for contribution from both But I conceive by that Site he intended the Security of the Fort it selfe For when all the Levell between that and Holland lyes so much lower that the River is kept off by huge Piles of wood lest it should overflow the Fields and Villages it had been very inconsiderate to have fortified where the Enemy tearing up the Wood-piles the very water would have besieged the Place and have forced it to yield To which danger it is not subject being seated on the higher ground Though afterwards when the Low-countreys were divided and Holland brought into the power of the Enemy that fell out which was not at first thought of the Advantage of bringing into the Fort Supplyes out of the Provinces in obedience to the King of Spaine At the same time from the councell of Twelve nominated by Alva to determine without Appeale the causes of all Delinquents in the late Tumults by reason of their frequent Sentences of Death called the Councell of Bloud William Nassau Prince of Orange Anthony Lalin Count Hochstrat Florence Pallantius Count Culemburg William Count Bergen Henry Brederod and the other Lords fled out of the Low-countreys were upon Alva's command summoned to heare their Accusations and Impeachments read by the King's Advocate and to cleare themselves of the crimes charged against them But they presently sending a Paper to the Duke of Alva wherein they denyed his Councell to be a lawfull Court of their Companions of the Golden Fleece held it their safest course at a distance to defend their Common cause The Prince of Orange made suite to the Emperour Maximilian and implored his and the German Princes Assistance that by their Authority the Difference wit the Duke of Alva might be composed Unlesse perhaps he did it that under pretence of making his Peace the Spaniard might not looke into his preparations for a Warre Nor did Caesar or the Princes of the Empire deny their Patronage to the Low-country-men But the Duke of Alva answered to the Letters written by Maximilian and to the Duke of Bavaria's Embassadour whom the rest of the German Lords as one respected by the King had chosen to represent their Desires to the Governour that he did not this of himselfe but by command from the King and so hastning their cause to a Hearing yet expecting the number of dayes given for their Appearance when within that time none of them came in the Duke of Alva according to the power deputed to him by the King in that case to heare and determine pronounced the Prince of Orange his Brother Lewis and the rest that were summoned by Edict guilty of High Treason and confiscated their Estates Likewise he put a Spanish Garrison into Breda a Towne of the Prince of Orang'es and taking his Son Philip-William a Child of thirteene yeares old from the Vniversity of Lovaine where he was a Student sent him into Spaine where under the name of Catholique Education the name of Hostage was concealed This the Prince of Orange seemed passionately to resent execrating with continuall and publique Exclamations the cruelty used to a boy of thirteen whom neither his own Innocence nor the priviledges of the Vniversity of Lovaine could protect from Injury Yet many upon very good Grounds conceived his Son's Captivity was pleasing to this subtill Prince measuring all things by his own Advantage For if the King of Spaine prevailed and consequently he himselfe should lose all he had yet his Majesty might be mercifull to the boy bred up a Spaniard but if as he hoped it should otherwise fall out he had a younger Son Maurice Companion in his Father's Fortune and Heire to his Estate By the said Councell of twelve all such were particularly condemned as the Duke of Alva upon Examination by Inquisitours sent through the Provinces found to have violated Churches or holy Pictures or to have assembled at Sermons Consistoryes and turbulent meetings or to have conspired against the King either by wearing Cognizances and owning the names of Gheuses or by taking Armes or lastly by assisting the Rebells with their Endeavours Counsels or Forces Yet the wiser sort thought this to be an unseasonable Course and that rather till the Heads had been cut off the Body should have been gently handled and laid in a sleepe lest if it should be in motion that agility might easily decline the blow made at the head With the like fury the Duke of Alva commanded them to pull down Culemburg-House Where the Gheuses first received their Denomination and upon the place setting a Marble-pillar writ upon the Basis as a monument to posterity in foure Languages these words In this Area stood the House of Florence Pallantius ruined in memory of the execrable Treason hatched therein at sever all times against Religion the Roman Catholique Church their King and Countrey This Spectacle was rendred more horrid by the late newes from Spaine that Prince Charles was imprisoned by the King his Father's command and that Florence Momorancy sent as you have heard into Spaine by the Governesse was by warrant from the King a Prisoner in Segovia It was thought the same objections were against him that were against his Brother Count Horne but the Prince lost himselfe by his Favours to the Low-countrey-men Indeed the Judgement upon Montiny was certainly known he being condemned a yeare after to lose his Head but the cause of Prince Charles his Death which hapned in this yeare the more uncertaine and obscure it was the more litigiously do Writers strive to examine it most men having a naturall Ambition to search into Secrets and passe by things before their eyes Whatsoever I my selfe have by my Industry discovered that concernes Prince Charles I shall impartially unfold not regarding the conceptions of others Charles prince of Spaine was of a furious and violent nature and noted to be so from his Childhood at which time being presented by some Hunters with Levorets he killed them with his owne hands that he might have the pleasure of seeing them gaspe and dye The Venetian Embassadoâ—r tooke notice thereof and from thence made a Iudgment of the Child 's barbarous inclination with as much probability as long agoe the Areopagites censured the Boy that put forth the eyes of Quailes This I have read in the Letters touching the Affayres of Spaine writt by the said Embassadour to the Senate of Venice And the Prince himselfe dayly manifested the truth of these coniectures by his cruell and monstrous disposition not being at many times Master of himselfe as the Archbishop of Rossana the Popes Nuntio affimed writing to Cardinall Alexandrino And the Child grew more headstrong by reason of his Father's absence and the indulgence of Maximilian King of Bohemia who with his Queene Mary Daughter to Charles the fifth governed Spaine for King Philip. This his Granfather Charles the
against the Enemies or at home in private Tiltings and for shooting in a piece at marks an art of great account with that People second to none Besides he had a naturall affability and which is rare a Popularity consistent with Nobility But he was particularly famous for the late victory at S. Quintins a great part whereof the King acknowledged himself engaged for to Count Egmont and for a later day at Gravelin since when the Low-Countrey-men had not wiped the enemies bloud off their swords In which expedition asmuch as he transcended the other Lords that had command in the Army especially the Spaniards so much with all forreiners but them he gained glory to his Nation and to himself the favour of others by his own to them So that if a Governour for the Low-Countreys might have been voted by the souldiers love and the peoples consent no man should have been preferred before Count Egmont But on a deeper sea and with a more popular wind sailed the Prince of Orange The greatness of the House of Nassau equall fortunes the principality of Orange subject to none besides his other large possessions both in Germany and the Low-countreys and his powerfull alliance to most of the great families of the North his mother Iuliana being a woman of a miraculous fecundity for of her children whereof the greatest part were daughters she lived to see one hundred and fifty that asked her blessing Add to this his own merit his dexterity of wit and staiedness of judgement far riper then his years and his abilities both as an Ambassadour and a General Then the great opinion the Emperour Charles the fifth had of him who employed him in his weightiest affairs Upon these and such like considerations how could the Prince of Orange go less in his hopes then to be Governour of the Low-countreys a place which his cousen Engelbert Count of Nassau enjoyed about an hundred years before Yet doubting the Kings inclination he had divided his suit that if he himself should meet a repulse yet Christiern Dutchess of Lorain might prevail whose daughter he hoped to marry intending for that was his drift that his mother in law should have the Title but he himself the Power And indeed the Dutchess of Lorain was every way capable of the place as being daughter to Isabella sister to Charles the fifth and having merited the favour of her cousen-german the King by the Peace which she lately had concluded with the French upon conditions more advantagious to the Spaniard for which she was much honoured by the Low-countrey-men But whilest on such kind of considerations mens hopes and discourses were protracted and suspended behold upon the sudden came news That Margaret of Austria Dutchess of Parma was sent for out of Italy to govern the Low-countreys Which though it happened unexspectedly yet could be no wonder to such as rightly judged For on the one part it was in reason to be thought the King at that time would not easily trust the government of the Low-countreys in the hand of a Low-countrey-man Such as looked into it might see cause sufficient Particularly Count Egmont had a bar by the unhappy memory of Charles Egmont Duke of Gelder who being of the French faction and a professed enemie to the House of Austria Charles the fifth confiscated his Estate and forced his heir to render Gelderland and Zutfen And divers reports going of the Prince of Orange's Religion in which kind a suspicion onely was enough to quash his sute the King would be sure never to commit the Low-countreys to the faith of one gracious and powerfull with the Germane Hereticks both as a neighbour and a kinsman which might open them a pass into the seventeen Provinces Nay even to the Dutchess of Lorain the rumour of a Treaty of marriage betwixt her Daughter and the Prince of Orange was very disadvantagious in her pretension to the government though it made more against her that she had married her sonne Charles Duke of Lorain to the daughter of Henry King of France For they say Bishop Granvel advised the King to look to it lest if she were Governess the French coming in mixt with the Lorainers might pester the Low-countreys Perhaps he himself being a Burgundian gave his Majestie this counsel for fear the Burgundians should be subject to the Lorainers their ancient enemies Or rather finding the King inclined to the Dutchess of Parma he endeavoured to express his zeal in preferring her and so to predeserve her favour But to choose her there was a concurrence of many reasons Before I Particularize them let me speak a little of the Dutchess her self and give you an account of her birth and education together with her deportment before she came to govern the Low-countreys Since the best Historians use not onely to describe the Actions but likewise the Fame of Persons and are tied by the rules of History not to omit the Characters of their Lives and Manners Margaret eldest child to Charles the fifth born four years before he was married had a mother of the same name Margaret Vangest as long after it came to light daughter to Iohn Vangest and Mary Cocquamb of Aldenard persons of good quality in Flanders Both which dying of the sickness left Margaret then but five years old to her fathers dear friend Anthony Lalin Count Hochstrat who with his wife Elizabeth Culemberg bred her as their onely child When she was grown a woman not onely as a great Beauty but as one that consecrated her beauty with modestie she was pretended to by many noble Suiters But she dashed all their hopes with the rub of chastity intending within a few dayes to be a Nun. In the mean time being invited to a Wedding and dancing there among other young Ladies of her qualitie she found by too late experience that such as expose their beautie set to sale their chastity especially if a great Chapman be at hand For the Emperour Charles the fifth in his passage by Aldenard honouring this wedding with his presence Margaret that came along with the Countess of Hochstrat surpassing all the other Ladies in his eye was highly commended by his Imperial Majestie who while he commended seemed to long for her Insomuch as one of his followers of that ging of Courtiers that have no way to merit their Princes favour but by slavish arts catched her up in the dark and brought her to the Bed-chamber By her the Emperour had this Margaret we write of The Business was many years concealed by Cesars command especially because the same Courtier accidently had told him that he took a great deal of pains to perswade the Virgin but could not get her for his Imperial Majesty without force and threatning At which the Emperour was so moved that giving the man a sound check for it he vowed if he had known as much before
Hannibal was Generall for the Carthaginians against the 〈◊〉 because they knew it would be of great concernment that such as were to read the actions of Rome and Carthage should penetrate into both their counâ—els to understand things rightly and to make a far different judgement betwixt the Articles of Leagues and Complaints of Ambassadours and betwixt the justice of the war in generall Taught by these great examples I have thought it worth my pains before I handle the Low-Countrey war of far longer continuance then the war of Carhage accurately to search and distinguish the causes and beginnings Especially because in these affairs so diversly censured in many mens letters and discourses I can promise out of the peculiar helps I have had a more exquisite and certain relation It is not to be doubted but the liberty which people have long enjoyed if it be entrenched upon or invaded will cause insurrections Nor is it unknown that the government of the Low-Countreys came very near the form of free cities by the indulgence of their Princes who had made them by many and liberall Charters though not absolutely free-States yet more then common subjects especially those of Brabant into which Province we know great bellied women came from the neighbour countreys to lie in that their children might enjoy the priviledges of Brabant You would think the husbandman had chosen this for a nursery for his plants and after they were grown up and had sucked their first moisture from that earth then they were removed carrying along with them the endowments of that hospitable soil From hence many writers derive the pedigree of their miseries that the Spanish souldiers contrary to the Kings promise were kept so long in the Low-Countreys that fourteen Bishops added to four which they had antiently the episcopall jurisdiction seemed to be encreased with breach of priviledge to the Provinces that there was an endeavour to bring in new Inquisitions of faith and to impose an universall form of judicature upon the Low-Countreys which how they were the beginning of causes of their rebellion with my best care and judgement I shall now unfold King Philip had used his Spanish souldiers against the French nor did the Low-countreymen complain of it as a grievance But the war being ended when he had sent a great part of his army out of the Low-countreys his Majestie retained yet 3000 over which the Prince of Orange and Count Egmont had the command with shew of honour but indeed to take off the odium of a forreinâ—armie by the popular names of their Generals But it could not take it off For on the one part the Generals themselves appeared to be discontented with the honour such as it was Nay the Prince of Orange prompted the Low-countrey men not to suffer that remainder of the Spaniards On the other part the Spanish souldiers were so imperious and quarrelsome as it often happens especially in the Towns where they are quartered that it did not a little exasperate the minds of the inhabitants so as the Spaniard grew to be hated and the King himself ill spoken of almost through all the Netherlands Which mutuall aversion as I shall never impute it wholly to the Low-countreymen because they saw the promise deferred of calling away the souldiers with whom they had daily quarrels so I shall not easily condemn the Kings delay for continuing them in garrison partly because his sister the Governess advised him to have a care least if he disbanded the Spaniards the bordering cities might be encouraged to spoil and waste the Marches partly because he himself as he was of a jealous nature suspected the Low-countreymen had a plot in pressing him to free them of forrein forces And the more earnestly indeed contumaciously that they reminded him of his promise the more slowly and cautiously the King thought good to proceed But whatsoever cause the King or the Low-countreymen had yet he satisfied them in this particular For a little more then a year after his departure from the Low-countrey the Spaniards were sent for away and all those stirs and popular tumults vanished in a moment So as they that make this the cause of the Belgick troubles have found out a very sleight one The multiplying the number of Bishops was a far stronger motive to rebellion especially for that after the death of Paul the fourth it was thought fit to change the orders he had made concerning the revenues of their Bishopricks and they were to be endowed as it pleased the Popes Nuntio in the Low-countreys and Piâ—s the fourth at Rome and that Bishops should succeed in place of some Abbots when they died and should have the name estates and honours formerly enjoyed by the Abbots so as in the mean time nothing should be remitted from the strict discipline of the Monasteries But whether it was the multiplication of Miters or the endowing of them it is not to be imagined how ill it took in the Low-countreys with all degrees of men The former Bishops as well the Low-countreymen as their Neighbours complained That by setting up new ones those had their Jurisdictions confined to narrow limits these that they were not onely straitened in their limits but likewise in the revenues of their Bishopricks especially since this had been determined at Rome without hearing of the parties therein concerned The Nobility were aggrieved that Bishops should come in place of Abbots because being a degree higher they would be far more potent and therefore it would not onely derogate from the Lords Temporall but also from their liberty Nor should they dare to speak freely in the great Councel of Estates when those men were present whom they knew as bound by oath to the Pope would draw all businesses to Rome Neither was it for the Kings service that they should bear all the sway who were the Bishop of Romes sworn servants But no complaints were bitterer then the Abbots and Monks because none seemed juster That they were deprived contrary to all precedent of the right and power to choose an Abbot out of their own Order that there ought not to be set over Religious men that had a certain Rule and form of life men ignorant of Religious Discipline that indeed the means and authority of Abbots would pass to the Bishops but the care and trouble remain with some of the Monks that truly at present such men were advanced to those Offices as were eminent for piety and learning but hereafter those rich Deodands should be exposed for prey to some of the Princes followers and flatterers Besides these common objections two more were in almost all mens mouths That by the creation of new Bishops the privelledges of Brabant were infringed and by degrees the tyrannie of the Spanish Inquisition would be introduced The latter whereof because it raised particular troubles I shall speak of it
Philip whilst all the Nobility were in exspectation of the imployment the Dutchess made choice of Philip Croy Duke of Arescot not because he was bred up in Germany with Charles the fifth as she declared her self at the Consult and therefore was likely to be well received by his brother Ferdinand But because he was an enemie to the Prince of Orange his faction she honoured him with that Embassage that others might follow his example on like hopes of honour Yet the Prince of Orange resolved to be present at the Dyet as a private man pretending business with the Elector of Saxonie about his wifes portion and with the Emperour concerning his Estate And though the Governess would not without the Kings consent approve of his journey yet he departed in such hast as he would not tarry till his wife was brought a bed Who three dayes after was delivered of a daughter that was christened by her appointment with the ceremonies of the Church to the great satisfaction of the Governess Montiny having twice had audience of his Majestie prepared for his return and when he took leave the King whilst he commended to his care the state of the Low-countreys as it were upon occasion of discourse began to fift him and charged him by his faith and sinceritie virtues he had found in him to deal plainly what he thought was the cause of those Grievances and Heart-burnings of so many in the Low-countreys Montiny though he said he knew nothing whereof his Majesty had not been long since informed yet as farre as he could conjecture the reasons partly proceeded from the new Bishops put upon the Provinces without the consent or privity of their Governours therefore the people believed they intended to bring in the Spanish Inquisition partly out of the hatred conceived against Cardinall Granvel from the highest to the lowest so implacably that it was to be feared that at one time or other it would ingage the people in an insurrection The King replyed that all this was indeed known to him but that he admired the Low-countreymen could be moved with such vain rumours For seriously no other cause brought him to augment the number of the Bishops but onely the necessity of his people and the Councell of his father Charles the fifth And that was not concluded so secretly or suddenly as the Marquess of Bergen could tell him who had given his advice therein and commended his design when he waited on the King into England at his Marriage with Queen Mary And that for his own part it never entered into his mind by that adjunction of Bishops to impose the Spanish Inquisition upon the Low-countreys Nor had Cardinall Granvel ever perswaded him to do it or was so much as acquainted with that purpose of his Majesty till he sent Francis Sonnius his Embassadour to Rome He likewise assured him they were much deceived that hated the Cardinall as conceiving him by private information to asperse the Lords for he did never attempt it neither had his Majestie himself at any time discovered in Granvel any malicious inclinations which if he should hereafter find in him or any other of his ministers of State he never should indure them But howsoever he hoped shortly to be in the Low-countreys and then to satisfie both his own person and the Provinces desires Montiny thus dismissed by the King returned to Bruxels in December and reading to the Councel his letters which contained the Kings pleasure for settling the intricacies of the Exchecquer for assistance in future to be sent to Charles King of France and specially for defence of Religion he added of himself many arguments of the Kings affection towards the Low-countreys but to little purpose For in Montinies absence they had conceived still greater jealousies The Prince of Orange and some others reasoned against the promises made by the Embassadour for they rather trusted their own reall or to justifie their discontents pretended intelligence from their private friends in the Court of Spain then the professions made either by King Philip or his sister Their indignation was augmented because Montiny told them the French accounted them Patrons of the Hugonots About which scandall they passionately expostulated with the Governess affirming it was onely forged in the Cardinals work-house The Dutchess declared her self of a contrary opinion and shewed them it was rather invented by the French hereticks and rebells who to advance the authority of their faction would have the ignorant believe the Low-countrey Nobility were of the same sect To conclude they being more and more exasperated because the Governess would not displace their Competitour that feared not their plots or envie but proposing to himself onely the Kings favour respected this Iove alone despising the other petty Gods as if a man could be onely struck with a thunderbolt and could not be killed by the hand of a common souldier or that Ioves lightning were not fed by the baser elements the Prince of Orange and Count Egmont particularly agreed to write letters to the King against Granvel in the name of all though all were not consenting perhaps because the Governess had formerly scattered among them seeds of dissention perhaps some of the Lords therefore differed in opinion because they were not chief of the Conspiracy Indeed the Duke of Areschot pressed by Count Egmont as they were hunting to joyn with the rest denied to set his hand against the Cardinall or to prescribe the King how he ought to use his servants and it proceeded so farre that at last the Duke concluded he would receive the Law neither from Count Egmont nor the Prince of Orange to neither of which he thought himself or his family inferiour The Counts of Aremberg and Barlamont then present were much troubled at the accident and lest it might come to more then words turned the discourse to another subject Nor was there lesse heat between Count Aremberg and the Prince of Orange upon the same occasion Of both which passages the Governess certified the King But though by these Lords example and for private reasons many withdrew from the conspiracy Yet were letters directed to the King signed by Count Egmont the Prince of Orange and Count Horn a Copy whereof which the King afterwards sent to the Dutchess I give you verbatim out of the French Originall Sir We are infinitely sorry that we are at this present inforced to presse upon your Majesties great affairs but as well the account of our service which we ought to give as the mischief undoubtedly impending will not suffer us longer to be silent especially because we hope this our intimation as free from any passion will be received by your Majesty so graciously and with such remembrance of us as we your affectionate servants have indeavoured to deserve We likewise beseech your Majesties pardon if we write later then the exigence
