in the entry by the clark but that the mistaking was quite of another natâ—re The addition of those words hospitii Domini Regis was the mistaking the entry should have been qui committitur Marescallo c. onely that is he was committed to the Marshall of the Kings-Bench so indeed the force of this President should be but just the same with the first fower But the ignorance of the Clerk that entred it and knew not â—o distinguish between the Marshall of the houshold and the Marshall of the Kings-bench was the cause of the addition of these words hospitii Domini Regis And to confirm fully this kinde of interpretation of that president and of the mistaking of it it was observed by the Gentlemen of the House of Commons that there is in the Margin of the Roll an infallible Character that justifies as much For by the course of that Court whensoever a Prisoner is committed to the Marshall of the Kings-bench and not remâ—unded the word Marescallo is written in the Margin by Marr. turned up and that is never written there but when the meaning and sence of the Entry is that the Prisoner is committed to the Prison of the same Court. Now in this case Marr. in the Margin is likewise written which most clearly shows that the truth of the Case was that this Page was committed to the Marshall of the Kings-bench and not remaunded which if it had been neither could the entry have been Committitur nor should the Margin of the Roll have Marescallo written in it And thus they have answered M r. Attorneys objection touching this President and concluded that now besides the first four of the 8. they had another and so 5. to prove that a Prisoner committed Permandatum Domini Regis generally was baylable
Person that committed the Prisoner was understood for the Causâ— captionis or Causâ— detentionis but onely the reason why that Power or Person committed the Prisoner as also in common speech if a man ask why and for what cause a man stands committed the answer is not that such a one committed him but his offence or some other cause is understood in the question and is to be shewed in the Answer But to say that such an one committed the Prisoner is an answer to the question who committed him and not why or for what cause he stands committed Then for that of the Coppy of the Report of 13. Iac. shewed forth by M r. Attorney it was answered That the Report it self which had been before seen and perused among many other things at a Committee made by the House was of sleight or no Authority for that it was taken by one that was at that time a young Student onely and was a Reporter in the Kings-bench and there was not any other Report to be found that agreed with it Secondly although the Reports of young Students when they take the words of Judges as they fall from their mouth at the Bench and in the Person and form as they are spoken may be of good credit Yet in this Case there was not one word so reported but in truth there being three Cases a time in the Kings-bench one Ruswell and one Allen and one Saltonstall every of which had something of like nature in it the Student having been present in the Court made up the form of one Report or Case out of all those three in his own words and so put it into his book so that there is not a word in the Report but is framed according to the Students fancie as it is written and nothing is expressed in it as it came from the mouth of the Judges otherwise then his fancie directed him Thirdly there are in the Report plain falshoods of Matter of Fact which are to be attributed either to the Judges or to the Reporter It is most likely by all reason that they proceeded from the Reporters fault but however those Matters of falshood shew sufficiently that the credit of the rest is of slight value for the purpose It is said in the Report that Harecourt being committed by the Councel was bayled in 40. Eliz. upon a privy Seal or a Letter where as there was no such thing in truth And it is said there that no such kinde of Letters are filed there in any case whatsoever That resolution of the Judges in 34. is miscited there and in 36. of Queen Eliz. and it is said there that by that resolution a Prisoner returned to be committed by the command of the Councel might not at all be delivered by the Court whereas no such thing is comprehended in that resolution But that which is of most moment is that howsoever the truth of the report were yet the opinion of the Judges being sudden without any debate had of the case is of fleight moment For in difficult points especially the gravest and most learned men living may on the sudden let fall and that without disparragement to them such opinions as they may well and ought to change upon further enquiry and examination and full debate had before them and mature deliberation taken by them Now plainly in that case of the 13. Iacob there is not so much as pretence of any debate at Bar or Bench. All that is reported to have been is reported as spoken upon the sudden and can any man take such a sudden opinion to be of value against solemne debates and mature deliberation since had of the point and all circumstances belonging to it which have within this half year been so fully examined and searched into that it may well be affirm'd that the learned'st man whatsoever that hath now considered of it hath within that time or might have learned more reason of satisfaction in it then ever before he met with Therefore the sudden opinions of any Judge to the contrary is of no value here Which also is to be said of that opinion obviously delivered in the Commons House 18. Iac. as M r. Attorney objected out of the Journal book of the House But besides neither was the truth of that report of that opinion in the Journal any way acknowledged For it was said in behalf of the House of Commons that their Journals were for matter of order and resolutions of the House of such Authority as that they were as their Records but for any particular Mans opinion noted in any of them it was so far from being of any Authority with them that in truth no particular opinion is at all to be entered in them and that their Clerks offend when ever they do the contrary And to conclude no such opinion whatsover can be sufficient to weaken the clear Law comprehended in these resolutions of the House of Commons grounded upon so many Acts of Parliament so much reason of Common Law and so many Presidents of Record and the resolution of all the Judges of Englaâ—d and against which no Law written not one President not one reason hath been brought that makes any thing to the contrary And thus to this purpose ended the next day of the Conference desired by the Lords and had by a Committee of both Houses The Proceedings against the Earle of SUFFOLK 14. April 1628. MR. Kerton acquainted the House how that the Earle of Suffolk had said to some Gentlemen that M r. Selden had razed a Record and deserved to be hanged for going about to set division betwixt the King and his Subjects And being demanded to whom the words were spoken he was unwilling to name any till by question it was resolved he should nominate him He then named S r. Iohn Strangwaies who was unwilling to speak what he had heard from the Earle but being commanded by the House and resolved by question he confessed That upon Saturday last he being in the Committee Chamber of the Lords the Earle of Suffolk called him unto him and said Sir Iohn will you not hang Selden To whom he said for what The Earle replied By God he hath razed a Record and deserves to be hanged This the House took as a great injury done to the whole House M r. Selden being imployed by them in the conference with the Lords in the great cause concerning the Liberty of the Persons of the Subjects The House presently sent S r. Robert Philips with a message to the Lords to this effect He expressed the great care the Commons had upon all occasions to maintain all mutual respect and correspondency betwixt both Houses Then he informed them of a great injury done by the Earle of Suffolk to the whole house and to M r. Selden a particuler Member thereof who by their Command had been imployed in the late conference with their Lordships That the House was very sensible thereof and
Common Law for there are also divers Jurisdictions in this Kingdom which are also so reckoned the Law of the Land As in Kendrick's Case in the report fol. 8. the 1. Ecclesiastical Law is held the Law of the Land to punish Blasphemies Schismes Heresies Simony Incest and the like for a good reason there rendred viz. That otherwise the King should not have power to do Justice to his Subjects in all Cases nor to punish all Crimes within his Kingdom The Admiral 's Jurisdiction is also Lex terrae for things done upon the Sea but if they exceed their Jurisdiction a prohibition is awarded upon the Statute of null us liber homo by which appears that the Statute is in force as we have acknowledged The Martial likewise though not to be exercised in times of peace when recourse may be had to the Kings Courts yet in times of invasion or other times of Hostility when an Army Royal is in the field and offences are committed which require speedy reformation and cannot expect the solemnity of legal Trials then such imprisonment execution or other Justice done by the Law Martial is Warrantable for it is then the Law of the Land and is Ius gentium which ever serves for a supply in the defeat of the Common Law when ordinary proceeding cannot be had And so it is also in the case of the Law of the Merchant which is mentioned 13. E 4. fol. 9. 10. where a Merchant stranger was wronged in his goods which he had committed to a Carrier to convey to Southampton and the Carrier imbezelled some of the goods for remedy whereof the Merchant sued before the Councel in the Star-Chamber for redress It is there said thus Merchant strangers have by the King safe conduct for coming into this Realm therefore they shall not be compelled to attend the ordinary Trial of the Common Law but for expedition shall sue before the Kings Councel or in Chancery de die in diem de hâ—râ in horam where the Case shall be determined by the Law of Merchants In the like manner it is in the Law of State when the necessity of State requires it they do and may proceed to natural equity as in those other Cases where the Law of the Land provides not there the proceeding may be by the Law of natural equity and infinite are the Occurrences of State unto which the Common Law extends not And if these proceedings of State should not also be accounted the Law of the Land then we do fall into the same inconveniency mentioned in Cawdries Case that the King should not be able to do Justice in all Cases within his own Dominions If then the King nor his Councel may not Commit it must needs follow that either the King must have no Councel of State or having such a Councel they must have no power to make Orders or Acts of State Or if they may they must be without means to compell obedience to those Acts and so we shall allow them Jurisdiction but not compel obedience to those Acts but not correction which will be then as fruitless as the Command Frustra potentia quae nunquam redigitur in statutum Where as the very Act of Westminster first shews plainly that the King may commit and that his commitment is lawfull or else that Act would never have declared a man to be irreprieveable when he is committed by the Command of the King if the Law-makers had conceived that his commitment had been unlawfull And Divine truth informs us that the Kings have their power from God the Psalmist calling them the children of the most High which is in a more special manner understood then of other men for all the Sons of Adam are by election the Sons of God and all the Sons of Abraham by recreation or regeneration the Children of the most High in respect of the power which is committed unto them who hath also furnished them with ornaments and arms fit for the exercising of that power and hath given them Scepters Swords and Crowns Scepters to vestitute and Swords to execute Laws and Crowns as Ensigns of that power and dignity with which they are invested shall we then conceive that our King hath so far transmitted the power of his Sword to inferiour Magistrates that he hath not reserved so much Supream power as to commit an Offender to prisonâ— 10. H. 6. fol. 7. It appears that a Steward of a Court Leet may commit a man to prison and shall not the King from whom all inferior power is deduced have power to commit We call