themselves to him with their just Defence and not only to him but to others and particularly to Mr. Cecyl one formerly their Colleague who was now Master of Requests to the Protector letting him know the whole Matter that he might upon occasion represent the Cause the more favourably to the Arch-bishop And Ascham himself was their Scribe whose Epistle penned in a handsome Latin Stile being not extant among his printed Epistles and being subservient to the History of the University in those Times I have thought worthy to be inserted among the Originals In this Letter he charged the other Party as well with Malice as Ignorance For this their Question was very agreeable to Thomas Aquinas who proved that the Mass exceeded the Lord's Supper in many Prerogatives and much differed from it by many Notes as Women Children Bastards maimed Persons were not allowed to partake of the Mass but they were received to the Holy Supper So that should any say as he proceeds in his Letter that the Mass and the Supper were the same they might exclaim against them much more Their Adversaries had charged them with being too rash in not staying for what Reformation the State should make But he said that all Cambridg wanted rather Spurs to put them forward than a Bridle to keep them back But though their Dispute were prohibited yet their Studies upon the same Argument had in a manner encreased having now written a just Treatise of the Mass which they intended shortly to present to the Protector and waited only for Cecyl's and Cheke's Advice therein But I must beg Pardon of the Reader for this Excursion And as I have given an Instance or two of the private Address of a particular College to him in a particular Case so I will subjoin another more publick of the University in general In the Year abovesaid being the first Year of the King the University laboured under the Fears of the Encroachments of the Town upon their Privileges and likewise under great Suspicions of being spoiled of its Revenues or at least of having them much diminished she having observed how those of her Sister the Church were daily invaded by secular Hands These Fears put Cambridg now in a decaying State and the Studies of good Literature began to be but little minded Add also hereunto that Ecclesiastical Preferments which formerly were the peculiarRewards of Academicks were now ordinarily enjoyed by mere unlearned Lay-men So the Earl of Hartford held a Deanery a Treasureship of a Cathedral Church and four of the best Prebends and his Son three hundred Pounds a Year out of a Bishoprick And Learned Men were seldom taken notice of or had Honours conferred on them and if they obtained any Rewards they were but small Nor were Scholars now in any Repute or Value So that neither Poor nor Rich abode long at their Studies in the University to attain to any considerable Degrees of Learning The Poor could not because the Encouragements there were scarce capable to maintain them and the richer Sort would not chusing rather to follow some other Course because of the obscure and neglected Condition Learning then lay under The Grammar Schools also became disused Parents chusing any other Calling for their Children rather than to bring them up to Letters As Roger Ascham a Man that well knew the State of the University complains in a Letter to the Marquess of Northampton This was the Cause that the said Ascham pensively thus writ unto our Arch-bishop not long after That the University was then in so depressed and drooping a Condition that very few had hope of coming thither at all and fewer had any Comfort to make long tarrying when they were there And that Abroad it retained not so much as the Shadow of its Ancient Dignity At this low Ebb the University now was when King Edward the Sixth came to the Scepter But there being a Parliament this Year in the Month of November the chief Officers thereof thought it adviseable however to prevent it if they could from sinking lower and to keep at least what they had by getting their Ancient Privileges confirmed by that Parliament And for this purpose they writ their earnest Letters to the Arch-bishop Iohn Madew their Vice-chancellor the Bearer urging to him Not only that it was a thing usual at the beginning of Princes Reigns to shew that Favour to the University to have their Privileges renewed by Parliament but chiefly that the Favour his Grace should do to it would be a true piece of Service to the Religion which he had such a tender Care of That every one knew how much it concerned the Common-wealth that Account should be made of Learning but how much it concerned the pure Religion as they stiled that of the Reformation he alone did consider above all others That he knew how that about five hundred Years past or more the knowledg of Letters by the Fault of Kings who ought to have cherish'd it began to withdraw it self from Men and to hide it self in Darkness In which dark Times so involved in Ignorance that notable wild Boar out of the Wood spoiled the Vineyard of Christ above measure Not only treading down the Kings of the Earth and conferring upon himself the Empire of the World but so invaded and broke into the Holy Seat and Temple of Conscience that now there were scarce any Manners of Men any Course of Life any Rite of Ceremonies any Sacrament of the Church any Footstep of Christ which were not either laid waste by his Thunder or defiled by his Breath Or to speak in milder but more significant terms with S. Paul which were not most foully corrupted and adulterated by the Wisdom of humane Will-worship That it was this Night of Discipline and want of Knowledg which robbed us of God's Word and advanced the Empire of Man's Doctrine to that Arbitrary Height that instead of the true Worship of God the right using of things Divine a holy and pure Course of Life Hypocrisy Idolatry and Adultery were most cunningly conveyed and brought in That they did the more willingly mention this Pest of Ignorance conceiving great Hope that the Honour of Learning would be restored anew now when all things tended in a wonderful manner to the illustrating of true Religion which good Learning did necessarily accompany And that since God had now raised him up on purpose for the restoring of the Gospel and had so long reserved him for that End they doubted not but he would give all his Pains and Authority to preserve the Welfare of Learning And that somewhat for this Reason because at that time there could happen no Calamity or Advantage thereunto but every Man would be apt either to charge him with the Blame of the one or attribute to him the Praise of the other This eloquent Letter indicted by the Pen of Ascham then the University-Orator having some remarkable Passages of the State of
the Romish Pox and the Leprosy shewing afterward the Remedies against these Diseases For being a very facetious Man he delivered his Reproofs and Counsels under witty and pleasant Discourse He wrote also The hunting of the Romish Fox Iohn Iuel afterwards Bishop of Salisbury assisted Peter Martyr at Strasburgh in setting out his Commentaries upon the Book of Iudges Who being publick Reader of Divinity there had first read those Commentaries and had many Learned English-Men for his Auditors as Poynet Grindal Sands Sir Iohn Cheke Sir Anthony Cook and divers other Knights and Gentlemen as well as Divines And when he was removed to Zurick to succeed Pelican he took Iuel with him thither In Frankford there happening as was said before unhappy Contentions about Ceremonies and Matters of Discipline and it was feared that these Dissensions might spread themselves into the other Fraternities in Zurick and other places Iuel's great Business was to allay these Animosities partly by Letters and partly by his own verbal Exhortations That they should as Brethren lay aside Strife and Emulation especially for such small Matters That they would hereby offend the Minds of all good Men which things they ought to have a special heed of Some who seemed more complaining and uneasy at these things he exhorted to Patience admonishing That we ought not to leap from the Smoke into the Fire and that we ought to bear a part in Christ's Cross and to consider how much better it was with them than with their poor Brethren that endured Tortures in England And he would often repeat to them Bear a while then things will not endure an Age. Thomas Becon formerly a Minister in Canterbury and well known to the Arch-bishop wrote an Epistle in his Exile and sent it to certain Godly Brethren in England Declaring in it the Causes of all the Miseries and Calamities that were fallen upon England How they might be redrest and what a merciful Lord our God is to all faithful penitent Sinners that unfeignedly turn to him This Epistle was brought into England and read of the Brethren in their Religious Meetings not without Fruit. In this Epistle he added a Supplication to God at good length for the restoring of his Holy Word to the Church of England Wherein the devout Christian complaineth his Grief and Sorrow to his Lord for taking away the Light of Christ's Gospel and humbly acknowledging his Fault and worthy Punishment most heartily wisheth the Subversion of Anti-christ's Kingdom and the Restitution of Christ's most Glorious Kingdom in this Realm He wrote also an Epistle to the Massing Priests wherein he shewed what a wicked Idol the Mass was and what a Difference there was between the Lord's-Supper and that and what Popes brought in every part of the Mass and put them together as it was then used Laurence Humfrey while he was in exile wrote a Book in Latin intituled Optimates being Instructions for Noble-men in three Books It was printed at Basil by Oporinus and dedicated to Q. Elizabeth soon after her entrance upon her Kingdom The Reason of this his Discourse was out of an universal Love to Mankind and desire to better the Condition of the World whose Welfare depended so much upon the Sobriety and Vertue of those of Noble Rank and Quality Since Nobility as he wrote widely spread it self through all the Regions and Coasts of Christendom and was preferred to Places of Trust and Honour in all Princes Courts and was the very Nerve and Strength of Commonwealths and since from it issued the greatest Helps or Hindrances to the Publick Safety Pure Religion the Lives and Maners of Men Therefore he thought the Gentry and Nobility being imbued with Right and Christian Opinions not formed to the corrupt Rules of Antiquity Kings would govern better the Ministers of Ecclesiastical Matters would more faithfully perform their Functions and the common Sort would more diligently discharge all necessary Offices and the whole Common-weal might seem more healthfully to breath to live and to recover and persist in a good Constitution Beside this excellent Book both for the Matter and Elegancy of the Latin Stile he printed two or three other things at Basil and he wrote while he was abroad a Commentary upon the Prophet Isaiah But I know not whether it were published Bartholomew Traheron Library-Keeper to K. Edward and Dean of Chichester made divers Readings to the English Congregation upon the beginning of St. Iohn's Gospel and after printed them against the wicked Enterprizes of the new start-up Arians in England Iohn Fox famous to Posterity for his immense Labours in his Acts and Monuments was received by the Accurate and Learned Printer Oporinus of Basil for the Corrector of his Press He published and which I think was the first thing he published and his first-fruits a Chronological History of the Church The first Part from the first Times unto Martin Luther This Book he presented unto Oporinus with an handsom Epistle Wherein he desired to be received by him into his Service and that he would vouchsafe to be his Learned Patron under whom he might follow his Studies being one that would be content with a small Salary Promising him that if he would employ him either there at Basil or at Argentine or some University which he should rather chuse Aut me said he destituent omnia aut efficiam Christo opitulante ut omnes politioris literaturae homines intelligant quantum Operiano nomini officinae debeant While he was here employed by Oporinus at spare Hours he began his History of the Acts of the Church in Latin Which he drew out more briefly at first and before his return home into England well near finished Having here compleated the Copy which was but the first Part of what he intended but making a just Volume in Folio he sent this Work to Basil to be printed And so it was in the Year 155 It remained many Years after in those Parts in great Request and was read by Foreign Nations although hardly known at all by our own Being now in Peace and Safety at Home Fox reviewed this his Work and in the Year 1566 first published it in English very Voluminous because of those many Relations of the Persecutions in Q. Mary's Days that came to his Hands All this Work he did himself without the help of any Amanuensis nor had he any Servant to do his necessary Domestick Business being fain to be often diverted by his own private Occasions from his Work He afterwards enlarged these his Labours into three large Volumes which have since undergone many Editions But to look back to what he published in his Exile There came to his Hand all the Trials and Examinations of the Learned Martyr Ioh. Philpot Arch-deacon of Winchester drawn up by himself and finally his Death being burnt in Smithfield 1555. These things Fox put into Latin as he had an excellent Latin Stile
losing of Promotion nor hope of Gain or winning of Favour could move him to relent or give place unto the Truth of his Conscience As experience thereof well appeared as well in defence of the true Religion against the Six Articles in the Parliament as in that he offered to combate with the Duke of Northumberland in K. Edward's Time speaking then on behalf of his Prince for the staying of the Chauntries until his Highness had come unto lawful Age and that especially for the maintenance of his better State then But if at his Prince's Pleasure in case of Religion at any time he was forced to give place that was done with such humble Protestation and so knit up for the safeguard of his Faith and Conscience that it had been better his Good-will had never been requested than so to relent or give over as he did Which most dangerously besides sundry times else he especially attempted when the Six Articles past by Parliament and when my L. Crumwel was in the Tower At what time the Book of Articles of our Religion was new penned For even at that Season the whole Rabblement which he took to be his Friends being Commissioners with him forsook him and his Opinion and Doctrine And so leaving him Post alone revolted altogether on the part of Stephen Gardiner Bishop of Winchester As by Name Bishop Hethe Shaxton Day and all other of the meaner sort By whom these so named were chiefly advanced and preferred unto Dignities And yet this sudden Inversion notwithstanding God gave him such Favour with his Prince that Book altogether past by his Assertion against all their Minds More to be marvelled at the Time considered than by any Reason to compass how it should come to pass For then would there have been laid thousands of Pounds to Hundreds in London that he should before that Synod had been ended have been shut up in the Tower beside his Friend the Lord Crumwel Howbeit the King's Majesty having an assured and approved affiance of his both deep Knowledg in Religion and Fidelity both to God and Him suspected in that time other Men in their Judgments not to walk uprightly nor sincerely For that some of them swerved from their former Opinions in Doctrine And having great experience of the constancy of the Lord Cranmer it drave him all along to join with the said Lord Cranmer in the confirmation of his Opinion and Doctrin against all the rest to their great Admiration For at all Times when the King's Majesty would be resolved in any Doubt or Question he would but send word to my Lord over Night and by the next Day the King would have in writing brief Notes of the Doctors Minds as well Divines as Lawyers both Old and New with a Conclusion of his own Mind Which he could never get in such a readiness of any no not of all his Chaplains and Clergy about him in so short a Time For being thorowly seen in all kinds of Expositors he could incontinently lay open thirty forty sixty or more some whiles of Authors And so reducing the Notes of them altogether would advertise the King more in one Day than all his Learned Men could do in a Month. And it was no mervail for it was well known that commonly if he had not Business of the Prince's or special urgent Causes before him he spent three parts of the Day in Study as effectually as he had done at Cambridg And therefore it was that the King said on a time to the Bishop of Winchester the King and my said Lord of Winchester defending together that the Canons of the Apostles were of as good Authority as the four Evangelists contrary to my Lord Cranmer's Assertion My Lord of Canterbury said the King is too old a Truant for us twain Again His Estimation was such with his Prince that in Matters of great Importance wherein no Creature durst once move the King for fear of Displeasure or moving the King's Patience or otherwise for troubling his Mind then was my Lord Cranmer most violently by the whole Council obtruded and thrust out to undertake that Danger and Peril in Hand As beside many other times I remember twice he served the Council's Expectation The first time was when he staied the King 's determinate Mind and Sentence in that he fully purposed to send the Lady Mary his Daughter unto the Tower and there to suffer as a Subject because She would not obey the Laws of the Realm in refusing the Bishop of Rome's Authority and Religion Whose stay in that behalf the King then said unto the Lord Cranmer would be to his utter Confusion at the length The other dangerous Attempt was in the disclosing the unlawful Behaviour of Queen Katharine Howard towards the King in keeping unlawful Company with Durrant her Servant For the King's Affection was so mervailously set upon that Gentlewoman as it was never known that he had the like to any Woman So that no Man durst take in Hand to open to him that Wound being in great perplexity how he would take it And then the Council had no other Refuge but unto my Lord Cranmer Who with over-much Importunity gave the Charge which was done with such Circumspection that the King gave over his Affections unto Reason and wrought mervellous colourably for the Trial of the same Now as concerning the Manner and Order of his Hospitality and House-keeping As he was a Man abandoned from all kind of Avarice so was he content to maintain Hospitality both liberally and honourably and yet not surmounting the Limits of his Revenues Having more respect and foresight unto the Iniquity of the Times being inclined to pull and spoil from the Clergy than to his own private Commodity For else if he had not so done he was right sure that his Successors should have had as much Revenues left unto them as were left unto the late Abbies Especially considering that the Lands and Revenues of the said Abbies being now utterly consumed and spread abroad and for that there remained no more Exercise to set on work or no Officers but Surveyors Auditors and Receivers it was high time to shew an Example of liberal Hospitality For although these said Workmen only brought up and practised in subverting of Monastical Possessions had brought that kind of Hospitality unto utter Confusion yet ceased they not to undermine the Prince by divers Perswasions for him also to overthrow the honourable State of the Clergy And because they would lay a sure Foundation to build their Purpose upon they found the Means to put into the King's Head That the Arch-bishop of Canterbury kept no Hospitality or House correspondent unto his Revenues and Dignity but sold his Woods and by great Incomes and Fines made Money to purchase Lands for his Wife and Children And to the intent that the King should with the more facility believe this Information Sir Thomas Seymor the
hear of the abolishing especially of that law that gave that title of the Supremacy of the Church in the Realm to the Crown Suspecting that to be an introduction of the Popes authority into the Realm Which they cannot gladly hear of And for this cause cannot gladly hear of my Legation in the Popes Name Wherupon her G. in the same letters doth exhort me to stay my voyage until a more opportune time And asketh my counsil in case the lower House make resistance in the renouncing of the title of Supremacy what her G. were best to do and what course she had best to take One other poynt is that her G. desireth in the same letter to be certified by me how it came to pass that a Commission given by her to Mr. Francisco Commendone in secret was published in the Consistory as her Graces Ambassador resident in Venice doth certify her These be the two points wherin her G. requireth my answer And for to obey her demand which to me is a Commandment I do send you not only to present my letters but also my mouth and with these present Instructions for more satisfaction of her G. in al points As touching the first point which is of most weight and so great touching the honor and wealth of her G. both spiritual and temporal as none can be more ye shal shew her G. that my first advise and counsil shal be to obtain of God by prayer that which I pray him to give me writing this Which is to have Spiritum Consilij Fortitudinis And this her G. must now pray for that as in the attaining the Crown his high providence shewed by manifest tokens to have given her these two graces so in the maintaining therof he wil confirm these two gifts in her mind Her Highnes knowes if she had relented at that time for any peril when that both mans counsil and force were against her she had lost So if she for any fear do relent and do not renounce the title of Supremacy which took the name of Princess and Right heire from her she cannot maintain that she hath gotten already by the spirit of Council and Fortitude So that my first counsil is this that obtaining by prayer these two gifts which her G. had at that time to shew her self no less ardent in the leaving of the title of Supremity for to maintain her right then the King her father was in the acquisition therof to the privation of her right Which so much more she ought to do and be more fervent in this then her Father was in that Because that was done against al law both of God and man and this that her Majesty doth now shewing her self most fervent herein doth fulfil both Gods law and mans And that is her very duty if she should loose both state and life withal As she hath known she ought to do by the example of the best men of her realm Which for this cause resisting the Kings unlawful lawes lost both And now the goodnes of God putting no such hard conditions to her G. nor laying afore her eyes only Praemia futura with loss of temporal as he did to those men but praemia coelestia with terrena joyned together That serving to the honor of God which is in this poynt to render the title of Supremacy of the church in earth to whom God hath given it she doth establish her own Crown withal If now she should relent herein for any fear of men being brought to that state that other men should rather fear her then she them especially in so good a cause this afore God and men were most perpetually to be blamed Wherfore what my Counsil is herein on this maner now rehersed you may inform her Highnes Now to come to the execution of the thing After her G. is determined to have it done casting away al fear the same stondeth to have it put forth and causing it to pass by the Parlament this is another council necessarily to be pondered Consisting the whole after my opinion in the proponement of the person that hath to put forth the same that with les difficulty and more favour it may pass Here ye may say that I much pondering the same and considering that it must be a person of Authority that should propone the same if it should take effect When I look in my mind upon al them I know of the Lords both Spiritual and Temporal and persons of the Lower House that might have authority I do see none but that other he hath defended the contrary cause by his Sentence and writing as the Spiritual men have done which taketh away a great part of authority to persuade others when men heareth them accepting that matter that aforetime they have oppugned Or else to speak of the Temporal Lords or others being al intangled with private profit enjoying goods of the Church by rejecting the authority of the same they cannot speak with that freenes of spirit as such a matter requireth Wherfore yee may conclude with her G. mine opinion herein that after long consideration hereof I see no person but one that is able with authority and also favour to propone this matter And that person is her G. her self God having brought it to her hand alone She being in this matter and al other immaculate and without blot ordered of God to defend his cause and her own withal And this ye may say the Counsil that it pleased God to put in my mind is that her G. do in this case as I remember the Emperor did in his own case passing by Rome wheras his mind was to justify his quarrel touching the war betwixt him and the French king afore the Pope and the Cardinals When doubting if onye other person should propose the same it might have contradiction of that party that did favor France he determined without any conference either with his Councel or others to put forth the matter himself And so when nother the Pope nor no other looked for any such thing his Holines and the Cardinals being now congregate he entred in among them in the Consistory and made a long Oration in justifying his cause and obtained that he would without any resistance Underneath this maner my poor advise should be that her Majesty should personally come into the Parlament and put forth the same her self and I dare be bold to say what for her authority and the justnes and the equity of the cause it self she shal have no contradiction And if need were also to shew her self to the Lower house the thing it self so neer toucheth her wealth both godly and temporally that it would be taken rather cum applausu then otherwise Further and jointly with this it shal be necessary her highnes make mention of the Popes Legate in my person to be admitted and sent for Wherin her G. hath this first to entreat that the law of my banishment may be abolished and