Emperour Charles the fifth His corps a little while after was carried to Besanâ—on and buried in his fathers Monument The man is particularly remarkable to the favourites of Princes because without the help of flattery for about fourty years with unspotted fidelity he mannaged the principall affairs of a great Court and being once outed from his fall rebounded with ease and rose higher then before because he was gracious with a Prince that suffered him a happiness seldome known to enjoy both favour and freedom to the last But our present History bears older Date The Governess in the mean time bent her endeavours to maintain Religion which she heard went to decay in many places for the King by Armenterius enjoyned her that in the first place and since then wrote many effectuall letters to the same purpose Indeed that King Philip did more then pretend to be carefull of Religion the letters about a hundred of which I have written with his own hand or in cypher to the Governess do clearly testifie Wherein he never used dissimulation as in those that were read to the Councel by the Governess but discovered to his sister without reservation all his necessities fears and secret thoughts And in these private Letters he so earnestly commends and commits unto her the protection of Religion that he plainly declares it was to be her master-care and all other Interests whatsoever should give place to it Nay many times he instructs her how to hunt out Hereticks and trace them to their holes His Majesty likewise had Catalogues of their names which I have by me enclosed in his Letters so exactly taken as every ones condition neighbourhood age and stature is to the life described that truly it is wonderfull how a Prince distracted and diverted with such a multiplicity of State-affairs could have the leasure to inquire out for the most part obscure people which a private man could hardly get time to turn his thoughts and hand to And by this means as often as Catholicks fled out of England into the Low-countreys in whose behalf the Governess wrote to the King with incredible celeritie besides his Pensions bestowed upon Priests of that Island which for the cause of Religion lived as banished men in the Low-countreys he divided among them sometimes 2000 Ducats at once sometimes more sometimes less alwayes something Incouraged by this royall bounty some Colledges of that Nation were begun to be settled to the great good of Catholicks in Spain and the Low-countreys The Governess therefore of her own accord and by the Kings command laboured to preserve Religion and having the Nobility particularly obliged to her for her late favour she dispatched letters to this effect to the Bishops and Governours of Towns which exceedingly awaked their industry And now the Hereticks were carried to prison and put to death which terrified many and those that died were often reconciled to the Church At Rupelmond a Priest that was turned Heretick when he saw no hope to escape out of the Tower wherein he was imprisoned fell upon a desperate designe of firing the next room in which the Records and Monuments of the Provinces were kept supposing that while the guards were busied in preserving things that concernd the publick he might get away He acquainted his fellow-prisoners which were nine with the plot and now the Tower was in a flame which the souldiers presently extinguished and the Priest being taken was with the rest of his companions but a little more happily executed For openly renouncing his Heresie before the multitude that was assembled to see him die twice he cursed Calvin and all the contrivers of Heresie and bad the good people take warning how they came near that plague-sore which the Devil had sent from hell to infect mankind and so professing he died a Catholick his head was struck off The Governess left out none of these passages in her Letter to the King not doubting but they would be welcome to a Prince desirous of such news But at Antwer matters were carried somewhat more tumultuously Christopher Fabricius was to be executed who forsaking the Order of Carmelites married in England and had corrupted some citizens of Antwerp with hereticall opinions When the Executioner brought him to the stake to be burned suddenly as the faggots were kindling a showre of stones cast from what hands was not known fell upon the place the Hangman seeing his own danger if he stayed yet resolving not to leave the condemned man to the people whipped out his sword and when he was half burned killed him then leaping down among the souldiers saved himself in the crowd The mutineers thus defeated of their hopes gave over for the present either unable to master the souldiers or conceiving they should stir to no end the prisoner being dead Yet the next day some of them lighting upon a woman who they said first discovered Fabricius they made a ring about her railed and threw stones at her and had killed her but that she fled and hid her self in a neighbours house The same day Verses were posted up in the Market-place writ in bloud to this effect That there were in Antwerp some that vowed shortly to revenge Fabricius his death whereof vvhen the King had knovvledge perhaps vvith some addition to the truth and manner he severely commanded his sister not to let crimes of that nature escape long unpunished And her Excellence causing one of the stone-casters to be hanged for the rest as they vvere all of the basest sort of people vvere either fled the Tovvn or lay there concealed quieted the City for the present rather by Terrour then Punishment But at Bruges the very Senate offended at the same time far more contumaciously if vve credit a Spanish Monk vvho lay then privately in Brugeâ— and sent intelligence into Spain For the Inquisitour by his Deputy the Pretour of the Tovvn delaying to assist him for fear of the Senate had sent an Heretick to prison guarded by three Officers the Senate presently commanded those Officers to be seized and committed them close prisoners to be kept vvith bread and vvater till themselves had spoken vvith the Governess and this vvas proclaimed by the Crier in the Market place the Heretick in the mean time being released a grievous vvrong both to Religion and to the Inquisitour The Senate did not in very humterms acknovvledge their contempt but posting to the Governess complained to her of the tumult that undoubtedly vvould have been raised by the Inquisitour in a City that vvould not suffer the Breach of any of their Priviledges if they themselves peradventure by a sharp but yet by a safe remedy had not opportunely pacified the peoples minds What vvas done herein by the Governess or vvhat she ansvvered to the King after she received his letters by the Monk I find not These and the like
attemps as I conceive moved the Governess to consult how the Decrees of the Councell of Trent against Hereticks lately brought into the Low-countreys some of which were not yet clearly expounded might be there observed For the King having many times wrote letters to her wherein he shewed himself displeased with the Hereticks boldnesse and the connivence of the Bishops and having commanded his fathers Edict to be revived which had long lyen dormant the judgement being translated to Ecclesiasticall persons The Governess replyed that although it would be very seasonable in regard that many of the new judges and inquisitours had not been more ambitious of their places then timerous in them yet she said the Edict could not possibly be executed if the Councell of Trent were received by authority whereof the cognizance of these causes was transferred to the Ecclesiasticall Tribunall Besides that when Pope Pius had spent the most part of this year one thousand five hundred sixty four in proposing and bringing in the decrees of the Councel earnestly commending their use and patronage to Christian Princes it pleased the King of Spain to be the first that gave his assent not onely out of his Majesties native piety but likewise because that Councell was called at the request of his father Charles the fifth when he was at Rome and therefore he conceived the maintenance thereof descended upon him by inheritance But whilst his Majestie first took order to establish the Councel in Spain and then wrote to his sister to do the like in the Low-countreys something happened at Rome which it was thought would alienate the Kings mind from the Pope and consequently that no farther regard would be had of the Councel either in Spain or the Low-countreys For there was an accidentall Dispute in the Councel of Trent whether the French or Spanish Embassadour should take place this would not indure the other should precede him nor would he suffer this to his equall The controversie was for that present time composed the Spanish Embassadour being honourably seated apart from all the rest But when the Councel was ended upon the desire of Lodwick Requesenes King Philips Resident at Rome that the precedencie might be determined Pope Pius it being in re odiosa first began to put it off and then advised Requesenes to give over the contest finally he perswaded them severally and in private to referre the cause wholly to the sacred Colledge of Cardinals in the mean time they were to forbear the ceremonie of coming to the Popes Chappell his Holinesse supposing the contrary factions of the Cardinals would be a means to make the suit depend for a long time and free him of the necessitie and so of the envie of giving sentence For as he said very handsomely a Prince should imitate Iupiter who according to the old tradition of the Thuscan Soothsayers hath two kinds of thunder-bolts the prosperous he himself useth to shoot but for the unfortunate he calls a Councel of the Gods Notwithstanding when mens minds are inflamed they are like horses at full speed hard to be stopped and both the Embassadours took it ill that the Pope so delayed them especially Henry Ossellie King Charles his Resident who thought himself by this means in a manner equalized especially fearing least the contention might be ended now as formerly it had been in Ferdinand the Emperours Court where it was resolved the French and Spanish Embassadours should take place of each other by turns which caused the French Embassadour to leave the Emperours Court and this perhaps might be a president for the Court of Rome But the Pope that the ceremonies in his Chappel might not any more be intermitted at last upon the sacred day of Pentecost commanded that next the Imperiall the French Embassadour should take place Whereat Requesenes in a fury after he had in the Popes presence taken publick notice of the injury in his masters name by his Majesties command left Rome This businesse held many in suspence what king Philip would do particularly concerning the Councel of Trent which the Pope was so earnest with him to settle in his Dominions and it exceedingly troubled the Dutchess of Parma because she governed the Low-countreys which among all his Maâ—esties Dominions lay most open to the invasion of Hereticks and therefore the Pope most of all desired that the Councel should be first established there The Governesse therefore doubtfully exspected the Kings pleasure in his next letters and withall was somewhat more slack in punishing Hereticks and some were absolutely of opinion the Councel of Trent should be no more heard of in the Low-countreys This rejoyced the Hereticks who jeered the wisdome of the Pope that found so seasonable a time to provoke the Spaniard by whom if the Councel were refused what Kingdome would obey the Canons made at Trent Though some upon the same premises concluded otherwise and said the Popes justice was not shaken either by hope or fear nor did they doubt of the Kings piety and constancie or that a private offence could move him to put the Councell out of his Protection which if he should do the French would not fail to undertake it if it were but onely because the Spaniard had rejected it And behold Letters came from King Philip which acquainted the Governess that the Dispute was ended but farre otherwise then he conceived the equity of his cause or his observance to the Pope deserved That he had therefore called away his Embassadour from Rome where he might not appear with honour that being the last private businesse he was likely to have with his Holinesse but for the publick or his service and obedience to the Pope and the holy Apostolick See from which he would never depart he had commended those to Cardinall Paceco Patron of the Spanish at Rome with whom she should hereafter transact all businesse appertaining to the designation of Bishops and establishment of Religion for defence whereof as likewise for propounding and imposing the Councel of Trent upon the Low-countreys it was fit her care and endeavours should not be slacked upon any cause whatsoever And indeed the King having thus declared himself she would easily have brought it in if she had not stumbled at the threshold For desiring the advice of those that had the care of souls and of the greatest Casâ—ists in the Universities and likewise putting it to the suffrage of the Senate they voted against the Councel and advised her not to propound the Decrees containing certain heads repugnant to Monarchy and the Priviledges of the Subject unlesse the said heads were excepted And this they urged more freely and peremptorily because they imagined such confidence could not but be acceptable to the King which under the pretence of liberty served the Princes ends and yet excâ—sed the Prince from any fault But the King whom the Governess in every thing
consulted liked it not and therefore made answer It was not his pleasure in propounding the Councel to his Subjects any thing should be excepted lest Rome a Citie apt to prejudicate should from thence have matter of censure and other Christian Princes that looked upon Spain occasion of imitation For that which is said in the Councel touching Sovereignty and Subjection was sufficiently considered when the publishing thereof was disputed in Spain where all those difficulties were discussed And as at that time no exception was taken but the Councel absolutely proposed onely with a little moderation to be used in the practice so it should be in the Law-countreys whither he had sent a copie of the Spanish Proclamation that his Subjects throughout all his Dominions might obey him by one rule The Governess according to his royall Mandate beginning to be active and indeavouring to put an end to what she had in the Netherlands begun how sad a commotion followed in the end of the next year when the people to the ruine of many broke out into Rebellion I shall in its due place commemorate In the mean time the Governess seeing the difficulties of the Exchecquer and Religion to increase and that she could get nothing of his Majestie by Letters resolved to send some great man her Embassadour to the King and looking upon Count Egmont as one that besides the Nobilitie of his birth and his experience in the affairs of the Low-countreys she did believe would have all things granted to his great and acknowledged merit her Excellence designed and in the beginning of the year one thousand five hundred sixty five with the advice of the Senate sent him into Spain And Count Egmont willingly undertook the imployment because as he said to the Governess and she informed the King by the opportunity of this publick Embassage he should dispatch hi own private businesse with his Majestie Having therefore received large instructions with the consent and hopefull exspectation of all many of the Nobilitie for honours sake bringing him on the way he set forward the same day that Francis Hallevine Lord of Zeveghem returned from Germany whither he was sent by the Governess in the name of King Philip to the Emperour Maximilian his Empresse and the Princes of Germany to condole the death of his father that religious Prince the Emperour Ferdinand which the Emperour Mazimilian took extreme kindly and made great promises of service to his uncle At this time the Prince of Orange had by Princesse Anne of Saxony another sonne called by the name of the Prince Electour her father Maurice This is the Prince Maurice whom we must often mention not without the commendations of a valiant and cautelous Generall who being chosen by the States Confederate in the place of his father lately killed after he had for two years commanded the Hollanders as a Prince though by another name which is commonly the end of long Governments dyed of grief conceived at the siege of Breda when he saw it must inevitably be taken The Governess wrote to the King that the child had all the Orthodox rites of Baptisme but that which most troubled her was on his Christening day they delivered him in tutelage to the Prince Electour Augustus Duke of Saxony and Philip Landgrave of Hessen both Lutheran Princes in whose names two Lords infected with the same heresie were his Godfathers For even in this likewise the Prince of Orange who alwayes acted two parts had something Catholick and something Hereticall to please both sides still attending their severall fortunes as a neuter In the letters the Dutchesse informed the King what jealousies and reports were raised by the message which she had communicated to the Senate touching the meeting that was to be upon the borders of Aquitaine between Katharine of Mediâ—es Queen-mother of France governing that nation joyntly with the King and her daughter Isabella Queen of Spain For King Philip by his letters had commanded his sister to assure the Low-countrey Lords that nothing more was intended by that interview then the satisfaction of King Charles and his mother being in their progresse come so near the confines of Spain To the same purpose he either wrote or sent Embassadours to most of the Princes of Europe not so much as any Lord of Italy or Spain or any one Minister of State but was by instructions from King Philip acquainted with the occasion of that conference Yet all this took not away the Low-countreymens fears and jealousies but rather increased them many especially Hereticks being apt to believe that the Queen mother did not this out of love to her daughter but to lay the foundation of some great design against the hereticall factions and the disturbances of both Kingdoms which they suspected the rather because it was rumoured King Philip would be there in person And indeed when Queen Isabella moved him to add to their contentment his presence I find by his letters to the Governess that he was pretty well inclined to the iourney though she diswaded him and said it was below the Majesty of so great a Prince to trust himself to the power of the French at that time when partly the French Kings minority partly the condition of a Quen-regent made the subjects so contumacious towards their Governours Yet his Majesty replyed that if he were sure his presence were necessary for the good of Religion he was resolved for Gods cause to decline no trouble or danger whatsoever Yet consenting to the going of his Queen and commanding Ferdinand Count of Toledo and Duke of Alva to wait upon her and present in his name to the King of France the Order of the Golden-fleece he himself went not either diverted by many cares having then as he wrote to the Governess received intelligence that the Turk besieged Malta or else to give his resolutions with greater authority at a distance which I suppose was the cause why he left it not in his wife's power to determine any thing before she had by her letters advised with him But at this enterview so highly celebrated in the writings of all Scholars even of the Poets themselves when in so great state and glory King Charles and the two Queens met at Baion the French sleighting the Spanish pride with greater pride all that was concluded the more secretly it passed onely in presence of the Duke of Alva with the more confidence do some writers as if they had a blank before them fill up the space with wit and deduce from hence strange secrets of State Omitting such divination out of the letters which I have written in King Philips own hand to his sister about that conference this I know The Queen of Spain for divers weighty reasons no doubt by the command of King Philip had desired her Brother and Mother whom it
corrupted with heresie to be made Devils and numbered among the slaves condemned to eternal torments And although Princesse Mary could not prevail with the Mother in her suit for these boyes yet a few years after God gave her the same number of that sex and it is probable that her desire of breeding up anothers children to be Gods servants was recompensed by God himself with as many children of her own Nor will I omit a memorable passage that happened in the same Port where one of the Kings ships by accident was set on fire not farre from the Admirall where the Princesse was aboard And while some strove to quench the flame and some to save themselves and their goods she running out of her Cabin to the Prow made a little stop and said Well and shall I lose my box of sacred Reliques presently the flame approaching near her she ran back and with a mighty courage plucked the box out of the Cabinet either forgetting or despising the jewels it contained to an infinite value Presently returning again from her Cabin for the furie of the fire was not yet asswaged a Gentleman met her and stepping in with great reverence took her by the arm and beseeched her whilst she might to flie the danger But she casting a frown upon the man said Sir you were best unhand me As if she 〈◊〉 more fearfull to be touched by him then by the flame so unsuppoâ—â—â— she went forward to the Prow and the fire being presently extinguished they set sail for the Low countreys About the beginning of November the fleet arrived at Ulushing where she was received and attended by such as the Governess had sent upon the sudden news of her landing that train being augmented by the horse and foot of the severall towns through which she passed till she came to Bruxels Where all sorts of people welcomed her with greater joy and gratulation because they heard she had so difficult and dangerous a passage Octavio Duke of Parma being a few dayes before come out of Italy purposely to be at his sonnes wedding upon the next Saint Andrews day appointed by Philip Duke of Burgundy for the Anniversary feast of the Order of the Golden-fleece which he instituted and commended to the patronage of that Saint the Nuptials were celebrated at Bruxels with such magnificence as befitted the Neice to Emmanuel King of Portugall and the Grand-sonne to the Emperour Charles the fifth but likewise with such Christian Pietie as was exspected out of the opinion conceived of so religious a Lady and made good by her presence beyond all imagination Maximilian de Bergen Archbishop of Cambray married them The King of Spain was present by Didacus Gusman à Silva his Majesties Embassadour to the Queen of England commanded for this reason to take the Low-countreys in his way Embassadours of neighbour Princes were at the wedding to joy them from their Masters All the Low-countrey Nobility was there the Knights of the Golden-fleece expressed a particular contentment because about a hundred and fifty years before their Order had been founded at the marriage of Duke Philip of Burgundy with Isabella of Portugall and now at the like marriage of this Princesse of Portugall they revived the memory of that Day in all kind of shews and pleasures seeming to forget their present discontents and factions So great was the gallantry of the Lords and they so taken up with revells But after the nuptiall feast was over and the Bride and Bridegroom departed from the Low-countreys as if the Truce were ended they fell to their differences again The narration of which differences I shall wave a while till I have in reference to Princesse Mary related some passages noble in themselves but rendered more illustrious by her royall Bloud and because they equally concern her husband Prince Alexander and his posteritie which we must often mention in the progresse of this History therefore it will be the best in this place to summe them up together Princesse Mary now come into Italy was received with unusuall pomp and ceremony For drawing near to Parma she was met by two gallant troops one of Lords the other of Ladies her husband Alexander being in the head of that and this led by his Aunt Vittoria Farneze wife to the Duke of Urbin On that side such a multitude of horses and on the other such a world of Coaches vying bravery and rich Liveries that seldome hath been seen a more magnificent and glorious Show But the Princesse after she had been the second time thus entertained applyed her self to serious matters her example and endeavours in a few dayes changed the face of Parma And she her self many times having prayed to God for a Sonne to continue the name of the Farnezes accidently conceived a hope that if she took up some Orphan or beggar-boy and bred him for Charity she should compasse her desire She therefore took up one in the street and bred him in her Court and nine moneths after she was delivered of Ranucio But her hope proving as fruitfull as her self she resolved to beg of God another Sonne that she might settle the house upon more pillars and directing her prayer to our Lady in the Church called the Scala Prince Alexander by chance coming thither she turned to him and said Come Sir let us joyn our prayers to God that in obedience to his Virgin-mother he will gratiously please to give us another Sonne They prayed together with great faith and within nine moneths after she brought forth Odâ—ardo which was not the cause of greater joy in Prince Alexander then it was of admiration and reverence towards his wife at whose suit God had given him both his Sonnes From thenceforth he more and more honoured her Sanctimonie insomuch as at the battle of Lepanto boarding the enemy with more valour then caution and afterwards being reproved by Don Iohn of Austria he replyed He had at Home the Cause and Patronesse of his confidence Indeed she spent the whole time of that warre in devotion and penance for her husband But for her children because she knew they were granted her by Gods speciall favour she bent her study while she lived to season their tender years with divine precepts and when she came to die was not so earnest with her husband for any thing as to be carefull of their education using that very prayer to God which she heard was made by the Queen of France Mother to Saint Lewis In this moment of time which is my last I pray and beseech thee O Father of mankind that if my children be inclined to commit any fouler crime against thee thou wilt hasten their ends and prevent their treason against thy Majesty A prayer worthy all mother-Queens that would have no children but such as will acknowledge God the