him the fountain of Justice yet when these streams and rivolets which flowe from that Fountain come fresh and full we would so far exhaust that Fountain as to leave it dry but they that will admit him so much power do require the expression of the cause I demand whether they will have a general cause alleadged or a special if general as they have instances for Treason Fellony of for Contempt for to leave fencing and to speak plainly as they intend it If loan of money should be required and refused and thereupon a commitment ensue and the cause signified to be for a contempt this being unequal inconvenience from yielding the remedy is sought for the next Parliament would be required the expression of the particular cause of the commitment Then how unfit would it be for King or Councel in Cases to express the particuler Cause it s easily to be adjudged when there is no State or pollicy of government whether it be Monarchal or of any other frame which have not some secrets of State not communicable to every vulgar understanding I will instance but one If a King imploy an Ambassadour to a Forreign Countrey of States with instructions for his Negotiation and he pursue not his instructions whereby dishonour and dammage may ensue to the Kingdom is not this commitment And yet the particuler of his instruction and the manner of his miscarrying is not fit to be declared to his Keeper or by him to be certified to the Judges where it is to be opened and debated in the presence of a great audience I therefore conclude for offences against the State in Case of State Government the King and his Councel have lawfull power to punish by imprisonment without shewing particular cause where it may tend to the disclosing of State-Government It is well known to many that know me how much I have laboured in this Law of the Subjects Liberty very many years before I was in the Kings service and had no cause then to speak but to speak ex animo yet did I then maintain and publish the same opinion which now I have declared concerning the Kings Supream power in matters of State and therefore can not justly be centured to speak at this present onely to merit of my Master But if I may freely speak my own understanding I conceive it to be a question too high to
be determined by any legal direction for it must needs be an hard case of contention when the Conquerour must sit down with irreparable losses as in this Case If the Subject prevails he gains Liberty but looseth the benefit of that State-Government by which a Monarchie may soon become an Anarchie or if the State prevails it gives absolute Soveraignty but looseth Subjects not their subjection for obedience we must yield though nothing be left us but prayers and tears but yet looseth the best part of them which is their affections whereby Soveraignty is established and the Crown formerly fixt on his Royal head between two such extreams there is not way to moderate but to finde a medium for the accommodation of the difference which is not for me to prescribe but onely to move your Lordships to whom I submit After M r. Serjeant his speech ended my Lord President said thus to the Gentlemen of the House of Commons That though at this free conference Liberty was given by the Lords to the Kings Councel to speak what they thought fit for his Majesty Yet M r. Serjeant Ashley had no Authority or direction from them to speak in that manner he hath done M r. NOYE his Argument the 16. of April 1628. HE offered an answer to the inconveniences presented by Mr. Attorney which were 4. in Number First where it was objected that it was inconvenent to express the cause for fear of divulging Arcana â—mperii for hereby all may be discovered and abundance of Traitors never brought to Justice To this that Learned Man answered That the Judges by the intention of the Law are the Kings Councel and the secrets may safely be committed to all or some of them who might advise whether they will bayl him and here is no danger to King or subjects for their Oath will not permit them to reveal the secrets of the King nor yet to detain the Subjects long if by Law he be to be bayled Secondly for that Objection of the Children of Odonell he laid this for a ground that the King can do no wrong but in Cases of extream necessity we must yield sometimes for the preservation of the whole State ubi unius damnum utilitate publica rependitus he said there was no trust in the Children of Traitours no wrong done if they did tabe facere or marcesere in Carcere It is the same Case of necessity as when to avoid the burning of a Town we are forced to pull down an honnest mans House or to compell a man to dwell by the Sea-side for defence or fortitude Yet the King cannot do wrong for potentia juris est non injura Ergo the Act of the King though to the wrong of another is by the Law made no wrong as if he commanded to be kept in Prison yet he is responsal for his wrong he quoted a book 42. 6. Ass Port. Thirdly the instance made of Westminster First he said there was a great difference between those 3. Mainprize Bail and Replevin The Statute saith a man cannot be repleiued Ergo not bayled non sequitur Maniprize under pain Bayl body for body no pain ever in Court to be declared Replevin neither by surety not bayl of Replevin never in Court the Statute saith a man cannot be Repleiued Ergo not bayled non sequitur Fourthly where it is said that bayl is ex gratia he answers that if the Prisoner comes to Habeas Corpus then it is not ex gratia Yet the Court may advise but mark the words ad subjiciendum recipiendum prout Curia consideraverit now it is impossible the Judges should do so if no cause be expressed for if they know no cause he may bring the 1. 2. 3. and fourth Habeas Corpus and so infinite till he finde himself a perpetual Prisoner so that no cause expressed is worse for a man then the greatest cause or Villany that can be imagined and thus far proceeded that learned Gentleman M r. GLANVILES Argument HE said that by favour of the House of Commons he had liberty to speak if opportunity were offered he applies his answer to one particuler of M r. Attorney who assigned to the King 4. great trusts 1. of War 2. Coins 3. Denizens 4. Pardons Is assented unto that the King is trusted with all these 4. legal Prerogatives but the Argument followeth not the King is trusted with many Prerogatives Ergo in this non sequitur non est sufficients enumer atiâ— partium he said he could answer these particulars with 2. rules whereof the first should wipe of the first and the second and the other the third and fourth The first rule in this there is no fear of trusting the King with any thing but the fear of ill Councel the King may easily there be trusted where ill Councel doth not ingage both the King and Subjects as it doth in matter of War and Coin If he miscarry in the Wars it is not alwayes pecuum Achiro but he smarts equally with the people If he abase his Coin he looseth more then any of his people Ergo he may safely be trusted with the flowers of the Crown War and Coin The second rule he began was this when the King is trusted to confer grace it is one thing but when he is trusted to infer an injury it is another matter The former power cannot by miscouncelling be brought to prejudice another The latter may if the King pardoneth a guilty Man he punisheth not a good subject if he denizen never â—o many strangers it is but damnum â—ine injuria we allow him a liberty to confer grace but not without cause to infer punishment and indeed he cannot do injury for if he command to do a Man wrong the command is void alter fit Author and the Actor becomes the wrong doer Therefore the King may be safely trusted with War Coin Denizens and Pardons but not with a power to imprison without expression of Cause or limmitation of time because as the Poet tells us Libertas potius auro The Answer of the Judges for matter of Fact upon the HABE AS CORPUS 21. April THe Chief Justice saith they are prepared to obey our Command but they desire to be advised by us whether they being sworn upon penalty of forseiting Body Lands and Goods into the Kings hands to give an account to him may without Warrant do this The Duke said he had acquainted the King with the business and for ought he knoweth he is well content therewith But for better assurance he hath sent his brother of Anglesey to know his pleasure Devonshire saith if a complaint be made by a mean Man against the greatest Officer in this place he is to give an account of his doings to this Honse Bishop of Lincoln saith this motion proceeded from him and so took it for clear that there was an appeal from the Chancery to a higher Court then the Kings-bench and in that Court hath ever
given an account of their doings The Lord Say saith he wondred there should be any question made of this business because in his opinion this being the highest Court did admire of no appeal The President said the Judges did not do this by way of appeal but as the most common way for them this being a matter concerning the Kings prerogative Lord Say saith if they will not declare themselves we must take into consideration the point of our priviledge The Duke saith this was not done by the Judges as fearing to answer but of respect to the King And now his brother was come with answer from the King that they might proceed Order was taken that this passage should not be entered into the Journal Book and so Judge WHITLOCK spake MY Lords we are by your appointment here ready to clear any aspersion of the House of Commons in their late presentment upon the Kings-bench that the Subject was wounded in this Judgement there lately given If such a thing were my Lords your Lordships not they have the power to question and Judge the same But my Lords I say there was no Judgement given whereby either the prerogative might be inlarged or the eight of the subject trenched upon It is true my Lords in Michaelmas Term last fower Gentlemen petitioned for a Habeas Corpus which they obtained and Councel was assigned unto them the return was per spialem mandatum Domini Regis which likewise was made known unto us under the hands of eighteen privy Councellours Now my Lords if we had delivered them presently upon this it must have been because the King did not shew cause wherein we should have judged the King had done wrong and this is beyond our knowledge for he might have committed them for other matters then we could have imagined But they might say thus they might have been kept in Prison all their dayes I answer no but we did remit them that we might better advise of the matter and they the next day might have had a new Writ if they had pleased but they say we ought not to have denied bayl I answer if we had done so it must needs have reflected upon the King that he had unjustly imprisoned them and it appears in Dyer 2. Eliz. that divers Gentlemen being committed and requireing Habeas Corpus some were bayled others remitted whereby it appears much is left to the discretion of the Judges For that which troubleth so much remittitur quousque this my Lords was onely as I said before to take time what to do and whereas they will have a difference betwixt remittitur and remittitur quousque my Lords I confess I can finde none but these are new inventions to trouble old Records And herein my Lords we have dealt with knowledge and understanding for had we given a Judgement the party must thereupon have rested every Judgement must come to an issue in matter in fact or demur in point of Law here is neither therefore no Judgement For endeavouring to have a Judgement entered it is true Mr. Attorney pressed the same for his Masters service but we being sworn to do right betwixt the King and his subjects commanded the Clark to make no entry but according to the old form and the rule was given by the Chief Justice alone I have spent my time in this Court and I speak confidently I did never see nor know by any Record that upon such a Retorn as this a man was bayled the King not first consulted with in such a Case as this The Commons House do not know what Letters and Commands we receive for these remain in our Court and were not viewed by them for the rest of the Matters presented by the House of Commons they were not in agitation before us whether the King may commit and how long he may detain a man committed therefore having answered so much as concerneth us I desire your Lordships good constructions of what hath been said Iudge IONES SAid he was here to deliver before us