perceive the Emperors Majestyes Counsil hath ever been that her G. in matters of religion and in the renouncing the title of the Supremacy should procede with great moderation and not to be hasty therin until other matters temporal were better settled for this cause beside that what I could do by letters if it were possible as much as was in me to remove his Majesty from the opinion that dilation in this matter would be profitable to her Highnes or the realm as she may perceive by the copy of my letters written to the Emperor sent by Hâ—rry Pyninge I have likewise persuaded his Majesties Confessor whom I found here a man of great sanctity and learning that for the love he beareth towards his Majesty touching his souls wealth and honor of the world beside and affection to her G. that he would personally repair himself to his Majesty and by al means possible attempt to remove this worldly fear And herein I have given him Instructions wherof you have the Copy with you that you may shew the same to her Highnes The third Remedy is that I attempt now by sending you to her Majesty that she may be wel informed of the peril which in mine opinion is now more great then when the Duke of Northumberland did set against her And the same must be overcome with the means that her G then had the victory Which was by putting her hope and trust wholy in God and in the justice of her cause casting away al fear worldly Which doing her Highnes may be sure her cause pertaining to the honor of God and wealth of his Church for the which his Son dyed for that is Lord of al she shal find les difficulty and much readier help then she can now imagine And this now shal be sufficient you inform her G. touching the matter wherin it hath pleased her to ask my advise and counsil Touching the other matter wherin her Highnes seemeth to be offended for the relation made openly in the Consistory by Master Francesco Commendone of those things which her Majesty had told him in secret Of this you may say her G. being enformed of the truth hath more cause to accept that which was done most gratefully then in ony part to be offended therewith And the truth is this he did not open any thing that was told him in secret nor did not make his relation as I thought my self he had done at the beginning as of things heard of her G.'s mouth but that he had heard of other Catholics and devout persons that knew her G.'s mind Which was in general of the devout mind that her Majesty bore to God and the Church and of that particular point that she would have had shewed only the Popes Holines nothing was spoken And al this done to confirm the Cardinals minds touching the approbation of that the Pope had done in making so suddenly his Legate afore any information was given what mind her G. bore to the obedience of the Church Which some did not approve at the first And after this relation made by Master Francesco that had been in England al were wel satisfied So that al turned to the honor of her M. and to corroborate al that was done to her service And that she may the surelier be advertised how all things passed in this matter I have caused to be copied one part of a letter which the Popes Holines wrote unto me upon this Act and the same you may shew unto her Grace And because I do know what great service it might be to her G. to be truly informed in al parts that pertaineth to the return of true obedience to the Church both touching the time and maner and the consequence therof and to discern the crafts and wiles that the enemy of mankind ever useth to make it seem true obedience when it is not wherupon dependeth the whole ground of the maintenance of the State that God hath given her G. And how few there be in the realm al being maculate therin that can or wil indeavour themself to explicate the peril and shew the remedy therfore considering that I in person cannot come so soon to give her Highnes information as I know the necessity of the matters to be concluded doth require you may shew her M. that among those Gentlemen of my company whom I have sent afore to Flaunders there to remain there be two of whom if it wil please the same to take information of and as her G. findeth it to the honor of God and wealth of the realm in this first setling of the obedience of the church so to execute the same I would think that her G. should be well satisfied and satisfy al good men withal these being men of that quality that ye know which have godly prudence and humane joyned both together Of the which one I know by long experience that hath bin many years so conversant with me as no man more familiar Of whom I have ever judged my self to have that treasure that few great Princes hath the like And of the other to have as great pleasure for the time he is content to serve me But whether her Highnes wil serve her self to be informed of them in this first settling of her State this is in her G.'s pleasure This only I would desire her M. willing the same if they should come that they might come to be known to come from me for the causes that I have shewed you Further your Commission here be to expound to her Highnes my whole mind and sentence touching the demand it pleased her G. to make in her gracious Letters dated the xxviij of Ianuary concerning those persons whom for the good opinion her G. had of their Vertue Learning and Catholic good mind she intended to make Bps how that they may be provided for without derogation to the authority of the See Apostolic her G. not intending further to extend the powers of the Crown regal then it was customable in use afore the Schism entered In this poynt wherin her G. demaundeth mine answer you shal make the same conformable to that which by long and often conference with me ye know to be mine utter sentence Wherin yee need not to have any further explication by writing Besides this touching the two Acts of Parlament one of the legitimation of the Matrimony betwixt the most gracious Queen her Mother and the King her Father the other of the Sacraments to be used under the maner that they were used the last year of K. Henry VIII her G.'s father Which both it pleased her M. of her goodnes to send unto me for my satisfaction of mind to know how they were passed by consent of the Parlament you may shew her G. that these two perfectly inacted and concluded be those in truth that of al Acts that could be made to my comfort none could bring me more satisfaction Wherof the only cause is that I
Chair tho with as much Reluctancy in You as was in Him Of Your GRACE'S Endowments to qualify You for this most Eminent Station I will be wholly silent knowing how abhorrent Your Generous Nature is from Reading or Hearing Your Own Commendations Nor MY LORD is this my End in this my Dedication But this it is That You would so far Encourage these my Weak and Imperfect Labours done out of a Good Intent as to cast a Favourable Eye upon them for the sake of Your Glorious Predecessor the Subject of this Book and to repute me among the Number May it please Your GRACE Of Your most Humble and most Obedient Servants JOHN STRYPE THE PREFACE I Think it fit by way of Preface to these Memorials to admonish the Reader of a few things preparatory to the Perusal thereof As What it was put me at first upon making these Collections concerning Archbishop Cranmer and the State of the Church in his time What induced me to make them Publick And What Credit may be given to them with some other occasional matters I. As to the first I have been for a long time not a little addicted to read whatsoever I could of the Reformation of this famous Church that I might truly understand for what Reasons it was at first attempted in what Methods it proceeded by what Men it was chiefly managed and carried on and how it stood in truth as to its Doctrine Discipline and Government Reputation Learning Piety and such like in its first Establishment and the Earlier Times of it For which purpose I did not only read over what we have in Print of these Matters but for more satisfaction I was carried on to look into MSS. whether Registers Records Letters Instruments and such like A great sort of which by Providence fell into my hands And besides them I have turned over many more in Libraries and elsewhere from whence I made Transcriptions Extracts and Collections for my own use and satisfaction which swelled to no little bulk And while I was doing this I took always a more curious View into the Lives Manners and Doings Learning Virtues and Abilities of the chief leading men whether Archbishops and Bishops or other Church-men of whom we have but little Account extant tho many of them very Great and Good men little more remaining of some of them than their Names The Reverence I bore in my mind to Archbishop Cranmer the Father of the Reformation here in England and the first of that Ancient Metropolitan See that so bravely shook off the Pope and his Appendages inclined me especially to gather up what Notices I could of him Afterwards as my leisure served me out of my indigested Mass of Notes I compiled into some order Memorials of him and of the Affairs of the Church during his Primacy in which he for the most part was concerned and bore a great share with K. Henry and the Lord Cromwel his Vicegerent in Spirituals After some Years these Memorials lying by me I enlarged considerably and digested them into Annals and had thoughts of making them Publick being excited and encouraged thereunto by my Friends who were privy to these my Doings II. And indeed many Considerations induced me hereunto As in general the great Benefit of reading Histories of former Times which what that is take in the Words of Iohn Fox For the things which be first are to be preferred before those which be later And then is the reading of Histories much necessary in the Church to know what went before and what followed after And therefore not without cause History in old Authors is called The Witness of Times the Light of Verity the Life of Memory the Teacher of Life and Shewer of Antiquity Without the knowledge whereof man's Life is blind and soon may fall into any kind of Error as by manifest experience we have to see in these desolate later Times of the Church whenas the Bishops of Rome under colour of Antiquity have turned Truth into Heresy and brought in such new-found Devices of strange Doctrine and Religion as in the former Ages of the Church were never heard of And all through Ignorance of Times and for lack of True History And therefore the Use of History being so considerable Historians in some Kingdoms have been maintained by Publick Encouragement And so the Writer of the Epistle to K. Edward before Erasmus's Paraphrase Englished propounded once to that King That there should be a Publick Salary allotted to some able Persons to Translate good Books and to Write Chronicles for bestowing so great a Benefit on the Commonwealth But particularly the History of the Church and matters relating to Religion have a more special benefit as being conversant about Spiritual things which are weightier by far and concern us more a great deal than Temporal But the more is the pity in this sort of History there is a greater Defect than in the other I speak of our own Nation for tho the History of the State in the last Age was excellently done by the Pens of the Lord Herbert and Mr. Cambden yet the Matters of the Church they professedly declined or did but touch at the former saying expresly His intention was not in an History to discuss Theological Matters as holding it sufficient to have pointed at the places where they are controverted And the latter in his History as often as he came to matters of the Church tells us That he left his Readers to the Ecclesiastical Historian Which hath made me wonder at and apt to accuse the Slothfulness of that Age that during all the time of K. Henry K. Edward and Q. Mary wherein Religion was so tossed about and took up so much of those Reigns there is no one Ecclesiastical History thereof written except that of the diligent and learned Mr. Fox and during the long Reign of Q. Elizabeth and K. Iames I think none at all Till of late years when by length of time and destruction of many Original MSS. by the Civil Wars divers remarkable Transactions were buried and lost some few Learned Men employed themselves in Collecting and Publishing what Memorials of Religion and the Church they could retrieve as namely Dr. Fuller Dr. Heylin and especially Dr. Burnet now the Right Reverend Bishop of Sarum to whom the English Church must be ever beholden for his great and happy Pains contributed hereunto But yet there be good Gleanings after these Writers and many things of remark there are relating to the Church in those Three busie Reigns of Henry Edward and Mary whereof these Historians are either wholly silent or speak imperfectly or erroneously Some whereof in my Searches I have met with which I have disposed in these Memorials But besides the General Benefit of History especially Ecclesiastical this Particular History now recommended unto the English Nation may produce this good effect To make us value and esteem as we ought our Reformed Religion when we see by
lawful for one Brother to marry his Brother's Wife being known of his Brother Of the which Cambridg Doctors Cranmer was appointed for one such was his Fame then in that University for Learning But because he was not then at Cambridg another was chosen in his stead These Learned Men agreed fully with one Consent that it was lawful with the Pope's Dispensation so to do But if Cranmer had been there he would have been of another Mind as we shall see in the Sequel This great Matrimonial Cause gave the first step to Dr. Cranmer's Preferment For when Fox and Gardiner the one the King's Almoner and the other his Secretary lighting by chance in Dr. Cranmer's Company at one Mr. Cressies House situate in Waltham-Abbey Parish in Essex had on design fallen upon Discourse of that Matter purposely to learn his Judgment therein knowing him an eminent noted Reader of Divinity in Cambridg He gave his own Sense of the Cause in words to this effect I have nothing at all studied said he for the Verity of this Cause nor am beaten therein as you have been Howbeit I do think that you go not the next way to work to bring the Matter unto a perfect Conclusion and End especially for the satisfaction of the troubled Conscience of the King's Highness For in observing the common Process and frustratory Delays of these your Courts the Matter will linger long enough and peradventure in the end come to small effect And this is most certain said he there is but one Truth in it Which no Men ought or better can discuss than the Divines Whose Sentence may be soon known and brought so to pass with little Industry and Charges that the King's Conscience may thereby be quieted and pacified Which we all ought to consider and regard in this Question or Doubt and then his Highness in Conscience quieted may determine himself that which shall seem Good before God And let these tumultuary Processes give place unto a certain Truth His Opinion thus unwillingly drawn from him was so much liked of by them to whom he spake it that they thought it worth their acquainting the King with it Which they did within two days after at Greenwich Whereupon the King commanded he should be sent for to the Court. Which was done and he brought into the King's Presence Who having heard him discourse upon the Marriage and well observing the Gravity and Modesty as well as Learning of the Man resolved to cherish and make much of him This was about August 1529 the King having commanded him to digest in Writing what he could say upon the foresaid Argument retained him and committed him unto the Family and Care of the Earl of Wiltshire and Ormond named Sir Thomas Bolen dwelling then at Durham-House Esteeming him a fit Person for Cranmer to reside with who had himself been employed in Embassies to Rome and Germany about the same Matter and so able to instruct our Divine in particular Passages relating thereunto And likewise would be sure to afford him all the Security and Favour and Aid possible from the Prospect that if the King 's former Marriage could be proved unlawful and thereby null and void his own Family would be in a fair probability to be highly advanced by the King 's matching with his Daughter the Lady Ann Bolen Nor was Cranmer unsutably placed here in regard of the Disposition of his Noble Host being accounted one of the learnedest Noblemen in the Land and endued with a Mind enclined to Philosophy Erasmus who had good Intelligence in England and knew this Earl himself gives this Account of him to Damianus à Goes Est enim Vir ut uno ore praedicant omnes unus prope inter Nobiles eruditus animóque planè Philosophico He was also much addicted to the Study and Love of the Holy Scriptures as the same Erasmus in an Epistle to him mentioneth and commendeth him for I do the more congratulate your Happiness when I observe the Sacred Scriptures to be so dear to a Man as you are of Power one of the Laity and a Courtier and that you have such a desire to tha◠Pearl of Price He was also a Patron of Learning and Learned Men. And if there were nothing else to testify this it would be enough to say that he was well-affected to the Great Erasmus and a true valuer of his Studies The World is beholden to this Noble Peer for some of the Labours that proceeded from the Pen of that most Learned Man For upon his desire Erasmus wrote three Tracts One was Enarrations upon the Twenty second Psalm intituled Dominus regit me but more truly the Twenty third Another was an Explication of the Apostles Creed And the third Directions how to prepare for Death And from these Subjects which this Noble-man chose to desire Erasmus his Thoughts of we may conclude also his Pious and Religious Mind At which his vertuous Accomplishments as they rendred his House a sutable Harbour for the Learned and Pious Cranmer so they were not a little encreased by his Converse and Familiarity there For while Cranmer abode here a great Friendship was contracted between him and that Noble Family especially the chief Members of it the Countess and the Lady Ann and the Earl himself who often held serious Conferences with him about the great Matter And in the Earl's absence from Home Letters passed between them Cranmer writing to him of the Affairs of the Court and of the Welfare of his Family as well as of other more weighty Things In one Letter dated from Hampton-Court in the Month of Iune which by Circumstance must be in the Year 1530. he writ to him That the King's Grace my Lady his Wife my Lady Ann his Daughter were in good Health And that the King and my Lady Ann rode the Day before to Windsor from Hampton-Court and that Night they were look'd for again there praying God to be their Guide And I cannot look upon this Pious and Learned Man's placing here in this Family but as guided by a peculiar Hand of Divine Providence Whereby this House became better acquainted with the Knowledg of the Gospel and had the Seeds of true Religion scattered in the Hearts of those Noble Persons that were related to it Particularly of Her who was afterwards to be advanced to that high and publick Station to be Consort to the King And that she became a Favourer and as much as she durst a Promoter of the purer Religion must I think in a great measure be owing thereunto When Cranmer had accomplished the King's Request and finished his Book he himself the Secretary and the Almoner and other Learned Men had in Commission to dispute the Cause in Question in both the Universities Which being first attempted at Cambridg Dr. Cranmer by his Authority Learning and Perswasion brought over divers Learned Men in one Day of the contrary
Part and Opinion to be on his Part. For being now after some absence returned to Cambridg divers of the University and some of those Doctors that before had given in their Judgments to the King for the Validity of the Pope's Dispensation repaired to him to know his Opinion And after long Reasoning he changed the Minds of Five of the Six Then almost in every Disputation both in Private Houses and in the Common Schools this was one Question Whether the Pope might dispense with the Brother to marry the Brother's Wife after Carnal Knowledg And it was of many openly defended that he might not The Secretary when he came Home acquainted the King with what they had done and how Dr. Cranmer had changed the Minds of Five of the said Learned Men of Cambridg and of many others beside Afterward this University as well as the other determined the King's Cause against the Pope's Dispensation From an Academic our Doctor being now become a Courtier he so prudently demeaned himself that he was not only dear to the Earl of Wiltshire's Family but grew much favoured by the Nobility in general as the Lord Herbert collects from the Historians of those Times and especially by the King himself He was very much about him the King holding frequent Communication with him and seemed unwilling to have him absent Which may appear from hence that when Cranmer was minded for some reason to resort to the Earl of Wiltshire who was then from Hampton-Court and as it seems at London upon some Occasions of his own he doubted whether the King would let him go And so he writ to him that he would come the next Day to him If the King's Grace let him not CHAP. II. Pole's Book about the King's Matrimony ABout this time a Book of Reginald Pole afterwards Cardinal earnestly perswading the King to continue his Marriage with his Queen fell into Dr. Cranmer's Hands I do not find mention of this Book in any Historian that hath come to my Hands No not in his Life published by Bacatellus Bishop of Ragusa though he hath there given us a Catalogue of his Books But in likelihood the Reason was because this was some private Discourse or Letter chiefly intended for the King 's own Use as appears from some words of Cranmer concerning it Viz. That it was writ with that Eloquence that if it were set forth and known to the common People an evidence it was a more private Writing it were not possible to perswade them to the contrary It was penned about the Year 1530 as may be collected from another Passage in the said Writing wherein he mentioneth the King's living in Wedlock with Queen Katherine twenty Years the expiration of which fell in about that Time What induced Pole to write on this Subject is to me uncertain for he avoided as much as could be to meddle in this Affair out of Fear of the King's Displeasure which was the Reason of his departing Abroad Probably it was at the King's Command like as some Years after he commanded him to write his Judgment of the Title of Supream Head which he had lately assumed Which occasioned Pole's four Books of Ecclesiastical Vnity For some about the King had told him it would have a great Influence upon the People especially the Nobility if he could bring Pole over to allow and approve of his Marriage Who was a Person tho then but Young yet highly valued in the Nation for his Piety and Learning and great Descent The Book was soon delivered whether by the Earl of Wiltshire or the King himself unto the Examination and Consideration of Cranmer now the great Court-Divine Who after he had greedily perused it sent the Contents of it in a Letter to his Friend and Patron the Earl being then absent from Court The Book though the Argument of it chiefly depended upon Divinity proceeded more on Political Principles than Divine Take the following account of it as Cranmer gave it in his said Letter First Pole treated of the Danger of Diversity of Titles to the Crown Which might follow if the present Marriage with Queen Katherine were rejected in which there was an Heir and another consummated As appeared by the Titles and Pretensions of the two Houses of Lancaster and York And that the King ought to provide against the Miseries that might be brought upon his Realm by the People if he should reject his Daughter whom they took for his Lawful Heir and should perswade them to take another Then he urged the Danger of incurring the Emperor's Displeasure the Queen being his Aunt and the Princess his Cousin Then he proceeded to consider the Reasons that moved the King to his present Resolutions Namely That God's Law forbad marrying the Brother's Wife And that the People however averse at first besides that it belongâ—d not to them to judg of such Matters would be content in the King's Doings when they should know how the ancient Doctors of the Church and so many great Universities were on the King's Side And that however the Emperor might fall out with the King for this Matter yet God would never fail those that stood on his part and refused to transgress his Commandments and that England might depend on the French King's Aid by virtue of the League which he had entred into with the King and the old Grudg which he bore towards the Emperor Afterwards Pole goes on to review these Reasons And first his Judgment was that Scripture might be brought to justify this Marriage and that there was as good ground of Scripture for that as for the part which the King then took namely the unlawfulness of it That if indeed he thought the King's Part was just and that his Marriage were undoubtedly against God's Pleasure then he could not deny but that it should be well done for the King to refuse it and take another Wife Yet he confessed that for his own part he could not find in his Heart to have any Hand or be any furtherer or abetter in it Acknowledging however that he had no good Reason for it but only out of Affection and Duty to the King's Person Because he would not disannul the Princess his Daughter's Title nor accuse the most part of the King's Life as the Books written on the King's part did As though he had lived in a Matrimony Shameful Abominable Bestial and against Nature This seemed an high Complement of Pole's indeed that he would rather chuse to let the King live and die in an habitual Breach of God's Law than be guilty of something that might argue a want of civil Affection and Duty in him And as concerning the People his Judgment was That neither by Learning nor Preaching would they ever be brought into an ill Conceit of the King 's former Marriage and to think so dishonourably of their King as to live so many Years in Matrimony so abominable But as they had