by reason of King Charles his Edict commanding that none should be raised in France All this the Governesse knew by private letters out of France Lastly at the very same time in the Consistorie of Antwerp letters were read dated at Constantinople from so many and so remote places were the Low-countreymen incouraged to rebell either out of malice to the Catholick faith or to the house of Austria sent from Iohn Michese a powerfull man and highly favoured by the Turkish Emperour Wherein he advised the Calvinists of Antwerp and inflamed their zeal To proceed as they had valiantly begun in rooting out the Catholicks that the Turk had great Designes a foot against the Christians and shortly Philip King of Spain would be so ingaged in a Turkish warre that he would not have leasure to think of the Low-countreymen And indeed Michese spake not this at randome He was born a Iew for it will not be amisse to speak somewhat of the man illustrious for mischief and often mentioned in the history of Cyprus and other destructive warres and when he was a youth fleâ— out of Spain for fear his ill-dissembled superstition might be discovered and living long in Antwerp he was much esteemed by many persons of honour particularly by Mary Queen of Hungary then Governesse of the Low-countreys from thence impudently stealing away a maid of noble parentage he went to Venice and there had the confidence to treat with the Senate about assigning a place for the Jews in some of the Islands belonging to that Signiorie his Suit being with scorn rejected first he made a voyage to Constantinople and there married a rich Jew then he passed into Cilicia to Selimus the sonne of Soliman and finding the Prince in a vacancie of affairs or not disposed to serious businesse being altogether inslaved to his pleasures Michese as he knew all the points in the compasse of Luxury feeding him every day according to the variation of humour to the height of appetite with exquisite and new delights became one of his Minions or Privadoes by how much he excelled in the art of flatterie or the artifice of pleasures by so much he preceded all others in the Princes favour Therefore Sultan Soliman was easily intreated by his sonne to grant what the Venetians had denied a Citie and Territorie for the Iews Nay Selimus after he came to the Crown made him of his Councell of Warre much about the time when the Moors in Spain resolving to take up arms implored the assistance of the Turkish Emperour to a people of the same Religion that in hope of aid from the Turk intended a warre against King Philip. Nor was the Emperour Selimus averse from sending an armie into Spain and whilst Michese advised him to it because he saw it pleased Selimus his sonne in law Achmet who had infinitely indeared himself to Selimus by his rare policie used in concealing his father Soliman's death at Zighet he doubted not but the design would shortly take and therefore by that which I have mentioned animated his friends at Antwerp putting them in hope of a rebellion of the Moors But Mustapha and others voting for a warre with Cyprus Michese came over to their opinion and when the Emperour was doubtfull which way to incline Michese alone turned the scales and carried it for Cyprus so great was his envie to the Venetians whose incivilities and scorn he often with much passion mentioned Besides he had a foolish hope to be created King of Cyprus vainly grounding upon some words spoken by Selimus at his table And that his endeavours might be answerable to his Counsell they that wrote the historie of that warre affirm it was he that laid the plot for blowing up of the Arcenall at Venice which not onely shook the foundation of the citie and beat down the buildings round about it with a huge destruction of men but even the neighbouring towns and cities were affraid they should be shattered with that Earthquake Those that gave fire to the powder being sent from the Turk by advice of Michese to the end that so great a losse might weaken the Venetians and render them in no capacitie for the warre And if a few dayes before the better part of their powder had not been shipped away for Corcyra that Citie the fairest in the world had been utterly ruined and one man had in a moment ended the warre of Cyprus So great a fire can spleen kindle in any mans bosome raised even in the midst of the water Among the Low-countreymen Michese his letters and incouragement did no little mischief For this news putting them in heart it was decreed by the Consistorie of Antwerp that whereas an opportunity was now offered to strengthen their partie they should make up among themselves as great a summe as possibly they could to be ready upon all Emergencies which was with great zeal immediately put in execution At which time Count Hochstrat Lieutenant Governour of Antwerp for the Prince of Orange sent a Petition to the Governesse delivered him by the Hereticks of that citie wherein they desired libertie of Conscience for themselves and their brethren for which they offered the King three hundred thousand Florens which was supposed to be the Artifice of some that they might with lesse suspicion go to and fro to gather money and in the mean time both deceive the Spaniard that would be easily tempted with so much gold and likewise their own partie that would more willingly open their purse for obtaining the free exercise of Religion then for the maintaining of a warre Unlesse perhaps that vast summe was offered to set forth the greatnesse of their faction And therefore many copies of the Petition were sent about the Provinces subscribed by the Gentlemen and Merchants that ingaged for payment of the money thereby to advance their reputation and to fright the Governesse with so great a power But her Excellence nothing moved with the vain noise of their wealth did not so much as vouchsafe an answer to Hochstrat The Petition it self she sent to the King to quicken him upon so many provocations In the interim she her self knowing all that passed in their Consistories and Assemblies when she saw that divers of the Conspiratours believing the news of the Kings coming grew very fearfull thought it best to make her advantage of that fear and therefore writing letters to them full of affection and confidence instructed the messengers to make them large promises to some which she knew were no enemies to Religion she wrote letters upon those blanks the King had sent her signed with his sign Manual wherein suiting her words to the times she exhorted them to defend the Cause of Religion to keep the people in their antient Duty and Obedience and these were to be so delivered that they should not be altogether concealed
the remainder of the publique Composition-money Hereticall Temples built in diverse Cityes she commanded to be pulled downe which the people did with so good a will that at Gant which is almost incredible a great Lutheran Synagogue in one houres space was levelled with the Ground You would think these were new Cityes and new People which a few months before having been zealous to the cause and stood Body and Soule in defence of the Hereticall Party were so changed as to offer their service in pulling downe of their Temples as if that could excuse Indeed they destroyed the Monuments and Memoriall of their Fault with such speed especially in the Province of Flanders that the beames of the Churches which they ruined served for Gallowses to hang their late Worke-men and Audience Thus the fire kindled by the peoples discontents blowne to a flame by the Bellowes in the Pulpit fed by the Emulation of the Lords and finally scattered abroad by the faction of the Gheuses devouring and destroying the Lowcountries was so damped and extinguished by the Governesse that Religion and Obedience were every where restored the Hereticks restrained by punishment or forced to fly the Country some few getting their Pardons others forfeiting their Estates and living in Banishment so as the Covenanteers were reduced to poverty and the wallet that is they were made true Gheuses and at last all the Lowcountryes enjoyed their antient Peace and Tranquility One thing amidst so many happinesses did not a little afflict the Governesse who observed that multitudes of Lowcountrymen which could not make their peace frighted with report of the Army comming out of Spaine daily left their Habitations and to the great dammage of the Cities carried away their Merchandise Manufactures and consequently the Gaines into other Nations Wherefore she had often intreated his Majesty that either he would give her Authority to pardon and settle the Provinces or else which she thought would be best to come himselfe among his Subjects now quiet and willing to obey not terrifying them with an army but receiving them to mercy And the Later of these two Courses the King indeed in many of his Letters to the Governesse promised to make use of But how he came to alter this reall or pretended Resolution and in stead of Coming in Person to send Ferdinand Toledo Duke of Alva his Lieutenant thither because it was the great businesse of Spaine and for a whole yeare agitated at the Councell Board I will here with my best industry give you a full view of those Proceedings The Governesse from the very begining desired the Kings Presence and wrote out of her experience of the present Evill and her foresight of a greater yet to come that it was incurable without an Application from his Royall Hand which the Lowcountrymen would take for a Favour lest they should be forced to indure torments inflicted by a Servant Many Spanish Lords of the Councell were of the same Opinion nay Pope Pius the fifth wrote Letters and sent Peter Camaianus Bishop of Asculum to perswade him to passe with an Army into the Lowcountryes where no doubt his presence would compose the Motions of his Subiects and timely prevent the private Designes of some great Persons But if in such a precipitate Mischeife he should either delay his going or act there by any of his Ministers of State he much feared the Lowcountryes might change their Religion and the King lose the Lowcountryes His Majesty upon these and the like Advises from the Netherlands Spaine and Rome resolved to go in person Commanders were listed Shipping provided and his meniall Servants that were to attend him named And lest this warrelike Preparation might be get a Ielousy in the minds of princes his Majesty satisfied them by his Ambassadours of his true Intent in that Expedition against the Lowcountrymen The King of France was desired to giue the Spanish Army Passage through the Provinces of Narbon and Lions To Emanuell Filibert Duke of Savoy upon whom he much relyed the King sent Iohn Acugnia to advise with him what time by what way he he would direct him to bring his Army and which were the most dangerous Places for Ambuscadoes and to intreat him to send his Majesty a Chart exactly describing the Cityes Forts by which every day his Souldiers were to march with the locall intervalls dimensions who therfore desired the whole Country between Savoy Burgundy might be accurately measured and put in Colours to which end Gabriell Cueva Duke of Alburcher Governour of Millaine should send him Captaine Campin an exquisite Enginere with a painter and a Surveyer lest his Majesty might might upon the way encounter any thing new upon which he had not preconsidered But the more earnestly and formally the Particulars were requested the lesse they were intended for Security being only to amuse the world and in all these Punctualityes and curious Accommodations for his March there was nothing of substance all meerly Show and Colour Nor can any man perswade mee that King Philip a subtill and ambitious Prince would at that time leave his chiefe strength when he found some beginnings of the Rebellion of the Moores and was inwardly so much offended with his Son Charles Prince of Spaine For should he take his Son along into the Low-Countries and bring the Lords a Patron for their cause which the Prince was thought privatly to favour or leave him behind and trust him with Spain which it was likely he would involve in Tumults when he was left to himselfe whose fierce nature even his Majesty could hardly moderate in the time of peace But the King concealed these Reasons and with new Preparations fed the Rumour of his Voiage thereby to keepe the Lowcountry-Lords in more obedience and to have the fairer Pretence to put off the Emperour whom the Lords as it was said meant to make Arbiter from interessing himselfe in the businesse of the Lowcountryes and by the fame of an Army to deterre others from fomenting the Faction of the Gheuses The King was hâ—lpen in his dissimulation by a quartan Ague which holding him long was thought to be the Cause of his Delay especially for that he still continued his care and provisions for the Voiage Though some of his nearest Servants knowing all this to be but Pageantry suspected his Ague likewise to be fained But when the King was recovered and that by Letters from the Governesse his Majesty was certified of the Rebellion of some Townes and Danger of all unlesse prevented by his Coming quickned with Griefe and Anger he made all things ready with such formall Hast as not a Servant in his Court no not the Lowcountry-Embassadours the Marquis of Bergen and the Lord Montin thaâ— had often Laughed at the Comedy of the Royall expedition did now doubt the truth of it
England to his Marriage with Queene Mary at his returne he created him Knight of the Golden-Fleece and made him Grandvenâ—ur or Justice in Eyre and Governour of Haynolt In which Province because he seemed not according to his duty seriously to advance the Catholique cause though he himselfe was seriously a Catholique the Governesse was then much displeased with him and a few months after his Decease being for the same attainted of High Treason he was condemned by the Duke of Alva The Governesse receiving the newes of his Death speedily that is within eight dayes written as I said from the Prince of Ebolo immediatly before the Report could be divulged sent Mandevill with a select Company of Fire-locks framing a Letter to the Lady-Marquesse of Bergen That she heard the Hereticks of that Towne offended with the late Edict endeavoured some Innovation therefore she had in haste dispatched Souldiers to guard her and the City to make them the welcomer had chosen out of her Ladiship 's Vncle Beavor's Regiment Captaine Mandevill whom She had commanded to receive Orders from her Ladyship Her Husband 's Death she mentioned not lest it might lessen the Favour and move a suspition of the thing intended But when she sent away the Captaine being a man of approved Fidelity she discovered to him that hee was in the King's name to possesse himselfe of the Towne He should indeed serve the Lady-Marquesse in any thing that might be for her safety but if she refused his Souldiers or commanded them to depart the Towne he must tell her he could not doe it without acquainting the Governesse In the meane while by writting Letters and expecting Answers he should spinne out the time till his Majesty expressed his absolute pleasure For the Prince of Ebolo from the King and afterwards the King himselfe had writ to the Governesse that she was to bring the Marquesse's cause to a Triall and if he were found to have been privy to the Tumults and Rebellion his Estate should be confiscated otherwise it should descend to his Heires The King added in his own Hand That whereas the Marquesse had declared his Sister's Daughter his Heire who was said to have no good Catholique Education the Governesse should find meanes to get her out of her Father's hands and breed her till she were married to that Kinsman unto whom the Marquesse had by his will disposed her The City she forthwith seized but the young Lady her Mother was a great while fearefull to deliver And after the Governesse had been present at the Procession wherein the Body of our Lord and Saviour was carryed through Antwerp then solemnized with more exquisite preparations and Pompe then ever and followed with such multitudes and Reverence that one would thinke they had not so much as conversed with Hereticks her Excellence leaving Count Mansfeldt and 13. Companies in the Town with the rest and a great Traine of Lords returned to Bruxells there to expect the Duke of Alva whose coming every day more afflicted her and many that loved him not aggravated her distaste telling her that by his Pride all which she had with so much paines and wisdome reconciled and composed would be presently put into confusion and he would make Troubles which it might be thought he was come from Spaine to quiet whilst the Honour Settlement only due to the governesse would by his vaine-glory be numbred among his Triumphs The Governesse therefore not only expressed to the King her Resentment in her Letter by Gaspar Robley but likewise writing to the Duke of Alva to congratulate his Arrivall at Millaine she let him understand the State of the Low-countryes and wished him to advise whether it would not be a greater Act of prudence to disband part of his Army then by those unseasonable Forces and Expences to irritate the Low-countryes which were now reduced to Obedience such a Remedy in most mens Iudgements being too strong for the Disease But the Duke of Alva pretended the King's command And the Prince of Ebolo by Robley who was dispatched from Spaine about the end of Iune answered her That the King was carefull of his Sister's Estimation purchased of all the world for governing the Low-countryes with so singular wisdome in so dangerous times taking Cityes subduing Rebels and at length vigorously reducing all the Low-countryes to their Religion and Loyalty Nor was Alva sent to rob her of any part of that glory wholly appropriate to her Highnesse but that by serving her with his endeavours and counsells what was gained might be preserved with lesse troubles to the Governesse and no envy that could reflect upon her for punishing of Delinquents But nothing so much satisfied her as the King's-Letter sent by Lopius Gallus after Robley's departure wherein giving thanks to his Sister for so industrious and wise an Establishment of Peace he said he would shortly better expresse those thankes in person longing exceedingly to be an Eye-witnesse of her vertue And among other commands injoyned her to have in readinesse at least eight Sayle of Ships to meet him whensoever an Expresse came of his weighing Anchors And the Governesse in good earnest provided the Shipps the Senat decreeing that for the King 's happy Voiage publique Prayers should be made which neverthelesse his majesty meaning to stay at home needed not as some said comparing him to Tiberius Caesar who gave out from day to day that he would leaue Rome and suffered the Empire diverse times to make the like supplications for his good Journey and Returne long busying the Roman Provinces with that Expectation But the beliefe of the King's Expedition was to be maintained with such new Scenes or else the Play would have been spoyled Howsoever the Duke of Alva equally distastfull to the Nobility and the People would have been much worse received by the Low-country-men if they had not perswaded themselves by these appearing hopes that the King himselfe would shortly follow And now the Duke of Alva having perfectly recovered his Health when he came to Ast tooke the generall Musters of his Army which being greater in worth then number though feare among the timerous had multiplyed the very number he found to consist of 8700. Foote and but 1200. Horse For the Duke cared not for multitude which commonly is a hindrance to the March but desired to have stout men and valiant hands not many names meaning afterwards to increase them more opportunely in the Low-countreys where without danger he might adde to his old Army as to a body strong in nerves and bone as much young flesh that is untrained Souldiers as he pleased The Foot in a manner all Spanish he distributed into foure Legions in regard they were raised out of foure Provinces commanded by so many Spanish Colonels conspicuous for their abilities in warre Alphonso Vlloa