what judgement was given before them concerning the Habeas Corpus he answered no Judgement was given and the Matter of Fact was such as my brother delivered unto you yesterday These 4. Gentlemen were committed to the Flect-Gate-House and Marshall of the Kings House-hold 4. Returns were made upon the Writs and every one of them had a Councellour appointed who had Coppies of the Returns A rule was granted their Councel heard and exception taken to the Return because it did not shew cause of their caption These were of no force in the opinion of the Judges the next exception was because no cause of their commitment was shewed which the Judges held to be all one in point of Law Then my Lords they alleadged many Presidents and Statutes of themselves which the Kings Attorney answered That Persons committed by the King or Councel were never bayled but his pleasure was first known We agreed at the Chamber of the Chief Justice that all the Statutes alleadged are in force but whether we should bayl them or no was the question therefore we remitted them quousque After which Mr. Attorney required a Judgement might be entered I commanded the Clark he should not suffer any such thing to be done because we would be better advised But some will say our Act is otherwise I answered no for we have done no more then we do upon ordinary Writ when we purpose to be better advised and that was onely an Interlocutorie order But my Lords put the case a Habeas Corpus should be granted for one that is committed by the House of Commons would they thinck you take it well he should be bayled at his first coming to the Court I thinck they would not and I thinck the King would have done so in this case now my Lords there is a Petition of Right and a Petition of Grace to be bayled is a matter of Grace therefore if a man be brought upon an Habeas Corpus and not bayled he cannot say the Court hath done him any wrong I have now served seven years Judge in this Court and my conscience beareth me witness that I have not wronged the same I have been thought sometimes too forward for the Liberty of the Subject I am my self Liber homo my Ancestors gave their voice with Magna Charta I enjoy that House still which they did I do not now mean to draw down Gods wrath upon my posterity and therefore I will neither advance the Kings prerogative nor lessen the Liberty of the Subject to the danger of either King or People this is my profession before God and your Lordships Iudge DODDERIDGE SAith it is no more fit for a Judge to decline to give an account of his doings then for a Christian of his Faith God knoweth I have endeavoured alwayes to keep a good conscience for a troubled one who can bear the Kingdom holds of none but God and Judgements do not pass privately
in Chambers but publick in Court where every one may hear which causeth Judgement to be given with maturity Your Lordships have heard the particulers delivered by my brethren how that Councel being assigned to those 4. Gentlemen in the latter end of Michaelmass Term their Cause received hearing and upon consideration of the Statutes and Records we found some of them to be according to the good old Law of Magna Charta but we thought that they did not come so close to this Case as that bayl should be thereupon presently granted My Lords the Habeas Corpus consisteth of 3. parts the Writ the Return upon the Writ or schedule and the Entry or rule reciting the Habeas Corpus and the Return together with the opinion of the Court either a remittitur or traditur in ballium In this Case a remittitur was granted which we did that we might take better advisement upon the Case and upon the remittitur my Lords they might have had a new Writ the next day and I wish they had because it may be they had seen more and we had been eased of a great labour And my Lords when the Attorney upon the remittitur pressed an Entry we all straitly charged the Clark that he should make no other Entry then such as our Predecessors had usually made in like Cases for the difference my Lords betwixt remittitur and remittitur quousque I could never yet finde any I have now sat in this Court 15. years and I should know something surely if I had gone in a Mill so long dust would cleave to my cloaths I am old and have one foot in the grave therefore I will look to the better part as near as I can But omnia habere in memoria in nullo errare divinum potiùs est quam humanum THE LORD CHIEF IUSTICE SAith he shall not speak with confidence unless he might stand right in the opinion of the House and protested what he spake the day before was not said by him with any purpose to trench upon the Priviledges of this House but out of that respect which by his place he thought he owed to the King he said concerning the point he was to speak of that he would not trouble the Lords with things formerly repeated wherein he concurred with his brethren He said if it were true the King might not commit they had done wrong in not partly delivering for my Lords saith he these Statutes and good Laws being all in force we meant not to trench upon any of them most of them being Commentaries upon Magna Charta but I know not any Statute that goeth so far that the King may not commit Therefore justly we think we delivered the interpretation thereof to that purpose for my Lords Lex terrae is not to be found in this Statute they gave me no example neither was there any Cause shewed in the Return A President my Lords that hath run in a storm doth not much direct us in point of Law and Records are the best Testimonies These Presidents they brought being read we shewed them wherein they were mistaken if we have erred erramus cum Patribus and they can shew no President but that our Predecessors have done as we have done sometimes bayling sometimes remitting sometimes discharging Yet we do never bayl any committed by the King or his Councel till his pleasure be first known Thus did the Lord Chief Justice Coke in Raynards Case They say this would have been done if the King had not written but why then was the Letter read and published and kept and why was the Town Clark sent carefully to enquire because the Letter so directed whether these men offered for bayl were subsedy men the Letter sheweth also that Beckwith was committed for suspition of being acquaninted with the Gun-Pouder-Treason but no proof being produced the King left him to be bayled The Earle of WARVVICKS speech 21. April 1628. MY Lords I will observe something out of the Law wherein this liberty of the Subjects Person is founded and some things out of Presidents which have been alleadged For the Law of Magna Charta and the rest concerning these points they are acknowledged by all to be of force and that they were to secure the Subjects from wrongfâ—ll imprisonment as well or rather more concerning the King then the Subject why then besides the grand Charter and those 6. other Acts of Parliament in the very point we know that Magna Charta hath been at least 30. times confirmed so that upon the matter we have 6. or 7. and thereby Acts of Parliament to confirm this liberty although it was made a matter of derision the other day in this House One is that of 36. E. 3. N o. 9. and another in the same year N o. 20. not printed but yet as good as those that are and that of 42. E. 3. cap. 3. so express in the point especially the Petition of the Commons that year which was read by M r. Littleton with the Kings answer so full and free from all exception to which I refer your Lordships that I know not have any thing in the World can be more plain and therefore if in Parliament ye should make any doubt of that which is so fully confirmed in Parliament and in case so clear go about by new glosses to alter the old and good Law we shall not onely forsake the steps of our Ancestors who in Cases of small importance would answer nolumus mutare leges Angliâ— but we shall yield up and betray our right in the greatest inheritance the Subjects of England hath and that is the Laws of England and truely I wonder how any man can admit of such a gloss upon the plain Text as should overthrow the force of the Law for whereas the Law of Magna Charta is that no Free-man shall be imprisoned but by lawfull judgement of his Peers or the Law of the Land the King hath power to commit without Cause which is a sence not onely expresly contrary to other Acts of Parliament and those especially formerly cited but against Common sence For M r. Attorney confesseth this Law concerns the King why then where the Law saith the King shall not commit but by the Law of the Land the meaning must be as M r. Attorney would have it that the King must not commit but at his own pleasure and shall we think that our Ancestors were so foolish to hazard their Persons Estates and labour so much to get a Law and to have it 30. times confirmed that the King might not commit his Subjects but at his own pleasure and if he did commit any of his Subjects without a Cause shewen then he must lie during pleasure then which nothing can be imagined more ridiculous and contrary to true reason For the Presidents I observe that there hath been many shewen by which it appears to me evidently that such as have been committed by the Kings Councel
this Bill and rely onely upon a confirmation of the Laws The Objections made against this Opinion are two THe first is that we shall thereby recede from our own resolution The second that by a bare confirmation of the Old Laws without the inserting of our resolution by way of explanation we shall be but in the same case as before For the first that though we desire onely a confirmation without adding of our resolution we do not thereby recede from our resolution I reason thus Our resolution was drawn out of the sence of those Laws which are now desired to be confirmed so that no question can be made by any of us that have thus declared our selves but that our resolution is virtually contained in those Laws if that be so how can our acceptance of a confirmation of these Laws be a departure from our resolution Nay rather we think the contrary is true he that doubts that by confirmation of these Laws our resolution is not hereby confirmed doubts whether we have justly deduced our resolutions out of those Laws and so calls our resolution into question This Argument alone is in my opinion a full answer to that first Objection that in desiring of a bare confirmation of those Laws we depart from our resolutions This Arguments alone is in my opinion a full answer to that first Objection that in desiring of a bare confirmation of these Laws we depart from our resolution The second Objection is that if we have nothing but a confirmation we are in no better case then we were before those late violations of the Law This I deny and do confidently affirm that although we have no more then a confirmation of those Laws which are recited in the Bill that is now before us we shall depart hence in far better case then we came and that in divers respects First some of the Laws recited in this Bill and desired to be confirmed are not printed Laws and are known to few Professors of the Law and much less to others and yet they are Laws of as great consequence for the liberty of the Subject if not of greater then any that are printed as namely 25. E. 3. N o. 1. That loanes against the will of the lender are against reason and the freedom of the Realm 36. E. 3. N o. 9. By which imprisonments by special commandment without due Process are forbidden These two are not printed The excellent Law de tollagio non Concedendo in print hath in a publick Court been by a great Coucellour said to be but a Charter and no Law The Satute 1. Rich. 3. against benevolences is by some opinions in print an absolute Law if we can get all these goods Laws besides those 6. other which are expositions of Magna Charta in the point of the freedom and our Persons to be confirmed and put in one Law to the easie view of all men is not our Case far better then when we came hither Secondly will not the occasion of the making of this Law of confirmation so notoriously known be transmitted to all posterity certainly it will never be forgotten that the occasion thereof was the imprisonment of those worthy Gentlemen for not lending and the resolution in the Kings-bench in denying to bayl them and is not the occasion of the making of a Law a good rule to expound it If so then by giving a confirmation upon this occasion we have bettered our Case very much Thirdly have not the Judges in the