Lordship writeth to me in the favour of this Bearer Massey an old Servant to the King's Highness that being contracted to his Sister's Daughter of his late Wife deceased he might enjoy the Benefit of a Dispensation in that behalf especially considering it is none of the Causes of Prohibition contained in the Statute Surely my Lord I would gladly accomplish your Request herein if the Word of God would permit the same And where you require me that if I think this Licence may not be granted by the Law of God then I should write unto you the Reasons and Authorities that move me so to think that upon Declaration unto the King's Highness you may confer thereupon with some other Learned Men and so advertise me the King 's farther Resolution For shortness of time I shall shew you one Reason which is this By the Law of God many Persons be prohibited which be not expressed but be understood by like Prohibition in equal degree As S. Ambrose saith that the Niece is forbid by the Law of God although it be not exprest in Leviticus that the Unkle shall not marry his Niece But where the Nephew is forbid there that he shall not marry his Aunt by the same is understood that the Niece shall not be married unto her Unkle Likewise as the Daughter is not there plainly expressed yet where the Son is forbid to marry his Mother it is understood that the Daughter may not be married to her Father because they be of like degree Even so it is in this Case and many others For where it is there expressed that the Nephew shall not marry his Unkle's Wife it must needs be understood that the Niece shall not be married unto the Aunt 's Husband because that also is one equality of degree And although I could allege many Reasons and Authorities mo for this purpose yet I trust this one Reason shall satisfy all that be Learned and of Judgment And as touching the Act of Parliament concerning the Degrees prohibited by God's Law they be not so plainly set forth as I would they were Wherein I somewhat spake my Mind at the making of the said Law but it was not then accepted I required then that there must be expressed Mother and Mother-in-Law Daughter and Daughter-in-Law and so in further degrees directly upwards and downwards in Linea recta also Sister and Sister-in-Law Aunt Aunt-in-Law Niece and Niece-in-Law And this Limitation in my Judgment would have contained all degrees prohibited by God's Law expressed and not expressed and should have satisfied this Man and such others which would marry their Nieces-in-Law I have no News to send you from these Parts but I much long to hear such News as be concurrent with you And therefore if you have any good News I pray you to send me some Thus my Lord right heartily fare you well At Ford the 7 th Day of September Your Lordship 's own Tho. Cantuarien About this Year as near as I can guess the Arch-bishop made an Order concerning the Proctors of his Court of Arches The Numerousness and Irregularities of Proctors made these Civil Courts uneasy to the People Complaints were made of their Clamorousness by reason of the plenty of them that neither Advocates nor Judges could be heard of the Injuries they did to Advocates in retaining and concluding Causes oftentimes without them and of thrusting themselves into Causes without the knowledg or will of the Parties and such like The Evils of which long after endured were endeavoured to be redrest by the Canons and Constitutions made in the beginning of the Reign of King Iames I. Our Arch-bishop conceived that in order to the Reformation of the Proctors it were good to begin at first with a restraint of the Numbers of them Wherefore he decreed That whereas the Number of the Proctors in the Court of Arches was heretofore about Twenty or four and Twenty and my Lord's Grace at liberty to add more Thenceforth no more should be admitted till the Number were reduced to Ten and then that Number never to be encreased This liberty which his Predecessors always had he willingly infringed himself of out of no other intent but for the benefit and ease of the People whom he saw were inticed to Contention by the crafty Insinuations of this kind of Men setting Neighbours together by the Ears for their own Lucre. And therefore the fewer of them the better And this Number he thought sufficient for the necessary Business of the Court. But some looked upon this as a crafty Fetch and Plot of the Proctors of that Time upon the good Nature and pious Disposition of the Arch-bishop That so all others being excluded from officiating as Proctors they might have all the Business of the Arches in their own Hands And hence might divers Abuses come into that Court. And for the confirmation of this Order of the Arch-bishop for the tying of his Hands they who were Counsellors to the Arch-bishop in this matter got it confirmed by the Chapter and Convent of Christ's-Church Canterbury This giving Offence to many there were some who drew up a long Paper against this Order and presented it to the consideration of the Parliament because it could be redressed no other way the Arch-bishop having put it out of his own Power to do it In this Paper they set forth that the said Statute was prejudicial unto the Common-wealth because the Number of ten Proctors was not sufficient to dispatch the Causes that came into that Court and so there must be Delays and prolix Suits while these Proctors were attending other Causes in the Arch-bishop's Court of Audience and the Bishop of London's Court of Consistory Whereas before it had been seen by experience that Twenty Proctors could not suffice for the managery of the Causes in these Courts without Delays and Prorogations from Day to Day That Causes by this means could not be diligently attended when there were many Causes and few Proctors to look after them And hereby many good Causes were like to perish for lack of good looking after That this had occasioned the Proctors to neglect a very good Oath called Iuramentum Calumpniae which was the best Provision that could be against unlawful Suits and lengthning them out further than was necessary This Oath was that the Parties or the Proctors should swear that they believed their Cause was just and that they should not use unlawful Delays whereby Justice might be deferred that they should answer the Judg truly to what he should demand of them that nothing should be given or promised to the Judges or any other Officer besides the Fees allowed by Law and that they should not procure any false Witness Again this Paper urged for a good Number of Proctors that this would be a means that the Judges could not so easily keep them in subjection and fear of them whereby they had been hindred sometimes in speaking freely before them in
Person openly in the Church after Mass upon a Holy-day say the Lord's Prayer the Creed and the Ten Commandments That they twice a Quarter declare the Bands of Matrimony and the danger of using their Bodies but with such Persons as they might by the Law of God and that no privy Contracts be made as they would avoid the extream Peril of the Laws of the Realm No Diocesan Bishop Consecrated this Year Bishops Suffragans Robert Bishop of S. Asaph recommended to the King Iohn Bradley Abbot of the Monastery of Milton of the order of S. Benedict or William Pelles both Batchellors of Divinity to the Dignity of Suffragan within the Diocess Province rather of Canterbury mentioning no particular See The Bishop of Bath and Wells also recommended two to the King out of which to nominate a Suffragan to some See within the Province of Canterbury viz. William Finch late Prior of Bremar and Richard Walshe Prior of the Hospital of S. Iohn Baptist of Bridgewater April the 7 th William Finch was nominated by the King to the Arch-bishop to be Consecrated for Suffragan of Taunton and then consecrated in the Chappel of S. Maries in the Conventual Church of the Friars Preachers London by Iohn Bishop of Rochester by virtue of Letters Commissional from the Arch-bishop Robert Bishop of S. Asaph and William Suffragan of Colchester assisting And March the 23. Iohn Bradley was consecrated Suffragan of Shaftsbury in the Chancel of the Parish-Church of S. Iohn Baptist in Southampton by Iohn Bishop of Bangor by the Letters Commissional of Thomas Arch-bishop of Canterbury Iohn Ipolitanen and Thomas Suffragan of Marleborough assisting CHAP. XIX The Act of Six Articles THIS Year October the 6 th I meet with a Commission ad Facultates granted from the Arch-bishop to a famous Man Nicolas Wotton LL. D. a Man of great Learning and made use of by the King afterwards in divers Embassies and a Privy-Counsellor to King Henry and his three Children successively Princes of the Realm and Dean of Canterbury and York This Commission was in pursuance of a late Act of Parliament to this Tenor That in whatsoever Cases not prohibited by Divine Right in which the Bishop of Rome or Roman See heretofore accustomed to Dispence and also in all other Cases in which the Bishop or See of Rome accustomed not to dispence if so be they were not forbid by Divine Right in these Cases the Arch-bishop had Power granted him to Dispense In this Office he constituted Wotton his Commissary or Deputy for the Term of his natural Life He succeeded Edmund Boner Master of the Arch-bishop's Faculties now preferred to the Bishoprick of Hereford So that Cranmer took notice of the Merits of this Man who was so much made use of afterwards in the Church and State and was of that great Esteem and Reputation that he was thought on in the beginning of Q. Elizabeth's Reign for ABp of Canterbury In the Year 1528. he was Doctor of Laws and the Bishop of London's Official In the Year 1540 he was Resident for the King in the Duke of Cleve's Court and had been employed in the Match between the King and the Lady Ann of that House the Year before and perhaps this might be the first time he was sent abroad in the King's Business In the Year 1539 the King took occasion to be displeased with the Arch-bishop and the other Bishops of the new Learning as they then termed them because they could not be brought to give their Consent in the Parliament that the King should have all the Monasteries suppressed to his own sole use They were willing he should have all the Lands as his Ancestors gave to any of them but the Residue they would have had bestowed upon Hospitals Grammar-Schools for bringing up of Youth in Vertue and good Learning with other things profitable in the Common-wealth The King was hereunto stirred by the crafty Insinuations of the Bishop of Winchester and other old dissembling Papists And as an effect of this Displeasure as it was thought in the Parliament this Year he made the terrible bloody Act of the Six Articles Whereby none were suffered to speak a word against the Doctrine of Transubstantiation upon pain of being burnt to Death as an Heretick and to forfeit all his Lands and Goods as in case of Treason And moreover it was made Felony and forfeiture of Lands and Goods to defend the Communion in both kinds Marriage in a Priest or in any Man or Woman that had vowed Chastity or to say any thing against the necessity of Private Masses and Auricular Confession Which Articles were plainly enough designed against any that should dare to open their Mouths against these Romish Errors and especially to impose Silence and that on pain of Death upon many honest Preachers that were now risen up and used to speak freely against these Abuses and as a good means to keep the poor People still securely in their old Ignorance and Superstition But before this Act passed marvellous great struggling there was on both Parts for and against it But the side of the Favourers of the Gospel at this time was the weaker the King now enclining more to the other Party for the reason abovesaid and for other Causes Wherein I refer the Reader to the Conjectures of the Lord Herbert The Bishops disputed long in the House some for it and some against it The Arch-bishop disputed earnestly three days against it using divers Arguments to disswade passing the Act. Which were so remarkable for the Learning and Weight of them that the King required a Copy of them And though he was resolved not to alter his purpose of having this Act made yet he was not offended with the Arch-bishops freedom as knowing the Sincerity of the Man Even those in the House that dissented from him were greatly taken with the Gravity Eloquence and Learning he then shewed and particularly the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk Who told him so at his Table soon after being sent by the King to him to comfort him under his dejection for this Act with Crumwel and many other Lords The Papist Writers say he opposed it because himself was a Married Man and so it would touch him close But it is plain that there were other of these Six Articles which he utterly disliked And especially he abhorred the rigorous penalty of the Act. But hereupon he privately sent away his Wife into Germany among her Friends On this side also were beside the Arch-bishop the Bishops of Ely Sarum Worcester Rochester and St. Davids York Durham Winchester and Carlile went vigorously the other way Against the former the King himself argued with his Learning out of the Scriptures and would by all means prove these Articles thence The Parliament Men said little against this Bill but seemed all unanimous for it Neither did the Lord Chancellor Audley no nor the Lord Privy Seal
one of the great Incendiaries was censured at Windsor For he and one Symons a Lawyer and Ockham that laid Traps for others were catch'd at length themselves They were Men that busied themselves in framing Indictments upon the six Articles against great Numbers of those that favoured or professed the Gospel and in sending them to Court to Winchester who was to prefer the Complaints to the Council The King being more and more informed of their base Conspiracies and disliking their bloody Dispositions commanded the Council should search into the Matters And so London and his Fellows being examined before the said Council were in the end found to be perjured in denying upon their Oaths what they had indeed done and was proved manifestly to their Faces Hereupon they were adjudged perjured Persons and appointed to ride through Windsor Reading and Newbery where they had done most Mischief with their Faces towards the Horse-Tail and a Paper upon their Heads declaring their Crime and to stand upon the Pillory in each of those Towns And that Punishment they underwent and then were sent to the Fleet. London not long after died there probably out of Shame and Sorrow This was the End of one of these Conspirators German Gardiner was a Year after hanged drawn and quartered as a Traitor for denying the King's Supremacy And the Bishop of Winchester after this never had Favour or Regard of the King more And Heywood another of the Crew of the Informers and Witnesses was condemned for Treason with Gardiner but making a Recantation his Life was spared CHAP. XXVIII The Arch-bishop falls into more Troubles AFter this the Arch-bishop received two terrible Shocks more if I am right in the placing them as I think I am though I leave Fox to follow Morice the Arch-bishop's Secretary in his Manuscript Declaration of the said Arch-bishop The former was a Complaint that was made openly against him in Parliament and the latter when the Lords of the Privy-Council accused him unto the King and required that he should be sent to the Tower Sir Iohn Gostwick a Knight for Bedforshire a Man of great Service in his Time but Papistical stood up in the House and laid to his Charge his Sermons and Lectures both at Sandwich and Canterbury containing as he said manifest Heresy against the Sacrament of the Altar Though it was much they should accuse him in that Point seeing he then held a Corporal Presence but it displeased them that it was after the Lutheran way rather than after theirs of Transubstantiation But the King perceived easily this proceeded of Malice for that he was a Stranger in Kent and had neither heard the Arch-bishop preach nor read there Knowing thereby that he was set on and made an Instrument to serve other Mens Purposes the King marvellously stormed at the Matter calling Gostwick openly Varlet and said That he had plaid a villanous part to abuse in open Parliament the Primate of the Realm especially being in Favour with his Prince as he was What will they do with him said he if I were gone Whereupon the King sent word unto Gostwick by one of his Privy-Chamber after this sort Tell the Varlet Gostwick That if he do not acknowledg his Fault unto my Lord of Canterbury and so reconcile himself towards him that he may become his good Lord I will soon both make him a poor Gostwick and otherwise punish him to the Example of others He wondred he said he could hear my Lord of Canterbury preaching out of Kent And that if he had been a Kentish-Man he might have had some more shadow to put up an Accusation against him Now Gostwick hearing of this grievous Threat came with all possible speed unto Lambeth and there submitted himself in such sorrowful case that my Lord out of hand not only forgave all his Offences but also went directly unto the King for the obtaining of the King's Favour which he obtained very hardly and upon condition that the King might hear no more of his meddling that way This happened I suppose in the Parliament that began in Ianuary and continued till March 29. 1544. The Arch-bishop's Palace at Canterbury was this Year burnt and therein his Brother-in-Law and other Men according to Stow. I find no Bishops Consecrated in this Year At length the Confederacy of the Papists in the Privy-Council whereof I suspect the Duke of Norfolk to be one a great Friend of Winchester's by whose Instigation this Design was set on Foot came and accused him most grievously unto the King That he with his Learned Men had so infected the whole Realm with their unsavoury Doctrine that three parts of the Land were become abominable Hereticks And that it might prove dangerous to the King being like to produce such Commotions and Uproars as were sprung up in Germany And therefore they desired that the Arch-bishop might be committed unto the Tower until he might be examined The King was very strait in granting this They told him That the Arch-bishop being one of the Privy-Council no Man dared to object Matter against him unless he were first committed to durance Which being done Men would be bold to tell the Truth and say their Consciences Upon this Pâ—rswasion of theirs the King granted unto them that they should call him the next Day before them and as they saw cause so to commit him to the Tower At Midnight about Eleven of the Clock before the Day he should appear before the Council the King sent Mr. Denny to my Lord at Lambeth willing him incontinently to come over to VVestminster to him The Arch-bishop was in Bed but rose straitway and repaired to the King whom he found in the Gallery at VVhitehall Being come the King declared unto him what he had done in giving Liberty to the Council to commit him to Prison for that they bare him in hand that he and his learned Men had sown such Doctrine in the Realm that all Men almost were infected with Heresy and that no Man durst bring Matter against him being at Liberty and one of the Council And therefore I have granted to their Request said the King but whether I have done well or no what say you my Lord The Arch-bishop first humbly thanked the King that it had pleased him to give him that warning before-hand And that he was very well content to be committed to the Tower for the trial of his Doctrine so that he might be indifferently heard as he doubted not but that his Majesty would see him so to be used Whereat the King cried out O Lord God what fond Simplicity have you so to permit your self to be imprisoned that every Enemy of yours may take Advantage against you Do not you know that when they have you once in Prison three or four false Knaves will soon be procured to witness against you and condemn you which else now being at Liberty dare not once open their Lips or appear before
your Face No not so my Lord said the King I have better regard unto you than to permit your Enemies so to overthrow you And therefore I will have you to Morrow come to the Council which no doubt will send for you And when they break this Matter unto you require them that being one of them you may have so much Favour as they would have themselves that is to have your Accusers brought before you And if they stand with you without regard of your Allegations and will in no Condition condescend unto your Request but will needs commit you to the Tower then appeal you from them to our Person and give to them this my Ring which he then delivered unto the Arch-bishop by the which said the King they shall well understand that I have taken your Cause into my Hand from them Which Ring they well know that I use it for no other Purpose but to call Matters from the Council into mine own Hands to be ordered and determined And with this good Advice Cranmer after most humble Thanks departed from the King's Majesty The next Morning according to the King's Monition and his own Expectation the Council sent for him by Eight of the Clock in the Morning And when he came to the Council-Chamber-Door he was not permitted to enter into the Council-Chamber but stood without among Serving-men and Lacquies above three quarters of an hour many Counsellors and others going in and out The Matter seemed strange unto his Secretary who then attended upon him which made him slip away to Dr. Butts to whom he related the manner of the thing Who by and by came and kept my Lord Company And yet e're he was called into the Council Dr. Butts went to the King and told him that he had seen a strange Sight What is that said the King Marry said he my Lord of Canterbury is become a Lacquey or a Serving-man For to my knowledg he hath stood among them this hour almost at the Council-Chamber-Door Have they served my Lord so It is well enough said the King I shall talk with them by and by Anon Cranmer was called into the Council there it was declared unto him That a great Complaint was made of him both to the King and to them That he and others by his Permission had infected the whole Realm with Heresy And therefore it was the King's Pleasure that they should commit him to the Tower and there for his Trial to be examined Cranmer required as is before declared with many both Reasons and Perswasions that he might have his Accusers come there before them before they used any further Extremity against him In fine there was no Intreaty could serve but that he must needs depart to the Tower I am sorry my Lords said Cranmer that you drive me unto this Exigent to appeal from you to the King's Majesty who by this Token hath resumed this Matter into his own Hand and dischargeth you thereof And so delivered the King's Ring unto them By and by the Lord Russel swore a great Oath and said Did not I tell you my Lords what would come of this Matter I know right well that the King would never permit my Lord of Canterbury to have such a Blemish as to be imprisoned unless it were for High-Treason And so as the manner was when they had once received that Ring they left off their Matter and went all unto the King's Person both with his Token and the Cause When they came unto his Highness the King said unto them Ah my Lords I thought that I had had a discreet and wise Council but now I perceive that I am deceived How have you handled here my Lord of Canterbury What make ye of him A Slave Shutting him out of the Council-Chamber among Serving-men Would ye be so handled your selves And after such taunting words as these spoken the King added I would you should well understand that I account my Lord of Canterbury as faithful a Man towards me as ever was Prelate in this Realm and one to whom I am many ways beholden by the Faith I owe unto God and so laid his Hand upon his Breast And therefore who loveth me said he will upon that Account regard him And with these words all and especially my Lord of Norfolk answered and said We meant no manner of Hurt unto my Lord of Canterbury that we requested to have him in Durance Which we only did because he might after his Trial be set at Liberty to his greater Glory Well said the King I pray you use not my Friends so I perceive now well enough how the World goeth among you There remaineth Malice among you one to another let it be avoided out of hand I would advise you And so the King departed and the Lords shook Hands every Man with the Arch-bishop Against whom never more after durst any Man spurn during King Henry's Life And because the King would have Love always nourished between the Lords of the Council and the Arch-bishop he would send them divers times to Dinner with him And so he did after this Reconciliation Thus did the King interpose himself divers times between his Arch-bishop and his irreconcileable Enemies the Papists and observing by these Essays against him under what Perils he was like to come hereafter for his Religion about this Time it was as I conjecture that the King changed his Coat of Arms. For unto the Year 1543 he bore his Paternal Coat of Three Cranes Sable as I find by a Date set under his Arms yet remaining in a Window in Lambeth-House For it is to be noted That the King perceiving how much ado Cranmer would have in the Defence of his Religion altered the Three Cranes which were parcel of his Ancestors Arms into Three Pelicans declaring unto him That those Birds should signify unto him that he ought to be ready as the Pelican is to shed his Blood for his young Ones brought up in the Faith of Christ. For said the King you are like to be tasted if you stand to your Tackling at length As in very deed many and sundry times he was shouldered at both in this King's Reign as you have heard and under the two succeding Princes CHAP. XXIX Occasional Prayers and Suffrages OCcasional Prayers and Suffrages to be used throughout all Churches began now to be more usual than formerly For these common Devotions were twice this Year appointed by Authority as they had been once the last which I look upon the Arch-bishop to be the great Instrument in procuring That he might by this means by little and little bring into use Prayer in the English Tongue which he so much desired and that the People by understanding part of their Prayers might be the more desirous to have their whole Service rendred intelligible whereby God might be served with the more Seriousness and true Devotion The last Year there was a plentiful Crop upon the Ground