the Governesses Hand retired to Culemburg-House leaving the Pallace to the Governesse The next day he sent her the Kings Letters and a Copy of his Commission wherein the Command in Chiefe for the Militia of the Lowcountreys was conferred upon him the administration of civill Affayres remaining wholly in the Governesse The same day waited on by a great traine of Horse and his House-hold Servants he went in that state to visit her Excellence the Courtiers that found the Governesse was or would have had her discontented observing how they looked at this first Ceremony Indeed the Governesse that had for some dayes before the grudging of an ague having made an offer of going forward to Receive this stranger pretended her Fitt or else it was thought to come very opportunely to take downe Alva's Pride who in publique omitted no Complement or Veneration due to the Daughter of Charles the fifth and Sister to his King but when they were alone he produced somewhat a larger Commission not only giving him power over the Militia but Authorizing him to fortify what Places he thought fit to displace Magistrates and Governours to examine and punish the causes of the late Tumults And when the Governesse demanded if he had any further Instructions he said yes a few more then could be opened at one meeting but according to future Emergencies they should be imparted to her This Answer seemed not to move her she then commended the Kings designe in case it were so handled that Peace newly restored to the Lowcountries like a tender plant were not spoyled with diging too deep about it She added that she thought it would do well if next day Copyes of the King's Letters should be read in Senate which was done accordingly But writing to the King she complained that the Duke Alva should come with such absolute Authority and so great an Army that being greatly preiudiciall to her Honour this to the newly settled State of the Lowcountreys For already about 100000 men were fled out of the Provinces carrying their money and goods into other Princes Dominions either fearing to be oppressed by Forreiners or dispairing of mercy or thinking to avoid future calamity One thing both comforted her and the people that is the King 's Coming who was so certainly expected by the Lowcountrymen that foure dayes before she had sent into Spaine Wacken Admirall in the place of Count Horne with nine Ships well manned to attend his Majesty but if peradventure he should alter his determination and thinke it better to deferre his voyage till another time she humbly from her soule beseeched him that he would please of his goodnesse to free her that now for nine yeares had governed the Lowcountries from further care and charge of those Provinces But that which made her much more earnest in the same suit was the suddaine Imprisonment of Count Egmont and some others The Duke of Alva resolved to begin his Governement with the Attaindours of some of the Lowcountrey Lords that when the eminent persons were removed the People might have nothing whereon to fix their eyes At first therefore he carried himselfe obligingly to the Lords in particular to Count Egmont by whose example he aymed to bring in Count Horne that stood upon his guard and was desirous to heare of Alva's Beginnings at a distance They say when presaging his owne death he shunned the sight of Alva Count Egmont chid him for his feare and undertooke he should be no worse used then he himselfe The Event shortly verifyed these his ominous words But when Alva saw that Count Horne was wrought upon he sent for Hochstrat and the rest of the Lords to Bruxells to consult about regulating the Common-wealth and he set forth but being newly recouered of a Sicknesse whilst his Coachman went an easy pace as he was Commanded hearing what had hapned hee droue back againe with a powder The rest of the Lords came to Bruxells the ninth of September That very day the Duke appointed two Captaines Andrew Salazar and Iohn Espuc without tumult to arrest Iohn Casembrot Lord of Backersell one of the Covenanteers who could in all probability make the greatest Discoueries as being Secretary to Count Egmont The Colonells Count Alberick Lodronio and Sanchio Londognio received Orders on the same day to bring to Bruxells Anthony Strall Consull of Antwerp one very intimate with the Prince of Orange And lest the City wherein he was one of the most popular and richest men should mutiny and rise in his behalfe Alva desired the Governesse to write to the Magistrate of Antwerp that the Consull was sent for to Bruxells to aduise with the Duke of Alva concerning the State of Antwerp she did so and Lodronius after he had taken the Consull delivered the Letter to the Magistrate who fearing himselfe made them lay him in a Cart couered with many Pieces and packs of Cloth but he was scarce out of the port when Lodronio advertised by a Spye seized on him While these things were acting the Duke at Culemburg House sate in Counsell with the Lords Areschot Egmont Horne Mansfeldt Aremberg Barlamont There was present Ferdinand Son to the Duke of Alva Vitellius Serbellonius and Ibarra Alva purposely spun out time in Consultation expecting newes of the taking of the Consull and Cassembrot and therefore sent for Count Paciotto into the Senate to resolve them about the platforme of the Castle at Antwerp When he knew his Commands were executed he dismissed the Lords As the rest were going out the Duke tooke Count Egmont aside as if he had private businesse with him and many Commanders shewing themselves out of the next Roome Alva said Egmont I arrest thee thou art the King's Prisoner in his name diliver up thy sword The Count struck at the suddaine Arrest and seeing such a Company of armed Men about him yielded his sword saying and yet with this I have often not vnfortunately defended the King's Cause adding noe more words the Captaines had him into a drawing Roome At the same time Count Horne was by the Dukes Son who seemed to waite upon him downe the Stairs commanded to resigne his Sword and yeild himselfe Prisoner to the Duke of Alva by the King's Command immediately the Captaines that stept in disarmed and carried him to the other side of the House In the meane time Sanchio Avila Captaine of the Dukes Lifeguard had drawne up his men to Culemburg-House and secured the Streets the City being amazed not knowing what this Face of Terrour meant But when they understood that Egmont and Horne were imprisoned by the Duke of Alva at first Griefe tooke away the People's Tongues then they found the Duke of Alva's Plot and were angry at Egmonts Credulity Many said that in the Captivity of those Lords the Lowcountreys were inslaved This wrought in them a greater admiration of the cautelous Course
foure Lords being tyed to Stakes and their Heads set upon Poles were left in the Fields and the same course was afterwards taken with the rest For the next day in the same place foure Gentlemen more suffered the same death in which number was Villers and Dui Commanders lately taken at the Battaile of Iuliers and though both of them dyed equally good Christians yet not with equall sense for Villers publiquely protested that Alva had condemned him to free himselfe of the Obligations Villers had laid upon him but his Judge himselfe should not long be unsentenced Contrarily Dui gave humble thanks to the King and the Duke of Alva for that end and prayed the people to pardon and pray for him Likewise at Vilvord Anthony Stral late Consul of Antwerp Casembrot Secretary to Count Egmont and others imprisoned for the same Fact were in the same manner condemned and beheaded The Provost-Marshall that gave order in the Duke of Alva's name for their Execution was Iohn Spel a great stickler in Causes of Life and Death who a while after being found guilty of many hainous crimes was by the Duke of Alva's command hanged up to the great Joy of the Low-countrey-men But these punishments seemed only to usher in the Death of the two Counts the last Scene of whose sad Tragedy was acted with a great Terrour to the Spectatours and which the Authour wishes had not been with their greater Indignation The Counts Egmont and Horne had now been prisoners for nine months in the Castle of Gant In which time I find all possible meanes used to the Duke of Alva to the King to the Emperour to the Princes Electors and to all the Companions of the Golden-Fleece without whose joynt consents it was pretended none of the Order could be put to death But they that most earnestly sollicited the cause were Mary Momorancy Sister to Count Horne and Sabina Palatina of Baviâ—r Count Egmont's Lady And indeed her Petition sent into Spaine by Octavio Duke of Parma and his Wife Margaret of Austria cannot well be read by any one without commiseration Either where she remembred the King of the Customes observed in the causes of his Companions of the Order quoting the Lawes and instancing Examples or where She puts him in mind of the severall painfull services done by her Husband even before he was 18. yeares of age both for the Emperour Charles and for King Philip himselfe The many undaunted hazards of his Life at Algiers in Gelderland and in his warres with France Lastly she humbly prayed his Majesty to be mercifull and not suffer an unfortunate Mother and eleven innocent Children with so sad a losse and Disgrace to wander through the World a miserable and continued example of humane Calamity Notwithstanding the King's Advocate proceeded to the Examination of witnesses taking foure moneths of the nine to prove the Impeachment and leaving to the Prisoners the other five moneths for their defence The whole processe if I had time to give it you as it lyes by me in a volume I doubt not but I should in this place satisfie many covetous of such novities But I hold it more agreeable to the History's Honour and the Reader 's hast to set down only the heads It was charged against the Counts Egmont and Horne that they had plotted with the Prince of Orange and other Noble-men to dispossesse the King of the Low-countreys and to divide the Provinces among themselves To that end were their indeavours of expelling cardinall Granvell who looked into their Designes Nor would they leave off their Aenigmaticall Cognizances of Hoods and Arrowes the manifest signes of their Conspiracy till they had inforced his Majesty to call the Cardinall out of the Low-countreys That they did not onely know of the Covenant but that Casembrot Egmont's chiefe Secretary who had made his Lord privy to his taking of it was not only not turned away but did his ordinary meniall Service as before And Horne who was obliged as Governour of the place to have assisted the Generall Beavor sent by the Governesse to drive Villers and the rest of the Covenanters out of Tournay had consulted with the Magsitrate about the expelling of Beavor That both of them were professed Patrons to the Covenanters the Consistorians and Merchants promising them to live and dye with them That they treated at Dendermond with the Prince of Orange his Brother Lewis Count Hochstrat and some few consederates to stop the King's passage into the Low-countreys and were often present at such Meetings That they opposed not the Gheuses when they plundred Churches which Picture-scuffle was begun in Flanders Count Egmont's Province And that Count Horne had suffered some of them at Tournay to escape out of prison by name one of the chiefe Incendiaries Ferdinand Martin more then once committed to the Jayle for Sacriledge That they had not been adying to Magistrates of Townes whereof they themselves were Governours requiring their Assistance against those Violaters of holy things That they had explained the Governesse's Commands against Hereticks contrary to the Governesse's mind granted them Churches to preach in and done other things of which many Particulars were instanced contrary to the Duties of such persons as were Governours of Provinces Privy Counsellours Knights of the Golden-Fleece and Subjects to the King of Spaine For all which lawfully charged and proved against Egmont and Horne the Kings Advocate earnestly moved the Court that Sentence might be pronounced against them as Traitours their Estates consiscated and they condemned to lose their heads To this Egmont and Horne as both their causes were of the same nature premised that saving to themselves all advantages in Law which bound them not to render an accompt of their Actions to any but to the King who together with the Companions of the Order was the legall Judge over the Knights of the Golden-Fleece they answered severally but so as to the greatest part of the Charge they pleaded not guilty Many things they interpreted some they confessed but alledged they were done legally That they had consulted about changing of their Prince they absolutely denyed and Horne very much complained as if he were wronged with such an imputation As to that of consulting to barre the Spaniards entrance into the Low-countreys Egmont denyed not but that in the meeting at Dendermond some such thing was spoken by Lewis of Nassau the rest disâ—enting and therefore it was not necessary he should advertise the Governesse of a conference wherein nothing was concluded How they proceeded with the confederate Gentlemen they explained That they made some Concessions to the Covenanters the Picture-breakers and Hereticks but such as they were forced to by necessity and the good of Religion which without doubt had been otherwise subverted in Flanders wherein no lesse then threescore thousand men went armed to Sermons Nor without a Toleration would they ever have
to the Marquesse de Havre part to Goingny Caprias and Bersen dispatching them away to joyn with Oberstein's Germane Regiment at Antwerp The Town was governed by Frederick Perenot Lord of Campin the Garrison by Otho Count Oberstein both upon late differences offended with the Spanish party and therefore ready to receive the souldiers sent from the Deputies of the Estates amounting besides Count Egmonts Regiment of Walloons to the number of three and twenty Foot Compaines and fourteen Troops of Horse The Antwerpers thus recruited resolved to guard all avenues from the Castle to the Town And because the Spaniards had the Fort from whence they terrified the Town by the advice of Campin they drew a line beginning and finishing a Sconce on such a sudden that within four and twenty hours it was in some places sixteen cubits high above twelve thousand men and women sweating at the works Nor was Avila Governour of the Fort lesse diligent to call in the Spaniards at Lire and Breda with the rest that quartered nearest to him The Burgundians and some other Horse and Foot immediately marched thither commanded by Iuliano Romero Anthonio Olivera and Francisco Valdez At the very same time Alphonso Vargas came from Maestricht with his Horse though he understood nothing of these passages and almost at the same hour as it were by appointment the Spaniards of Aelst with their Electo not upon any invitation which they alwayes had rejected but as I suppose in thankfulness for the Provision lately sent them from Avila beyond all exspectation arrived They were every man received into the Fort absolutely perswading themselves that God in good time had brought them thither to revenge the Kings cause betrayed by the Royall Senate And when they had refreshed themselves with a little meat they resolved to make a sallie Onely among all the rest they of Aelst though they had marched fasting four and twenty miles and scarce drunk one cup of wine yet fierce and implacable swore They would never eat till the Town were taken These furious words were made good by their courage for upon the signall given by Avila their number was about five thousand Foot and six hundred Horse the Suttlers and Scullions bringing straw and fire behind them and casting it where it might be usefull they assaulted the enemies trenches with such violence the Fort in the mean time thundring against the Defendants that the ditch and works manned by very near six thousand men were taken chiefly by the incredible valour of the Aelostanians They entred the Town by three severall wayes so as the Citizens being amazed and the Garrison at variance among themselves whilst every one provided for his own particular the publick being neglected private ruine likewise followed And though the Spaniards advancing by Saint Michaels street were valiantly opposed by Count Egmont and his Forces yet they being untrained raw men and their Commander himself no very old souldier he was not ableto resist the Spanish Veterans who beat him with a great slaughter of his men into the Monastery of Saint Michaels where he was taken prisoner by Iuliano Romero and instantly carried to the Castle more gallantly as it seems then fortunately intiated in the first rudiments of War But the fight being renued at Court the Victory for a great while continued doubtfull For the Townsmen defended their goods and houses with much more resolution then forreiners and mercenaries so great an incouragement is wealth unto the owners Whilest they kept the Magistrates houses and at pleasure shot the Spaniards without danger to themselves sometimes fallying and presently retiring diverse Spaniards were slain among the rest Damiano Morales a Captain of great valour Till such time as Alphonso Vargas having defeated all that made head against him brought his Horse through Saint Georges street and sending them to the Market-place where the greatest croud of Citizens were gathered which part killed part maimed were forced to retreat into the Palace of Justice and the houses adjoyning Out of which places whilest they shot and interrupted the course of the Victory in an instant two of the black guard with nothing but a little straw fired the Palace though built of solid Marble and with an infinite losse of men that building one of the fairest in Europe and about eightie houses most of them full of rich wares was burned down the spoil being divided between the souldiers and the fire Then the principall Town-Commanders being taken and their stoutest souldiers slain whilest the rest either cowardly ran from their posts or more basely joyned themselves with the Conquerours and Plunderers the Spaniards possessed themselves of Antwerp which had none left to defend it And to whatsoever fury or avarice prompted the licentious souldiers they acted it upon the enemie that exceeding rich city with bloud and rapine In the mean time the Deputies of the Estates and the Senatours ignorant of these proceedings and confident as if they had secured Antwerp returned to Gant and applyed their best endeavours to the framing of a generall Association When upon the sudden news coming of the sack of Antwerp it increased beyond measure their hatred to the Spaniards and mad upon revenge they forthwith concluded their League glad onely of this that they seemed to be necessitated to it And then sending back Rassinghem who was lately come from the Court of Spain to acquaint his Majestie with the sedition and cruelty of the Spanish souldilers they by him excused the common Confederation made aginst them which forasmuch as all the Estates of the Low-countreys as well the Clergie as the Laity accounted the onely remedy to preserve the Peace of their Nation they doubted not but the times considered it would be approved of by his Royall clemency that wished the Peace and Tranquillity of his People Nor were the Spanish Commanders lesse solicitous how to possesse the King but sent a Messenger at the same time to acquaint his Majestie with the subtill practices of the Low-countrey Lords with the violence they had used to the Kings Officers even in the Senate with the usurped authority of the Deputies their summoning the Estates and likewise to set before his eyes the imminent defection of the Provinces That indeed the Spanish souldiers had offended in taking Aelst by way of Caution for their pay For which offence but especially for their long and invincible stubbornnesse they were declared enemies the Spanish Commanders never interposing in their behalf Notwithstanding they very well knew that occasion of taking Arms against the Spaniards and not paying them as well as the Germanes was the politick contrivance of some Lords But whatever end the Lowcountrey men had therein they had forborn at first to take notice of it But when they understood that a bloudy League was made against the Spaniards Souldiers out of
it a wrong to History But he never conceived an Historian might be freer then in his description of the siege of Hierusalem From whence he takes occasion to speak of the Originall and Manners of the Iews so profusely and so far deriving them even from Saturn heaping so many several things together Of Moses Of that Peoples Religion Of their Meats Of the Sabbath Of Circumcision Of the Eternity of the soul Of Balsom Of Brimstone and other specialties as if he wrote the History of that Nation And yet Tacitus keeps within compasse if you compare him with Sallust that is so frequent in Excursions Nay he himself doth not dissemble it For having taken a large and indeed unnecessitated scope at last â—ounding a retreat he sayes But I have gone too carelessely and too farre being nettled and vexed at the Manners of the Town Now I come to the matter Nor did he keep to it for all this but in the division of the King dome between Iugurth and Adherbal he amply discourses of Africa and its Inhabitants from their very beginning Again licentiously inveighing against the Manners of Rome he copiously relates the causes of Faction between the Senate and the People and with a check for his own flying out he brings himself again into the way Yet what he adds to this Digression upon the By concerning the Leptitans exceeds the other by many degrees For having mentioned the citie of Leptis when he had spoken of its Founders of its situation and Language he wheels about and for a Corollary brings in an old History not at all appertaining to the Leptitans For sayes he because following the businesse of the Leptitans I am come into this Region I think it not amiss to set down a noble and memorable action of two Carthaginians Which told neither sparingly nor timorously he goes on again But why do I quote so many Presidents when that one of Catilines Conspiracy evidently shews what liberty a Historian may assume the Writer whereof so freely digresses and hath so many Out-lets and Parergons that the additionall Matter is much more then the fourth part of the Historie Which being granted ours likewise in case it be any where redundant will I hope be fairly interpreted by the Readers As likewise that which I have not forborn whilst I compare the ancient with the modern times that is like to like Which as I am not ignorant the Latines seldome do so I know it is familiar with the Greeks Indeed Polybius not more properly the Writer then Master of History whilst he at large compares the Form and Situation of Sicily with Peloponnesus the Fleets of Carthage and Rome with those of Antigonus Ptolomey Demetrius and others of former Ages whilst he resembles the Republicks of Rome and Carthage to generous birds fighting even to their last breath to omit the rest of the same kind which if you read but his first Book will presently occurre truly he needs not fear that goes in the steps of so authentick an Example Thus having rightly premonished and prepared Thee I will no longer stay Thee at the Threshold of my Work The Historie of the LOW-COVNTREY WARRES The first Book I Enter upon the Historie of a Warre doubtfull whether to call it The Warre of the Low-Countrey-men and the Spaniards or almost of all Europe For to this hour we see it manag'd by the Arms and Purses at least by the Designes and Counsels of so many Nations as if in the Low-Countreys onely the Empire of Europe was to be disputed Wherein many I presume will be concerned to read what their Countrey-men what their Kinsmen have acted in the field The rest though unconcerned may yet desire to know from whence a few Belgick Provinces have had the confidence and strength to fight for threescore years together with a most Potent King on equall terms from whence upon the coast of Holland out of a few fisher-boats there hath sprung up a new State which growing daily stronger in Arms will now brook no Superiour by Land and can have none by Sea That in mighty fleets have sent Plantations to the remotest parts of the Earth That by their Ambassadours making Leagues with Princes carrying themselves as not inferiour to Kings have got a Principality more then ever Europe knew From whence the Belgick soil among the continuall tempests and storms of Warre such as in far shorter troubles have laid other Regions waste and barren affords so great plentie of all things as if the place were as violently bent to maintain a War as the People so that directly you would think Mars onely travels other Countreys and carryes about a running Warre but here seats himself Some indeed have fancied the King of Spain out of Policy to spin out the Low-Countrey War for as a Prince the great body of whose Empire must be spirited with a great soul they conceiv'd he trains his Militia in these Provinces afterwards to dispatch them as the Turk doth his Ianizaries into severall Climates As if his enemies should not be taught in the same school and sure it were more to his advantage their arms should rust with idleness then shine with exercise The Emperour Charles the 5th Prince of the Low = Countreys Ro Vaughan 〈◊〉 Onely thou O God of Peace and Warre for aswell the writers of as the actours in business ought to begin with Prayer do thou guide my mind and pen that not trusting in Prudence that sâ—arches humane secrets but in Wisdome that assists thy throne I may perfect a History worthy the purity of life which I profess equall to the greatness of the work I have designed nor lesse then the exspectation that hath long since called me forth THe bloudy Warre that grievously distempered Europe still continued between the Emperour Charles the fifth and Henry the second King of France to whom their fathers with their Crowns had left their enmities and animosities But Mary Queen of England immediatley upon her marriage with Philip Prince of Spain began seriously to mediate a Peace and followed it so well as this year 1555. the Emperours and Kings Commissioners met at Callice and though the exspected Peace was not then concluded yet there was laid a foundation for Peace in a five years truce Then the Emperour calling his son Philip out of England resolved to execute what he had long determined the resignation of his Crowns and be Authour of a Prodigie unknown in Princes Courts When he might reign to give it off This secret divulged through the Low-countries brought men from all parts to Bruxels and on the twenty fifth of October the day appointed for meeting of the three Estates the Knights of the order of the Golden fleece and the Magistrates The Emperour in the great Hall of his Pallace commanding Philip King of England Maximilian King of Bohemia and Emanuel Philibert Duke of Savoy to sit on