Kings-bench in open Parliament upon our complaint disclaimed to have given any Judgement in the point which generally before by the Parliament was otherwise conceived for now they say it was but an Award and no Judgement Will such a Notorious Act upon so important an occasion in so publick a place be quickly forgotten Nay will not the memorie of it for ever remain upon Records is not our Case then much better then when we came hither Fourthly will not the resolution of this House and all our Arguments and reasons against imprisonment without a Cause expressed which no doubt by the course we have taken will be transferred to posterity be a great means to stay any Judge hereafter for declaring any Judgement to the contrary especially if there be likelyhood of a Parliament is not our Case in this very much amended Lastly have we not received Propositions from the Lords wherein amongst other things they declared that they are not out of love with our proceedings is not this a great strenghtning to it but after so long debate amongst them about it they cannot take any just exception to it and doth not this also much amend our Case From all these reasons I conclude that the second Objection that by a confirmation we are in no better case then when we came together is also a weak Objection Now for reasons to move us to proceed in this course of accepting a confirmation First we have his Majesties gracious promise to yield to a confirmation of the old Laws from which we may rest most assured he will not depart If we tender him with all our Proposition to be enacted we have cause to doubt that we shall loose both the one and the other Secondly we are no less assured of the Lords joyning with us for in their Propositions sent to us they have delivered themselves to that purpose This is then a secure way of getting somewhat of great advantage to us as we have great hopes and in manner assurance on this side So on the other side we have great doubts and fears that by offering our resolution to be enacted we shall loose all For first we have had already experience of the Lords that they are not very foreward to joyn with us in a Declaration of our Proposition to be Law If they stumble at a Declaration much more will they in yielding to make Law in the same point And have we not much more cause to doubt that his Majesty will not yield unto it seeing it toucheth him so near Is it not the notice of his pleasure that hath wrought thus with the Lords If we should clog our Bill with our Proposition and it should be rejected by the Lords or by the King is not our resolution much weakned by it And are we not then in far worse case then before we made it Our resolution for the rejecting of our Proposition will tend to a Justification of all that hath been done against us in this great point of our Liberty Let us then like wise-men conform our desire to our hopes and guide our hopes by probabilities other desires and other hopes are but vain This is my poor opinion in this weighty business Secretary COKES Message 1. May 1628. M r. Speaker I Have a very short message to deliver from his Majesty that shews both his Royal care to be rightly understood of this House and no less care to understand us in the best part and
to shew clearly it shall not be his fault if this be not a happy Parliament His Majesty hath commanded me to desire this House clearly to let him know whether they will rest upon his Royal word and promise made at several times and especially by my Lord Keepers Speech made in his own presence which if they do he doth assure you that it shall be royally and really performed After speaking of himself and the nature of his place under his Majesty he proceeded in these words GIve me leave freely to tell you that I know by experience that by the place I hold under his Majesty if I will discharge the duty of my place and the Oath I have taken to his Majesty I must commit and neither express the cause to the Jaylor nor to the Judges nor to any Councellour in England but to the King himself yet do not think I go without ground fo reason or take this power committed to me to be unlimmitted Yea rather it is to me a charge burthen and danger for if I by this power shall commit the poorest porter if I do it not upon a just cause if it may appear the burthen will fall upon me heavier then the Law can inflict for I shall loose my credit with his Majesty and my place And I beseech you consider whether those that have been in the same place have not committed freely and not any doubt made of it nor any complaint made by the Subject Veneris 2. May 1628. A Report was this day made from the grand Committee for grievances concerning the cause of Nicholas Clegat Cittizen and Vintner of London imprisoned by the Lord Major and Aldermen of the said Citie for refusing to lend a certain summe of money assessed upon him by the Company of Vintners of London whereof he is free towards the proportion of money imposed upon the Company by an Act of Common-Councel of the said Citie in pursuance of a contract of Land with his Majesty By which report it appeared that the said grand Committee had unanimously agreed that the said Citie might make Acts of Councel so as they were consonant to Law and reason and for regulating and deciphering of trade agreeable to reason and the Law of the Realm and might leavy money of the Cittizens by Act of Common-Councel for building or repairing of their Walls Gates or making or cleansing of Sewers or other like causes tending to the general and publick good and welfare of the Citie or towards Triumphs or other like occasions tending to the Honour of the Citie in general but could not by such Act of Common-Councel tax or leavy money towards the purchasing of Lands or other like occasion forreign to the government of the Citie Whereupon it is resolved by the House of Commons super totam materiam that the said Commitment of the said Nicholas Clegat was unlawfull and that a Petition should go from the House to his Majesty for the inlargement of the said Nicholas Clegat his commitment by the Lord Major and Aldermen being since strengthned by special command Henry TOMPSON one of the Shrieffs and Robert HENISVVORTH Alderman of the Citie of YORK their submission for their indirect chusing of S r. Thomas SAVIL Knight I Henry Tompson one of the Shrieffs of the Citie of York do hereby acknowledge to have offended the Lord Major and all the Cominalty of the Citie by the undue pronouncing and return of S r. Thomas Savil Knight to be one of the Cittizens to serve in this Parliament for the said Citie whereas I ought of right to have pronounced and returned in his place M r. Thomas Royle Alderman of the said Citie I am hartily sorry for my said offence and misdemeanour and crave pardon of my Lord Major and all the Cominalty and in particuler of the said Alderman Hoyl for the same I Robert Henisworth Alderman of the Citie of York do acknowledge that I have offended the Lord Major and all the Cominalty of of the said Citie by my undue preparing and practising the election of S r. Thomas Savill Knight to be chosen one of the Cittizens for the said Cittie of York to serve in this present Parliament I am hartily sorry for my said offence and do desire my Lord Major and all the said Cominalty to pardon me for the same Propositions drawn for the defence of this Kingdom and the annoyance of the enemies of the same by Sea THat every Shire in England shall be injoyned on the charge of the Countrey to set forth one Ship well maned and victualled for 7. Moneths and to be of the burthen of 500 300 or 140. Tuns at the least according to the ability of the Shire in the opinion of the State That every Port or Sea-Town according to their abillity be injoyned to do the like London may well furnish 10. Bristol 3. and the rest according to their abillity And such of the Sea-Towns as are not of abillity to set forth Ships of the burthen aforesaid to furnish out Pinnaces of 60 or 80 Tuns for Light-Horsmen or Intelligencers Those Ships will amount to 80. Sail and above and these to be divided into 4. Squadrons adjoyning unto every Squadron one of the Kings Ships for their Admiral The first Squadron to lye off and on the Western Ilands and as â—igh as theiâ— aâ—â—ries for 〈◊〉 men the Caracks and the Plate-Fleet and all other trading that way 〈…〉 The fourth Squadron to keep the Narrow Seas to awe the Dunkerkers to take all the French trade and so Northward and this Squadron to be still relieved with fresh Ships as the other shall grow foul or come to any misfortune so as this Squadron may continually keep the Seas most part of the year That no Master of these Ships be owner or have any part in her that he goeth in Master of for they will be unwilling to bring their Shin in fight or danger and use many tricks and devices especially if there be an ignorant Captain Therefore it is expedient likewise that every Shire should nominate a Captain for the Ship that they furnish out for the avoiding of ignorant and insufficient Captains That in London Pâ—rtsmouth or elsew here where the State shall think fit there be Store-houses appointed for the receipt of such Prizes as shall be taken by any of the 4. Squadrons That every County or Sea-Town that furnisheth the said shipping may nominate and have a Master of their own free election that may have power in the behalf of the Counties and Sea-Towns as the other Officers that shall be appointed for the King for the opening of decks of the Prizes receiving the goods into the said Store-houses and for the divideing and disposing them according That what Prizes any of the 4. Squadrons shall take be brought into one of the Port Towns where those Store-houses are appointed and the benefit of all Prizes what Squadron soever of the 4. sendeth them in be divided the Kings part
being deducted to the several Counties and Sea-Towns of the Kingdom according to the burthen of their shipping and not particularly to such Counties or Sea-Towns unto which the Squadron of Ships belongeth that shall send in the said Prizes That it shall not be Lawfull for any in the said Ships to break take or open the deck of any Prizes they take but nail them down fast untilâ— they be brought in at one of the Port-Towns aforesaid and the Officers for the King with the Commissioners for the Counties to take and open them That after the Kings part is sequestred with such allowance over and above as shall be proportionable for the Kings ships being Admirals the rest to be distributed as aforesaid to the use and benefit of all the Counties and Sea-Towns in general not in particuler to such Counties and Sea-Towns unto which any of the said 4. Squadrons belongeth that sendeth in the said Prizes the Pillage above deck onely excepted which do belong unto the Officers Saylors and Souldiers of the Squadron that took the said Prize That for the speedy and present execution hereof every County or Sea-Town that is not furnished with shipping accordingly shall hire untill they can build which to be limmited to perform within a certain and convenient time The charge that will fall on the Subjects yearly will amount for the first year 200000. l. which God prospering them within the year they will re-inburse and by the benefit of the Prizes afterwards they will have stock sufficient with increase for new victualling forth the Ships the first year and so from time to time The Kingdom will hereby encrease their shipping breed and make good store of good Sea-men and we shall hereby be Masters of the Sea so as our Merchants shall travel safely and we shall much prejudice the French and Spanish Nation or any others that are Enemies and not in League Judge ANDERSON DIverse Persons fueront Committes a sevâ—ral temps a several Persons sur pleasur sans bon cause parte de queâ—x estiant ameâ—nes en en banck le Roy parte en le Comune banck fueront accordant a le ley de la terre mise a large discharge de lâ— inprisonment pur que aschunt grands fueront offendus procure vn comandment a les Iudges que ils be ferra issent apres Ceo nient meins les Iudges ne surcease mes pâ—r advise enter eux ils fesoient certanie Articles le tenour de queux ensue deliver eux al seignieures Chauncellor Treasurer eux subscribe 〈◊〉 touts lour manies les Articles â—ont coe ensuâ—nt WE her Majesties Justices of both Benches and Barons of the Exchequer desire your Lordships that by some good means some order may be taken that her Highness Subjects may not be committed or dâ—tained in Prison by commandment