of Superstition flowed in such a plentiful measure from the Egyptians as might easily be proved and thence derived themselves first to the Greeks then to the Romans and afterwards to our Times through that Sink of Popery that that single worthy Counsel and Remedy of those most Learned Men enjoined for the enlarging and spreading of Learning should be debarred us to follow and that by such as were either unlearned themselves or superstitious Men Whereby the best Wits received so great Prejudice and Dammage That none knew better than his Lordship whence this Custom arose by whom cherished and by what kind of Men brought down to us And lastly how unwholsome and unfit all eating of Flesh was in the Spring-time And that he might obtain this Favour he would use it without giving Offence or making any common Speech of it with Quietness and Silence with Abstinence and Thanksgiving This Letter he got his Friend Poinet the Arch-bishop's Chaplain the same I suppose who after was Bishop of Winchester to put into his Grace's Hand and to further his Request what he could The Issue whereof was to his Heart's desire For though the Arch-bishop knew him not nor was easily drawn to dispence with the Church's Ancient Discipline and Rites yet he received his Suit with all Humanity and such he found to be the Modesty and Ingenuity of the Man and what he requested to be grounded upon such reasonable and just Causes that he readily yielded to it And whether he thought it out of his Power to grant a Licence of that Latitude to discharge a Person for all Time to come from the Obligation of keeping Lent or to avert the Censure he might incur if he should have done it by his own Authority or reckoning it a Matter of Law rather than Religion he put himself to the trouble of procuring the King's Licence under the Privy Seal for this Man And when he had done that considering an Academick's Poverty he released him of the whole Charges of taking it out paying all the Fees himself and so conveyed it to him by Dr. Tayler the Master of his College And indeed the Arch-bishop's Opinion concerning Lent made way for his more ready yielding to Ascham's Request For he held the keeping of Lent as founded in a Positive Law rather than as a Religious Duty and thought it necessary that so the People should be taught and instructed As appears by his Articles of Visitation in the second Year of King Edward One whereof ran thus That enquiry should be made whether the Curats had declared and to their Wit and Power had perswaded the People that the manner and kind of Fasting in Lent and other Days in the Year was but a meer positive Law And that therefore all Persons having just Cause of Sickness or other Necessity or being licensed by the King's Majesty may moderately eat all kind of Meat without grudg or scruple of Conscience The same Ascham knowing well how the Arch-bishop's Mind stood affected to Cambridg his old Nurse and how well he wish'd it for the sake of Religion acquainted him with the State of the University about the beginning of King Edward's Reign and the Course of the Studies that were then used That there were very many began to affect the Study of Divinity A new Study it seems then the Pope's Laws and the School-men having before employed the Heads of almost all That the Doctrines of Original Sin and Predestination were much canvased But many went rather according to Pighius highly applauding him than according to S. Augustin though he exceeded all others that either went before or followed after him for the excellency of his Wit and Learning and the greatness of his Industry and Opportunities That others among them made the reading of God's Word their daily Exercise And for the helping their Understandings in the sense of it they made use of and adhered to the Judgment of S. Augustin chiefly and studied hard the Tongues The Knowledg of Languages began to be affected And such as studied them were reckoned the best Masters as qualifying them best for teaching of others or understanding themselves That for Oratory they plied Plato and Aristotle from whose Fountains among the Greeks Loquens illa prudentia as he stiled Oratory that speaking Prudence might be fetched And to these among the Latins they added Cicero They conversed also in Herodotus Thucididâ—s and Xenophon the three Lights of Chronology Truth and Greek Eloquence and which brought a great Lustre to their other Studies The Greek Poets which they took delight in were Homer Sophocles and Euripides the one the Fountain the two others the Streams of all Eloquence and Learned Poetry Which they were of Opinion did more largely water their other Studies than Terence or Virgil which in some former Years were chiefly read Thus was the Method of University-Studies altered so much for the better from reading the Schoolmen and Metaphysical Niceties the Pope's Canons and Decretals to converse in politer and more manly Learning which tended so much to solid Knowledg and preparation of Mens Minds to the Entertainment of the Gospel The great setter on foot of this ingenuous Learning in the University was Sir Iohn Cheke of S. Iohn's College now preferred to be the King's Tutor a Person for whom the Arch-bishop had a very tender Love and affectionate Kindness For so Ascham writ to him in his former Letter That many had addicted themselves to this course of Study by the Aid and Conduct Example and Counsel of that excellent Man And that they bore the better his going from them to the Court who had brought them on in so good a Course because they knew their Disprofit was abundantly recompensed by the Profit and Safety that would accrue to the whole Common-wealth by him Applying that of Plato to him Plurimum Reip. interesse ut unus aliquis existat semper praestans excellensque Vir ad cujus virtutis imitationem caeteri voluntate industria studio spe erecti totos sese effingant accommodent Afterwards he acquainted the most Reverend Person to whom he wrote with those things which proved great Hindrances to the flourishing Estate of the University that by his Counsel and Authority if possible they might be redressed And they were two The one was That they wanted elderly Men very few such remaining among them by whose Example the younger Sort might be excited to study and by whose Authority the Manners of the rest might be rightly formed and fashioned The other Impediment was occasioned by such as were admitted Who were for the most part only the Sons of Rich Men and such as never intended to pursue their Studies to that degree as to arrive at any eminent Proficiency and Perfection in Learning but only the better to qualify themselves for some Places in the State by a slighter and more superficial Knowledg The Injury accruing thence to the University was double both
Places collected from thence in the nature of Inferences and Observations Which I conclude the Arch-bishop put him upon doing while he was now with him The Work was looked over and examined by the Arch-bishop Notes and Corrections of his own Hand being here and there inserted Also the Gospel of S. Mark is handled in the same method by another of the Arch-bishop's Guests Which Writing hath this Inscription by Cranmer's Hand Petrus Alexander in Marcum At this time therefore there were at the Arch-bishop's House besides Bucer Alasco Peter Martyr Paulus Phagius Peter Alexander Bernardine Ochin Mat. Negelinus after a Minister of Strasburgh who accompanied Bucer and Fagius into England and others whose Names do not occur Three of these were soon after preferred to publick Places of Reading in the Universities Peter Alexander was of Artois and lived with the Arch-bishop before Bucer came into England He was a Learned Man but had different Sentiments in the Matter of the Eucharist enclining to the belief of a Corporeal Presence with the Lutherans Though some Years after he came over to a righter Judgment as his Companion Peter Martyr signified to Calvin in a Letter wrote from Strasburgh Peter Martyr coming about the beginning of the Year 1549 unto the University of Oxford his first Readings were upon the eleventh Chapter of the first Epistle to the Corinthians In which Chapter is some Discourse of the Lord's Supper The Professor when he came so far took occasion to expatiate more largely upon that Argument and the rather that he might state it aright in the midst of those hot Contests that were then about it among Learned Men. These Lectures on the Sacrament he soon after printed at London for the Benefit of the World as they were two Years after done at Zurick and dedicated them to his Patron the Arch-bishop And that partly to give a publick Testimony of his Sense of the Arch-bishop's great Humanity and Benefits towards him Which were so large that he must do nothing else but tell of them to be sufficiently thankful for them And known it was to all as he said how obligingly he received and how liberally he entertained both himself and many other Strangers of his Rank and Condition And partly that by his Authority he would protect and defend what he should find in his Book to be consonant to the Holy Scriptures and agreeable to the King's Laws For he had he said Skill and Industry enough to do it who had himself often both in Publick and Private conflicted with the Adversaries and with admirable Learning accuracy of Wit and Dexterity vindicated the Truth from the spinous and confused Cavils of Sophisters Nor did he want Will to stand up for Sound and Christian Doctrines as all good Men knew who saw how earnest he was in his Labours of restoring Religion that for that Cause he drew upon himself many Enmities and threatning Dangers The first Occasion of Bucer's Call into England was thus He had wrote to Iohn Hales a learned English-man his Acquaintance the sad Estate of Germany and that he could scarce stay any longer in the Place where he was This Hales acquainted the Arch-bishop with which made a great Impression upon his compassionate Soul and he brake out into those words of the Psalmist Mirifica misericordias tuas qui salvos facis sperantes in te a resistentibus dexterae tuae And forthwith writ to Brucer a Letter in October 1548 to come over to this Realm which should be a most safe Harbour for him urging him to become a Labourer in the Lord's Harvest here begun and using other Arguments with him to move him hereunto in the most obliging Stile possible calling him My Bucer And that he might come over the safer from Harms and Enemies the Arch-bishop recommended him to one Hills an English-Merchant to provide for his Passage The Arch-bishop's Letter may be found in the Appendix To this Letter Bucer wrote an Answer seeming upon some Considerations to decline the Arch-bishop's Invitation This Letter coming to the Arch-bishop's Hands he shewed to Peter Alexander who by the Arch-bishop's Order wrote back to Bucer in the said Arch-bishop's and the Protector 's Name to call him again over which Letter was dated March 24 from Lambeth telling him withal that the good old Man Latimer saluted him Letters I suppose of the same Import were also dispatched to the Learned Fagius Bucer and Fagius who were thus honourably invited into England by repeated Letters of the Lord Protector and Arch-bishop Cranmer were by them also nominated for Publick Professors in the University of Cambridg the one of Divinity the other of the Hebrew Tongue This was looked on by their Friends as a notable piece of God's good Providence that when these two eminent Champions of the true Religion were in so much present Danger in Germany so seasonable a Refuge was provided for them elsewhere They both arrived safe in England in the end of April and abode with the Arch-bishop above a quarter of a Year until towards the end of the long Vacation the Arch-bishop intending they should be at Cambridg when the Term should begin in order to their Reading During this Interval while they continued at Lambeth they were not idle being every day busied in some Study and Exercise agreeable to their Function as was hinted before But the main of their Thoughts were taken up in preparing for their University-Lectures Which of what Subject-Matter they should be the Arch-bishop himself directed As it had been a great while his pious and most earnest Desire that the Holy Bible should come abroad in the greatest Exactness and true Agreement with the original Text. So he laid this Work upon these two Learned Men. First That they should give a clear plain and succinct Interpretation of the Scripture according to the Propriety of the Language And Secondly Illustrate difficult and obscure Places and reconcile those that seemed repugnant to one another And it was his Will and his Advice that to this End and Purpose their publick Readings should tend This pious and good Work by the Arch-bishop assigned to them they most gladly and readily undertook For their more regular carrying on this Business they allotted to each other by consent their distinct Tasks Fagius because his Talent lay in the Hebrew Learning was to undertake the Old Testament and Bucer the New The Leisure they now enjoyed with the Arch-bishop they spent in preparing their respective Lectures Fagius entred upon the Evangelical Prophet Esaias and Bucer upon the Gospel of the Evangelist Iohn And some Chapters in each Book were dispatched by them But it was not long but both of them fell Sick which gave a very unhappy stop to their Studies Fagius his Distemper proved mortal who was seized at first with a very acute Fever And notwithstanding Physick and Attendance remaining very ill he had a great desire to remove to Cambridg to
contra Celsum proved That in his time Christen Men had no Altars by direct negative Propositions Besides this the abuse of the Altars was shewed unto him and Reasons declared how necessary it was to reform the same Touching the naming the Table an Altar it was left indifferent to him because Antient Writers sometimes call the Table an Altar But yet notwithstanding that his own Reasons were fully solved and divers good and weighty Reasons made he persevered in the pertinacy of his own singular Opinion Whereupon the Council rehersing to him the evil that should come of this his Disobedience if he should be suffered commanded him in the King's Majesty's Name upon his Allegiance expresly to become an obedient Subject and so to execute the King's Commandment And for that it should appear to him that there was as much Favor meant as might be not offending the King's Majesty in his Majesty's behalf they would be so bold as to appoint him Sunday next to make his final Answer And in the mean time he might advise himself and weigh the Cause as it ought to be And so the day was given him Decemb. 7. The Bishop of Chichester again appeared before the Council and being asked touching the execution of his Majesty's Commandment in the Letter he answered plainly He could not do it saving his Conscience For the Altars seemed to him a thing antiently established by the agreement of the Holy Fathers and confirmed by Antient Doctors with the Custom also of a number of Years and as he thought according to the Scriptures Wherefore he could not in Conscience consent to the abolishing of them and determined rather to lose all that ever he had than to condemn his own Conscience with many other Circumstances to that effect Finally the Matter being well debated it was thought good yet to give him two Days respit further to be advised in hope he might reconcile himself which if he did not upon his next Answer appointed to be upon Tuesday next the Council agreed to proceed ordinarily against him as against a contemptuous Person by way of Sequestration December 9. This day the Bishop of Chichester appeared before the Council and being demanded whether he would obey the King's Commandment in pulling down the Altars as is before rehersed he answered That he thanked both the King's Highness and his Council of their great Clemency used towards him but he said he could not by any means perswade himself to do that thing that was against his Conscience Wherefore he prayed them to do with him what they thought requisite for he would never obey to do the thing that his Conscience would not bear Whereupon for his Contempt he was by the Order of the whole Council committed to Ward in the Fleet till further Order should be taken for him We hear no more of him and his Fellow the Bishop of Worcester till nine Months hence And so we leave them both in the Fleet till September 27 1551. When we find Sir Roger Cholmely Kt. Lord chief Baron of the Exchequer Sir Richard Read Richard Goodrick Iohn Gosnold Iohn Oliver and Richard Ryel being Commissioners appointed by the King's Majesty for the Proceedings in the Causes laid against these two Bishops were commanded by Letter from the Council to call the said Bishops before them at Whitehall and beginning with the Bishop of Worcester's Cause to proceed also with Chichester So as the Judgment of the one might succeed the other without any delay of time more then needed And when the Acts of the Council proceeded in those Causes should be requisite the same upon knowledg given thither should be sent them And in the mean time to use for their Instruction the Acts that were passed upon Worcester's Cause and those that Mr. Read had already concerning Chichester with Admonition seeing their Contempts so evident not to give them any long delay by granting any Learned Counsel or otherwise by such Pretexts Septemb. 28. The Council sent a Letter to the Lord-Chancellor with the Commission directed to the above-named Persons for the examination and determining of the Bishops of Worcester and Chichester's Causes Praying him to send the same to such of the Council as are at or near London whose Hands be not thereto that they might sign it and then to seal it and send it with a Letter from the said Lords inclosed within his to the said Commissioners According to these Orders within less than a Month these two Bishops were at last Deprived after the expectation of their Compliances a long while And October 24 1551. The Council sent a Letter to the Chancellor of the Augmentations to take immediate Order for seizure in the King's Majesty's Hands of the Temporalties of their Bishopricks lately given to his Highness by the Judgment past by the Commissioners appointed for the hearing of those Bishops Causes These Bishops remained Prisoners in the Fleet after their Deprivation till the next Summer When as it seems for their Healths sake they desired to be removed to some place of better Air and more Liberty Whereupon Iune 15 1552. Dr. Day was sent to the Bishop of Ely Lord Chancellor and Dr. Hethe to the Bishop of London by the appointment of his Majesty And they were directed to use them as to Christian Charity should be most seemly At whose Hands the King doubted not but they should receive such Christian Advice as would tend to the Glory of God Iuly 17. Upon the motion of the Bishop of London the Lords of the Council were content that he should send Dr. Hethe unto the Bishop's own House at London from Fulham to recover his Health and then to have him again So far more kindly were these Popish Bishops dealt withal in this Reign than the Protestant Bishops were in the next Hoper Bishop of Glocester succeeded in the See of Worcester and Scory Bishop of Rochester in that of Chichester I will here crave the Reader 's leave to insert two or three words concerning Bishop Day thereby to judg the better of him About the Year 1547. Saying of Masses was laid aside in King's College in Cambridg the Members of which College generally favoured the Gospel Day the Provost thereof which Place he held in Commendam with his Bishoprick hearing of this wrote an angry Letter to the Vice-provost and in him to the whole College for divers things which they had done relating to Reformation and particularly for leaving off saying Masses In which he said They departed from the Institution of the House and that they did it rashly and besides the Law There being as yet no Law for so doing He charged them with the Breach of Statute and so would involve them in the Sin of Perjury And whereas in their publick Disputations they gave Questions against Popish Doctrines he charged them with disputing wickedly and turbulently to the wounding of tender Consciences and the Infamy of the House And finally required that
any Arguments for the Popish Doctrine brought them all to him many whereof were windy and trivial enough and he out of the heap made his Collections as he thought good But Watson and Smith were his chief Assistants The Arch-bishop though the Times now soon after turned and he cast into Prison was very desirous to prepare another Book in Confutation of Marcus Antonius and in Vindication of his own Writing He lived long enough to finish three Parts whereof two unhappily perished in Oxford and the third fell into Iohn Fox's Hands and for ought I know that by this time is perished also But the great desire he had to finish his Answer to that Book was the chief cause that at his last Appearance before the Queen's Commissioners he made his Appeal to a General Council That thereby he might gain some time and leisure to accomplish what he had begun before his Life were taken away which he saw was likely to be within a very short space Otherwise as he writ to his Lawyer who was to draw up his Appeal it was much better for him to die in Christ's Quarrel and to reign with him than to be shut up and kept in that Body Unless it were to continue yet still a while in this Warfare for the Commodity and Profit of his Brethren and to the further advancing of God's Glory Peter Martyr his surviving and learned Friend being solicited by many English-Men by Letter and word of Mouth undertook the answering this Book But before he had finished it an English Divine and Friend of Martyr's with whom he held Correspondence in Q. Mary's Reign wrote him word in the Year 1557. that an Answer to Antonius by some other hand was then in the Press naming the Author Martyr replied That he was rather glad of it than any ways moved or disturbed at it as a disappointment of what he was doing and added that he expected nothing from that Man but what was very exquisite acute and elaborate But that he feared the noise thereof would not hold true And so it proved Whether this Learned Man withdrew his Book that he might give way to that which P. Martyr was writing or whether it were a Flam given out to stop Martyr in his Design it is uncertain But not long after this Learned Italian put forth his Answer He had it under the Press at Zurick in December 1558 and it came out the next Year Wherein as he wrote to Calvin he did unravel and confute all the Sophisms and Tricks of the Bishop of Winchester And it came forth very seasonably as Martyr hoped For hereby the English Papalins might see at this time especially that that Book was not as they boasted hitherto invincible He gave this Title to his Book Defensio Doctrina veteris Apostolicae de S.S. Eucharistiae Sacramento In the Preface to which he shewed How this Work fell to his Lot Not that that most Reverend Father wanted an Assistant for he could easily have managed Gardiner himself For he knew how Cranmer in many and various Disputes formerly had with him came off with Victory and great Praise but because the ABp when in Prison was forced to leave his Answer which he had begun unfinished by reason of his strait keeping having scarce Paper and Ink allowed him and no Books to make use of and being cut off so soon by Death before he could bring to perfection what he had writ Wherein as Martyr said he had harder measure by far from the Papists than Gardiner had from the Protestants in K. Edward's Days when he wrote his Book Gardiner in that Book of his under the Name of M. Constantius had shewn such foul play with Cranmer's Book mangling it and taking Pieces and Scraps of it here and there and confounding the Method of it to supply himself with Objections to give his own Answers to with the most advantage that the Arch-bishop thought that if Learned Foreigners saw but his first Book of the Sacrament as he wrote it it would be vindication enough against Gardiner's new Book against it And therefore he took order to have it translated into the same Language in which Gardiner wrote that is Latin that impartial Strangers might be able to read and judg and Sir Iohn Cheke elegantly performed it for his Friend the Arch-bishop This Book of Cranmer's thus put into Latin with some Additions came forth 1553. Before it he prefixed an Epistle to King Edward VI. dated at Lambeth Idib Mart. the same Year Wherein he said It was his Care of the Lord's Flock committed to him that put him upon renewing and restoring the Lord's Supper according to the Institution of Christ. And that that was the Reason that about three Years ago he set forth a Book in English against the principal Abuses of the Papistical Mass. Which Book had great Success upon the Peoples Minds in bringing them to embrace the Truth Whereby he said he perceived how great the Force of Truth was and understood the Benefits of the Grace of Christ that even the Blind should have their Eyes opened and partake of the Light of Truth as soon as it was revealed and shewed it self clearly to them But that this gave great Offence unto Gardiner then Bishop of Winchester so that he thought nothing was to be done till he had answered the Book supposing that there would be no helper of so declining forsaken a Cause unless he put to his Hand And so the Arch-bishop proceeded to shew how that Bishop first put forth his English Book endeavouring to overthrow the true Doctrine and to restore and bring again into Repute the Mass with all its Superstitions and afterwards his Latin Book under a feigned Name In which Gardiner had so unfairly dealt with the Arch-bishop's Arguments chopping and changing defacing and disfiguring them that he could not know them for his own and all that he might make it serve his own turn the better Insomuch that he resolved to have his own Book translated out of English into Latin that his true Opinion and Mind in this Controversy might the better be apprehended The whole Epistle is writ in a pure elegant Latin Stile with a good sharpness of Wit The publication of this his Latin Book he thought sufficient for the present to entertain the World till he should put forth in Latin also a full Answer to Gardiner which he intended shortly to do To this Latin Book the Arch-bishop occasionally reviewing it while he was in Prison made sundry Annotations and Additions not of any new Arguments but only of more Authorities out of the Fathers and Ancient Writers This valuable Autograph fell into the Hands of some of the English Exiles at Embden it may be by the Means of Bp Scory who was Superintendent of the English Church there or Sir Iohn Cheke who also for some time was in this Place both great Friends of the Arch-bishop In the