sing Prayers He often read Saints lives and discoursed of holy things more frequently then he accustomed he washed out the stains of his Conscience by Confession of his sinns and are the bread of Angels though sometimes not fasting for which he had a dispensation by reason of the weakness of his stomack granted by the Pope Nay with a discipline of platted cords so much prevailed the example of others and a mind once conquerour over it self he put himself to constant sharp penance for his former life Which Discipline King Philip ever had in great veneration and a little before his death commanded it to be brought to him and as it was stained in the bloud of Charles his father he sent it to his sonn Philip the third and they say it is still preserved among the pious monuments of the House of Austria Lastly upon occasion of those funerall Obsequies which he celebrated for his Mother on the Anniversary of her decease a new desire set him a longing if it were lawfull to celebrate his own funeralls advising hereupon with Iohn Regula a Father of the Convent and his Confessour when he told him it was though without president yet a pious and meritorious act he commanded immediately that all funerall preparations should be made A Herse was therefore set up in the Church torches lighted and his servants in black stood about it the Service for the dead being mournfully sung by the Religious men He himself surviving his own funeralls beheld in that imaginary last office the true tears of his attendance He heard the Hymn wishing him happy rest among the Saints and he himself singing with them prayed for his own soul till coming near him that officiated and delivering him the torch he held lighted in his hand with eyes lifted up to heaven he said Thou great Iudge of life and death I humbly beseech thee as the Priest takes from me this wax-light I offer so thou at last in thine own good time wilt graciously please to receive my Spirit which I commend into thy hands arms and bosome Then as he was in a loose mourning garment he lay down upon the floor all the Church beginning to weep a fresh and as he had been laid forth to take their last farwell It seems the Emperour by these feigned Rites plaid with approaching death for two dayes after his personated Obsequies he fell into a fever which by little and little consuming him the Archbishop of Toledo gave him all the supplies by the Christian Church appointed for the struggling soul and the Monks that came frequently out of their Cels into his Bed-chamber prayed God to send their Guest a happy convoy to the mansion of the Blessed and on the Eve of the Evangelist S. Matthew in the eight and fiftieth year of his age whereof he onely lived two years with a great sence of Piety and Religion he departed this life His death was attended with conspicuous signes in Heaven and Earth For a while after he sickned there was seen a blazing star in Spain at first somewhat dimm but as his disease increased so it grew in brightness and at last shooting its fiery hair point blank against the Monastery of S. Iustus in the very hour the Emperour died the Comet vanished Nor happened this without admiration in the Emperours garden sprung a Lilly which at the same time put forth two buds The one as it is usuall blowing in the Moneth of May The other though as well watered gave no signe of laying its great belly all the Spring and Summer but that night wherein the Emperours soul put off the garment of his body the Lilly suddenly breaking her Challice with an unseasonable and unexspected Spring began to blow It was likewise observed by all that this Lilly laid upon the high Altar for men to view was received as a happy and white omen Thus Charles the fifth when he had enjoyed his Fathers kingdomes fourty years the Empire six and thirty and himself two after the resignment of all these left it doubtful whether he merited more honour in so long governing the Empire and many Kingdoms or in relinquishing them all together Yet I am not ignorant this Act was then diversly censured and at this day the Emperours resignment is an argument for Rhetoricians to declaim upon in the Schools and Politicians at Court But omitting the conceptions of these men and such builders of Castles in the air I will give you the common and most probable opinions Philip the Second King of Spaine Prince of the Low-countreys Ro Vaughan sculp But whatsoever it was King Philip after his Fathers decease disposing of his new Dominions instead of Mary Queen of Hungary substituted in the government of the Low-Countreys and Burgundy Emmanuel Philibert Duke of Savoy who besides his nearness of bloud to Charles the fifth had given him many proofs of his experience in the Warrs especially in those Provinces against the French Nor were his great abilities less usefull to King Philip in the War that welcomed him to his new Principality For though the Kings Henry and Philip in the beginning of this year by the mediation of Mary Queen of England had made a five years truce at Cambray yet by reason of the Warre flaming between the Pope and King Philip the Truce within the year was broken the Spaniard laying the fault upon the French and the French upon the Spaniard King Henry called into Italy by the Caraffi embraced the specious pretence of protecting the Pope but peradventure he looked not so much upon the cause as upon the issue of the War easily believing he should conquer this new and unexperienced Prince having at more then one Battel overthrown so old a Souldier and so great a Conquerour as his Father And now the French having past the Alps under the Duke of Guise's Command fought for the Pope in Italy and at the same time entring the Low-Countreys under the Conduct of Colligni plundred the Province of Artois Whilest King Philip the Duke of Alva strongly prosecuting his affairs in Italy on the one part prevailed with his Wife to denounce War against King Henry on the other part he commanded Philibert Duke of Savoy to make an introde into France by whose valour and conduct he won that memorable Victory at S. Quintins which put all France into a shaking fit insomuch as the greattest part of their Gentry being prisoners to the Spaniard the rest marched into Italy it was the common fear if the Conquerour came on he would easily possess himself of Paris most of the Townsmen being fled to the neighbouring cities as if the Spaniard were at their gates But King Henry commanding the Duke of Guise out of Italy and raising a great Army which is ordinary in France where the children are bred souldiers he soon interrupted the
of Burgundy apperteining to the Belgick Princes when his Majestie approved and confirmed the present Governour thereof Claudius Vergius Lord of Champlitt and it was the year following when Claudius died that her Excellence of Parma by her letters to the King obtained Burgundy for the Prince of Orange The Provinces thus disposed for Brabant is never commanded by any but the Prince and his Vicegerent the supream Governour of the Low-Countreys the King began to order the Militia and leaving Spanish Garrisons upon the Borders he thought of disposing the Horse the proper Militia of the Low-countreys They say it is very ancient and was far more numerous Charles the fifth lessened it to three thousand but then he encreased it in the choise of Noble and valiant persons he armed them with half pikes and carabines which so well they handled as the Low-countrey Troops were famous over Europe Philip by his fathers example divinding the Horse into fourteen Troops appointed over them so many Commanders of the greatest of his Lords viz. all the said Governours of Provinces Courir and the Count of East-Frizland excepted Philip Croi Duke of Aresco Maximilian Hennin Count of Bolduke Anthony Ladin Count Hochstrat Iohn Croi Count Reux Henry Brederod Earl of Holland all but the last being Knights of the Golden Fleece These ordinary Troops the King used to draw out of their Quarters according to the emergencies of Warr. And King Philip by experience found these to be his greatest strength and best Bulwark against the valour of the French But the command of the Sea and the Royall Fleet he left still in the hands of the old Admiral Philip Momorancy Count Horn Philip Staveley Lord of Glaion he made Master of the Train of Artillery both highly meriting in Peace and War and therefore at the same time admitted by his Majestie into the order of the Fleece There yet remained a part of the Republick by how much the more noble and sacred by so much the more tenderly to be handled To the seventeen Provinces full of People because foure Bishops they had then no more were not thought enough the King resolved to increase the number I find it was endeavoured by Philip Duke of Burgundy Prince of the Low-Countreys he that instituted the Order of the Golden Fleece and dying bequeathed the establishment thereof to his Son Charles sirnamed the Fighter or Souldier from his continuall being in arms which altogether transported and took up the mind of this warlike Prince Nor had Philip grandchild to Charles the Fighter Son to his onely daughter and Maximilian King of the Romanes more leasure to pursue it by reason of the new troubles of the Kingdoms which he had in right of his wife Ioan daughter and heir to Ferdinand the Catholick King And though Charles the fifth sonne to Philip made it his business and put some threds into the loom yet the great distractions and war of the Empire intervening the work was often at a stand and war upon war rising in Europe and Africa rather deprived him of the means then affection to accomplish it Unless perhaps the Emperour grew slack lest the erection of new Bishopricks should straiten the jurisdiction of his uncle George of Austria Archbishop of Leige Yet among his last commands he particularly left this in charge to his sonne Philip. I my self have read a letter written in King Philips own hand to his sister of Parma wherein he sayes He is induced at that time especially to increase the number of Bishops because the Cities and Towns of the Netherlands daily grew more populous and Heresie from their next Neighbours crowded in and got ground of them and that his Fathers Counsel and Command had made deep impression in his mind who taught him this as the onely way to preserve Religion in the Low-Countreys The King therefore assoon as he was respited by the War sent to Rome Francis Sonnius a Divine of Lovain a great learned man who not long before had disputed at Wormes with Melanchthon Illyricus and others by command from the Emperour Ferdinand giving him in Commission together with Francisco Varga the Kings Ambassadour to acquaint Paul the fourth with his desires After some moneths when the business had been debated by a Court of seven Cardinals it was accordingly granted The Pope inclining of himself to destroy heresie and neglecting no occasion of gratifying King Philip to whom he was lately reconciled So that he appointed fourteen Cities in the Low-Countreys besides the foure former for Bishops-sees whereof three were honoured with the Prerogative of Archbishopricks that is Cambray Utrecht upon the Rhine and Maclin preferred before the others at the Kings request which seated in the heart of Brabant near the Princes Court at Bruxels he had designed for Anthony Perenott Granvell purposely translated from the Church of Arras thither because that mans being near the Court seemed to concern the publick In this manner the Popes Bul was penned and sent by his Nuntio Salvator Bishop of Clusino and Francis Sonnius going for the Low-Countreys who was enjoyned to see the Decree executed but in other things belonging to the revenues and limits of Jurisdiction they were to do what to themselves in their discretions seemed meet King Philip having received authority made an excellent choice of men for the new Myters all famour for the learned books they had written as likewise for their virtues and deportments in the Councel of Trent Such Bishops the Pope joyed to approve of and the people were ashamed not to admit And because the King would no longer defer his voyage into Spain he left the care of limiting and endowing the new Churches to Granvell and Sonnius for the Popes Nuntio was to follow his Majestie Before his departure the King summoned the Estates of the Low-countreys to Gant many were of opinion he would there declare a Governour for the Low-Countreys which he had till then declined though others imputed the cause of that delay to the Kings nature perplexed and doubtfull whom to trust with the Government Which procrastination daily added to the number of Competitours and to the discourses of lookers on Many of which according to their severall dependencies made sure accompt their friends and Patrons should carry it and together with this belief cherished their own hopes Divers that aimed at no private advantage did not so much named a Person as a Governour being ambitious to be Statesmen though it were but in giving imaginary votes as if they should have their part in the Government if they could but think of disposing the Provinces and fill a vancant place by predesigning him that should be chosen But Count Egmont was the man on whom the Low-Countreys fixt their eyes and wishes a Prince conspicuous for his experience in the Warrs and very active either in the field
apart But though I read the other almost in all writers yet what the words of the Charter should be whereby the King obliged himself so as that he could not augment the number of Bishops I find in no Historian For what some write that the King swears at his Coronation not to encrease the State Ecclesiasticall is not an ingenuous allegation because the Prince onely swears to that kind of encrease whereby he promises not to suffer the Clergy to receive the goods of Laymen which they call Mortmains but upon certain conditions This is far from the point in controversie therefore I held it fit to march further into their records where I found one Clause that seems to make against the increasing the number of Bishops Which condition of their priviledges unless I had resolved to be a faithful Historian I might safely have concealed because they themselvs do not mention it that have I am sure written many things in mere malice to the Spaniard For King Philip being created Duke of Brabant by his father Charles the fifth among divers Priviledges which in the Act of the Ioyfull Entry he bestowed upon that Province inserts this clause That hereafter he will not suffer any to entrench upon the Offices Lands or Goods of Abbots Bishops or other religious persons within the Dukedome of Brabant under the name of a Commendum But whilst by the Kings procurement Bishops were entituled to the reversions of Monasteries after the Abbots deceases the Brabanters seemed to have their Priviledges broken and the people had occasions offered that the proceedings which every one hated for his private benefit they might all in publick fairly declaim against by the name of Breach of Priviledge Some therefore wondered what was in the Kings mind or counsel to bring in new Bishops make a thing displeasing of it self far more distastfull and odious by taking their estates from the Monasteries And therefore they further said That if the King proceeded to violate the Propriety and Liberty of the Subject the Brahanters had cause to defend themselves and that the Prince ought to remember that when he made their Charter he articled They should pay him no subjection or obedience if he entirely performed not to them his Oath and Protestations Yet some there were of a contrary opinion and by how much they saw the King endeavour it with lesse benefit and greater danger to himself so much the more they commended his sincere religion who in this business looked upon nothing but the good of his people And indeed What was there apparent that men could justly blame the encrease of the number of the Bishops or of their maintenance As if the Bishop of Rome might not do that in the Low-countreys which he had done in Germany and in France between which two Nations in the middle lieth the Netherlands Did not Boniface Bishop of Mentz Legate for the See Apostolick in Germany when the multitude of Christians abounded in some places by the authority of the Popes Cregory the third and Zachary adde three new Bishops to the former The very like cause there was among other reasons for doing the same in the Low-countreys But what motive was in France the sacred jurisdiction of the Bishop of Tholouse was so large that one Pastor could not possible see the faces of all his Diocese and therefore it was divided into five Episcopall Sees by Iohn the 22 not onely no care taken of the Bishops of Narbon Bourges or Cahors out of whose estates both the Church of Tholouse and some of these new ones were endowed but the Bishop of Tholouse must of necessity loose much of his revenues by the division of his then rich Diocese That the neighbour Bishops ought not to have been called to Rome and heard in a business of this nature their reasons for it being onely their own profit and power is sufficiently apparent Nor were the grievances of the Lords built upon a much better ground that is they were discontented that they should be limited in their bold disputes about Religion and Monarchy by the unwelcome presence of the Prelates whom they ought to honour as Fathers and Princes of the Church and to fear them as Revengers of Sacriledge For when they alledged that they doubted the Bishops would be evil Counsellours and bandy against the King it was a pretence to cozen children with they doubted themselves that if they should appear against the King they should have these men for witnesses and adversaries that had received and hoped for more from his Majesty then ever the Abbors did Then the complaints of the Abbots and Monks were somewhat more then became them It was not without precedent that a Bishop should succeed in the place of an Abbot Let them look upon France they shall find that Iohn the xxii indowed the Bishops of Condom Vabrince and Lâ—mbere to name no more with Monastery lands And if there should want an example yet when it was granted to a Prince by the Pope that may command the Monks they might have been so modest as to teach others obedience to his Holiness They might have remembred most of their Mannors and Lordships were the bounty of the Belgick Princes which made it seem more just so as the King not making his own use or advantage of the profits thereof but onely employing them for the good and benefit of those Provinces the Abbots themselves ought to have been as willing as the Prince and contributed to the necessity of the people by so much more freely by how much that Care is more proper to a religious life and not with unseasonable exclamations have corrupted a good designe stirred up the people and alienated the Popes and the Kings mind from their patronage For the great grievance that the King had broke their Priviledges First they did not sufficiently understand the difference between a Commendum and the Annexion of Church-livings A Commendum being in the nature of a thing deposited the other given as to an absolute Lord. And therefore Commendums if the possessour die revert to the depositor as the Lord Paramount unless they be passed over to another by a new Commendum but such as are annexed do not revert but remain for ever to the Successour in that Office to which they are appendent For which reasons there is no more taken from Monasteries by annexing then was by giving them in Commendum because that which is annexed doth no more revert to Monasteries then that which was commended forasmuch as what was once commended is conferred again from one to another by the Pope to whom it reverts Nay whereas Church-livings may be commended to non-residents that cannot which is annexed to a Bishoprick For herein Religion requires the Bishops presence farre more then a Commendum so as what might have come by a Commendum to a forreiner by Annexion was retained in the
knowing how advantagious it would be to the State of the Low-countreys if things appertaining to Religion should be transacted by him in whom among other ornaments his scarlet would advance his Authority Yet notwithstanding these letters from the Dutchess Granvel assented not till he had answer out of Spain then he presently put on his Robes and so expressing his duty to the King without distast to the Governess he received honour from the one and favour from the other Besides his Pall the Popes Chamberlain brought him from Rome a Cardinalls hat which is seldome sent to any it being the custome to receive it onely in Rome Which benefit Granvel ascribed to the Dutchess with exquisite thanks not so much extolling the greatness of the bounty as the giver And he said he had cause to reverence it as the greatest of all honours because therein he adored the goodness of his Prince But in his private discourse he plainly told the Dutchess That considering the Changes of mans life he had accepted of that Dignity Especially for that if at any time he should leave the Low-countreys as he saw a storm over his head threatening him from the Lords he might have a place at Rome among the Cardinals to which he might make an honourable retreat A designe at this day hit upon by many who knowing That Power seldome grows old at Court and that Favour will as surely perish as Life are willing to be advanced into this Order not as ambitious but as provident persons that in their greatest misfortunes the Altar and the Church may be their Refuge In the year following 1562 the Civil War of France reviving the Kings commands came to the Governess enjoyning her with all possible care and speed to send assistance to King Charles against his Rebels An Account of the Management and Original of these troubles will not I suppose trespass upon your patience if I repeat briefly from the beginning not onely what before this time was agitated touching these succours but the whole Progress of those French tumults forasmuch as partly upon private discord at Court partly for that in publick which concerned Religion it was the Model of the Plot laid by the Low-countrey men with so like success of both Nations that sometimes unless you be rectified by the names of Places and Persons you would not think you read the actions of two Kingdoms but of one and the same People Moreover some part of the French Rebellion was carried by advice sent out of the Low-countreys whereof Cardinall Granvel gave intelligence to his brother Thomas Lord Cantonet Embassadour for the Catholick King in France This being therefore a business of no small importance and because I would not interrupt my Narration of the Low-countrey war with inserting that of France I shall here as the matter and place requires with no vain not tedious Digression comprehend the whole Heresie having long since poysoned France had distracted it into factions and many men contemning the old had taken up the name of the new Religion For although after Luthers pestilence reigned in Germany France had a great while kept it self free from the infection yet in the year 1533 it was attempted by some of Luthers Emissaries For Francis the first favouring learned men and learning as commonly they do whose actions are worthy of a learned pen resolved to erect an University at Paris sending proposals of great entertainment to the ablest scholars of Italy and Germany This opportunity Luther took hold of and sent Buâ—er and others of the boldest of his followers which by disputing in that confluence of prudent men might give an Essay to bring in the new Gospel Nor wanted there some that were taken with the Novelty Especially because such as were questioned for Religion had their recourse into Aquitain to Margaret of Valois the Kings sister who perhaps out of hatred to the Bishop of Rome which had been infused into her in the family of her husband Alibret whom his Holiness depreived of the Kingdome of Navarre might lie open to the cunning of the Lutherans perhaps out of ambition to be thought a Wit which she affected beyond the limits of her sex or indeed as she herself confessed some years before her death at which time she was a Catholick it was not out of the perversness of her nature but out of commiseration to the condemned persons that fled to her protection which made her so earnest with her Brother in the defence of their new opinions So that for ten years together she bolstered up Lutheranisme in France Though Francis the first was the more slow in eradicating it by reason of the Germanes and the Swisse that served him against Charles the fifth till being grievously offended with the contumacy of the men and their malice to Religion he published many Proclamations against them not onely threatning but executing his Laws untill at last he almost extinguished the name of Luther in his Kingdome But Calvins stratagem succeeded somewhat better Who immediately upon the death of Francis the first whilst King Henry was engaged in the Warrs attempted France by sending Libels from Geneva And as he found the minds and ears of many possessed with Luthers opinions so he himself set the common people agogge to understand his new doctrine and the vulgar was very proud for his Books were writ to their capacity in the French Tongue to be made Judges of Religion and as it were to passe their votes upon the abstrusest controversies of Faith Lastly as they that fall from the highest point are easily tossed from one breach of the precipice to another till they come to the very bottome having once departed from the old Religion they fell headlong from Luther to Calvin many of them not resting till having disclaimed all worship and not believing there was any God at all they finally stuck fast in the bottomless Abyss of evil And notwithstanding that Heresie first corrupted the minds of the People they being still the first that are swept away with a Plague yet in a short space it made way through the Commons seized upon some of the greatest Lords and came into the Court it self where it infected many persons of quality as that which was likely to be serviceable to the factious Nobility for winning the peoples hearts and drawing them to make head against their Competitours that grew still more powerfull with the King For Mary stuart Queen of Scots of the House of Guise by her Mother being married to Francis the second much advanced the greatness of the Guises For the King but fifteen years old had use of others service and these were fit to be employed Especially Francis Duke of Guise and his brother Charles Cardinal of Lorain he being an experienced fortunate Commander abroad and a prudent man at home this eminent for a generall Scholar deeply