of any Noble Man or Councellor against the Laws of the Realm either help us to have access to her Majesty to the end to become â—uitors to her for the same for divers have been imprisoned for suing ordinary Actions and Statutes at the Common-Law untill they have been constrained to leave the same against their wills and put the same to order albeit Judgement and Execution have been had therein to their great losses and griefs for the aid of which Persons her Majesties Writs have sundry times been directed to divers Persons having the custody of such Persons unlawfully imprisoned upon which Writs no good or Lawfull cause of imprisonment hath been returned or certified whereupon upon according to the Laws they have been again committed to Prison in secret places and not to any common ordinary Prison or Lawfull Officer as Shrieff or other lawfully authorized to have or keep a Goal so that upon Lawfull complaint made for their delivery the Queens Courts cannot learn to whom to direct her Majesties Writs and by this means Justice cannot be done and moreover divers Officers and Serjeants of London have been many times committed to Prison for Lawfull executing of her Majesties Writ sued forth of her Majesties Courts at West-minster and thereby her Majesties Subjects and Officers are so terrified that they dare not sue or execute her Majesties Laws her Writs and Commandments Divers others have been sent for by Pursevants and brought to London from their dwellings by unlawfull imprisonment have been constrained not onely to withdraw their Lawfull Suits but have also been compelled to pay the Pursevants for bringing such Persons great summes of money All which upon complaint the Judges are bound by Office and Oath to relieve and help by and according to her Majesties Laws And when it pleaseth your Lordships to will divers of us to set down in what cases a Prisoner sent to custody by her Majesty her Councel some one or other or two are to be detained in Prison and not to be delivered by her Majesties Court or Judges we thinck that if any Person be committed by her Majesties Command from her Person or by order from the Councel board or if any one or two of her Councel commit one for high Treason such Persons so in the cases before committed may not be delivered by any of her Courts without due Trial had Nevertheless the Judges may Award the Queens Writ to bring the bodies of such Persons before them and if upon return thereof the causes of their commitment be certified to the Judges as it ought to be then the Judges in the cases before ought not to deliver him but to remaund the Prisoner to the place from whence he came Which cannot conveniently be done unless notice of the cause in general or else special be known to the Keeper or Goaler that shall have the custody of such Prisoner All the Judges and Barons did subscribe their names to these Articles Termino Pascha 34. Eliz. and sent one to the Lord Chancellor and another to the Lord Treasurer after which time there did follow more quietness then before in the cause afore mentioned The KINGS Message the 2. May 1628. by Secretary COKE HIs Majesty hath commanded me to make known to this House that howsoever we proceed with the business we have in hand which he will not doubt but to be according to our constant professions and so as he may have cause to give us thanks yet his resolution is that both his royal care and his harty and true affection towards all his loving Subjects shall appear to the whole Kingdom and to all the World that he will govern us according to the Laws and Customes of the Realm that he will maintain us in the Liberties of our Persons and propriety of our goods so as we may enjoy as much happiness as our Forefathers in their best times and that he will rectifie what hath been or may be amiss amongst us so that there may be hereafter no just cause to complain wherein as his Majesty will ranck himself amongst the best of our Kings and shew
he hath no intention to invade or impeach our Lawfull Liberties or Rights so he will have us to match our selves with the best Subjects by not incroaching upon that Soveraignty and Prerogative which God hath put into his hands for our good and by containing our selves within the bounds and Laws of our Forefathers without streining or inlarging them by new Explanations Interpretations Expositions or Additions in any sort which he clearly telleth us he will not give way unto That the weight of the affairs of Christendom do press him more and more and the time is now grown to that point of maturity that it cannot indure long debate or delay so as this Session of Parliament must continue no longer then Tuesday come sevenight at the furthest within which time his Majesty for his part will be ready to perform what he hath promised to us and if we be not as forward to do that is fit for us it shall be our own faults Lastly upon the assurance of our good dispatch and correspondency his Majesty declareth that his Royal intention is to have another Session at Michalmass next for the perfecting of such things as cannot now be done M r. MASONS speech 2. May 1628. I Am of opinion with the Gentleman that spake first that in our proceedings in the matter now in debate we should have use of the Title of the Statute called circumspecte agatis for it concerns the Liberty of our Persons without which we do not enjoy our lives The Question is WHether in this Bill for the explanation of Magna Charta and the rest of the Satutes we shall provide that the cause of the commitment must be expressed upon the commitment or upon the Return of the Habeas Corpus Before I speak to the question it self I shall propose some observations in my conceit necessarily conduceing to the debate of the Matter 1. That we ought to take care and to provide for posterity as our Predecessors have done for us and that this provident care cannot be expounded to be any distrust of the performance of his Majesties gracious Declaration this Act providing for perpetuity to which his Highness promise unless it were by Act of Parliament cannot extend 2. That we having long debated and solemnly resolved our Rights and Priviledges by virtue of these Statutes and if now we shall reduce those Declarations and those resolutions into an Act we must ever hereafter expect to be confined within the bounds of that Act being made at our Suit and to be the limmits of the Prerogative in in that respect and it being an Act of explanation which shall receive no further explanation then it self contains 3. That by this Act we must provide a remedy against the Persons which detain us in Prison for as to the Commander there can be no certain Concerning the Question it self IT hath been solemnly and clearly resolved by the House that the commitment of a Freeman without expressing the cause at the time of the commitment is against the Law If by this Act of explanation we shall provide onely that the cause ought to be expressed upon the return of the Habeas Corpus then out of the words of the Statute it will necessarily be inferred that before the return of the Habeas Corpus the cause need not to be expressed because the Statute hath appointed the time of the expression of the cause And it will be construed that if the makers of the Statutes had intended that the cause should have been â—â—ener shewen they would have provided for it by the Act and then the Act which we term an Act of explanation will be an Act of the abridging of Magna Charta and the rest of the Statutes Or if this Act do not make the commitment without expressing the cause to be Lawfull yet it will clearly amount to a tolleration of the commitment without expressing the cause untill the Habeas Corpus or to a general or perpetual dispensation beginning with and continuing as long as the Law it self And in my understanding the words in this intended Law that no Freeman can be committed without cause can no wayes advantage us or satisfie this Objection for till the return of the Habeas Corpus he that commits is Judge of the cause or at least hath a license by this Law till that time to conceal the cause and the Goaler is not subject to any action for the detaining of the Prisoner upon such command for if the Prisoner demanded the cause of his inprisonment of the Goaler It will be a safe answer for him to say that he detains the Prisoner by Warrant and that it belongs not unto him to desire those which commit the Prisoner to shew the cause untill he returns the Habeas Corpus and if the Prisoner be a Suitor to know the cause from those that committed him it will be a sufficient answer for them to say they will express the cause at the Return of the Habeas Corpus In this cause there will be a wrong because the commitment is without cause expressed and one that suffers that wrong viz. the party imprisoned and yet no such wrong doer but may excuse if not justifie himself by this Law In making of Laws we must consider the inconveniences which may ensue and provide for the prevention of them lex caveat de futuris I have taken into my thoughts some inconveniences which I shall expose to your considerations not imagining that they can happen in the time of our gracious Soveraign but in an Act of Parliament we must provide for the prevention of all inconveniences in future times 1. If a man be in danger to be imprisoned in the beginning of a long vacation for refusing to pay some small summe of money and knows that by this Act he can have no inlargement till the Return of the Habeas Corpus in the Term and that the charge of his being in Prison and of his inlargement by Habeas Corpus will amount to more then the summe he will depart with money to prevent his imprisonment or to redeem himself thence because he cannot say any man doth him wrong untill the Return of the Habeas Corpus the Law resolves a man will pay a Fine rather then be imprisoned for the Judgement which is given when one is fined is Ideo Capiatur and the highest execution for dept is a Capias ad satisfaciendum the Law presuming any man will depart with his money to gain his Liberty and if the Prisoner procure an Habeas Corpus and be brought into the Kings-bench by virtue of it yet the cause need not to be then expressed The provision of this Law being that if no cause be then expressed he shall be bayled and no cause being shewen upon the Return of the Habeas Corpus yet may be pretended that at the time of his Commitment there were strong presumptions of some great offence But upon examination they are cleared or it
may be said that the offence was of that nature that the time of his imprisonment before the Return was a sufficient punishment and we may be frequently imprisoned in this manner and never understand the cause and have often such punishment and have no means to justifie our selves and for all these proceedings this Law will be the justification or colour 2. If by this Act there be a Tolleration of imprisonment without shewing cause untill the Return of the Habeas Corpus yet it is possible to accompany that imprisonment with such circumstances of close restraint and others which I forbear to express as may make an imprisonment for that short time as great a punishment as a perpetual imprisonment in our ordinary manner 3. The party may be imprisoned a long time before he shall come to be delivered by this Law The place of his imprisonment may be in the furthest parts of this Kingdom The Judges always makes the Return of the Habeas Corpus answerable to the distance of the Prison from Westminster The Goaler may neglect the Return of the first Process and then the party must procure an alias and the Goaler may be then in some other imployment for the King and excuse the not returning of the body upon that Process and this may make the imprisonment for a year and in the end no cause being returned the party may be discharged but in the mean time he shall have imprisonment he shall never know the cause he shall have no remedy for it nor be able to question any for injustice which have not a justification or excuse by this Law 4. The party may be imprisoned during his life and yet there shall be no cause ever shewn I will instance in the manner a man may be committed to the furthest part of the Kingdom Westward he obtains an Habeas Corpus Before the Goaler receives the Habeas Corpus or before he returns it the Prisoner by Warrant is removed from that Prison to another it may be the furthest Northern part of the Realm the first Goaler returns the special Matter