them to do otherwise But determinately to say what was best he could not but trusted He whose Cause they had in hand would put them in Mind to do that which should be most for his Glory the Profit of his Flock and their own Salvation It came at length to that forwardness that VVeston and his Complices had taken out the Commission And it was easy to obtain such a Commission at such a Lord Chancellor's Hands And they were likely speedily to put it in execution Hoper who seemed to have the first notice of it sent the intelligence in a Letter to Farrar Taylor Bradford and Philpot Prisoners in the King 's Bench. He shewed them what his Advice was and desired them to consult among themselves what Course were best to be taken His own Thoughts were considering what foul Play the three Learned Men had at Oxford and which they were like to have themselves at this Disputation I. Because they did commonly make false Allegations of the Doctors and took Pieces and Scraps of them to prove their Tenets against the real Mind and Sense of those Authors they should therefore refuse wholly to dispute unless they might have Books present before them II. To have sworn Notaries to take things spoken indifferently which would be hard to have the Adversaries having the oversight of all things and so would make theirs better and the Protestants worse III. If they perceived when they were disputing that two or three or more spake together and used Taunts and Scoffs as they did at Oxon then to refuse to dispute any longer but to appeal to be heard before the Queen and the whole Council Whereby this Benefit would happen that they should be delivered from the Commissioners appointed to hear and judg them who meant nothing less than to hear the Cause indifferently being all Enemies already unto the Protestants and their Cause and at a point to give Sentence against them And then many at the Court might be strengthned who know the Truth already and others better informed who erred rather of Zeal than Malice and a third sort that be indurate might be answered fully to their shame He knew he said the Adversaries would deny their Appeal but yet he advised to challenge it and to take witness thereof of such as should be present and require for indifferency of Hearing and Judgment to be heard either before the Queen and Council or else before all the Parliament as it was used in K. Edward's Days So wise and wary now were they But I do not find that this Project of the Papists went further And let us return and visit these three faithful Prisoners of Iesus Christ. After their Disputation and Condemnation their Servants were discharged that so they might not have any Conference or Intelligence of any thing abroad But God provided for every one of them instead of their Servants faithful Fellows that would be content to hear and see and do for them whatsoever they could as Ridley wrote in a Letter to Bradford To these Fathers also came supplies of Meat Money and Shirts from London not only from such as were of their Acquaintance but from Strangers with whom they had no acquaintance doing it for God's Sake and his Gospel's The Bailiffs so watched them now that they would not suffer them to have any Conferences among themselves The Scholars of that University seemed universally against them Which Ridley in a Letter to his Friend Bradford could not but take notice of calling it A wonderful thing that among so many never yet Scholar offered any of them so far as he knew any manner of Favour either for or in Christ's Cause They had all things common among them as Meat Money and whatever one had that might do another good Neither of them now in Prison were idle Old Latimer read the New Testament through seven Times deliberately while he was a Prisoner Cranmer busied himself earnestly in vindication of his Writings of the Sacrament against Winchester under the Name of Marcus Constantius And so did Ridley who in two Treatises which he now made shewed how Winchester varied from other Papists in eighteen Articles and from himself in eighteen more And a third Paper he wrote shewing several things Winchester yielded unto concerning the spiritual Use of the Sacrament Fox hath set down these in his History and preserved them to us these Collections of Ridley falling into his Hands Ridley also wrote while he was a Prisoner in Oxford De Abominationibus Sedis Romanae Pontificum Romanorum and Annotations more large upon Tonstal's first Book of Transubstantiation I suppose and more sparingly upon the Second He was now also diligent to set others on work for the exposing false Religion Desiring one Grimbold to translate Laurentius Valla his Book which he made and wrote against the Fable of Constantine's Donation and glorious Exaltation of the See of Rome And having done that he would have had him to translate a Work of Aeneas Sylvius De Gestis Basiliensis Concilii In which altho said he there be many things that savour of the Pan yet I dare say the Papists would glory but a little to see such Books go forth in English He directed Austin Bernher Latimer's Servant to recommend those Works unto Grimbold who had been his Chaplain and a Man as Ridley gave him the Character of much Eloquence both in English and Latin but he complied and subscribed And he also bad Austin tell Grimbold That if he would know where to have these Books he might find them in a Work set forth by Ortwinus Gratius intitled Fasciculus rerum expetendarum And added That if such things had been set forth in our English Tongue heretofore he supposed great Good might have come to Christ's Church thereby But we have not yet mentioned all the Pieces that Ridley wrote in Prison For besides those above-mentioned were these following I. A little Treatise which was jointly composed by him and Latimer in the Tower which is preserved in Fox with the Letters N. R. before Ridley's Sayings and H. L. before Latimer's II. A Draught which he drew out of the Evangelists and S. Paul shewing thence that the words of the Lord's Supper are figuratively to be understood alledging out of the Doctors three of the Greek Church Origen Chrysostom and Theodoret and three of the Latin Tertullian Augustin and Gelasius III. Three Positions to the third Question propounded in Oxford concerning the Propitiatory Sacrifice of the Mass. IV. His Disputation in the Schools as he wrote it after it was over V. A Letter Ad Fratres in diversis Carceribus All these fell into the Hands of the Papists by this Mishap or Treachery Grimbold expressing a great desire to have every thing that Ridley had writ during his Imprisonment Mr. Shipside Ridley's Brother-in-Law procured and sent him all those Writings before mentioned but they were all seized whether in Grimbold's Possession or
Penance and forsaking their Wives Allowing them to minister at the Altar and to serve Cures provided it were out of the Diocesses where they were married The said Bishops by this Commission were also empowered to grant to fit Rectors and Curates a Power to reconcile and absolve their respective Parishes This Commission I have placed in the Appendix as it was transcribed out of the Register of the Church of Canterbury The Lord Legate also for the better discharging of this his mighty Office gave out his Instructions how the Bishops and Officials of the Vacant Sees should perform this Work of the Reconciliation deputed to them by the said Legate together with the Form of Absolution to be pronounced Which Instructions and Form as they were extracted from the said Register may be found in the Appendix Each Bishop was to call before him the Clergy of his respective City and to instruct them in divers things As concerning the Pope's fatherly Love and Charity towards the English Nation in sending Cardinal Pole his Legate hither as soon as he knew the Lady Mary was declared Queen to bring this Kingdom so long separated from the Catholick Church into Union with it and to comfort and restore them to the Grace of God Concerning the joyful coming of the said Legate concerning what was done the last Parliament when the Lords and Commons were Reconciled and concerning the repealing of all the Laws made against the Authority of the Roman See by the two last Kings and restoring Obedience to the Pope and Church of Rome Concerning the Authority restored likewise to the Bishops especially that they might proceed against Hereticks and Schismaticks Then the Bishops were to acquaint their Clergy with the Faculties yielded to them by the Legate which were to be read openly Then all that were lapsed into Error and Schism were to be invited humbly to crave Absolution and Reconciliation and Dispensations as well for their Orders as for their Benefices Next a Day was fixed when the Clergy were to appear and petition for the said Absolutions and Dispensations On which day after they had confessed their Errors and sacramentally promised that they would make Confession of the same to the Bishop himself or some other Catholick Priests and to perform the Penance that should be enjoined them then the Bishop was to reconcile them and to dispense with their Irregularities Always observing a distinction between those that only fell into Schism and Error and those who were the Teachers of them and Leaders of others into Sin The same time was to be appointed another day for a Solemn Festival wherein the Bishops and Curates in their Churches should signify to the People all that the Bishops before had spoken to their Clergy and then should invite them all to confess their Errors and to return into the Bosom of the Church promising them That all their past Crimes should be forgiven if so be they repented of them and renounced them And a certain Term was to be fixed namely the whole Octaves of Easter within which Term all should come and be reconciled But the Time to be reconciled in being lapsed all that remained unreconciled as also all that returned to their Vomit after they had been reconciled were to be most severely proceeded against The said Bishops and Officials where any Sees were Vacant were to name and depute the Rectors of the Parish-Churches and other fit Persons who should absolve the Laity of their Parishes from Heresy and Schism and Censures according to a Form to be given them by the Bishops The Bishops and Officials and Curates were to have each a Book in which were to be writ the Names and Parishes of all that were reconciled That it might afterwards be known who were reconciled and who were not After the Octave of Easter was past the Bishops were to visit first their Cities and then their Diocesses and to summon before them all such as had not been reconciled and to know of them the Cause why they would not depart from their Errors and remaining obstinate in them they were to proceed against them In this Visitation all the Clergy were to be required to shew the Titles of their Orders and Benefices and notice was to be taken if any Defect were therein And now the Bishops were to take care to root out any Errors in their Diocesses and to depute fit Persons to make Sermons and hear Confessions They were also to take care to have the Sacred Canons observed and to have inserted into the Books of Service the Name of S. Thomas the Martyr and of the Pope formerly blotted out and to pray for the Pope according as it was used before the Schism They were advised to insist much upon the great Miseries we were in before and the great Grace that God now had shewed to this People Exhorting them to acknowledg these Mercies and devoutly to pray for the King and Queen that had deserved so exceedingly well of this Kingdom and especially to pray for a happy Off-spring from the Queen In these Instructions there are several Strictures that make it appear Pole was not so gentle towards the Hereticks as the Professors of the Gospel were then stiled as is reported but rather the contrary and that he went hand in hand with the bloody Bishops of these Days For it is plain here that he put the Bishops upon proceeding with them according to the Sanguinary Laws lately revived and put in full Force and Virtue What an Invention was that of his a kind of Inquisition by him set up whereby not a Man might escape that stood not well affected to Popery I mean his ordering Books to be made and kept wherein the Names of all such were to be written that in every Place and Parish in England were reconciled and so whosoever were not found in those Books might be known to be no Friends to the Pope and so to be proceeded against And indeed after Pole's crafty and zealous Management of this Reconciliation all that good Opinion that Men had before conceived of him vanished and they found themselves much mistaken in him especially seeing so many Learned and Pious Gospel-Bishops and Ministers imprisoned and martyred under him and by his Commission Insomuch that now People spake of him as bad as of the Pope himself or the worst of his Cardinals The Gospellers before this did use to talk much among themselves that he did but dissemble at Rome in his present outward Compliances with them and their Superstitions and that he would upon a good Opportunity shew himself an open Professor of the Truth And indeed he often had Conferences before him of Christ and of the Gospel of a living Faith and Justification by Faith alone and he often would wish the true Doctrine might prevail But now the Mask was taken off and he shewed himself what he was A notable Letter to this Purpose was written concerning the Cardinal about
meaning Thirlby Hethe Tonstal c. that they held their Peace for this Consideration though they knew this well enough Who if they had done their Duty to the Crown and Realm should have opened their Mouths at this Time and shewn the Peril and Danger that might insue to the Crown hereby Another Cause he urged to the Queen why he could not allow the Pope's Authority was Because he subverted not only the Laws of the Nation but the Laws of God So that whosoever be under his Authority he suffered them not to be under Christ's Religion purely For proof of which he gave these Instances God's Will and Commandment is that when the People be gathered together to serve God the Ministers should use such a Language as the People might understand and take profit thereby For God said by the Mouth of S. Paul As a Harp or Lute if it give no certain sound that Men may know what is stricken who can dance after it it is put in vain So it is in vain profiteth nothing if the Priest speak to the People in a Language they know not And whereas when he urged this to the Commissioners they told him That that Place respected Preaching only He told the Queen That S. Paul's words meant it not only of Preaching for that he spake expresly of Praying Singing and giving Thanks and of all other things which the Priests say in the Churches And so he said all Interpreters Greek and Latin Old and New School-Authors and others that he had read understood it Till about thirty Years past Eckius and others of his Sort began to invent this new Exposition And so he said all the best Learned Divines that met at Windsor 1549 for the Reformation of the Church both of the New Learning and the Old agreed without Controversy not one opposing that the Service of the Church ought to be in the Mother-Tongue and that that Place of S. Paul was so to be understood Again Christ ordained the Sacrament to be received of Christian People under both Forms of Bread and Wine and said Drink ye all of this The Pope gives a clean contrary Command That no Lay-man shall drink of the Cup of their Salvation So that if he should obey the Pope in these things he must needs disobey his Saviour Again He instanced in the Pope's taking upon him to give the Temporal Sword to Kings and Princes and to depose them from their Imperial States if they were disobedient to him and in commanding Subjects to disobey their Princes Assoiling them as well from their Obedience as their lawful Oaths made unto them directly contrary to God's Commandment that commandeth all Subjects to obey their Kings and their Rulers under them Then he spake of the Superiority the Pope claimed above Kings and Emperors and making himself Universal Bishop And how his Flatterers told him he might dispense against God's Word both against the Old and New Testament and that whatsoever he did tho he drew innumerable People by heaps with himself to Hell yet might no mortal Man reprove him because he is the Judg of all Men and might be judged by no Man And thus he sat in the Temple of God as he were a God and named himself God and dispensed against God If this were not he said to play Antichrist's part he knew not what Antichrist was that is Christ's Enemy and Adversary Now added he until the time that such a Person may be found Men might easily conjecture where to find Antichrist He took God to record that what he spake against the Power and Authority of the Pope he spake it not for any Malice he ought to the Pope's Person whom he knew not nor for fear of Punishment or to avoid the same thinking it rather an Occasion to aggravate than to diminish the same but for his most bounden Duty to the Crown Liberty Laws and Customs of this Realm of England and most especially to discharge his Conscience in uttering the Truth to God's Glory casting away all Fear by the Comfort which he had in Christ who saith Fear not them that kill the Body As touching the Sacrament he said That forasmuch as the whole Matter stood in the understanding those words of Christ This is my Body This is my Blood He told the Commissioners That Christ in those words made demonstration of the Bread and Wine and spake figuratively calling Bread his Body and Wine his Blood because he ordained them to be Sacraments of his Body and Blood And he told them He would be judged by the old Church which Doctrine could be proved Elder and that he would stand to And that forasmuch as he had urged in his Book Greek and Latin Authors which above a thousand Years continually taught as he did if they could bring forth but one old Author that said in these two Points as they said he offered six or seven Years ago and offered so still that he would give place Then he shewed her how fond and uncomfortable the Papists Doctrine of the Sacrament is For of one Body of Christ is made two Bodies One natural having distance of Members with Form and Proportion of Man's perfect Body and this Body is in Heaven But the Body of Christ in the Sacrament by their own Doctrine must needs be a monstrous Body having neither distance of Members nor Form Fashion or Proportion of a Man's natural Body And such a Body is in the Sacrament teach they as goes into the Mouth with the Form of Bread and entreth no further than the Form of Bread goes nor tarrieth no longer than the Form of Bread is by natural Heat digesting So that when the Form of Bread is digested the Body of Christ is gone And what Comfort said he can be herein to any Christian Man to receive Christ's unshapen Body and it to enter no further than the Stomach and depart by and by as soon as the Bread is consumed It seemed to him a more sound and comfortable Doctrine that Christ hath but one Body and that hath Form and Fashion of a Man's true Body Which Body spiritually entreth into the whole Man Body and Soul And though the Sacrament be consumed yet whole Christ remaineth and feedeth the Receiver unto eternal Life if he continue in Godliness and never departeth until the Receiver forsaketh him That if it could be shewed him that the Pope's Authority be not prejudicial to the things before-mentioned or that his Doctrine of the Sacrament be erroneous then he would never stand perversly in his own Opinion but with all humility submit himself to the Pope not only to kiss his Feet but another Part also For all these Reasons he could not take the Bishop of Gloucester for his Judg representing as he did this Pope But another Reason was in respect of his own Person being more than once perjured having been divers times sworn never to consent that the Bishop of Rome should have any Jurisdiction within this Realm
Advice of certain Learned Men. Another was that he had been the great setter forth of all this Heresy received into the Church in this last Time had written in it had disputed had continued it even to the last Hour and that it had never been seen in this Realm but in the time of Schism that any Man continuing so long hath been pardoned and that it was not to be remitted for Ensamples-sake Other Causes he alledged but these were the chief why it was not thought good to pardon him Other Causes beside he said moved the Queen and the Council thereto which were not meet and convenient for every one to understand them The second Part touched the Audience how they should consider this thing That they should hereby take example to fear God and that there was no Power against the Lord having before their Eyes a Man of so high Degree sometime one of the chiefest Prelates of the Church an Arch-bishop the chief of the Council the second Peer in the Realm of long time a Man as might be thought in greatest assurance a King of his side notwithstanding all his Authority and Defence to be debased from an high Estate to a low Degree of a Counsellor to be a Caitiff and to be set in so wretched Estate that the poorest Wretch would not change Conditions with him The last and End appertained unto him Whom he comforted and encouraged to take his Death well by many places of Scripture And with these and such bidding him nothing mistrust but he should incontinently receive that the Thief did To whom Christ said Hodiè mecum eris in Paradiso And out of S. Paul armed him against the Terrors of the Fire by this Dominus fidelis est Non sinet nos tentari ultra quam ferre potestis By the Example of the three Children to whom God made the Flame seem like a pleasant Dew He added hereunto the Rejoicing of S. Andrew in his Cross the Patience of S. Laurence on the Fire Ascertaining him that God if he called on him and to such as die in his Faith either will abate the fury of the Flame or give him Strength to abide it He glorified God much in his Conversion because it appeared to be only his Work Declaring what Travel and Conference had been used with him to convert him and all prevailed not till it pleased God of his Mercy to reclaim him and call him Home In discouring of which place he much commended Cranmer and qualified his former Doing And I had almost forgotten to tell you that Mr. Cole promised him that he should be prayed for in every Church in Oxford and should have Mass and Dirige Sung for him and spake to all the Priests present to say Mass for his Soul When he had ended his Sermon he desired all the People to pray for him Mr. Cranmer kneeling down with them and praying for himself I think there was never such a number so earnestly praying together For they that hated him before now loved him for his Conversion and hope of Continuance They that loved him before could not sodenly hate him having hope of his Confession again of his Fall So Love and Hope encreased Devotion on every side I shall not need for the time of Sermon to describe his Behaviour his Sorrowful Countenance his heavy Chear his Face bedewed with Tears sometime lifting his Eyes to Heaven in Hope sometime casting them down to the Earth for Shame To be brief an Image of Sorrow the Dolor of his Heart bursting out at his Eyes in plenty of Tears Retaining ever a quiet and grave Behaviour Which encreased the Pity in Mens Hearts that they unfeignedly loved him hoping it had been his Repentance for his Transgression and Error I shall not need I say to point it out unto you you can much better imagine it your self When Praying was done he stood up and having leave to speak said Good People I had intended indeed to desire you to pray for me which because Mr. Doctor hath desired and you have done already I thank you most heartily for it And now will I pray for my self as I could best devise for mine own comfort and say the Prayer word for word as I have here written it And he read it standing and after kneeled down and said the Lord's Prayer and all the People on their Knees devoutly praying with him His Prayer was thus O Father of Heaven O Son of God Redeemer of the World O Holy Ghost proceeding from them both Three Persons and one God have Mercy upon me most wretched Caitiff and miserable Sinner I who have offended both Heaven and Earth and more grievously than any Tongue can express whither then may I go or whither should I fly for succor To Heaven I may be ashamed to lift up mine Eyes and in Earth I find no refuge What shall I then do shall I despair God forbid O good God thou art Merciful and refusest none that come unto thee for Succour To thee therefore do I run To thee do I humble my self saying O Lord God my Sins be great but yet have Mercy upon me for thy great Mercy O God the Son thou wast not made Man this great Mystery was not wrought for few or small Offences Nor thou didst not give thy Son unto Death O God the Father for our little and small Sins only but for all the greatest Sins of the World so that the Sinner return unto thee with a penitent Heart as I do here at this present Wherefore have Mercy upon me O Lord whose Property is always to have Mercy For although my Sins be great yet thy Mercy is greater I crave nothing O Lord for mine own Merits but for thy Name 's Sake that it may be glorified thereby and for thy dear Son Jesus Christ's Sake And now therefore Our Father which art in Heaven c. Then rising he said Every Man desireth good People at the time of their Deaths to give some good Exhortation that other may remember after their Deaths and be the better thereby So I beseech God grant me Grace that I may speak something at this my departing whereby God may be glorified and you edified First It is an heavy case to see that many Folks be so much doted upon the Love of this false World and so careful for it that or the Love of God or the Love of the World to come they seem to care very little or nothing therefore This shall be my first Exhortation That you set not over-much by this false glosing World but upon God and the World to come And learn to know what this Lesson meaneth which S. Iohn teacheth That the Love of this World is Hatred against God The Second Exhortation is That next unto God you obey your King and Queen willingly and gladly without murmur or grudging And not for fear of them only but much more for the Fear of God Knowing