learned but particularly of a subtil elocution and a Majestick kind of presence But the more these Princes by their own worth and the Queens favour were advanced the more must others necessarily be discontented that either had been or hoped to be the first in favour Principally the Bourbons and the Colligny not to name Momorancys that bore spleen to the Guises but with more civility Indeed Anthony of Bourbon besides his being the first Prince of the bloud took upon him in the right of his wife Ioan Alibret the title of King of Navarre He was a man equally tempered for the Arts of War and Peace but immoderate in his pleasures and therefore unfit to establish a Dominion Much more fierce and cunning was his brother Lewis Prince of Condè constantly engaged and exercised in the War yet with much more courage and confidence then either strength or knowledge Gaspar Colligny and his brother Andelot were of like nature but because he was Admiral of the French seas and this Lieutenant Genera◠of the Foot they were likewise in high esteem These which I have named with others of inferiour quality though there was no tie of friendship among them yet because they were all concerned in one common Interest easily conspired together And the Engine wherewith they meant to ruine the power of the Guises was by protecting the Hereticall Party who they knew hated the very name of Guise Especially some of them having now forsaken the old Religion desired to appear not onely Patrons of the Sectaries but likewise of the Sect. Among which none more boldly professed and maintained Heresie then Ioan Alibret wife to Bourbon and onely daughter to Margaret of Vallois and Henry King of Navarre This Lady because she saw her self deprived of her Kingdome of which Ferdinand the Catholick King had by arms dispossessed Iohn her grandfather excommunicated by the Bishop of Rome was transported with so implacable an hatred unto Rome and Spain and consequently to the Romane Religion which she knew the Spanish so much tendered that she spared no pains nor cost to bear down the Popes Authority and the Catholick Faith in France Heresie therefore supported by these eminent persons spread it self so far over the whole Kingdome that Henry King of France whose Armies were kept in action by the Spaniards in the Low-countreys concluding a Peace with King Philip withdrew his forces and cares to compose discords at home which threatned to break out into a Civil War But the death of King Henry hastened on the mischief For as I said his son Francis and the Queen and Queen-Mother the more they used the faithfull endeavours of the Guises against Hereticks the more they exasperated their enemies and put them on to use the proffered service of the Hereticks to suppresse their power Which moved the Queen-mother when her daughter Isabella was to go for Spain to desire assistance from her Son in Law King Philip against the Hereticks and troublers of the Kingdome To which request she received a very gracious answer with a magnificent promise of men and money Letters from the King to that effect being purposely read before some of the French Lords to strike them into a fear did rather encrease their envie to the Queen-Mother and unite them against Spain And now against the Guises and against the King himself were scattered Libels as fore-runners of the tumults which immediately followed And the Lady Alibret earnestly solicited the Cause who remembring her old quarrel and impatiently longing for a Crown rung in her husbands ears That he must not suffer this onely opportunity of recovering the Kingdome of Navarre to slip out of his hands That he may now make himself head of a mighty faction almost half the strength of France That upon these terms he may exspect assistance from the Germane Princes of the same Religion from the English the Low-countrey men besides such Catholicks as were enemies to the Guises and by a strong conjuncture of all these they may expell the Guises out of France advance the Hereticall party and no doubt but at length they may carry that army to the conquest of Navarre But this furious Tullia was married to a milder Tarquin so as the Duke of Bourbon being cold for all this fiery curtain-Lecture his brother the Prince of Condè a Tarquin that well-matched the Lady Alibret is said to have undertaken the Advance of the Conspiracie and that he engendred the tempest at Ambois which for that time was dispersed by the providence of the Duke of Guise But new clouds of discontentments gathering at last the storm fell more fatally in showers of bloud and civil war They say in that tumult the name of Hugonot was first brought up at Tours upon this occasion It is a custome at Tours to fright children by telling them of Hugh who they say rides about the Suburbs in the night pushing at all he meets And when the Hereticks that flocked to Tours had their nightly Conventicles in the Suburbs because they durst not come together in the day time they were accidentally pointed out to the children like midnight-goblins and from Hugh by way of jeer were called Hugonots Though some derive them from another kind of original But whencesoever they had that denomination it appears they thought it a scorn to them and therefore they called the Catholicks Papists But these are onely names I proceed to the matter as it is recorded by them that wrote the History of those times The first designe of the French tumults was laid at Geneva by Calvin and Beza holding in that town a shamefull and barbarous consultation upon a day appointed suddenly to massacre King Francis the Queen the Queen-mother the Kings brothers and all the Lords of the Court The King therefore to curb this insolence of the Hereticks maintained by some of the Nobility for their private ends and feuds raised an army in France called his forces out of Germany requested succours from the Duke of Lorain and the King of Spain And indeed King Philip presently sent him souldiers out of Spain which were to joyn with the French Army at Limosin intending to furnish him with more men but hearing of the death of King Francis he put off his other supplyes till the next year to which time the warre it self was deferred The death of King Francis was attended with a great alteration in the state For the Bourbons one of which was condemned to loose his head and hourly exspected the executioner and the other banished the Court and generally thought to be oppressed in his brothers ruine were presently made the disposers of the Kingdome the administration thereof being come into the hands of the Queen-mother of the house of Medices who was to govern for King Charles a child of ten years old The Prince of Condè was restored by Proclamation to his
libertie his offices and the Kings favour And the King of Navarre as nearer to the Crown by the prerogative of his bloud was declared Constable of France the Guises on the contrary falling as much from their authority The Hugonots increased in number and licentiousness and were by so much the more audacious by how much they conceived it would be more acceptable to the great Constable of France who by these troubles hoped to recover his wife's portion the Kingdome of Navar. But to case him of that care and the Hugonots of their confidence Advices were privately sent out of the Low-countreys by Cardinall Granvell to his brother Cantonet Prospero de sancta Cruce came Embassadour to France from Pope Pius the fourth and looking into the King of Navarres designs he was of opinion the man was not troubled so much about Religion as about the getting of a Kingdome and therefore might be drawn from favouring the Hugonots if he might have some hope given him of coming to the Kingdome by another means Wherein Sancta Cruz meant to sound the King of Navarre But first he acquainted Thomas Cantonet the Spanish Embassadour and he communicated it to his brother Cardinall Granvell Then Sancta Cruz proposes to the Constable what had formerly been agitated the restitution of Navarre and undertakes if he will but defend the Catholick cause that the Pope shall earnestly solicit King Philip either to resign to him the Kingdome of Navarre or to give him in lieu of it something of equall value and that he doubted not but King Philip whose inclination he had found at his being in Portugall as he came from Spain into France would comply with his Holinesse This often confirmed by Cantonet wonne the King of Navarre who resolved to treat with the Catholick King himself and sent one of his meniall servants Anthony Almeyda a Portugese whom he knew to be gratious with his Countreyman Rui Gomez Prince of Ebora then in greatest favour with the King But Granvell receiving intelligence of these proceedings from his brother Cantonet was very glad for the successe of his design but yet no lesse solicitous as he wrote to the Governess from Machlin what the King would answer to Almeyda because he conceived upon that answer depended the motions of the greatest French affairs He had pre-acquainted Rui Gomez and the Duke of Alva and let them know That it was a nice point and fall of danger in the managery whereof they might trespasse as much by forwardnesse and violence as by security and neglect And therefore he conceived it best to offer the Duke of Bourbon some such thing as if he deserted them might be taken away again After many overtures the Kingdome of Sardinia was proposed to him in King Philips name Whereto was added the Admiralty and a pension to maintain the office Which conditions though some commended as good for both parties because on the one side Sardinia is a greater and richer Kingdome then Navarre and on the other in the midst of King Philips Dominions which at his pleasure might command it Yet some were of another opinion and thought King Philip who was not prodigall of his Kingdomes onely baited him with the hope of Sardinia For to what purpose should the Bourbons be brought into that Island neighbouring upon Sicily and Naples where they might revive their ancient factions in those Kingdomes Neverthelesse the Pope did wisely in moving it whether he hoped to bring it about or understood it to be labour in vain because it would equally conduce to the good of Religion in France whether the King of Navarre was kept from protecting the hereticall party by a true hope or a false And truly by little and little he was so averted from them that he was not altogether so kind as formerly he had been to his wife Ioan Alibret which perhaps made some affirm in writing that the Spanish Embassadour indeavoured it and treated with the King of Navarre to divorce himself from his wife because she was fouly poysoned with heresie and gave him hope of a marriage with Mary Queen of Scots by the help of her Uncles the Guises and that he should have with her the Kingdome of Scotland and likewise all Great Brittain wherein he should be established by the Popes authority and the King of Spains assistance Queen Elisabeth being deposed for heresie But these were either vain rumours or contrived out of envy Nor is there any colour of truth that Granvel or Sancta Cruce could be ignorant that heresie is not a sufficient cause of Divorce or that King Philip would offer the Kingdome of Scotland to one he could not choose but fear because of former enmity in the businesse of the Low-countreys and his power to offend Spain for the future in case he should conquer that whole Island Indeed two years after when there were Treaties between the same Queen of Scots and the Arch-duke Charles sonne to the Emperour Ferdinand and Charles Prince of Spain King Philip writ to Granvel That he was well pleased The Archduke should in that be preferred before his sonne But if the King of France should think of a marriage with her whereof he had some intimation that troubled him not a little then he should willingly consent to a match betwixt his sonne and the Queen Out of which words it may easily be collected What Philips mind was touching the Kingdome of Scotland Nay that the Spanish Embassadour did not so much as pretend the Proposall of that Match to the King of Navarre this assure me because when he communicated all particulars to his brother Granvel as I observe in their letters and often mentioned the business of Sardinia there is not one word of this marriage But be what it may it is certain Alibret incensed against her husband who dayly grew more averse from the Hugonots and wold not hear her when she was a suiter for them in a rage left his Court and withdrew into some Towns of her own The King of Navarre did not so much neglect as his brother the Prince of Conde and the Collignies earnestly imbraced the patronage of the hereticks especially because the Guises were restored to grace and favour at Court. And now such was the face of things not onely at Court And now such was the face of things not onely at Court divided into factions but likewise all the Kingdome over that arms were taken up to maintain the different opinions in Religion and all things seemed to boad a Civill warre To the Prince of Conde and Generall Collignie the hereticks from all parts sent assistance Nor were the Guises and Comestabilis Memorancy lesse ayded by the Catholicks With whom the King of Navarre joyned himself but he was brother to the Prince of Conde the King a child and ignorant of deceit Mean time the Queen mother was
Marquesse of Bergen endeavoured to get hands and severally sounded the Knights of the Order but some refusing to sign an ingagement against the Cardinall it was laid aside Especially because the Governess calling them more frequently to Councell and wearying them with fresh imployments took from them all opportunitie of meeting apart and in good time put an end to their publick consultations The result whereof was that some of the Lords should be sent into Spain by the Governess in her name to inform the King of the necessities of the Low countreys Florence Momorancy the Lord of Montiny was chosen to go with letters delivered him by the Goverâ—â—ss but penned by Granvel He likewise received instructions for his carriage and four thousand crowns to defray the expences of his journey which he began in June But before Momorancy set forth the Governess to make her vigilance appear and to prepare his Majestie sent him by a sure messenger an Expresse in cypher to this effect That she making it her business to look into the secret consultations of the Knights of the Order at last had got all out of Charles Count Barlamont one ever found Loyall that he assured her the indignation of the Nobility sprung chiefly out of these heads That they were perswaded his Majesty confided not in them and therefore the Governess called them not to her Cabinet-Councell for as much as Granvel jealous of his power had wrought the King to that suspicion and had boldly written to him that he should never be absolute Lord of the Netherlands unlesse he cut off six or seven Noblemens heads And that Granvel by his letters had further moved the King to invade the Low-countreys with a formidable Army and being so possessed of them he might then impose upon the Low-countreymen what Laws he pleased by the right of Conquest That the increase of Miters the first whereof Granvel wore tended to no other purpose but to bring the Spanish Inquisition into the Low-countreys To which words of Barlamont she had answered That the Lords were not kept from the knowledged of any secret fit to be communicated to them as Barlamont himself being one of the Councell very well knew Nor was Granvel whose transactions when he was but a young man were approved of by Charles the fifth and King Philip so ignorant a Statesman that now in his old age and experience the King might not imploy him or of so rash a malice that he would offer to perswade his Majesty to take away their lives which he knew were dear unto the King and might be sure she would oppose him in it Nor did that seem lesse improbable and ridiculous which was said of his advising his Majesty for would any man make war upon himself and with vast expence to purchase what already is his own Lastly for the Bishops Granvel indeed sought to bring them in as the King had injoyned him in pursuance of the Popes command not to make way for the Inquisition but to protect Religion in a troublesome time The charge whereof as of all things else which conduced to the maintenance of the Kings prerogative because Granvel fearlessely undertook despising all mens murmurs he was therefore hated ly many as they should ever be that stoutly defend the authority of their Prince With these discoveries the Governess pre-acquainted the King and desired him in a little note by it self that he would use the service of some one of speciall trust in the decyphering of her letter Though Barlamont himself as he was open hearted and thought that in this relation to the Governess he had both served his King and Countrey being asked by the Prince of Orange who took notice of his long stay with the Governess whether he had told her what private conference they had among themselves he ingeniously repeated his whole discourse with the Governess Nor did the Prince of Orange seem to take it amisse I suppose because he saw the grievances of his own framing were proposed in the name of a generality which therefore could not be imputed to him alone but would receive authority from the multitude In the interim the King adviseth the Governess by no meant to suffer private assemblies of the Nobilitie but to find out some expedient that the publick meeting of those men packt together to destroy the quiet of the State might be handsomely dissolved and that keeping Spies upon the Prince of Orange and his Counsells she should still have him at Court and in her eye And to set Count Egmont and the Prince of Orange at variance was not thought very difficult because they had formerly stood at a very great distance before their common hatred to Granvel united them Count Egmont was of a sweet disposition free of speech and confident the Prince of Orange of a sower nature not to be discovered therefore to be avoided In this you could not but commend his cunning but the other better kept his faith The one was an Ajax a better Commander then a Councellour the other an Ulysses that could fight better with his brain then with his sword This had a great forecast and alwayes fixed his mind upon the future so that he was still fit for any emergent occasion That seldome took care but for the present yet upon a sudden misfortune was rather unprepared then unready or unwilling to encounter it You might hope more from the one and fear more from the other You would rather chuse the friendship of Count Egmont and decline the enmity of the Prince of Orange And to demonstrate that there was not the least resemblance between them Egmont had a well-featured face a strong-timbered body a look full of honour the other was a thin-faced tawny-complexioned man and bald Yet they were exceeding popular both but the people loved the one and reverenced the other The Governess who exactly knew them wrote to the King what she thought would the soonest cause a division and pointed out the best means to effect it viz. that the Kings Pay and his Munificence about the sending whereof at that time to the Governours of the Provinces he had before consulted with her should not be distributed to all but come onely to the hands of the Prince of Orange and Count Egmont and the Count should have more then the Prince that the Prince of Orange might suspect him for his Rivall in his Majesties favour and the rest of the Lords because they were passed by somewhat resent it in them both This plot went on and their ill-pieced conspiracie began to crack a sunder the Governess still having her irons in the fire And to this purpose at the generall Dyet or convention of the Estates of Germany summoned by the Emperour Ferdinand at Franckford to create a King of the Romans some of the Low-countrey Lords being to go thither in the name of King
requires When the greatest and wisest men consider the Government of the Low-countreys questionlesse they cannot but hink it absolutely managed by Cardinall Granvel which hath made so deep an impression in the hearts of the Low-countreymen that it cannot be hoped the opinion will be blotted out so long as he lives among them Therefore we humbly desire that for our fidelity which Sir you have ever acknowledged to speak nothing of our services you will not be displeased to take into consideration how much it concerns your Majesty to ease the common complaints and grievances of your people For again and again we beseech you to believe that the businesse of the Low-countreys will never have an happy end so long as it is ordered by the man they hate Nor should we presume to write thus much unlesse we had the mischief in our eyes to which if your Majesty apply not present remedy the whole state will certainly be indangered Wherein if ever your Majesty gave credence to our words or actions we beseech you now to credit our hands This indeed was the cause why so many of the Lords and Governours of these Provinces with a multitude of others desired to have it signified to your Majesty that our imminent destruction may be timously prevented and your Majesty will prevent it as we hope and the merits of so many Low-countrey men and their prayers for the safety of the publick will be more valued by your Majesty then that for one mans sake you will reject the petition of so many of your Majesties obedient subjects Especially since none of all this number but is so far from complaining of the Governess that we give your Majesty immortall thanks for so prudent a Princess And that your Maiesty may not think as some perhaps will suggest that we have plotted this out of an ambition that we our selves may govern we all of us earnestly intreat to be removed from the Councel-table and affairs of State it being neither consistent with your Maiesties interest nor our own reputation that we should come any more to Councel with the Cardinal But touching Religion which is now a thing of greatest Concernment we promise in our own names all that can be justly exspected from good Subjects and Catholicks such as we professe to be And truly if the Lords had not looked into it Religion had not been in that tolerable condition wherein now it is the minds of the Common people being infected with Heresie a disease hardly curable by the Cardinals authority or example Lastly that we may no longer trespass upon your Majesties weighty occasions we humbly beg you will please favourably to interpret what we have signified no less out of duty and alleagiance to your Majesty then out of fear that hereafter you might blame us if any misfortune should befall the Low-countreys Thus we humbly kiss your royall hands and pray God long to preserve and blesse your Majestie From your City of Bruxels the last of March 1563. LAMORALL EGMONT WILLIAM NASSAU PHILIP MOMORANCY These Letters thus signed by the Triumviri Count Egmont secretly sent into Spain to Charles Tisnac a Low-countrey man and the Kigns Procuratour in Spain for business of the Low-countreys But before the Dispatch was made the Governess understanding what they had writ pre-acquainted the King Nor was the intelligence she gave concealed from the Conspiratours Count Egmont charging the discovery upon Count Aremberg as if he were fallen off especially because there was difference between him and the Prince of Orange But he seriously denied that ever he had spoke of it to any man living nor needed their project a discoverer which they themselves in every place vain-gloriously divulged Yet Count Egmont insisting upon it replied That a friend of his had assured him it could not be revealed by any but himself Aremberg growing into a rage And I said he assure you he lyes who ere he be that fathers this upon me which I am ready to make good with my sword The Governess writing this passage to the King forgot not to complain of Count Egmont that he whom his Majesty had accounted faithfull above the rest could so far ingage against him as publickly to solicite and encourage others to joyn their minds and endeavours for their Countreys benefit and liberty And now after three moneths the Kings Letters came from Spain written by the hand of Charles Tisnac wherein his Majestie answered the demands of the Triumviri in this manner That he had received their Letters and doubted not but that they signified these things out of sincere affection to their Prince and Countrey For they had given many sufficient proofs of their fidelity and service But since they had not yet given particular reasons for Granvels removall and that it was not his custome to change any of his Ministers of State without proof against them He should therefore take it well if some one of them would come over to Spain and make him understand the matter for by how much they affirmed there needed the greater remedy by so much the lesse ought the business to be agitated by absent persons Besides these Letters the King wrote privately with his own hand to Count Egmont that he should be glad to hear from the Count himself the causes that were not inserted in their Letters His Majesty likewise acquainted the Governess what answer in common he makes to all three and what particularly to Egmont that he invites one of them to divide them and wishes it might be Egmont because he separated from the rest might be easily wrought upon new moulded and so brought again to himself and his right reason But neither Count Egmont nor any of the rest could be brought to go the journey perhaps thinking it below them to undertake so great a voyage to accuse Granvell perhaps their guilty consciences durst not trust themselves in Spain Yet in their answers to the King they laid the cause of their stay upon their neighbours the French who having souffled up a kind of Peace at home it concerned them to watch whether they would use their Arms abroad and while the people continued in that Jealousie and fear they held it impious to leave their Countrey to inform against any man Notwithstanding if the King pleased to send for them upon other terms they would immediately obey his Maiesties commands In the mean time they would forbear the Councel-board lest they should meet there to countenance Granvels Actions In all things else they would never be wanting to their Prince and Countrey The like auswer was made particularly by Count Egmont who likewise humbly thanked his Maiesty for his speciall grace and favour to him Whilst this was in agitation Granvell tottered at Court For 't is hard to stand long in a slippery place if a man be iustled by many specially when a Prince is made jealous as if his servants