which will be sufficient to free himself and in like manner the Prisoner may be translated from one Prisoh to another and his whole life shall be a preregrination or wayfairing from one Goal to another and he shall never know the cause not be able to compalin of any who cannot defend their actions by this Bill 5. If the Prisoner be brought into the Court by Habeas Corpus and no cause expressed and thereupon he be enlarged he may be partly committed again and then his enlargement shall onely make way for his commitment and this may continue during his life and he shall never know the cause and this not remedied but rather permitted by this Act. And there are also considerable in this Matter the expence of the party in Prison His Fees to the Goaler his costs in obtaining and prosecuting an Habeas Corpus and his charges in removing himself attended with such as have the charge of his conduct and that the Prisoner must sustain all without satisfaction or knowing the cause The onely reason given by those of the other opinion That it is requisite the King and Councel should have power to command the detainer of a man in Prison for sometime without expressing the cause is because it is supposed that the manifestation of the cause at first may prevent the discovery of a Treason The reason is answered by the remedy proposed by this Act it being proposed that it shall be provided by this Bill that upon our commitment we may have instantly recourse to the Chancery for an Habeas Corpus retornable in that Court which is alwayes open that partly upon the receipt thereof the Writ must be returned and the cause thereupon expressed If then this remedy be really the cause of commitment must partly appear which contradicts the former reason of State And in my own opinion we ought not onely to take care that the Subject should be delivered out of Prison but to prevent his imprisonment The Statute of Magna Charta and the rest of the Acts providing that no man should be imprisoned but by the Law of the Land And although the King or Councel as it hath been objected by might may commit us without cause notwithstanding any Laws we can make Yet I am sure without such an Act of Parliament such commitment can have no Legal colour and I would be loath we should make a Law to endanger our selves for which reasons I conceive that there being so many wayes to evade from this Act we shall be in worse case by it then without it providing no remedy to prevent our imprisonment without expressing the cause to be Lawfull and administers excuses for continuing us in Prison as I have before declared and thus for providing for one particuler out of reason of State which possibly may fall out in an age or two we shall spring a leak which may sinck all our Liberties and open a gap through which Magna Charta and the rest of the Statutes may issue out and vanish I therefore conclude that in my poor understanding which I submit to better Judgements I had rather depend upon our former resolutions and the Kings gracious Declarations then to pass an Act in such manner as hath been proposed The Speakers speech to his MAJESTY in the Bancketting-House 5. May 1628. Most gracious and dread Soveraign YOur Loyal and dutifull Subjects the Commons assembled in Parliament by several Messages from your Majesty especially by that your must Royal Declaration delivered by the Lord Keeper before both Houses have to their exceeding joy and comfort received many ample expressions of your Princely care and tender affection towards them with a gracious promise and assurance that your Majesty will govern according to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm and so maintain all your Subjects in the just freedom of their Persons and safety of their Estates that all their Rights and Liberties may be by them enjoyed with as much freedom and security in your time as in any age heretofore by their Ancestors under the best of your Royal Progenitors For this so great and gracious a favour enlarged by a continual intimation of your Majesties confidence in the proceeding of this House they do by me their Speaker make a full return of most humble thanks to your Majesty withall dutifull acknowledgement of your grace and goodness herein extended to them And whereas in one of these Messages delivered from your Majesty there was an expression of your desire to know whether this House would rest upon your Royal word and promise assuring them if they would it should be Royally and really performed As they again present their humble thanks for this seconding and strengthning of your former Royal expressions so in all humbleness they assure your Majesty that their greatest confidence is and ever must be in your gracious favour and
his Majesty to hazard an end of such unspeakable consequence upon the admittance of this addition into our Petition whereof as we have shewed the omission at this time can by no means harm the Kings Prerogative the expression may produce manifold inconveniences and therefore since the admittance of your Lordships addition into our Petition is incoherent and incompatible with the body of the same since there is no necessary use of it for the saving of the Kings rerogative since the moderation of our Petition deserveth your Lordships cheerfull conjunction with us since this addition is unseasonable for the time and inconvenient in respect of the place where your Lordships would have it inserted and lastly may prove a disservice to his Majesty I conclude with a most affectionate prayer to your Lordships to joyn with the House of Commons in presenting this Petition unto his sacred Majesty as it is without this addition The KINGS speech in the Higher House at the meeting of both Houses 2. June 1628. Gentlemen I Am come hither to perform my duty and I think no man will think it long since I have not taken so many dayes in answering of the Petition as you have spent weeks in framing it and I am come hither to shew you that as well in formall things as in essential I desire to give you as much content as in me lies The Lord KEEPER in explanation of the same MY Lords and you the Knights Cittizens and Burgesses of the House of Commons his Majesty hath commanded me to say unto you that he takes it in good part that in consideration how to settle your own Liberty you have generally professed in both Houses that you have no intention for to lessen or diminish his Majesties Prerogative wherein as you have cleared your own intentions so his Majesty now comes to clear his and to strike a firm league with his people which is ever decreed to be most constant and perpetual when the conditions are equal and known to be so These cannot be in a more happy estate then when your Liberties shall be an ornament and strength to his Majesties Prerogative and his Prerogative a defence to your Liberties In this his Majesty doubts not but both you and he shall take a mutual comfort hereafter and for his part he is resolved to give an example in so using of his power as hereafter you shall have no cause to complain This is the summe of that which I am to say to you Here read your own Petition and his Majesties gracious answer The KINGS answer to the Petition of Right 2. June by the Lord KEEPER THe King willeth that Right be done according to the Laws and Customes of the Realm and that the Statutes be put in due execution that the Subject may have no cause to complain of any wrong or oppression contrary to their just Rights and Liberties to the preservation whereof he holds himself in conscience as well obliged as of his Prerogative Sir JOHN ELLIOTS Speech 3. June Mr. Speaker WE sit here as the great Councel of the King and in that capacitie it is our duty to take into consideration the State and affairs of the Kingdom and where there is occasion to give them in a true representation by way of council and advice with what we conceive necessary or expedient for them In this consideration I confess many a sadd thought hath affrighted me and that not onely in respect of our dangers from abroad which yet I know are great as they have been often in this place prest and dilated to us but in respect of our disorders here at home we do inforce those dangers and by which they are occasioned For I believe I shall make clear unto you that I oth at first the cause of these dangers were disorders and our disorders now are yet our greatest dangers and not so much the potency of our enemies as the weakness of our selves do threaten us and that saying of the Father may be assumed by us Non tam potentia sua quam negligentia nostra Our want of true devotion to heaven our insincerity and doubling in Religion our want of Councels our precipitate actions the sufficiency or unfaithfulness of our Generals abroad the corruptions of our Ministers at home the impoverishing of the Soveraign the oppression and depression the exhausting of our treasures waste of our provisions Consumption of our Ships destruction of Men This makes the advantage to our enemies not the reputation of their Arms. And if in these there be not reformation we need no Foes abroad time it self will ruine us To shew this more fully as I believe you will all hold it necessary that there seem not an aspertion on the State or imputation on the Government as I have known such mentions misinterpreted which far it is from me to propose that have none but clear thoughts of the Excellency of his Majestie nor can have other ends but the advancement of his glory I shall desire a little of your patience extraordinarily to open the particulars which I shall do with what brevity I may answerable to the importance of the cause and the necessity now upon us yet with such respect and observation to the time as I hope it shall not be troublesome For the first then our insincerity and dubling in Religon the greatest and most dangerous disordor of all others which hath never been unpunished and of which we have so many strong examples of all States and in all times to awe us What testimony doth it want will you have Authority os bookes look on the collection of the Committee for Religion there is too clear an evidence will you have Recors see then the Commission procured for composition with the Papists in the North Mark the proceedings thereupon you will finde them to little less amounting then a tolleration in effect thought upon some slight payments and the easiness in them will likewise shew the favour that 's intended Will you have proofs of men witness the hopes witness the presumptions witness the reports of all the Papists generally observe the dispositions of Commanders the trust of Officers the confidence of secrecies of imployments in this Kingdom in Ireland and elsewhere they all will shew it hath too great a certainty and unto this add but the incontrolable evidence of that all-powerfull hand which we have felt so sorely that gave it full assurance for as the Heavens oppose themselves to us for our impiety so it is we that first oppose the Heavens For the second our want of Councels that great disorder in State with which there cannot be stability if effects may shew their causes as they are after a perfect demonstration of them our misfortunes our disasters serve to prove it and the consequence they draw with them If reason be allowed in this dark age the judgment of dependencies and foresight of contingencies in affairs confirm it For if we view our selves