Carnal Presence For a Conclusion let the Reader not hear me but another speak for our Arch-bishop against one of these Calumniators and he a Portugal Bishop After Cranmer by hearing of the Gospel began to savour of Christian Profession what Wickedness was ever reported of him With what outrage of Lust was he enflamed What Murders what seditious Tumults what secret Conspiracies were ever seen or suspected so much to proceed from him Unless ye account him blame-worthy for this that when King Henry Father to Mary upon great Displeasure conceived was for some secret Causes determined to strike off her Head this Reverend Arch-bishop did pacify the Wrath of the Father and with mild continual Intercession preserved the Life of the Daughter Who for Life preserved acquitted her Patron with Death As concerning his Marriage if you reproachfully impute that to Lust which Paul doth dignify with so honourable a Title I do answer That he was the Husband of one Wife with whom he continued many Years more chastly and holily than Osorius in that his stinking sole and single Life peradventure one Month tho he flee never so often to his Catholick Confessions And I see no Cause why the Name of a Wife shall not be accounted in each respect as Holy with the true Professors of the Gospel as the Name of a Concubine with the Papists Thus Fox And so I have at last by God's favourable Concurrence finished this my Work and have compiled an imperfect History yet with the best Diligence I could of this singular Arch-bishop and blessed Martyr and in the conclusion have briefly vindicated him from those many false Surmises and Imputations that his implacable Enemies of the Roman Faction have reported and published abroad against him Not contented with the shedding of his Blood unless they stigmatized his Name and Memory and formed the World into a belief that he was one of the vilest Wretches that lived who in Reality and Truth appeareth to have been one of the holiest Bishops and one of the best Men that Age produced THE END THE APPENDIX TO THE MEMORIALS OF Archbishop Cranmer THE APPENDIX TO THE MEMORIALS OF Archbishop Cranmer NUM I. Account of Mr. Pool's Book by Dr. Cranmer To the Ryght honorable and my syngular good Lorde my Lorde of Wylshire IT may please your Lordeshipe to bee advertised that the Kynge his grace my Lady your wyfe my Lady Anne your doughter be in good helth whereof thankes be to God As concernynge the Kinge hys cause Mayster Raynolde Poole hath wrytten a booke moch contrary to the kinge hys purpose wyth such wytte that it appereth that he myght be for hys wysedome of the cownsel to the kinge hys grace And of such eloquence that if it were set forth and knowne to the commen people I suppose yt were not possible to persuade them to the contrary The pryncypal intent whereof ys that the kinge hys grace sholde be contente to commyt hys grete cause to the jugement of the pope wherein me semeth he lacketh moch jugement But he swadeth that with such goodly eloquence both of words and sentence that he were lyke to persuade many but me hee persuadeth in that poynt no thynge at al. But in many other thynges he satysfyeth me very wel The som wherof I shal shortly reherse Furst he sheweth the cause wherfore he had never pleasure to intromytte hymself in this cause And that was the trouble which was lyke to ensue to this realme therof by dyversitie of tytles Wherof what hurte myght come we have had exsample in our fathers dayes by the tytles of Lancaster and Yorke And where os god hath gyven many noble gyfts unto the kinge hys grace as wel of body and mynde os also of fortune yet this excedeth al other that in hym al tytles do mete and come togyder and this Realme ys restored to tranquillitie and peace so oweth he to provide that this londe fal not agayne to the forsaide mysery and troble which may come aswel by the people within this realme which thynke surely that they have an hayre lawful alâ—â—ady with whom they al be wel contente and wolde be sory to have any other And yt wolde be harde to persuade thaym to take any other levynge her os also by the Emperour whych ys a man of so grete power the quene beying hys awnt the Princes hys nece whome he so moch doth and ever hath favored And where he harde reasons for the kynge hys party that he was moved of god hys lawe which doth straytly forbed and that with many gret thretts that no man shal mary hys brother hys wife And os for the people yt longeth not to thayr judgement and yet yt ys to be thought that thay wil be contente whan thay shal knowe that the awncyente Doctores of the Chyrch and the determinations of so many grete vniversities be of the kynge hys sentence And os concernynge the Emperour if he be so unryghtful that he wyl mayntene an unjust cause yet god wil never fayl thaym that stonde opon his party and for any thynge wyl not transgresse hys commawndments And besyde that we shal not lacke the ayde of the Frenshe kynge whyche partely for the Lege whych he hath made with us and partly for the dyspleasure and olde grutch which he bereth toward the Emperour wolde be glad to have occasion to be avenged Thies reasons he bryngeth for the kyngs party agaynst hys owne opynyon To which he maketh answer in this maner Fyrst os towchynge the Lawe of god he thynketh that yf the kinge were pleased to take the contrary parte he myght os wel justifie that and have os good grownde of the scripture therfore os for that parte which he now taketh And yet if he thought the kyngs party never so juste and that this his mariage were undowtedly agaynst godds pleasure than he cowde not deny but yt sholde be wel done for the kynge to refuse this mariage and to take another wyfe but that he sholde be a doar therin and a setter forwarde therof he cowde never fynde in hys harte And yet he grawnteth that he hath no good reason therfore but only affection which he bereth and of dewty oweth unto the kyngs parson For in so doing he sholde not only wayke ye and utterly take away the Princes Title but also he must neds accuse the most and cheife parte of al the kyngs lyfe hiderto which hath bene so infortunate to lyve more than xx yers in a matrimony so shameful so abominable so bestial and agaynst nature yf it be so os the books which do defend the kyngs party do say that the abomination therof ys naturally wrytten and graven in every mans harte so that none excusation can be made by ignorance And thus to accuse the noble nature of the kyngs grace and to take away the title of hys succession he cowde never fynd in hys harte were the kyngs cause never so
Diocess should not be charged with my Visitation at this time First as concerning my style Wherein I am named Totius Angliae Primas I suppose that to make his cause good which else indeed were naught he doth mix it with the King's cause As ye know the man lacketh neither learning in the law neither witty invention ne craft to set forth his matters to the best that he might appear not to maintain his own cause but the Kings Against whose Highnes he knoweth right wel that I wil maintain no cause but give place and lay both my cause and my self at my Princes feet But to be plain what I think of the Bp. of Winchester I cannot persuade with my self that he so much tendereth the Kings cause as he doth his own that I should not visit him And that appeareth by the veray time For if he cast no further then the defence of the Kings G's authority or if he intend that at al why moved he not the matier before he received my Monition for my Visitation Which was within four miles of Winchester delivered unto him the xxii day of April last as he came up to the Court. Moreover I do not a little mervayl why he should now find fault rather then he did before when he took the Bp. of Rome as chief Head For though the Bp. of R. was taken for Supreme Head notwithstanding that he had a great number of Primates under him And by having his Primates under him his Supreme authority was not less esteemed but much the more Why then may not the Kings Highnes being Supreme Head have Primates under him without a diminishing but with the augmenting of his said Supreme Authority And of this I doubt not at all but the Bp. of Winchester knoweth as well as any man living that in case this said style or title had been in any poynt impediment or hindrance to the Bp. of Rome's usurped authority it would not have so long been unreformed as it hath been For I doubt not but all the Bushops of England would ever gladly have had the Archbushops both authority and title taken away that they might have been equal together Which well appeareth by the many contentions against the Archbushops for jurisdiction in the Court of Rome Which had be easily brought to pass if the Bushops of R. had thought the Archbushops titles and styles to be an erogation to their Supreme authority Al this notwithstanding if the Bushops of this realm pas no more of their names styles and titles then I do of mine the Kings Highnes shal soon order the matier betwixt us al. And if I saw that my style were against the Kings authority whereunto I am especially sworn I would sue my self unto his G. that I might leave it and so would have done before this time For I pray God never be merciful unto me at the general judgment if I perceive in my heart that I set more by any title name or style that I write then I do by the paring of an apple further then it shal be to the setting forth of Gods word and will Yet I wil not utterly excuse me herein For God must be judge who knoweth the bottome of my heart and so do not I my self But I speak for so much as I do feel in my heart For many evil affections ly lurking there and wil not lightly be espied But yet I would not gladly leave any just thing at the pleasure and suite of the Bp. of Wynchester he being none otherwise affectionate unto me than he is Even at the Beginning of Christs profession Diotrephes desired gerere primatum in Ecclesia as saith S. Iohn in his last Epistle And since he hath had mo successors than al the Apostles had Of whom have come al these glorious titles styles and pomps into the Church But I would that I and al my Brethren the Bushops would leave al our stiles and write the style of our Offices calling our selves Apostolos Iesâ— Christi so that we took not upon us the name vainly but were so even indeed So that we might order our Diocess in such sort that neither paper parchment lead nor wax but the very Christian Conversation of the people might be the letters and seals of our offices As the Corinthians were unto Paul to whom he said Literae nostrae signa Apostolatus nostri vos estis Now for the second Where the Bp. of Winchester alledgeth the Visitation of my Predecessor and the tenth part now to be payd to the King Truth it is that my Predecessor visited the Dioces of Winchester after the decease of my L. Cardinal Wolsey as he did al other Diocesses Sede Vacante But else I think it was not visited by none of my Predecessors this forty years And notwithstanding that he himself not considering their charges at that time charged them with a new Visitation within less then half a year after and that against al right as Dr. Incent hath reported to my Chancellor the Clergy at that time paying to the King half of their benefices in five years Which is the tenth part every year as they payd before and have payd since and shal pay stil for ever by the last Act. But I am very glad that he hath now some compassion of his Diocess although at that time he had very smal when he did visit them the same year that my Predecessor did visit And al other Bushops whose course is to visit this year kept their Visitations where I did visit the last year notwithstanding the tenth part to be paid to the Kings G. Howbeit I do not so in Winchester Dioces For it is now the third year since that Diocess was Visited by any man So that he hath the least cause to complain of any Bushop For it is longer since his Dioces was visited then the other Therfore where he layeth to aggravate the matier the charges of the late Act granted it is no more against me then against al other Bushops that do visit this year nor maketh no more against me this year then it made against me the last year and shal do every year hereafter For if they were true men in accounting and paying the Kings Subsidies they are no more charged by this new Act then they were for the space of ten years past and shal be charged ever hereafter And thus to conclude if my said L. of Winchesters objections should be allowed this year he might by such arguments both disallow al maner Visitations that hath bee done these ten years past and that ever shal be done hereafter Now I pray you good Master Secretary of your advise whether I shal need to write unto the Kings Highnes herein And thus our Lord have you ever in his preservation At Otteford the 12 day of May. Your own ever assured Thomas Cantuar. NUM XV. The Appeal of Stokesly Bishop of London to the King against the Archbishops Visitation Contra
a Proctor represents him that he is Proctor for and may make or marr his Clients matier by one word speaking wel or il and that the office of a Proctor was first invented for men that might or would not intend to their own business theymself it were more consonant with reason that a man were suffered to take to his Proctor such as he lusteth and may best trust unto of his matier than be driven to commit the order of his cause being mefortune of great weight to such a one as he never knew ne saw before For whan a man is at his choise to choose him what Proctor he lust best if his matier do delay through the default of his Proctor than he can blame no body but himself For that that he would not take better heed to whom he should have committed his matier unto And whan a man is compelled to take one that he knows not if his matier do than delay he may put the blame therof to that Statute that constrained him to take such a Proctor Nevertheles though the tone of both those ways that is the same that is taken by the same Law be moche better than the tother yet the mean way betwixt both as of al other Extremes were best That is to say that nother every man unlearned or unexpert shuld forthwith be admitted to procure for every man in the said Courts lest of that there shuld be no good order but a confuse tumult there Nor yet that there shuld be so few admitted therunto that they were not able ne sufficient for the due exercise of causes there depending But most reasonable and highly expedient for the Common wele it is that it were enacted by the authority of this present Parlament that there should be as many of such as were sufficiently learned and exercised in the experience and practise of the said Courts admitted to procure there as shuld be seen convenient to my said Lord of Canterbury his Grace or other Presidents of the said Courts for the due exercise and expedition of causes there depending as it was used heretofore til the obtaining of the said Statute without prefixion of any precise nombre which for no cause may be exceded For how can a precise nombre of Proctors be prefixed when the nombre of causes can never be appoynted For causes doth grow and encrease as the nature of seasons and men doth require And therfore it were expedient that there were mo Proctors than shuld suffice admitted than fewer For better it were that some of theym shuld lack causes than causes shuld want theym And that such ones so admitted shuld not be removeable from the same their Offices at the said Juges or any other mans plesure as they were heretofore but only for certain great offences proved to be committed by theym after their admission and juged so to be of indifferent Juges chosen to examine the same by the consent of the Proctors that shal be accused therof And because that the Proctors aforesaid are al sworn at the time of their admission that they shal never after be against the Liberty jurisdiction and prerogatives of the said Courts but shal maintain and defend the same to their power And that there may be in the said Courts otherwhiles such causes depending as shuld appertaine to the Kings Gs. determination by his Royal Prerogative or such other as may be there attempted against the Juges or Presidents of the said Courts It were highly expedient as wel for the Conservation and soliciting of the Kings interest there as for the faithful and bold assistence of Proctors there to the Kings Subjects that were called thither at the instance of the said Juges or their fautors or any other person That like as his Grace hath in other his Courts temporal his Solicitors and Atturneys he shuld also have in his said Courts two Proctors or so admitted by his G. and his councel which shuld be sworn to promote and solicite his Gs. interest there and to advertise the same of any thing that shuld appertain to his Gs. prerogative and to defend such of the Kings subjects as shal desire their assistance boldly and without fear or affection of the said Juges And that the same Proctors so admitted be not removeable from the same their offices by any man but the Kings G. or his Councel Which so enacted and established shuld be the readiest means that the foresaid abuses with divers others here not rehearsed caused through the occasion of the said statute shuld be utterly taken away and justice more plainly and speedily proceed in the said Courts than heretofore hath been seen to do And the Kings subjects called thither from al parts of England shuld have plenty of counsil faithful assistance in their matters and speedy process in the same Which ought to be tendred affectantly of every man that regardeth the encrease of the Common wele and true execution of justice NUM XIX The Archbishop to the L. Crumwel giving him some account of his Visitation of his Diocess THese shal be to advertise your Lp. that since my last coming from London into Kent I have found the people of my Diocess very obstinately given to observe and keep with solemnity the hali dayes lately abrogated Wherupon I have punished divers of the Offendors and to divers I have given gentle monitions to amend But inasmuch as by examination I have perceived that the people were partly animated therto by their Curates I have given streit commandment and injunction unto al the Parsons and Vicars within my Diocess upon paine of deprivation of their benefices that they shal not only on their behalf cause the said hali dayes so abrogated from time to time not to be observed within their Cures but also shal from henceforth present to me such persons of their Parishes as wil practise in word or deed contrary to that Ordinance or any other which is or hereafter shal bee set forth by the Kings Graces authority for the redress or ordering of the doctrine or ceremonies of this Church of England So that now I suppose through this means all disobedience and contempt of the Kings Graces Acts and Ordinances in this behalf shal be clearly avoyded in my Diocess hereafter Not doubting also but if every Bp. in this realm had Commandment to do the same in their Diocess it would avoyd both much disobedience and contention in this said realm I would faine that al the enmity and grudge of the people in this matter should be put from the King and his Councel and that wee who be Ordinaries should take it upon us Or else I fear lest a grudge against the Prince and his Council in such causes of religion should gender in many of the peoples hearts a faint subjection and obedience But my Lord if in the Court you do keep such hali dayes and fasting dayes as be abrogated when shal we persuade the people to
H. hath in the H. of Salvation how remission of sins is taken accepted and allowed of God for our perfect Justification The Doctrin of the Parlament teacheth Justification for the fulness and perfection therof to have more parts then Remission of sins as in the same appeareth And tho Remission of sins be a justification yet it is not a full and perfect The Book of H. numbreth the hallowing of bread Palmes and Candles among Papistical superstitions and abuses The Doctrin of the Parlament willeth them to be reverendly used And so do the Injunctions now set forth Which made me think the Printer might thrust in an Homily of his own devise The book of H. hath words of S. Chrâ—sâ—stom aâ—ledged untruly and not after suâ—h a sort as might scape by over sight but of purpose As calling that Faith which Chrysostom calleth Hope And in place of one Sentence putteth another which should better serve the purpose of the Maker of the Homilies Now if one would reason with me that Chrysostom meant this I would deny it him as I may But I may afâ—â—rm that Chrysostom saith Not. It is but a defamation of the trâ—th And under such a Princes name as our Soveraign Lord is whose tongue in this so pure innocency hath not been defiled with any untruth I assure you I thought there was not so great hast in Homilies but they might have tarried the printing even for that only cause Truth is able to â—aintain it self and needeth no help of untrue allegations It serves only for enemies to take advantage All which i. e. Enemies use to be câ—rious to know what they may reprove And now al the eyes and ears of the World be turned towards us And as they shal have cause to talk honorably of your valiantness in the wars so they talk otherwise of that that is done in your absence if any thing be amisâ— Now I shal shew your Grace what author Erâ—smus is to be by name and special Commandment had in credit in this realm If he be to be believed the doctrin of Only Faith justifieth is a very poâ—son And he writeth by expres termes and calleth this another poâ—â—on to dâ—ny punishment in Purgatory after this life And another poison to deny the Invocâ—tion of Saints and worshipping of them And this he cal eth a poison to say We need no satisfactory works for that were to mistrust Christ Erasmus in another place conferring the state of the Church in the beginning and now he concludeth that if S. Paul were alive at this daâ— he would not improve i. e. disallow the present state of the Church but cry out of mens faults This is Erasmus judgment in his Latter daâ—es His Work the Paraphrasis which should be authorized in the Realm Which he wrot above six and twenty years ago when his pen was wanton the matter is so hauled as being abroad in 〈…〉 were able to minister occasion to evil men to subvert with religiâ—n the policy and order of the Realm These be the general words the uttering whereof to your Grace in the place you occupy were a great fault unless I would shew ye good ground and truth why to say so And therefore I am glad I do rather write to you then to have come and spake with you because my words in number might fly away whereas written words remain to be read again First as concerning the Policy and state of the Realm Whersoever Erasmus might take an occasion to speak his pleasure of Princes he payeth home as roundly as Bishops have been of late touched in pleas And such places of Scripture as we have used to allege for the state of Princes he wresteth and windeth them so as if the people read them and believed him they would afterward smaâ— regard that allegation of them And if Erasmus did truly and that the Scripture bound him so to say it were more tolerable For truth must have place but when it is done in some place untruly and in some plâ—ce wantonly to check that estimate it can be no good doctrin among people that should obey And this book of Paraphrasis is not like the other expositions of Scripture where the Author speaketh in his own person For Erasmus taketh upon him the Evangelists persons and Christs person and enterpriseth to fit up Christs tale and his words As for example where the Gospel rehearseth Christs speech when he said Give to the Emperor that is the Emperors By which speech we gather and truly gather that Christ confessed the Emperor to have a duty Erasmus writes it with an IF after this sort IF there be any thing due to them Which condition Christ put not to it but spake plainly Give to Cesar the things which are Cesars and unto God the things that are Gods And I write the very words of the Paraphrasis as they be in English for I have the book with me And so shal no man say that I misreport the book The words be these Render therfore unto Cesar if any things appertain unto Cesar. But first of al render unto God the things that appertain unto God Meaning that it is no hurt unto Godlines if a man being dedicate unto God do give tribute unto a prophane prince altho he ought it not These be the words in the book ordered to be set forth Wherin what needeth Erasmus to bring in doubt the duty when God putteth no doubt at al. It were too long to write to your Grace every fault This one I put for example where Erasmus doth corrupt Christs words with a condition which Christ spake not The other places of raylings would encumber your Grace overmuch But as I write your Grace shal find true that whatsoever might be spoke to defame Princes government is not left unspoken Bishops be more gently handled Erasmus maketh them very Kings of the Gospel and calleth the true Kings of the World Profane Kings Bishops have the sword he saith of God given that is to say the Gospel Profane Princes as he calleth them have a sword committed unto them and by Homer he saith be called Pastors of the people This matter is within the compas of the Paraphrasis if it be not left out with a commendation also of Thomas Becket of Canterbury in excommunicating the King of the realm that then was by implication for the manor of Oxford which the King as he rehearseth then withheld It may be the Translator would have left this out But Erasmus pen in those dayes was very light Moreover them Erasmus teacheth that between Christen men is no debt or right but Charity It is a mervailous matter towards the dissolution of laws and duties And therin Erasmus doth violate Gods scripture and saith not true Thus far is the doctrin pernitious for common policy Nevertheles if he had said true let the truth prevail but the truth is not so As touching Religion in this work of Paraphrasis it is so wantonly I