would return and boldly claim a share in the success On the other part the Cardinalists more slowly followed the Kings business either offended at the Governess or to endear the Cardinall by his absence and to make him the more longed for But the Governess persisted in her desires to bar all hope of his return and wrote to his Majesty many letters wherein she did not a little tax the life of Granvell I suppose to shew she had reason for consenting to his remove Which was the cause why an Officer extraordinary was sent into Burgundy in the Kings name to take the accounts of the Exchecquer and so by the by to examine Granvells actions At this Inquisitours return the Governess made it her suit forasmuch as the Lords suspected Granvells stay in Burgundy had too near an influence upon the Low-countreys and that they likewise said Though his person was absent his Counsels and Directions still ordered the affairs of State his ghost as it were haunting the Low-countryes that his Majestie would please to free the Provinces of that kind of fear and send the man to Rome the place he had long since chosen whither afterward Granvell went of his own accord not by the Kings command For in December the year following Pius the fourth deceasing Cardinall Granvel came to Rome to the Conclave it will not do amiss I suppose to let you know the further progress and end this great man where he was re-imployed by King Philip the show not substance of whose favour he had lost in soliciting all businesses at Rome that nearliest concerned his Kingdome with higher expressions then ever of his affection to the Cardinal By which is evident what difference there is between such as get into favour with a Prince by accident such as are advanced by merit for those if they once fal never rise these their absence ingratiates with their Prince and necessitie restores them to their places And it fell out very opportunely for Granvel who being as ambitious of employment as prepared for present business the League betwen the Princes of Christendome so often begun to be treated so often broken off coming now again in agitation received from the King a large Commission that together with Francis Cardinall Paceco and his Majesties Embassadour Iohn Zuniga he should upon what conditions he thought good make a league between Rome Spain and Venice which he clearing the matters of controversie that daily were revived faithfully and actively endeavoured on the Kings behalf After this he was created by King Philip Vice-roy of Naples and delivered from the Pope to Don Iohn of Austria the Standard and commanding Staff that declared him Generall of the Christian Fleet. After the Popes death coming to Rome he so applyed himself that besides his advancing the Spanish party whereof he was chief he was the principall cause that Gregory the thirteenth to the great benefit of Christendome was created Pope And yet he exceedingly displeased that very Bishop at his return to Naples where he carried himself somewhat more harshly towards he Church then could be exspected from a Prelate of his Robe but not otherwise then we see many sacred and mitred persons do that shew themselves more earnest then the Lay-ministers of Princes to advance their politick Dominion Whether it be their care to decline the suspicion of being for the other party or that their knowledge and emulation discovers the abstrusest points that are to be opposed Nor are they lesse violent for being in holy Orders familiarity and injoyment taking off their respect to that of which they are possessed The Vice-roy Granvell had signed a warrant to his Officers to take out of Marius Caraffa the Archbishops prison a notorious offendour whose cause Granvell said belonged to his Jurisdiction For which fact Marius Caraffa excommunicated the Kings Officers whereat Granvell being implacably displeased laid the Archbishops servants by the heels and sequestred the rents and profits of the Archbishoprick the Popes Nuncio Anthonius Saulio in vain labouring against it and threatning the Popes indignation if he persisted Gregory the thirteenth was exceedingly vexed thereat especially because when this was done at Naples the like was attempted in Castile by the President of the Councel Didaco Covarruvia Bishop of Segovia His Holiness therefore commanded Saulio to go to the Cardinal Vice-roy and directly tell him That unless within so many dayes he would revoke and make null all he had done against the Archbishop and his servants he by the authority given him by his Holiness would turn Granvell out of the Colledge of Cardinalls Which message though some fearing the Vice-royes dipleasure perswaded Saulio to put in milder terms boldly delivered according to his instructions so terrified Granvell that he discharged the prisoners and restored the Bishop to his own Nay he gave the Archbishop a prisoner in exchange for the condemned man taken from him that occasioned the dispute and had been forthwith executed Afterwards he submitted to the Canons with much more care and reverence So you see Threats and Menaces proportioned to the greatest spirits will at last humble them Granvell having now four years governed that Kingdome with great Prudence indeed but not so great regard to Chastity as beseemed his age and scarlet being in some measure reconciled to the Pope returned to Rome From whence three years after he was sent for by the King into Spain being then 62 years old and the Italian affairs of State wholly intrusted to his disposall which was distastfull to some of the Grandees whose weaker and lesser iudgements were eclipsed by his old and solid experience and looked on by him with a kind of scorn I find likewise the King himself was offended with him whilest by too passionately extolling the Actions of Charles the fifth and instancing what he had done upon the like occasions he seemed to urge them as presidents for his sons imitation with a freedome odious to Princes which had ruined many of Alexanders greatest Commanders that spake too liberally in his fathers commendations But Granvell knew he had to do with a Prince enamoured of his merits whose favour towards him he had found rather suspended then extinguished whereof he had this further proof that King Philip going to take possession of the Kingdome of Portugall left Granvell to govern Spain and returning out of Portugall when he made his entrance into Madrid waited on by infinite multitudes and received with the acclamations of all sorts of people he rode through the Town with this aged Cardinal onely on his left hand Lastly three years after Granvell returning from the Citie of Auspurge vvhere he had married the Infanta Katharine King Philips daughter to Eâ—â—manuel Duke of Savoy being now seventy years of age departed this life at Madrid the very day 28 years after the death of the
might not value or receive them with due reverence She said he might safelier treat with the Prince of Orange in regard the like admonition formerly sent from Paul the fourth had struck him with a fear of loosing his Principality neverthelesse she would prepare him for the Legate But for his liberall offer of assistance from his Holinesse she acknowledged her obligations to the great Bishop and desired Pavesio to represent her for that favour kneeling at his feet and humbly kissing them though she had not power to admit of his promised supplies unlesse the King would please to give her leave But she assured his Holinesse that the Cause of Religion should be alwayes to her as it had ever been dearer then her life Lastly touching the nature and industry of the Low-countrey Bishops for Pavesio intreated her to instruct him in that particular she very graphically discoursed their lives and manners and gave him their severall characters telling which deserved Rebuke which Praise or Pitie The Legate finding all she said to be true and the Prince of Orange the easier to be wrought upon belike her Excellence had prepared him as she promised admiring her industrie and pietie professed that he would publish in the Court of Rome how Religion standing now in the Low-countreys on a dangerous precipice was supported onely by her Highnesses vigilance and prudence But the Factions and Tumults ceased not for all this The Covenanters being returned as I have told you into their respective Provinces and giving it out that they had the publick Faith of the Knights of the Golden Fleece for their indemnitie all those that had been banished for heresie came back from the adjacent Countreys and such as had lyen concealed at home appeared again magnifying the name of the Gheuses calling them the Assertours and Champions of their libertie and putting themselves under their protection Thus the number of the Covenanters was much increased especially in Antwerp even the Merchants themselves began to wear the Habit aud Cognizante of the Gheuses Nay there sprung up a new-brotherhood of the Common People wearing in their hats besides the wallet stampt in silver a wreathed pilgrims staff the ends bowing acrosse signifying as I suppose that they were to go a pilgrimage out of their Countrey and seek libertie in another Climate This conspiracie was spawned out of the other it being the off-spring as the Governesse wrote to his Majestie of that two years before raised by the Lords against Cardinall Granvel where they first wore hoods and then Darts But that which at the beginning was onely private difference at Court and the ambition of a few afterwards turned into the publick mutiny of the Provinces Great men it seems never can offend alone and vices whilst they passe from hand to hand are soyled with being touched and grow still fouler Neither did the Governesses letters to the Magistrates concerning the counterfeit Declaration in the Lords names do any good nor the Kings letter to the Governesse and the Provinces about that time received wherein his Majestie promised That having now secured himself from the Turks and Moors he would presently make a voyage into the Low-countreys and in person moderate the severitie if any such were of his fathers Edicts In the mean time he rested confident that the troubles would be quieted by the Lords endeavours whereupon formerly relying both his father the Emperour and he himself never feared what their enemies could do and now he doubted not but their old loyalty would easily compose a sedition raised by a few private men Onely the pardons which the Governesse in her letters to the King desired for certain persons were by his Majestie more resolutely then seasonably put off till another time In the interim the evil increasing and the opportunitie of applying a fit remedie being past his Majestie lost the Grace and favour he intended And truly mischiefs sprung not up severally or by intervals but compleated and in a knot breaking forth all at once For in the bordering Countreys the Master-hereticks watching how discord prospered in the Low-countreys that they might take occasion to vent their outlandish wares and sell them the new Gospel flocking in crouds the Calvinists out of France and the Lutherans and Anabaptists out of Germany invaded and as it were attached their nearest neighbour-towns First they held their Conventicles in the fields by night then successe smiling upon them fearing likewise that if differences chanced to be composed they should fail of dispatching what they came for they thought it best by way of prevention to shew themselves in the light and before the people that ran to meet them out of towns and villages boldly to preach against the Spanish tirannie against Religion corrupted by the Bishops and for the pure and sincere light of the Gospel Emulation made them more impudent lest the Calvinists that had indeed fewer great persons of their faction but more Proselytes and applause should be lesse powerfull then the Lutherans And the Anabaptists being farre more in number then the Lutherans scorned to be worsted by the Calvinists or that the Lutherans should have more great Protectours then both the other Sects Therefore they made haste in zeal of spirit to feiz upon Cities and Towns as if they were to make new plantations every one being for himself and all against One. Miserable and calamitous at that time was the condition of the Low-countreys many of the noblest Provinces being suddenly hurried into factions and running upon the rocks of errour Whilst impure men Apostates both from divine and humane faith whilst the scumme of their own nations the Refuse of Germany and France promised themselves a kind of sovereignty in the Low-countreys and ran up and down as if hell had been broke loose filling all places with turbulent sermons infamous libells hopes fears and jealousies Whilst such a multitude first out of the next villages but at last out of great towns came with incredible desire to hear these trumpeters of the new Gospel that once in the fields of Tournay above eight thousand men were seen at a sermon Near Lisle they appeared in greater shoals At Antwerp in one day were gathered together thirteen thousand next day fourteen thousand a while after sixteen thousand men Lastly taking more freedome in many places especially at Valenciens and upon the borders of Flanders they married people in the fields and baptized infants after the Calvinisticall manner And that all this might be done with safety they meet at these Conventicles and Sermons armed with pikes and muskets I know the Reader will not a little wonder to hear what they say the Low-treymen themselves were amazed when they saw how the Peopleâ— zeal of hearing sermons came to such a height that neither the Magistrates by authoritie nor their Officers by force nor
Magistrate but contrary to his command furiously ran out of the Citie to Vilvord to hear sermons The Governess having notice from all parts of these sacrilegious actions no lesse doubting the future then grieving and amazed at the present speedily called the Senate that being indeed the ordinary but many times a post-humous and ineffectuall remedy The Prefects of the Provinces and almost all the Lords were there but onely Philip Croi Duke of Areschot and Charles Brimè Count of Megen he excusing himself that he was not well and this that he feared his enemies had a plot upon him Her Excellence spake to them in these very words which she inserted in her Letters to the King Grief and her inbred Nobleness giving them vigour and authoritie To what condition the Low-countreys are brought by the wickedness of a few men we see the absent will hear and posterity admire to my great disparagement and yours For I know many things will be imputed to me Princes names being alwayes registred in the Kalender of publick calamities and you are famed for so many noble actions at home and abroad that your names cannot possibly be concealed Nor were the Netherlands so intrusted to me but that you had your parts in the Administration of the Government The particular Provinces committed to your trust the Order of the Golden-Fleece wherein your Oaths and Names are upon Record the Allegiance due to their Prince from his subjects amongst whom you are the chief multiplyes your Obligations to the maintaining and enlarging of his Royall Power And yet in these your Provinces while you stand Spectatours the Churches of God and his Saints founded by the ancient piety of your Princes which your Ancestours and your selves have adorned with victorious trophies by sacrilegious and impious traytours are burned down and profaned your Ancestours tembes violated the Statues of your Order and your Coats of Arms in many places impudently thrown to the ground trod upon and broken To omit their barbarity to Virgins consecrated to God robbing of their Nunneries and for addition to their contumelies cruelly turning out of their cities and holy mansions all the Priests and Religious But what kind of men are they that have raised this storm in the Low-countreys What dregs of the people what vile and abject fugitives and Apostates from Religion cruell but to those that fear them cowardly slaves if they themselves be terrified A few Secliners and Countreymen accidentally taking Arms destroyed a multitude of these Church robbers Did not one man yesterday catching up a spear when a great sort of these Traytours were gathered together fright them not onely from a Chapel which they threatned but from the Citie it self Will you suffer this pestilence to rage without opposition and to ruine the State and Peace of your Countrey and your Religion before your eyes and these troubles to open the way unto a forrein Conquest Nay it is commonly reported these villanies are committed some of you not onely not resisting but being also privie and assistant to the plot I am not ignorant that such Calumnies use to be spread abroad by wicked men to make good Subjects less active in doing Iustice upon the enemies to Religion And perhaps they hope to fright me with great names and so inforce my consent to their unjust Demands What is fit to be done by men of honour look you to that for what concerns my self I religiously profess that no mans menaces shall compell me to mix the new figments of these people with the ancient and Orthodox Religions established in these Provinces Nay if the King himself upon whose Grace and Pleasure I depend should dispense with the Low-countrey men to be of what Religion they list which how farre it is from his Maiesties intention none can be ignorant I would instantly depart the Low-countreys because I would not be an Agent in or Interpreter of such Indulgence But if I were stayed by force of Arms which I hear they threaten I call God to witness I would offer my self to the slaughter and be torn in pieces rather then suffer a Profession of Faith contrary to the Catholick Religion To prevent all this be it your care my Lords I do coniure you by your duty to God your Allegiance to the King and your Love unto your Countrey And because gentle remedies will not prevail with desperate people and that they trust to the protection of the confederate Gentlemen let us at last receive the Arms and Assistance which you have often promised and ought long since to have performed That when the King shall come who will be here very shortly he may find these Provinces quieted by your means and no less remunerate your fidelity with his royall Bounty then he will requite the perfidiousness of others with severe punishment This speech made by the Governess took according to every ones severall interest and inclination quickning the desires if found in their minds but not introducing any new Resolve Therefore the Counts of Mansfeld Aremberg and Barlamont all true to the Kings cause chearfully offered their services Egmont Orange Horn and divers others spake against levying war whose opinion carried a greater appearance of Reason because of the multitudes of Hereticks whereof there was above fifteen thousand in Bruxels it being unsafe for the present to provoke them by a warre But the Governess cut off that dispute and leaving the mention of Armes out of her Speech not out of her mind for she resolved the Warre should be her Great Councel she asked their opinions how those troubles might be otherwise composed The result of their two dayes consultation was That the Goveâ—ness should offer them an Act of oblivion for the time past and security for the future provided that the Confederates should first burn the instrument of their Association they called it the Covenant and afterwards take an oath to be true to the Catholick Religion and faithfull Subjects to the King for ever But the Governess delaying to set her hand to the Act as if she were yet doubtfull whether it should pass or no more of these turbulent people hourly gathering together and being themselves tossed upon the waves of sedition thrust others on that else would have sate still And they were heard to say prompted by Lewis brother to the Prince of Orange that unless the Governess would secure the Gentlemen Covenanters unless every one might have liberty to go to Sermons and no man be punished for Religion the Governess should with her own eyes see all the Churches in Bruxels fired the Priests murthered her self imprisoned And because this was said to be as well privately intended as publickly reported the Governess resolved to steal out of Bruxels and retire to Mons a city of Haynolt partly that she might not be an eye-witness of the destruction of holy Images in Bruxels partly that being in a safe place she might not
Governess wrote to the King that by many Letters sent from Spain and there produced it was confirmed that the King incensed at the plunder and spoil of Churches was resolved to bring an army into the Low-countreys to punish such as had either been principalls or accessaries to the fact In other Letters it was added that the Prince of Orange Egmont and Horn were believed at Court to be the Advisers and Protectours of all these commotions and therefore the King aimed chiefly at their Heads To this effect were read the Letters of Francisco Alava the King of Spains Embassadour to Charles the ninth written from Paris to the Governess and pretended to be intercepted which certified the Governess of the Kings coming with a potent army of Spaniards and Italians and of the new League concluded between the Kings Philip and Charles that his Majestie might be the better able to punish the Rebells and four Lords that is besides the fore-mentioned triumvirate Peter Etnest Count Mansfeld as he himself told the Governess he heard it from divers reported Whether all this was cunningly given out to move the people to despair of pardon or really writ from Spain and by Alava I leave to indifferent Judges Sure I am that the Governess writing to the King professed she had as yet no certain knowledge of the Letters sent her by Alava and said to be intercepted and assured Count Mansfeld that he was in very great esteem with his Majestie and that lie was onely invented to draw him from the Kings party The Kings coming being therefore ascertained by many mens Letters read in that private Convention of the Lords the question was put how the King might be prevented from bringing his Army into the Low-countreys And when on the one part severall wayes of resistance were proposed on the other part a warre was feared which they could encounter with no proportionable strength and that a third sort held it the best course to trust to the Kings mercy from which the major part dissented herein their different opinions concurred that to oppose his Majesties passage into the Low-countreys the treason would be certain the victory doubtfull and to admit him were yet more dangerous For now the Breach was so farre made as it would be a madness to hope for mercy when they had received an angry and an armed Prince They must therefore either flie the place and leave their countrey unpeopled to the Conquerour or they must set up a new Prince under whose protection they may live in safetie This last Proposall seemed the best and they might take a singular good occasion if now that the Emperour Maximilian shewed himself desirous to compose those differences under colour of making him the Umpire they secretly treated to put the Low-countreys into his hands which would be less subject to censure because in so doing they should not strike at Monarchy but onely change their Monarch Especially since they still adhered to one of the House of Austria And this advantage would ensue that the new elected Prince would have so great an obligation laid upon him as if their Designes should haply want success howsoever the Emperour would be engaged never to desert them without making their peace with King Philip Having in this manner consulted they left Dendermond full of cares and doubts particularly Count Egmont who either to draw more of the Nobility to the cause or that being yet unresolved himself he had a mind to try how his friends stood affected wrote a letter to Count Mansfeld wherein putting him in remembrance of what they had ioyntly acted in the begining of these troubles he complained of Mansfelds abandoning their friendship without any iust pretence Then he accused the inconstancie of the Governess who would not see that performed which she had promised to the Covenanters but that she her self had solicited the King to annull her Act. as forced and therefore pressed him to come with an Army and make his seditious and rebellious subjects a formidable example to posterity Finally Egmont assured him it was evident by many mens letters which he had compared at Dendermond that the King resolved to cut off the heads of four Lords in which number Mansfeld himself was listed to keep the rest in obedience In the last place he said he should be very glad by his answer to know what he would advise him to do This Letter Count Mansfeld privately gave the Governess and with the same fidelity shewed her what he answered That no man could justly complain of him when from the beginning he went a long with Egmont and the rest upon no other ground but because it seemed advantageous to Religion and their Countrey that Cardinall Granvel should be removed the Inquisition taken away the rigour of the Emperours Edicts mitigated and lastly a generall Pardon granted to such as the Governess would move for to the King To all which particulars his Majestie having graciously condescended he saw no colour of a grievance now remaining He would therefore freely speak his thoughts especially at his Request that things were gone too farre to the great contempt of the Divine Majesty and scandall of the Christian world That there was time yet left to make some kind of Satisfaction for offences past that is by so behaving themselves among the present troubles that when the King comes they may meet him not with a cloudie look nor such a mind as can be taxed by any Touching the report of the Kings anger and intended revenge for his own part he feared it not He had ever been and ever would be so faithfull to his Sovereigne that if he pleased to command his attendance in Spain he would instantly go thither and having rendred an accompt of his actions hoped to receive from his Royall Master no little Grace and Benefit Nor spake he this as if Count Egmont could not securely say as much but that he might daily adde to this security by cutting off all occasions of suspicion And having so often affronted the King with pretending publick Necessity they would now at length forbear to press their Prince to govern his Provinces by other mens directions Lastlâ— for thus Mansfeld concluded if Egmont would hear his friends advice he should remain his friend for ever if not he was resolved to value nothing in this world equall with his Honour Having read these Papers and highly commended the constancy of Count Mansfeld the Governess sent the heads of both letters to his Maiestie beseeching him that since he found so much faith in Mansfeld especially at such a time he would be pleased abundantly to recompence him with the grant of his just desires a particular whereof she had annexed to the Letter This moved by the Governess might perhaps make one suspect these Letters to be forged by Mansfeld to ingratiate himself with her Excellence and to obtain with more facility those