at home are we in strength are we in reputation equall to our Ancestors if we view our selves abroad are our Friends as many as our Enemies Nay more do our friends retain their safety and possessions do our Enemies enlarge themselves and gain for them and us what Councel to the loss of the Pallatinate sacrificed we our honour and our men sent thither stopping those greater powers appointed for that service by which it might have been defencible what Councel gave direction to the late action whose wounds are yet a bleeding I mean the expedition to Rhee of which there is yet so sadd a memorie in all men what design for us or advantage to our State could that import you know the wisdom of our Ancestors the practice of their times how they preserved their safeties we all know and have as much cause to doubt as they had the greatness and ambition of that Kingdom which the Old world could not satisfie against this greatness and ambition we likewise know the proceedings of that Princess that never to be forgotten Excellency of Queen Elizabeth whose name without admiration falls not into mention with her Enemies you know how she advanced her self how she advanced this Kingdom how she advanced this Nation in glorie and in state how she depressed her Enemies how she upheld her Friends how she enjoyed a full security and made them then our scorn whom now are made our terror Some of the principals she built on were these and if I mistake let reason and our Statesmen contradict me First to maintain in what she might a unity in France that that Kingdom being at peace within it self might be a Bulwark to keep back the power of Spain by land Next to preserve an amity and league between the States and us that so we might come in aid of the low Countries and by that means receive their Ships and help by sea This treable-cord so working between France the States and us might enable us as occasion should require to give assistance unto others and by this means the experience of that time doth tell us that we were not onely free from those fears that now possess and trouble us but then our Names were fearfull to our enemies See now what correspondency or actions had with this square it by these rules that it induce a necessary consequence of the division of France between the Protestants and their King of which there is too wofull and lamentable experience It hath made an absolute breach between that State and us and so entertained us against France France in preparation against us that we have nothing to promise our neighbours hardly for our selves Nay but observe the time in which it was attempted and you shall finde it not onely varying from those principals but directly contrary and opposite ex diametro to those ends and such as from the issue and success rather might be through a conception of Spain then begotten here with us Here there was an interruption made by S r. HUMFRY MAY. expressing a dislike but the House of Commons commanded him to go on it thus followeth M r. Speaker I Am sorry for this interruption but much more sorry if there hath been occasion wherein as I shall submit my self wholly to your judgement to receive what censure you should give me if I have offended So in the integrity of my intentions and clearness of my thoughts I must still retain this confidence that no greatness may deter me from the duties which I owe to the service of my King and Countrey but with a true English heart that I shall discharge my self as faithfully and as really to the extent of my poor power as any mans whose honours or whose Offices most strictly have obliged him you know the dangers Denmark is in how much they concerned us what in respect of our Alliance and the Countrey what in the importance of the Sound what an advantage to our Enemies the gain thereof would be what loss what prejudice to us by this division we breaking upon France France being inraged by us the Netherlands at amazement between both neither could we intend to aid that luckless King whose loss is our disaster Can those now that express their troubles at the hearing of these things and have been so often told us in this place of their knowledge in the conjunctures and disjunctures of affairs say they advised in this Was this an Act of Councel Mr. Speaker I have more charity then to think it and unless they make a confession of themselves I cannot believe it For the next the insufficiency and unfaithfulness of our Generals that great disorders abroad what shall I say I wish there were not cause to mention it and but out of the apprehension of the dangers that 's to come if the like chance hereafter be not prevented I could willingly be silent But my duty to my Soveraign and the service of this House the safety and Honour of my Countrey are above all respects and what so nearly tendeth to the prejudice of this may not be forborn At Calis then in that first expedition we made when we arrived and found a Conquest ready the Spanish ships I mean fit for the satisfaction of a Voyage and of which some of the chiefest then there themselves have since assured me the satisfaction would have been sufficient either in point of Honour or in point of profit why was it neglected why was it not atchieved it being of all hands granted how sensible it was after when with the destruction of some men and with the exposition of some others who though their fortune since have not been such by chance came off When I say with the loss of our serviceable men that unserviceable men were gained and the whole Army landed why was there nothing done why was there nothing attempted if nothing were intended wherefore did they Land if there were a service why were they shipt again Mr. Speaker it satisfies me too much in this when I think of their dry and hungry march unto that druncken quarter for so the Souldiers term'd it where was the period of their Journey that divers of our men being left as a sacrifice to the Enemy that labour was at an end For the next undertaking at Reez I will not trouble you much onely this in short was not that whole action carried against the Judgement and opinion of the Officers those that were of Councel was not the first was not the last was not all in the landing in the intrenching in the continuance there in the asâ—ault in the retreat did any advice take place of such as were of Councel If there should be made a particuler inquisition thereof these things will be manifest and more I will not instance Now the manifestation that was made for the reason of these Arms nor by them nor in what manner nor on what grounds it was published nor what effects it hath wrought drawing
In this the Councel said it will not extend to make him a Bishop upon the point of Election but upon the point of Confirmation onely which maketh him punishable if he execute any thing concerning the Bishoprick Sir Hen. Martin saith The exception making void the Confirmation doth in Law work also upon the Election Doctor Steward saith The point of setting to of the Advocates hand is but matter of Form in the Court no matter of Law Sir Henry Martin saith he will endeavour himself to give the House as full satisfaction and he will speak without relation to the Kings Right and Laws of the Realm The Proclamation by the Common Law should not be at Bow Church but at the Cathedral Church of the Diocess where the Bishop is to be elected and the Dean and Charter of that Diocess is to except and not every one that will The Argument is endless and to alter a course so long settled I conceive it is plain the King and the Law have power to deprive him of his Bishopprick if he deserves the same I think therefore it were good to decline this dispute for the present and to proceed to remove him which we are allowed Tuseday 10. A Bill for Ordering the Government and Plantation of the Summer Islands A Bill to restrain some abuses in Ministers and Magistrates Mr. Rowles complaineth that since his last complaint of the breach of the liberties of this House his Ware-house hath been locked up by one Massey a Pursevant and that yesterday he was called forth from the Committee in the Exchequer-chamber and served with a Subpena to appear in Star-chamber but that since he received a Letter from Mr. Attorney that it was a mistake The Subpena was read but the Letter not suffered to be read Sir Robert Phillips YOu see we are made the Subject to scorn and contempt I conceive this to be a bone thrown by those that have drawn a cloud over our sun our Religion to divert or interrupt us in the prosecution of them I desire the Messenger may be sent for and examined by what procurement this Subpena was taken forth for if we find not out those that throw these scorns upon us it is in vain to sit here Mr. Chancellor of the Dutchie THis proceeds from some great error for I will assure you this never proceeded from King nor Councel I therefore desire it may be searched to the bottom for be confident neither King nor Councel have cast in this as a bone Mr. Selden THis is not to be reckoned an Error for questionless this is to affront us and our own Liberties is the cause of this It is Ordered that Shemington the Messenger that served the Subpena be presently sent for to the House A Committee of six are appointed to see the information in Star-chamber and to examin the same and by whom the same was put in and they have power to sent for persons or records that may inform them A general Order agreed on That all the Committees that have power to send for parties shall have power to command any of them as they shall think fit to attend the House at such times as they shall think fit The priviledge of the Merchants that are Planters here may be taken into consideration by this Committee concerning the information in Star-chamber Sheriff Acton called into the Barre as a Delinquent upon his knees saith if he have erred it is through want of memorie and ignorance for he intended not the least dislike or distaste to any Member of the House Mr. Long moved he might be sent to the Tower Sir Francis Seymour THat he may now be referred back to the Committee to be re-examined if then he deal not clearly this House may proceed to further punishment Mr. Selden I Cannot remember when we did commit a Sheriff of London but I remember when the House did commit both the Sheriffs of London to the Tower for an abuse of less nature onely for countenancing of a Serjeant in an Arrest on a Member of Parliament though they did acknowledge their faults at the Barre which this man hath not yet done the Serjeant was sent to Little-ease the person at whose suit he was Arrested was committed to the Fleet and both the Sheriffs to the Tower Mr. Kirton I Came into this House with as good an heart to this man as any man for I was spoken to to stand for him as I came in and I promised to do what favour I could but if he were my brother he should to the Tower Mr. Littleton YOu see the affronts by books by preaching by rumors by being dayly sued with Proces that are put upon us that we are become but a meer Scare-crow the neglect of our dutie is the cause of this it is high time to remedie this or it is in vain to sit here The Sheriff is again called in to the Barre on his knees and is sentenced to the Tower Sir Ben. Ruddiard THere be diverse Recantations Submissions and Sentences remaining on Record in both Universities against Arminianisme that concerning any thing that may conduce to our end the Speakers Letter may be sent to the Vicechancellor for those Records which is Ordered It is Ordered that Worsnam Daws and â—armarthen are to be at the Barre upon Fryday Wednesday 11. MAster Selden reported concerning the Process of the Merchants the Coppie of the Bill brought in and read that the Merchants did Plot Practice and Combine together against the peace of the Kingdom This being conceived to be a business incident to Tonnage and Poundage is Ordered to be referred till to Morrow morning Mr. Selden THat a Report shall be made to morrow of the Examination of the Complaints of the Merchants and the information in the Exchequer may also be brought which was also Ordered Ordered That in respect the Term ends to Morrow and the Assizes is to follow and diverse Members Lawyers may be gone down it is Ordered that none shall be gone without leave of the House It is alsâ— Ordered That the Speakers Letter be sent for Sir Edward Cook At the Committee for Religion MAster Walter delivered a Petition of the Book-sellers and Printers in complaint of the restraint of books written against Poperie and Arminianisme and the contrarie allowed of by the onely means of the Bishop of London that diverse of them have been so Pursevanted for printing of Orthodox books that the licensing of books is now onely restrained to the Bishop of London and his Chaplains One of the Printers said he tendred diverse books one called The golden Spur to the heavenly Race That Turner one of the Bishop of Londons Chaplains said That if he would put out the point That a man may be certain of his Salvation he would license the same notwithstanding he put out that point yet he could not get the same licensed Mr. Selden The refusing the Licensing of books is no crime but the