had not come personally into the Parlament house those lawes had never passed And yet within a year or little more the same most noble Prince was faine to temper his said lawes and moderate them in divers points So that the statute of six Articles continued in his force little above the space of one year Is this then so great a matter to make these uproars and to arise against the whole realm Wil you take away the present laws of this Realm which be and ever have been the laws of al other Countreis also and set up new Lawes which never were but in this Realm only and were here in force not fully thirteen months And how chanceth it that you be so earnest in this Article which is directly contrary to your first Article but you know not what neither of the Articles meaneth but be persuaded by Papists to ask you wot not what But now here is the repugnance of the two Articles By your First you wil have al General Councels and Decrees observed and kept and by your Second Article you wil have the six Articles used again Then let us compare the general Councels and Decrees with the Six Articles and you shal see them aggree as wel together as black and white First it is contained in the Canons of the Apostles that a priest under no pretence of holines may put away his wife and if he do he shal be excommunicate And the six Articles say that if any Priest put not away his wife he shal be taken for a Felon If he keep her not â—til he must be excommunicate by the Canon of the Apostles And if he keep her stil he must suffer death by the six Articles You be cunning men if you can set these together Also the Councel of Nice which was the chief of al the General Councels and was celebrated more then twelve hundred years past decreed clean contrary to the six Articles For where the six Articles command al Priests to be separate from their wives Nicen Councel determined clean contrary that they should not be separated confessing such copulation to be holy and godly And the Councel of Gangrense which was about the same time so much allowed the marriage of priests that they accursed them that would abstain from the Ministration of priests because they were married These Councels vary so far from the six Articles that either you must put the General Councels out of your Book or else the six Articles Likewise concerning Private Masses the law of six Articles far differeth from the Canon of the Apostles and from the Councels Nicen and Antioch as shal be declared in the next Articâ—e Other things there be divers also in the six Articles which cannot stand with sundry old Canons Decrees and Councels So that if you wil stand to the Canons Decrees and Councels you must of force be constrained utterly to put out of your book your second Article which requireth the usage of the Six Articles But now for shortnes of time I wil come to your third Article Which is this III. The third Article WE wil have the Mass in Latine as was before and celebrated by the Priest without any man or woman communicating with him Forasmuch as there is nothing with you but Wil let your wil be conferred with reason and Gods word and then you shal se how far your Wil differeth from them both First as touching the Latine Masses Whatsoever the Priest saith in the old Masses whether he pray and ask any thing of God or give thanks to God or make the true Profession of the Faith or whatsoever he doth besides al he doth in your persons and in your names and you answer unto that which he saith sometimes Amen sometimes Et cum spiritu tuo and sometimes other things as the matter serveth For al the whole that is done should be the act of the people and pertain to the people as wel as to the priest And standeth it with reason that the Priest should speak for you and in your name and you answer him again in your own persons and yet you understand never a word neither what he saith nor what you say your selves The Priest prayeth to God for you and you answer Amen you wot not whereto Is there any reason herein Wil you not understand what the Priest prayeth for you What thanks he giveth for you What he asketh for you Wil you neither understand what he saith nor let your hearts understand what your own tongues answer Then must you needs confes your selves to be such people as Christ spake of When he said These people honor me with their lips but their hearts be far from me Had you rather be like Pyes or Parrots that be taught to speak and yet understand not one word what they say then be true christen men that pray unto God in heart and in faith The Priest is your Proctor and Atturney to plead your cause and to speak for you al and had you rather not know then know what he saith for you I have heard Sutors murmur at the bar because their Atturneyes have pleaded their cases in the French tongue which they understood not Why then be you offended that the Priests which plead your cause before God should speak such language as you may understand If you were before the Kings Highnes and should chuse one to speak for you al I am sure you would not chuse one that should speak Greek or Hebrew French or Italian no nor one that should speak Latine neither But you would be glad to provide such one as should speak your own language and speak so loud that you might both hear him and understand him that you might allow or disallow that that he said in your Names Why do you then refuse to do the like unto God When the Priest desireth any thing of God for you or giveth thanks for you how can you in your heart confirm his Sayings when you know not one word what he saith For the heart is not moved with words that be not understand But if reason wil not persuade you I wil prove what Gods word will do unto you S. Paul in the first Epistle to the Corinthians saith that whosoever shal speak to the people in the Church to their edification must speak such language as the people may understand or else he willeth him to hold his peace and speak softly to himself and to God For he which speaketh in a strange language which the people understand not doth not edify them as S. Paul saith And he giveth an example of the trumpet in the field which when it giveth such a sound that the Soldier understandeth it availeth much For every Soldier therby knoweth what to do But if such a blast be blowen as no man understandeth then the blast is utterly in vain For no man knoweth therby whether the horsemen shal make them ready or leap upon horseback or go to their standard
of Christs church in the N. Testament so long as it was pure and holy and kept from Idolatry Who was able to bring this to effect contrary both to Gods expres Commandment and the custom of al godly people from the beginning of the world until four or five hundred years after Christ No man surely could have wrought this thing so much contrary to God but Antichrist himself that is to say the Bp. of Rome To whom God hath given great power to work wonders to bring into error those that wil not believe the truth But by what means did he compas this matter By such means as were most meet for himself and as he hath commonly practised in al other matters that is to say by Sedition and Murder by Confederacies and Persecutions by raising the Sons against their Fathers the childre against their mother and the Subjects against their Ruâ—ers by deposing of Emperors and Princes and murdering of learned men Saints and Martyrs For thus he wrought against the Emperor of the East parties from Gregory II. his time until Gregory III. who at length after this condition had endured above five hundred years in a Councel held at Lions by feigned promises persuaded the Emperor of the East to condescend to his purpose as wel to receive Images into the churches as to other his requests But nevertheles the Bp. of Rome failed of his purpose For yet to this day the Christen men in the East do not allow images to stand in their churches neither the Greeks nor the Armenians nor the Indians nor none other christen men And that more is Search al the world through out of what religion soever they be whether they be Iews Turks Saracens Tartaries or Christen people and you shal not find an image in none of their churches but that was brought in by the Bp. of Rome and where the Bp. of Rome is or with in these forty years was taken for the head of the Church and Christ's Vicar in earth And at the beginning the Bps. of Rome to cloak their Idolatry pretended to have Images set up only for a remembrance to Lay men and to be as it were Lay mens books But after they defined plainly that these should be worshipped And so it encreased at length that Images were kneeled unto offered unto prayed unto sought unto Incensed and Pilgrimages done unto them and al maner of superstition and idolatry that could be devised Almighty God knoweth our corrupt nature better then we do our selves He knoweth wel the inclinations of Man how much he is given to worship creatures and the work of his own hands and especially fond Women which commonly follow superstition rather then true religion And therfore he utterly forbad the people the use of graven images especially in places dedicated to the honor of God knowing assuredly that of the having would follow the worshipping them Now thanks be to God in this Realm we be clearly delivered from that kind of idolatry which most highly offended God and we do according to the Councel Elebertyne which ordained that no Images should be in Churches And this is so antient that it was about the same year that Nicene Councel was What should â—hen move you to ask again your Images in the Church being not only against Gods commandments and the use of Gods Church evermore since the beginning of the world when it was pure from idoâ—atry but also being chargeable to the realm and great occasion of hainous idolatry But that some Papistical and covetous priests have persuaded you hereto Which care neither for Gods honor nor your damnation so that they may have any commodity or profit therby I have been very long in this Article and yet the matter is so large that it requireth much more to be spoken therin which for shortnes of time I am constrained to leave until a more occasion and so come to your eigth Article VIII Your Eighth Article is this WE wil not receive the new Service because it is but like a Christmas game but we wil have our old Service of Mattins Mass Evensong and Procession in Latine as it was before And so ne the Cornish men whâ—rof certain of us understand no English utterly refuse this new English As concerning the having of the Service in the Latine tongue is sufficiently spoken of in the answer to the third Article But I would gladly know the reason why the Cornish men refuse utterly the New English as you cal it because certain of you understand it not and yet you wil have the Service in Latin which almost none of you understand If this be a sufficient cause for Cornwal to refuse the English Service because some of you understand none English a much greaâ—er cause have they both of Cornwal and Devonshire to refuse utterly the late Service for as much as fewer of them know the Latine tongue then they of Cornwal the English tongue But where you say that you wil have the old Service because the new is like a Christmas game you declare your selves what spirit you be â—ed withal or rather what spirit leadeth them that persuaded you that the Word of God is but like a Christmas game It is more like a game and a fond play to be laughed at of al men to hear the Priest speak aloud to the people in Latine and the people listen with their ears to hear and some walking up and down in the Church some saying other prayers in Latin and none understandeth other Neither the Priest nor his parish wot what they say And many times the thing that the Priest saith in Latine is so fond of it self that it is more like a play then a godly prayer But in the English Service appointed to be read there is nothing else but the eternal word of God The New and the Old Testament is read that hath power to save your Souls Which as S. Paul saith is the power of God to the Salvation of all that believe The clear light to our eyes without the which we cannot see and a Lanthorn unto our feet without which we should tumble in darknes It is in it self the Wisdome of God and yet to the Jews it is a stumbâ—ing block and to the Gentiles it is but foolishnes But to such as be called of God whether they be Iewes or Gentiles it is the Power of God and the Wisdom of God Then unto you if it be but foolishness and a Christmas Game you may discern your selves what miserable state you be in and how far you be from God For S. Paul saith plainly that the Word of God is foolishnes only to them that perish but to them that shal be saved it is Gods might and power To some it is a lively savor unto life and to some it is a deadly savor unto death If iâ— be to you but a Christmas game it is then a Savor of death unto death And surely persuade your selves that you be
there but he receiveth death Truly Christ must be geven and received of us tyll nothing of ours be left in us but he all thing in us and we wholly in him and no part in our selfe And we say that the partaking of Christ which we have in baptisme is strengthened and augmented in the Lordes supper But ye will say the same is done what time the gospell being read or heard is received by faith So it is indede neither hath the Lords supper or geveth any other thing els but that he hath left therin things visible for the visible words of Christ be applied therin And they are not without force and effect to the saintes because they be applied by the Lords ordinaunce all whose words and ordinaunce have lyâ—e and spirite 43. Wherfore I trust that hereby men may perceive what I beleve as conserning the gevyng ministring receyving and partaking of the Lords body and bloud in the supper which doth agree right well with the scripture and with the doctrine of the auncient church So that after this manner I acknowledge Christ that is to say the partaking of his salvation to be geven and taken in the hoâ—y supper 44. If I be enquired who geveth and ministreth the Lords body I mean the lyvely participation of these things and of Christ wholly I say that Christ which is in the midst of his whose words these be Take and Eate is the chiefe and principal gever of his own selfe and the minister doth lyke service to him herein when he geveth himselfe even as he doth when he geveth himselfe in the preaching of the gospell and in Baptisme And for this ministration sake Paule justly doth write how he by the gospell had begotten the Corinthes unto the Lord and had written Christ in their harts and that he had traveled in birth of the Galathians 45. As touching the use of bread and wyne herein If I be demaunded I will answer that they be signes exhibityve that is to say such signes as do geve the things signifyed by the which sygnes the Lord doth geve himselfe being the celestial bread of everlasting life after the same maner as he gave his disciples the Holy Ghost by the signe of breathing of his mouthe and likewise as by the laying on of his hands he gave both bodelye health and ghostly health Lyke as he gave syght by the clay made of his spittle and as he did give circumcicion of the flesh and in such sort as he geveth regeneration by baptisme 46. We have an everlasting lyfe through the faith we have in the love that God the father hath toward us This faith hereunto leaneth is preserved and encreased For as much as Christ Gods sonne giveth himselfe with all his merites unto us lyveth in us delyvering us from our synnes shall raise us from the dead and bring us to a parfyt heavenly and blessed lyfe For this cause that is to say for the nourishment of thys faith it was the Lords pleasure to use herein the signes of mâ—ate and drincke and geve his fleshe spiritually to be eaten by the signe of bread to be eaten bodely and his bloud spiritually to be dronke by the signe of wine to be dronken bodely and so as it is before said he geveth in the supper the same partaking of himselfe by the signes and by his words which in the sixt of Iohn by words onley he hath set out 47. If I be demaunded what maner of joynyng may be betwyxt the glorified body of Christ and ther determinately placed and the corruptible bread here in earth conteined in a sensyble place I answer even such as is betwyxt the regeneration and the dipping in the water and as is betwyxt the Holy Ghost and the breath of Christes mouth which I do call the joyning in the covenant For so mutch as they that with a true and lyvely faith be partakers of these signes bodely spiritually receive in dede an assuraunce with an encrease of the partaking of the Lords body and bloud So they be members of Christ flesh of his flesh and bone of his bones and therby they grow more and more into the perfection of the same 48. Whosoever therfore maketh these signes of Christes presence beside the use that the Lord hath appointed them unto which is to be eaten and dronken in this sacrament bringeth men into abhominable rage and madnes to set up idolatry Neither receiveth he any thing at all of that food which the Lord geveth to his that taketh in hand to eate and drincke these sacraments without a lyvely fayth in Christ but receyveth death and dampnation to himselfe 49. Such as be altogether ungodly say I that in the holy supper they receive nothing of Christ such as have faith and yet make no difference of this meate as certain of the Corinthes which were blamed of the Apostle dyd as I cannot deny them to receive Christ in the supper through the faith which they have even so I will not say that they have eaten Christ. If so be that they do not rightly practyse their faith by the religious dyfference-making of so high misteries which is the special eatyng of this meate For such are lyke unto them which taking meate in their mouthes eyther chew it not or els let it not downe or when it is letten down digest it not so that in a little while or soone after they vomit it up againe 50. If I be enquired as concerning the Lords words This is my body what thing is demonstrate or shewed here I say that to the sences it is bread but to the mynde or understanding it is the Lords body even as in all speeches wherin insensible things are exhibited or geven by sensible signes So that the meanyng is the thing which by this signe I geve unto you is my body which is delyvered for you As the Holy Ghost speaketh of the circumcicion saying This is my Covenaunt that is to say the thing that by this signe I ordeine unto you is my covenaunt to be observed betwixt me and you c. After such sort are we wont to speake of the signes which do signifye or betoken a thing albeit they do not exhibit the thing they betoken as when we do say of the Emperours image This is themperour that subdued Fraunce that is to say he is represented by this image 51. I object or say against transubstantiation This cup is the new testament This that is to say Circumcicion is my covenaunt and the word is made flesh we may not conclude and determyne either the Cup or the circumcicion to be chaunged into a covenaunt and the Word to be chaunged into flesh We may not therfore determyne and conclude by these wordes of the Lord which in gevying of bread did say Take this is my body that there is a chaunge of the bread into the Lords body For there is no maner of such speaking no not in all the scripture that do
and ungodly behaviour of the ministers in Gloucestershire compellyd me to retourne except I shuld leave them behynd as far out of order as I should fynd the other to whom I am going unto I have spoken with the greatest part of the Ministers and I trust within these six dayes to end for this time with them al. For the love of God cause the Articles that the Kings majesty spake of when we toke our othes to be set forth by his autorite I dout not but they shal do mouch good For I wil cause every minister to confesse them openly before there Parisheners For subscribing privatly in the paper I perceave little avaylyeth For notwithstanding that they speak as ivel of godd faith as ever they did before they subscribyd I left not the Ministers of Gloucestershire so farre foreward when I went to London but I found the greatist part of them as farre backward at my commyng home I have a great hope of the people God send good Justices and faythful ministers in the Church and al wil be wel For lack of hede Corne so passith from hens by water that I fere mouch we shal have great scarsite this yere Doubtles men that be put in trust do not there dewties The Statute of Regrators is so usid that in many quarters of these partes it wil do little good and in some parts where as licence by the Justices wil not be grauntyd the people are mouche offendid that they shuld not as weâ— as other bagge as they were wount to do God be praisid yet al things be quiet and I trust so wil contynew Thus desiring God to contynew you long in health to his pleasure fare ye wel and for gods sake do one yâ—re as ye may be hable to do another Your health is not the surest favour iâ— as ye may and charge it not to farre Ye be wyse and comfortable for others be so for your self also I pray you let god be the end where unto ye mark in al your doyngs And if they for lack of knowledge then happen otherwyse then ye would the thing ye soughte shal partly excuse your ignorancie that may happ to mysse men in weighty afferes If ye se the meanes godd and yet ivel follow of them content your self with patience For the second cause when god wil be it never so like to bring forth the effect mysseth her purpose as ye know by Wise mens counsells that rulyd in Commune wealthes before you God geve his grace to loke alwayes upon hym and then with mercy let hym do his holy wil. Glouc. 6. Julij 1552. Yours with my dayly prayer Iohn Hoper Busshop of Worcestre To the Rt. Honorable my singular frynd Sr. William Cecill Kt. one of the Kings Majesties chiefest Secretories Another of the same Bishop to the same Person THE grace of God be with you for ever Amen I have wroten herewith long letters to the Councel yet not so long as the matter conteynyd in them doothe requyre I trust it wil be your chaunce to read them that the mater may be the better understand Ye know I am but an ivel Secretarie Do the best ye can they may be wel taken It is truth that I write and goddes cause Let god do as his blessid pleasure is with it I have send the maters that these two Canons Iohnsonne and Ioyliffe dislyke in writing Where by ye may understand what is said of both parâ—es The Disputation Mr. Harley can make trew relation of and how unreverently and proudely Ioylyffe usyd both hym and me For as mouch as my jurisdiction cessith until the Letters patent be past for both churches these shal be to praye you to optayne the Kings Majesties letters for my warrant in the mean tyme. For in case I do not at this tyme take accompt of the clergy in Worcestre and Glocestreshire how they have profityd syns my last examining of them it wil not be wel Also souch as I have made superintendents in Gloucestreshire if I commend not my self presently there wel doings and se what is ivel donne I shal not see the goodd I loke for Ah! Mr. Secretarye that there were goodd men in the Cathedral churches god then shuld have mouche more honour then he hath the Kings Majesty more obedience and the poore people better knowledg But the realme wantith light in souche churches where as of right it owght most to be I suppose ye had hard that there shuld be a great spoyle made of this church hyre For what can be so wel donne that men of light conscience cannot make by suggestion to appere ivel Doutles the things donne be no more then the express words of the Kings Majesties Injunctions commandyd to be donn And I darre saye there is not for a Churche to preach Goddes word in and to mynyster his holy Sacraments more godly within this realm But Mr. Secretarie I see mouche myschefe in mens hartes by many tokens and souch as speak very fere meanith crauftely and nothing less then they speake I have to good experience of it Thus god geve us wysdome and strength wyselye and stronglye to serve in our Vocations There is none that eatith there bread in the swet of there face but souch as serve in public Vocation Yours is wounderful but myne passith Now I perceave private labours be but playes nor private trobles but ease and quietnys God be our help Amen I pray you send me my jurisdiction assone as may be Worcestre 25 Octobris 1552. Yours and so wil be whylles I live with my prayer Iohn Hoper bushope of Worcestre Postscript When that I perceavyd my request for jurisdiction made before unto you upon further deliberation I thought it good to unrequest that againe praying you to make no mention of it and therupon wrote the letters to the Councel anew The cause is I send for a President to se the jurisdiction how it is gyven in the like state as I am Which pleasith me not Therefore goodd Mr. Secretarye let it pass til I write unto you again NUM XLIX A Popish Rhime fastned upon a Pulpit in K. Edwards reigne THis pulpit was not here set For knaves to prate in and rayl But if no man may them let Mischef wil come of them no fail If God do permit them for a tyme To brabble and ly at their wyl Yet I trust or that be prime At their fal to laughe my fill Two of the knaves already we had The third is comyng as I understand In al the yerth ther is none so bad I pray God soon ryd them out of this land Prowder knaves was ther never none So false they are that no man may them trust But if God do not send help sone They wil lay al in the dust Al christen men at us now laugh and scorne To se how they be taking of hie and lowe But the child that is yet unborn Shal them curse al on a
I restored to name and bloud And herein her G. doth know what extreme injustice hath been done to me and al our house And touching my person what ever was done that could be layd against me why I should be ashamed which never thought nor did in that cause I was banished for but that wherby I deserved rather great reward then any pain being so given with heart and mind to the Kings honor and wealth both of him and his realm that with no reward that was offered me great the King himself could not persuade me to do or sentence any thing against his honor and the wealth of the realm and to his damnation Here is al the cause why I suffered banishment with so great loss of those kinsfolks that were dearer to me then my life And this being done by consent of the Parlament though I doubt not against their mind the Parlament is bound afore God and man to revoke me again and especially now coming with extraordinary Commission that bringeth the establishment of your Graces Crown to the comfort of the whole realm both temporally and spiritually And this her G. may boldly say of al the time of my exile wherin God hath given me honor more then I did require or would have had if it had layn in my own choise and goods sufficient to maintain my state if ever it should be found that for any respect of persons for ambition pleasure or lucre I swarved from that I judged the honor of God and in matters of my Country from the wealth therof I am content not only to be excepted at this time but perpetually to be banished But if they prove al the contrary and that with the King your Father not only as a faithful subject but with that love also that no servant could shew to his master more nor son to his father I shewed ever to exteame more his honor and wealth then mine own goods or Country and never procured other then the wealth of the same then let them believe now that I never would come unto them after so many years absence your G. bearing the crown with other Commission than that I know surely should be to the honor comfort and wealth of your G. and the whole Country And so touching this point of my counsil that her G. requireth of me here ye have explicated how the whole matter wherin my counsil is required may be concluded For otherwise at this time I se not what might be taken nor can imagine no other so good as this way Which me seemeth God hath ordered should be taken and preferred above al other After this ye shal shew her G. if this way be not followed or deferred what I most fear And this is first that the Popes Holines being already persuaded to graunt to the stay of my journey contrary to his first Commission when her G. shewed more fervency to receive the obedience of the Church that the next Commission I shal have shal be to return back into Italy again And the cause why I fear this is that the Pope shal think by offering to her G. and the Realm al those graces that do pertain to the reconciliation of both to the church when he seeth it is not accepted with that promptnes it is offered he shal think that both afore God and man he hath satisfied al that could be required of him touching the demonstration of his paternal affection to her G. and the realm In the which the College of Cardinals peradventure wil judge that his Sanctity hath been over much bountiful especially when they hear of this my staying being made without their consent Which they wil ever take for a great indignity hearing no greater nor more urgent cause therof then hitherto hath been shewed and knowing how her G. cannot maintain her Right nether afore God nor man without having recourse to his Holines and to the See Apostolic and of whose Authority and Dispensation the whole right of her cause doth depend as some of them then would have had his Holines at the beginning not to have sent his Legate until he had been required and much more now after he hath sent and he not accepted they wil al be of opinion that he shal be revoked And then what peril both her G. and the whole realm standeth in by the reason of the Schism yet remaining it is manifest of it self And yet this is not al my fear of my revocation but that which may follow that I fear more Which is this that wheras now if I had been accepted with that promptnes and sincere affect as I was sent of the Popes Holines and that I brought with me my Person I trust should have brought more comfort to her Highnes and the rest of the Country then any stranger as the Popes Holines thought when he made me Legate so now on the contrary for the self same circumstances and causes that pertain to my Person not being accepted it shal more aggravate the cause at all times that the Realm hereafter should require to be absolved of the Schism and al other that would seek to prevail against her Graces title by the reason of the Schism for the self cause that I was not accepted returning again to Rome would take this for a great proof of the obstinate enduring in the same which al divine lawes doth most condemn So that my Person I desiring nothing more then to bring comfort to her and the realm not accepted shal be cause of more discomfort which as I say God of his mercy forbid Expounded under this maner my fear which stondeth in my revocation not for my self but for the domage that may come to her Majesty and the realm therby the same being very likely if my stay be deferred ony longer space knowing that his Holines and the College wil not suffer such indignity then you may declare withal the remedies that I thought best to be used at this time to avoyd this inconveniency And herein you may shew how the first Remedy is that the Pope and the College of Cardinals be wel persuaded that my stay here is but for a smal time and for to bring a more sure conclusion and to make the way more plain as I have caused the Popes Holines to be informed by a servant of mine sent by post shewing the tenor of the bil her G. wrote Herrye my servant Wherin was conteined that her Highnes shortly trusted that the matters of the Parlament should have that conclusion that I most desired And upon this hope that messenger had to shew his Holines that I had sent my stuf afore towards Flaunders and now also for confirmation of that hope I have sent a part of my company afore to tarry me there So that this you may say is the first remedy I can find to keep the Pope and the College in hope of a brave and good resolution One other chief Remedy is because I
know nothing can pass by the Parlament more to the establishment of her Highnes State both afore God and man then the sure establishing of these two And for this cause whatsoever lacketh to the establishing therof me seemeth I am bound to utter plainly to her G. and truly to say what doth not satisfy me in those Acts my whole satisfaction depending of the fruit that may redound to her G. and the realm when they shal be perfectly concluded And therfore herein you shal not let pass to enform her G. pleasing the same to give you benign audience as wel wherin they were not to my utter satisfaction as also wherin they satisfied me and brought me some comfort And first of al how the former Act of the ratifying of the Matrimony seemed unto me much defectuous in that the Parlament taking for chief grouâ—d the Wisdome and Goodnes of the Parents of both parties in making the Matrimony doth not follow that wisdome in the conclusion and establishing of the same Their wisdome in making it was that they thought not sufficient to conclude the Matrimony notwithstanding the consent of the parties unles by the Popes dispensation and authority of the See Apostolic the impediments of conjunction named in the lawes of the Church were taken away and it so made legitimate And hereof the Act of Parlament that would justify the same with derogation of another Act made to the condemnation of that Matrimony maketh no mention Which me seemeth as great a defect as if one should take a cause to defend which hath divers causes al concurrent to one effect wherof the one dependeth upon the other and one being principal of al the other and would in defence therof name the other causes and leave out the principal For so it is in the case of the Matrimony the consent of the parties and parents depended upon the Dispensation of the church and the See of Rome Without the which the wisdom of the Parents did not think it could be wel justified as the effect did shew in demanding the same and this is that which now is left out in the justification that the Parents have made alledging the wisdome of the two Parents the Kings of England and of Spain And if it be here said as I understand some do say that the Dispensation was asked of those Princes not because it was so necessary that the marriage could not be justified without that but as they say ad majorem cautelam how this answer cannot stand to that effect I have so sufficiently informed you that you of your self I doubt not without further declaration by writing can expound the same Therfore leaving that to your memory and capacity to fly multiplication oâ— writing this only I wil put you in remembrance of that if the Dispensation of the Pope in that matter was asked of those two Princes ad majorem cautelam which was to stop al mens mouths making pretence of justice that might have been brought forth or objected against the Matrimony unles this Dispensation had been obtained at the least for this cause in this Act should also have been made mention of the Dispensation following the wisdome of those Princes ad majorem cautelam being now more fear of pretenced justice against the Matrimony as the effect hath and doth shew then ever could be imagined by the wit of those Princes when they obtained first the Dispensation As touching the other Act of the Confirmation of the Sacraments ye shal shew also wherin it seems to me defective Which is that wheras the ground of the making therof as the Act doth express is taken to redress the temerity of them who being affected to nuelty of opinion did other take them away or abuse the administration of them against the antient and laudable custom of the Catholick church This being a very necessary and pious cause to make that Act in the prosecuting and concluding of the same I find this great defect that never being approbate by the Church that those persons which remain in Schisma should have the right use of the Sacraments but rather to such is interdict the use of them This Act maketh the gate open to them that be not yet entred into the Unity of the Church to the use of the Sacraments declaring it self how they should be mâ—nistred with relation to the time and year of that King and nameing him that is known to be the chief author of the Schism What defect this is it seemeth manifest of it self This shewed wherin both these Acts were defectuous and therby not bringing me ful comfort ye shal then expound wherin at the reading of them I took some comfort Which was that the conclusion of both was passed graunted and inacted by the Parlament So that touching the effect there could be no difficulty hereafter in the Parlament the same being now bound to the approving and observance of their own Act. And wherin they were defectuous this ought to be supplyed by the Princes Authority that is to say by her G.'s authority as right Queen To whom it appertaineth as chief head of the Parlament and of the whole realm withal in al Acts that the Parlament doth determe both to interpret that that is obscure and to supply and make perfect that which is defectuous as wel in the time of the Parlâ—ment as when it is dissolved So that now these both Acts being past by the Parlament they are brought to her G.'s hand to interpret and supply as it shal be judged by her G.'s wisdom how they may best take effect And to do the same other out of the time of Parlament or in another Parlament binding them by their own decre ratifying the mariage and the use of the Sacraments according to the form of the Catholic church to admit the authority of the See of Rome Which not admitted nother the one Act nor the other can take effect And admitting and establishing of the same both those Acts by this one reason wherin is comprized the reduction of the realm to the unity of the Church shal be established and made perfect For conclusion of al this ye shal inform her G. that as I consider daily the wonderful goodnes of God to her Highnes with al paternal care of her soul person and estate and his so manifest protection every day and by so many ways calling her G. to establish this unity of the Church in the realm wherof the breaking hath been cause of so great misery in the realm both spiritual and temporal with travail temporal of her M. and utter jeopardy of loosing her State So also I do consider what wayes the enemy of mankind Satan Qui expetivit cribrare â—cclesiam tanquam triticum hath used and continually usâ—th to let that her G. cannot put in execution that wherunto God continually doth cal her I dare be bold to say in this particular case that that the Apostle saith generally speaking of Satans
our greatest cros may be to be absent from him and strangers from our home and that we may godly contend more and more to please him Amen c. As for your parts in that it is commonly thought your staff standeth next the door â—ee have the more cause to rejoyce and be glad as they which shal come to their fellowes under the Altar To the which Society God with you bring me also in his mercy when it shall be his good plesure I have received many good things from you my good Lord Master and dear Father N. Ridley Fruits I mean of your good labours Al which I send unto you again by this bringer Augustin Benher one thing except which he can tell I do keep upon your further plesure to be known therin And herewithal I send unto you a little treatise which I have made that you might peruse the same and not only you but also ye my other most dear and reverend Fathers in the Lord for ever to give your Approbation as ye may think good Al the prisoners here about in maner have seen it and read it and as therin they aggre with me nay rather with the truth so they are ready and wil be to signify it as they shal se you give them example The matter may be thought not so necessary as I seem to make it But yet if ye knew the great evil that is like hereafter to come to the posterity by these men as partly this bringer can signify unto you Surely then could ye not but be most willing to put hereto your helping hands The which thing that I might the more occasion you to perceive I have sent you here a writing of Harry Harts own hand Wherby ye may see how Christs glory and grace is like to loose much light if your sheep quondam be not something holpen by them that love God and are able to prove that al good is to be attributed only and wholly to Gods grace and mercy in Christ without other respects of worthines then Christs merits The effects of salvation they so mingle and confound with the cause that if it be not seen to more hurt will come by them than ever came by the Papists in as much as their life commendeth them to the world more then the Papists God is my witnes that I write not this but because I would Gods glory and the good of his peopâ—e In Free wil they are plain Papists yea Pelagians And ye know that Modicum fermenti totam Massam corrumpit They utterly contemn al learning But hereof shal this bringer show you more As to the chief captains therefore of Christs church here I complain of it unto you as truly I must do of you even unto God in the last day if ye wil not as ye can help something Vt veritas doctrinae maneat apud posteros in this behalf as ye have done on the behalf of matters expugned by the Papists God for his mercy in Christ guide you Most dearly beloved Fathers with his holy Spirit here and in al other things as most may make to his glory and the commodity of the Church Amen Al here God therfore be praised prepare themselves willingly to pledg our Captain Christ even when he wil and how he wil. By your good prayers we shal al fare the better and therefore we al pray you to cry to God for us as we God willing do and wil remember you My brethren here with me have thought it their duty to signify this need to be no less then I make it to prevent the plantations which may take root by these men Yours in the Lord Robert Ferrar Rowland Taylor Iohn Bradford Iohn Philpot. NUM LXXXIV The Prisoners for the Gospel their Declaration concerning K. Edward his Reformation To the King and Queens most excellent Majesties with their most honorable high court of Parlament WE poor Prisoners for Christs religion require your Honours in our dear Saviour Christs name earnestly now to repent for that you have consented of late to the unplaceing of so many godly lawes set furth touching the true religion of Christ before by two most Noble Kings being Father and brother to the Queens Highnes and aggreed upon by al your consents not without your great and many deliberations free and open disputations costs and paines taking in that behalf neither without great Consultations and conclusions had by the greatest learned men in the realm at Windsor Cambridg and Oxford neither without the most willing consent and allowing of the same by the whole Realm throughly So that there was not one Parish in al England that ever desired again to have the Romish Superstitions and vaine Service which is now by the Popish proud covetous clergy placed again in contempt not only of God al Heaven and al the holy ghostes lessons in the blessed Bible but also against the honors of the said two most noble Kings against your own Country fore aggreements and against al the godly consciences within this realm of England and elsewhere By reason wherof Gods great plagues must needs follow and great unquietnes of consciences besides al other persecutions and vexations of bodies and goods must needs ensue Moreover we certify your honours that since your said unplaceing of Christs true religion and true service and placing in the room therof Antichristâ— Romish Superstition heresy and idolatry al the true preachers have been removed and punished and that with such open robbery and cruelty as in Turky was never used either to their own Countrimen or to their mortal enemies This therfore our humble suit is now to your honourable estates to desire the same for al the mercies sake of our dear and only Savior Iesus Christ and for the duty you owe to your native Country and to your own souls earnestly to consider from what light to what darknes this realm is now brought and that in the weightiest chief and principal matter of Salvation of al our souls and bodies everlasting and for ever more And even so we desire you at this your assembly to seek some effectual reformation for the afore written most horrible deformation in this church of England And touching your selves we desire you in like maner that we may be called before your Honors and if we be not able both to prove and approve by the Catholic and Canonical rules of Christs true religion the church Homilies and Service set furth in the most innocent K. Edwards days and also to disallow and reprove by the same authorities the Service now set furth since his departing then we offer our bodies either to be immediately burned or else to suffer whatsoever other painful and shameful death that it shal please the King and Queens Majesties to appoint And we think this trial and probation may be now best either in the plain English tongue by Writing or otherwise by disputation in the same tongue Our Lord for his great mercy sake
pro Martyribus deprecatur fit ipse Martyr NUM LXXXVI Dr. Ridley late Bishop of London to West formerly his Steward who had complyed with the Romish religion I Wish you grace in God and love of the trueth Without the which truly established in mans heart by the mighty hand of Almighty God it is no more possible to stand by the truth in Christs cause in the time of tribulation then it is for wax to abide the heat of the fire Sir know you this that I am blessed be God persuaded that this world is but transitory as S. Iohn saith Mundus transit concupiscentia ejus I am persuaded Christs words to be true Qui me confessus fuerit coram hominibus I wil confes him before my father which is in heaven And I believe that no earthly creature shal be saved whom the Redeemer and Savior of the world shal before his Father deny This the Lord grant that it may be so grafted established and fixed in my heart that neither things present or to come high or low life or death be able to remove It is a godly wish that yee wish me depely to considre things perteinyng to Gods honor and glory But if ye had wished also that neither fear of death or hope of worldly prosperity shuld let me to maintein gods word and his truth which is his glory and true honour it wold have liked me very wel You desire me for Gods sake to remembre my self Indeed Sir now it is time for me so to do For so far as I can perceyve it standeth me of no les daunger then of the los both of body and soule And I trow then it is time for a man to awake if any thing wil awake him He that wil not fear him that threatneth to cast body and soule into everlasting fire whom wil he fear Oh Lord fasten thou together our frayl flesh that we never swarve from thy Lawes You say you have made much sute for me Sir God gâ—aunt that you have not in sueing for my worldly deliveraâ—ce empaired or hindred the furtheraunce of Gods word and his â—ruth You have knowen me long indede in the which time it hath chaunced me to mislyke some things It is true I graunte For sodeine chaunges without substantial aud necessary causes and the heady setting furth of extremities I did never love Confession to the minister which is able to instruct correct comfort and enform the weak and ignorant consciences I have ever thought might do much good in Christs Congregation And so I assure you I do think even at this day My doctrin and my preaching you say you have heard oft and after your judgment have thought it godly saving of the Sacrament Which thing although it was of me reverendly handled and a great deal better than of the rest as you say yet in the margent you write warily and in this world wysely thus And yet methought not al soundly Wel Sir but I see so many chaunges in the world and so much alteration or els at this your saying I wold not a litle mervayl I have taken you for my trustie freynd and a man whom I fantasied for plainness and faithfulnes as much I ensure you as for your learning And have you kept this so close in your heart from me unto this day Sir I considre mo things than one and wil not say al that I think But what need you to care what I thynke for any thing that I shal be able to do unto you either good or harm You geve me good lessons to stand in nothing against my learning and to beware of vain glory Truly Sir herein I like your counsel very wel and by Gods grace I intend to follow it unto my lyves end To write to them whom you name I cannot se what it wil avayle me For this I wold now have you know it I esteme nothing avaylabâ—e for me which also wil not set furth the glory of God And now because I perceive you have an entyre zeal and desire of my deliverance out of this captivitie and worldly misery if I shuld not bear you a good heart in God again methynk I were to blame Sir how nigh the day of my dissolution and departure hence out of this world is at hand I cannot tel The Lords wil be fulfilled How soon soever it shal come I know the Lords words must be verified on me that I shal appear before the uncorrupt Judge and be countable to him of al my former lyfe Although the hope of his mercy is my shote ankor of eternal Salvation yet am I persuaded that whosoever wittingly neglecteth and regardeth not to clear his conscience he cannot have peace with God nor a lyvely faith in his mercy Conscience moveth me considering you were one of my family and of my household of whom then I thynke I had a special cure and of all them which were in my house which indede ought to have been an example of godlines to al the rest of my cure not only in godly life but also in promoting of Gods word to thuttermost of their power But now alas when the trial doth separate the corn from the chaff how smal a deyl it is God knoweth which the wynde doth not blow away This conscience I say doth move me to have fear lest the lightnes of my family shal be layd unto me for lack of more earnest and diligent instructions which shuld have been doon But blessed be God which hath geven me grace to se my default and to lament it from the bottome of my heart before my departure hence This Conscience also doth move me now to require both you and my freynd Dr. Harvy to remembre your promises made to me in time past of the pure setting furth and preaching of Gods word and his truth These promises although you shal not nede to fear to be charged with them of me hereafter before the world Yet look for none other I exhort you as my freynds but to be charged with them at Gods hand This Conscience and the love that I bear unto you byddeth me now say to you both in Gods name Fear God and love not the world for God is able to cast both body and soul into hel fire Cum exarserit in brevi ira ejus beati omnes saith the Psalme qui confidunt in eo And the saying of S. Iohn is true Quicquid est in mundo veluti concupiscentia carnis concupiscentia oculorum fastus vitae non ex patre sed ex mundo est Et mundus transit concupiscentia ejus Qui autem facit voluntatem Dei manet in aeternum If these gifts of grace which undoubtedly are necessarily required unto eternal salvation were truly and unfeignedly grafted and firmely stablished in mens hearts they wold not be so light so sodaynly to shrink from the maintenance and confession of the truth as it is now alas