been made and that in this very point only upon the interpretation and apprehension of Presidents But Presidents my Lords are good media or proofs of illustration or confirmation when they agree with the expresse Law but they can never be proof enough to overthrow any one Law much lesse seven severall Acts of Parliament as the number of them is for this point The House of Commons therefore taking into consideration that in this Question being of so high a nature that never any exceeded it in any Court of Justice whatsoever all the severall wayes of just examination of the truth should be used have also most carefully informed themselves of all former Judgements or Presidents concerning this great point either way and have been no lesse carefull of the due preservation of his Majesties just Prerogative then of their own Rights The Presidents here are of two kinds either meerly matter of Record or else the former resolutions of Judges after solemn debate in the point This part that concernes the Presidents the House of Commons have commanded me to present to your Lordships which I shall as briefly as I may so I shall do it also faithfully and perspicuously To that end my Lords before I come to the particulars of any of these Presidents I shall first remember to your Lordships that which serves as a generall key for the opening and true apprehension of all them of Record without which key no man unlesse he be verst in the Entries and Court of the King's Bench can possibly understand them In all cases my Lords where any right or Liberty belongs to the Subject by any positive Law written or unwritten if there were not also a remedy by Law for the enjoying or regaining of this right or Libertie when it is violated or taken from him the positive Law were in vain and to no purpose were it for any man to have right in any land or other Inheritance if there were not a known remedy that is an Action or Writ by which in so me court of ordinary Justice he might recover it And in this case of right of Liberty of the Person if there were not a remedy in the Law for regaining it when it is restrained it were to no purpose to speak of Lawes that ordain it should not be restrained Therefore in this case also I shall first observe the remedy that every Free-man is to use for the regaining of his Liberty when he is against Law imprisoned that so upon the legall course and form to be held in using that remedy the Presidents or Judgements upon it for all Presidents of Record rise out of this Remedy may be easily understood There are in the the Law divers remedies for enlargement of a Freeman imprisoned as the Writs of odio atia and of homine replegiando besides the common and most known Writ of habeas Corpus or Corpus cum causa as it is called also The first two are Writs to be directed to the Sheriff of the Countie and lye only in some particular cases with which it would be untimely for me to trouble your Lordships because they concern not that which is committed to my charge But that Writ of habeas Corpus or Corpus cum causa is the highest remedy in Law for him that is imprisoned by the speciall command of the King or of the Lords of the Councell without shewing cause of the commitment Neither is there any such thing in the Lawes of this Land as a Petition of Right to be used in such cases for the Liberty of the person nor is there any other legall Course to be taken for enlargement in such cases howsoever the contrary hath upon no ground or colour of Law been pretended Now my Lords if any man be so imprisoned by any such command or otherwise in any prison whatsoever through England and desire either by himself or any other in his behalf this Writ of habeas Corpus for the purpose in the Court of King's Bench the Writ is to be granted to him and ought not to be denied him no otherwise then any ordinary originall Writ in the Chauncery or other common processe of Law may be denyed Which amongst other things the House of Commons hath resolved also upon mature deliberation and I was commanded to let your Lordships know so much This Writ is to be directed to the Keeper of the Prison in whose custody the Prisoner remaines commanding him that at a certain day he bring in the body of the Prisoner ad subjiciendum recipiendum juxta quod Curia consider aver it una cum causa captionis detentionis and oftentimes una cum causa detentionis only captionis being omitted The Keeper of the Prison thereupon returnes by what Warrant he detaines the Prisoner and with his Return filed to his Writ brings the Prisoner to the Barre at the time appointed When the Return is thus made the Court judgeth of the sufficiency or insufficiency of it only out of the body of it without having respect to any other thing whatsoever that is they are to suppose the Return to be true whatsoever it be For if it be false the party may have his remedy by action on the case against the Gaoler that brings him Now my Lords when this Prisoner comes thus to the Barre if he desires to be bailed and that the Court upon view of the Return think him in Law to be bailed then he is alwayes first taken from the Keeper of the Prison that brings him and committed to the Marshall of the Kings Bench and afterwards bailed and the Entrie perpetually is Commiâ—titur Marr. postea traditur in ballium For the Court never bailes any man untill he becomes their own Prisoner and be in custodia Marescalli of that Court. But if upon return of the habeas Corpus it appears to the Court that the Prisoner ought not to be bailed nor discharged from the Prison whence he is brought then he is remanded or sent back again there to remain untill by Course of Law he may be delivered And the Entrie in such case is Remittitur quousque secundum legem deliberatus fuerit or Remittitur quousque c. which is all one and is the highest award or Judgement that ever was or can be given upon a habeas Corpus But if the Judges doubt only whether in Law they ought to take him from the prison whence he came or give daie to the Sheriff to amend his Return as often they do then they remand him only during the time of their debate or untill the Sheriff hath amended his Return and the Entrie upon it is Remittitur only or Remittitur prisonae predict without any more And so remittitur generally is of farre lesse moment in the award upon the habeas Corpus then remittitur quousque howsoever vulgar opinions raised out of the fame of the late Judgement be to the contrary All these things are of most known
what the cause is then in any other The fourth of these is in the time of Queen Mary It is Pasche 2. and 3. Phil. and Mar. Rot. 58. Overtons case Richard Overton was returned upon a habeas Corpus directed to the Sheriffs of London to have been committed to them and detained per mandatum prenobilium virâ—râ—m honorabilis Concilii Dominorum Regis Regina Qui committitur Marescallo c. immediate traditur in ballium In answer to this President or by way of objection against the force of it hath been said that this Overton stood at that time indicted of Treason It is true he was so indeed but that appeares in another Roll that hath no reference to the Return as the Return hath no reference to that Roll. Yet they that object this against the force of this President say That because he was indicted of Treason therefore though he was committed by the command of the Lords of the Councell without cause shewed yet he was bailable for the Treason and upon that was here bailed Then which Objection nothing can be or is more contrarie to Law or common Reason It is most contrarie to Law for that cleerly every Return is to be adjudged by the Court out of the body of the Writ it self not by any other collaterall or forrain Record whatsoever Therefore the matter of Indictment here cannot in Law be cause of the bailing of the Prisoner And it is so adverse to all common Reason that if the objection be admitted it must of necessity follow that whosoever shall be committed by the King or the Privie Councell without cause shewed and be not indicted of Treason or some other offence may not be inlarged by reason of the supposition of matter of State But that whosoever is so committed and withall stands so indicted though in another Record may be inlarged whatsoever the matter of State be for which he was committed The absurdity of which assertion needs not a word for further confutation as if any of the Gent. in the last Judgement ought to have been the sooner delivered if he had been also indicted of Treason Certainly if so Traitours and Fellons had the highest priviledges of personall Liberty and that above all other Subjects of the Kingdome The first of this first kind is of Queen Marie's time also It is Pasche 4. 5. P. M. Rot. 45. the Case of Edward Newport He was brought into the Kings Bench by habeas Corpus out of the Tower of London cum causa viz. Quod commissus fuit per mandatum Conciliorum Dominae Reginae Qui committitur Marr. c. et immediate traditur in ballium To this the like kind of answer hath been made as in that other Case of Overton next before cited They say that in another Roll of another Terme of the same year it appears he was in question for suspicion of Coyning And it is true he was so But the Return and this Commitment mentioned in it have no reference to any such offence nor hath the Bailment of him relation to any thing but to the absolute Commitment by the Privie Councell So that the answer to the like objection made against Overton's Case satisfies this also The sixth of these is of Q. Elizabeth's dayes It is Mich. 9. Eliz Rot. 35. the Case of Thomas Lawrence This Lawrence came in by habeas Corpus returned by the Sheriffs of London to be detained in prison per mandatum Concilii Dominae Reginae Qui committitur Marescallo c. super hoc traditur in ballium An Objection hath been invented against this also It hath been said that this man was pardoned and indeed it appeares so in the margent of the Roll where the word pardonatur is entred But cleerly his enlargement by Baile was upon the Bodie of the Return only unto which that Note of Pardon in the Margent of the Roll hath no relation at all And can any man think that a man pardoned for what offence soever it be might not as well be committed for some Arcanum or matter of State as one that is pardoned The seventh of these is in the same yeare and of Easter Terme following It is Pasche 9. Eliz. Rot. 68. Robert Constable's Case He was brought by habeas Corpus out of the Tower and in the Return it appeared he was committed per mandatum privati Concilii dict Dominae Reginae Qui committitur Marr. postea isto eodem Termino traditur in ballium The like Objection hath been made to this as to that before of Lawrence but the self same Answer cleerly satisfies for both of them The eighth is of the same Queens time in Pasche 20. Eliz. Rot. 72. Iohn Browning's Case This Browning came by habeas Corpus out of the Tower whether he had been committed was returned to have been committed per privatum Concilium Dominae Reginae Qui committitur Maresc Et postea isto eodem Termino traditur in ballium To this it hath been said That it was done at the chief Justice Wraye's Chamber and not in Court and thus the authoritie of the President hath been lessened and sleighted If it had been at his Chamber it would have proved at least thus much That S r Christopher Wraye then chief Justice of the King's Bench being a grave learned and upright Judge knowing the Law to be so did baile this Browning and so enlarge him And even so farre were the President of value enough But it is plain that though the habeas Corpus were returnable indeed as it appeares in the Record it self at his Chamber in Serjeant's Inne yet he only committed him to the Kings Bench presently and referred the consideration of enlarging him to the Court who afterwards did it For the Record saith Et postea isto eodem Termino traditur in ballium which cannot be intended of an enlargement at the chief Justice his Chamber The ninth of this first kind is in Hill 40. Eliz. Rot. 62. Edward Harecourts Case He was imprisoned in the Gate-house and that per Dominos de private Concilio Dominae Reginae pro certis causis eos moventibus et ei ignotis and upon his habeas Corpus was returned to be therefore only detained Qui committitur Marr. c. Et postea isto eodem Termino traditur in ballium To this never any colour of answer hath been yet offered The tenth is Catesbies Case in the Vacation after Hillary Terme 43. E. Rot. 37. Robert Castesby was committed to the Fleet per warrant diversorum prenobilium virorum de private Concilio Dominae Reginae He was brought before Justice Fennor one of the Judges of the Kings Bench by habeas Corpus at Winchester House in Southwark commissus fuit Marr. per praesat Edw. Fennor statim traditur in ballium The eleventh is Richard Beckwith's Case which was in Hillary 12. of King Iames R. 153. He was returned upon his habeas Corpus to have