things for which he had been a long and earnest suiter to the King or at least that he had counterfeited if not Egmonts Letter yet his own Answer to it But many things offer themselves which absolutely clear this doubt as Count Egmonts hand well known to the Governess and her intelligence of the truth of Egmonts actions which may fright the greatest confidence in the world into a blush that shall presume to charge him with such a forgery Add to this the reputation and manners of Count Mansfeld which manners either absolve or condemne every one far from the least imputation of any such deceit and lastly his constant adherence to the Kings cause So as the Governess justly confident in his integrity commended him as much as she could possibly to his Maiesty one thing she seemed to admire that she found in Egmonts Letter the very words she had writ in cypher to the King She therefore complained to the King that secrets were brought out of his Court into the Low-countreys Was any of his Ministers of State so dull-brained or open breasted to suffer these mysterious parts of Government to be scrued out of his mouth or hands or so ill-natured and perfidious as to reveal the Counsells of his Prince to the enemy That she certainly knew many copies of Letters she had sent his Majestie for two yeares now past and divers of the Originalls themselves were come to the hands of the Low-countrey Lords How destructive was this to his affairs how derogatory to the Royall Dignity She therefore beseeched the King that hereafter he would either see her Letters burnt or give them in custody to faithfull Servants that would keep them from the knowledge of such as were otherwise And yet I find after this time the Prince of Orange bragged to Christopher Assonvil that every word the King spake as well private as publick was faithfully conveyed to his ear in the Low-countreys Indeed these discoveries cost much money but money cannot be more fruitfully laid out For it is the Philosophy of Princes to dive into the secrets of men leaving the secrets of Nature to such as have spare time Which being granted what Councel-chamber can be impervious or inaccessible to royal bountie since the Court of so prudent and circumspect a Monarch was bought by private Persons But the Covenanters not content with the ambiguous deliberations of the Lords at Dendermond the leading men and such as could be suddenly got together met at Amsterdam unknown to the Prince of Orange as he wrote to the Governesse yet he was near the town but peradventure he connived It is believed they agreed at this meeting to use their utmost indeavours to keep the King from coming in with an armie and that either by the mediation of the Emperour Maximilian or by a publick Revolt from their obedience to petition with swords in their hands And it fell out very commodiously that the Diet of the Empire was then to be held at Ausburg where they resolved to petition the Emperour in the name of the Low-countreymen but in case he denied their request then to addresse themselves to the Electours who might signifie to the Emperour that unlesse herein he would over-rule the King they the Electours could not be able to give him assistance against the Turk Nor was it handsome whilst the King visited the Low-countreys with an armie that they destitute of men and money should leave themselves exposed to the injuries of bordering forces If this succeeded not they would venture upon any thing make a league with the hereticall Cantons of the Swisse and by their assistance which some say was promised stop King Philips passage into Savoy Nay more to find the King work at home they would send to Sivill three thousand of those Calvinisticall books of which they had long since consulted with some Calvinist-ministers of these twelve were nominated that should disperse those Volumes throughout Spain and turn the Kings mind from going into a forrein Countrey This Expedient was committed to the managerie of a Spanish Merchant lying then in Antwerp a hot-headed fellow and malitious to Catholicks So the Governesse wrote to the King and added that she would lay all the Ports to prevent that plague-sore from sailing into Spain But these deliberations because sudden and full of fear did more terrifie then hurt Yet in that Assembly this was resolved The Gentlemen-Covenanters for men that are in like danger easily associate conspired with the Merchants and the rest of the hereticall people and took the Sacrament on both sides to this purpose That the Covenanters should protect them against all men that sought to restrain the libertie of Conscience and the Merchants ingaged to furnish them with money and their utmost indeavours for the common securitie But lest the Hereticks should be distracted with multiplicitie of Sects Lewis of Nassau wrote to the Antwerpers perswading them for a while till things should be settled to lay aside private opinions in Religion all to give way to the confession of Auspurg for so not onely the Electours who professed that Religion would be their earnest Advocates with the Emperour but likewise the Germane souldiers would be hardly drawn to fight against the Low-countreymen their brethren in Religion and it was done accordingly For though the Calvinists hate the confession of Auspurg yet as Religion among Hereticks is not their own but accidentall and translatitious asking advice as far as Geneva of Theodore Beza and he approving this truce of opinions they subscribed a new form of discipline like that of Auspurg which was to be presented to the Emperour at the next Session together with a Petition wherein they prayed that his Imperiall Majestie would please to patronize and reconcile them to the King Moreover they instituted Consistories which are a kind of Parliament or generall convention in many cities according to the pattern of that now begun at Antwerp creating Magistrates and Senatours by whose advice it being first communicated to the Court of Antwerp to which they gave the preheminence the whole Republick of the Hereticks was to be governed They likewise made a confederation with the Prince Electour Palatine and the rest of the Hereticall Princes of Germanie enemies to the house of Austria and therefore ready to enter into any league whereby they might hope by such troubles as these to dispossesse the King of Spain as the Governesse informed him of the Low-countreys The Governesse was likewise privately informed by the Count of Megen that Vesterholt was raising one thousand two hundred horse in Saxonie for the Prince of Orange At the same time the Hugonots in France set on by Gaspar Coligni consulted about sending aid to the Low-countreymen which was reported to be ten Cornets of horse and thirty foot colours and these levies were to be made in Germanie
began to offer his Service and to be active in publique Affayres First taking the Oath as he had promised in the forme wherein it was administred and putting downe the Consistoryes in the lower Flanders he in person with six Companyes of Foote disarmed diverse Townes and shewed himselfe so averse to the Designes of some of his Collegues that by Count Hochstrats Servant theiâ— vsuall Messenger he advised them to attempt nothing against Religion the King or their owne Honour if they did he would hate them worse then a white Scarfe which was the ordinary Weare of the French Horse This made Hochstrat and the rest send to him for the Originalls of all the Letters and Petitions which he had at any time received from them returning him those he had sent to them an undoubted Argument that their Friendship was dissolved Notwithstanding the Governesse was fearefull that all this might be cunningly dissembled But whether Egmont did it bonâ fide now hating the proceedings of the Covenanteers or whether he complyed with the Governesse to take off the ill opinion conceived of him now upon the King's Approach certainly it was of much advantage to the Catholique cause For many of the Covenanteers the Prince of Orange having left them and frighted to see Egmont with some of the greatest Lords fall off the rest growing jealous of one another every man shifted for himselfe and either personally or by friends petitioned the Governesse for their Pardons and bound themselves as they were required by a new Oath Not long after Hochstrat and Horne wrote to the Governesse promising to take the Oath in her presence nay the last named sent a Copy of the Oath inclosed in his Letter The Counts Culemburg and Bergen had now left the Low-countryes Lewis of Nassau followed the Prince his Brother So that Feare had severed the foure principall Confederates excepting only Brederod who still lived in hope This caused an universall dejectednesse and consternation of the Merchants and Hereticks complaining they were deserted contrary to the Covenant and crying the Nobility had betraid them This caused diverse especially Ministers to fly this incouraged the Governesse to use expedition that whilst the Heads of the Conspirators were timerous and at difference among themselves she might the more easily reduce the stubborne people to their antient Obedience And now by command from the Governesse Norcarmius with â—1 Companies of Foote and 10. piece of Cannon was to attaque Maestricht in Brabant But they of that City hearing of the Surrender of Valenciens immediately turned out of Towne all the preaching Hereticks and factious Teachers Then understanding that Norcarmius drew neare they forthwith sent Commissioners to the Governesse to beseech a pardon for what was past promising for the future to continue faithfull to the King and Bishop For part of Maestricht is subject to the Bishop of Liege and part to the King as Duke of Brabant The Governesse gave them a short Dispatch and referred them soundly chidden to be answered by Norcarmius The Commissioners were no sooner gone but Messengers came from Gerard Grosbeck Bishop of Liege assuring the Governesse that the Hereticall Sinke at Maestricht wâ—s now cleane swept That many of the Citisens with the Magistrate even when that Plague was hottest kept themselves uninfected That the Gentry and Communalty were not past Cure as plainely appeared by the suddaine change made in the City converted chiefly by the endeavours of one of the Society sent for from Colen by the Bishop which Father dayly chalenging the Hereticall Doctours to dispute and dayly confuting them had brought them to a perfect Recovery of their old Religion and Allegeance And therefore the people if they might but have a pardon would satisfy for their Delinquency with more earnest Observance and were now ready to receive a Garrison though the Bishop himselfe did not conceive any necessity for making it a Garrison the Firebrands of the Rebellion being now extinguished Or if her Excellence were concerned in honour not to alter her Determination that one or two Companyes would be sufficient That he himselfe for his own part had pardoned those of Maestricht with promise to be a Suiter in their behalfe for the like pardon from the Governesse the rather because he considered himselfe not only as their Prince but as their Father well knowing the mercy of the Governesse Who thanking the Bishop for his message full of kindnesse and charity told them it was not in her power to imitate their Master's Example the King having taken from her all Authority of pardoning Offences of this nature but she was confident they might hope no lesse from the Kings Clemency In the meane time it was necessary that a new Garrison which she might confide in should be put in into Maestricht to prevent the practice of Traitours that made sure account of that Towne lying no lesse convenient to receive Succours out of Germany then Valenciens for Ayde from France She had therefore commanded Norcarmius to take Maestricht but first to advise with the Bishop and to that end she had sent Turius Secretary of her Privy Counsell to give him notice of their March The Messengers replying that Maestricht was not like other Townes of the Low-Countryes because part of the Jurisdiction appertained to the Bishop The Governesse answered not that particular for she used sometimes to returne Silence for an Answer saying these that had not ill eares would be sufficiently answered by not being answered The Army in the meane time made long Marches with cheerefulnesse proper to Conquerours and invited forward by the hope of Plunder But the Maestrichers were as quicke in yielding and excepted against nothing which Norcarmius in the Governesses name commanded Who entring the Towne tooke the keyes from the Magistrate and all their great Cannon and Munition from the City disarmed the Townsmen hanged the Author of the Rebellion in the Market-place and leaving Egidius Barlamont with part of his Forces in Garrison he with the rest marched towards Holland as the Governesse had appointed to joyne himselfe with Charles Brimey Count of Megen The Citizens of the Bus doubting which way the Conquerour would take were so much the more fearfull of the Governesse by how much they knew they had more justly merited her indignation For by her Edict she had proclaimed them Enemyes to the King for their uncivill usage and detaining of Merodius and Scheiff Chancellour of Brabant which she had sent unto them for expelling Count Megen and admitting Bomberg which Edict confiscated the Wealth of the City and deprived them of all their Priviledges till such time as they should returne her Commiss The Townsmen though at first they slighted her Decree yet at length better advised by the nearnesse of the Danger unknown to Bomberg beseeched the Governesse to grant a safe Conduct for certaine Commiâ—â— of theirs to
held by the Prince of Orange and they ioyed in his Safety as if thereby the Lowcountreys were not left altogether Destitute Nay Cardinall Granvell at Rome hearing of the doings in Bruxells asked the Messenger whether the Duke had taken Silence so he called the Prince of Orange when he answered no he was not taken Granvell they say replyed If that one fish hath scaped the net the Duke of Alva's Draught is nothing worth But because all this was done without acquainting the Governesse before it could be divulged the Duke sent the Counts Mansfeldt and Barlamont whom he knew she Favoured and were yet in his House to tell her Excellence what was past and to excuse his secresie for he had concealed it by the Kings command to the end that no part of the Odium might reflect upon her who was concerned to preserve the love of the people under her Governement But this gave no satisfaction to the Governesse and though whilst they were present shee smothered her indignation yet deepely resenting it shee began to doubt that many such actions might happen for the future and the power being transferred to Alva she her selfe should only retaine the title and formality of Governesse that the Governement might appeare to be in one of the House of Austria Therefore upon receipt of new Letters signifying the King had put off his voyage for Sixe moneths longer that is till the beginning of the Spring her hope then failing and being daily tormented with sore fits of the Colick she sent her servant Machiavell to the King and disputing the imprisonment of Egmont and Horne briefely without complaint lest she might seeme distasted at it she beseeched his Majesty in regard of her Infirmities which made her unfit for cares of State to license her departure from the Lowcountries rather then stay her there with such limited and almost no Authority Whether it were advantageous to the King or handsome for her whom the King vouchsafed to call Sister to be subordinate to another She humbly submitted to his Majesties Consideration For her part she resolved so long as she lived to be wholy Governed by his Majesties Pleasure as became his most humble Servant This notwithstanding the Governesse omitted nothing which appertained to Civill Affaires For by resolution of Senate which she summoned the Duke of Alva being present she endeavoured to stoppe the Lowcountry-mens Flight which daily and still in greater numbers slipt away and tenne of the richest Merchants of Tournay intending to go into England by her Command weere clapt up prisoners and their Goods in the Port of Vlushing imbargoed and confiscated A while after the French Embassadouâ— as she lay upon her bed coming to kisse her Hands and making a grievous Complaint that Multitudes of Lowcountrymen flocked to the Prince of Conde and others that intended a Warre against the King she published an Edict against all Lowcountrymen that should assist the French Rebells The Embassadour not thus contented by Command from King Charles who was now almost ruined by his rebellious Subiects moved the Governesse for some present Forces out of the Lowcountreys And indeed it was but a reasonable Request for though the Causes of this Warre which the French Historians call the second Civill Warre of France were not all different from those of the first yet the Prince of Conde and Colligny the heads of the Faction grounded their pretence upon the Passage of the Duke of Alva's Army who faining to march another way intended the Invasion of France to destroy those of the reformed Religion For in the Conference at Baion they said it was so articled betweene Charles the French King his Mother Katherine of Medices and his Sister Isabella Queene of Spaine where the Duke of Alva was in person In pursuance of which Agreement the Governesse formerly had persecuted and quelled the Hereticall Party in the Low-countryes and now Alva himselfe was come with a strong Spanish Army that at the same time King Charles might ruine the Hugonots in France and the Spaniard their Brethren in the Low-countreys Wherefore the French Hugonots raising great Forces as if they would revenge wrongs received or at least stand upon their guard for the future first they seized diverse Townes and Cityes then laid a Plot to take the King himselfe lying at Meaux who very hardly escaping in the night and received into Paris there they straitly besieged him and cut off all Supplyes by Armes or Victuall endeavouring to bring their Prince into their Power At last drawing out their Army they gave him battaile at the Towne of Saint Denis and though they left the Field and fled and the Catholiques by consequence had the victory yet it was a bloudy one the King's Generall Annas Momorancy being slaine Notwithstanding they made greater Levyes for Heresie dayly increased and receiving strong Recruits from Germany reviv'd the Warre Which moved the King of France besides the men raised through his whole Kingdome to desire ayde for the defence of Religion out of Italy Germany and as I said out of the Low-countreys But the Governesse not willing to grant Assistance without knowing the King's pleasure gladly referred it to the Duke of Alva who remembring the Agreement for mutuall Succours made at Baion and thinking the French Embassadours ' Motion both honourable to the Spaniard and opportune for kindling Enmity between the Low-countrey-men and the French Hereticks whose minds would be distracted to see an Army come against them from the same place whence formerly they had supplyes he answered the Embassadour that the Senate had decreed Auxiliaryes as he requested which should forthwith march away and acquainting the Governesse with it he gave the charge of 2000. Spanish Foot and 1200. Horse most of them Gentlemen of Haynolt and Artoys to Iohn Lignius Count of Aremberg Some write that the Duke offered himselfe to be their Generall but such Assistance as it was likely to do would have begot a jealousie in the French that he came not as a Friend but as a Spy therefore as not expedient for either Kingdome that he should be absent from the Low-countreys it was by the Embassadour modestly refused and then Alva substituted another in his place Howsoever it were about the end of November Aremberg departing from Cambray three dayes supplications being made before he went for his happy Expedition joyned his Forces with the Marquesse Villeirs at Amiens from thence marching up to the King's Army he did his Majesty great Service in many Battailes till the French Differences partly settled by a Treaty he was commanded back to the Low-countreys by the Duke of Alva who then especially needed such a Generall and such an Army About that time Machiavell returning from Spaine brought her Excellence the King's Letters wherein after he had signified that three dayes before his Queen was brought a bed of a
this Mischiefe is vulgarly imputed to the Duke of Alva for before he came Governour to these Provinces his name was hatefull to the Lowcountry-men It is reported when the Emperour Charles the fifth meaning to revenge himselfe upon Gant asked the Duke of Alva what Punishment in his Opinion they deserved He answered that his Majestyes stubborne Country deserved vtter Ruine The Emperour offended at this cruell Answer commanded him to go to the top of a Tower from thence take a View of the whole Towne then he asked him how many Spanish Skinnes would goe to the making of such a Glove for Gant in French is Glove but finding the Emperour by his looke to be displeased Alva durst make no Reply This Passage because interwoven with the Honour of the Prince and City whether true or false was easily believed by the Gantois and from them dispersed with an Odium upon Alva through the rest of the Lowcountreys And by the manner of his Coming he increased the Opinion of his Severity entring the Provinces with an Army as if his designe were to Conquer them bringing Spanish Souldiers againe into the Low-countreys awing the Townes with them and with the Forts he built sentencing Count Egmont a man generally beloved and Count Horne Admirall of the Seas summoning the Prince of Orange with other of the Confederates to answer their Impeachments And it is said he perswaded the King that he should not out of Lenity of which there had beene too much allready pardon any man for the future And indeede if his Majesty had granted the Petition made by the Prince of Orange that his owne and his Friends causes might be heard by the King as Master of the Order of the Fleece not by the Duke of Alva and his Councell many thinke they had hardly at this time begun the Warre But the sentence of the inraged King condemning the Prince of Orange and his confederates of High Treason and confiscating their Estates being pronounced by an odious Minister and so the Odium reflecting upon the Judgement it selfe may seeme to have constrained their taking of Armes upon a just resentment and consequently that the miserable and long Warre ensuing should rather be charged upon the Spaniards then the Low-countrey-men as some say but what are they men of that number which saith Polybius conceive the Causes and Beginnings of a Warre to be the same For my owne part as I will not deny but that Alva's cruell and hatefull Government was the Occasion and Beginning so I assure my selfe it was not the Cause of the Warre For the cause was much deeper grounded Indeed the Prince of Orange's Ambition to command in chiefe exasperated with griefe and Anger heightned by the accesse of Hereticks and opportunity of a Party men of all qualities ingaging this was the Cause which if it had not then and from that Originall taken fire to kindle a Warre in a little more time and from another Place would have found combustible matter Nor can occasion be long wanting to Improbity But the Prince of Orange his Fact was so fortunate as to find Patronage in the Hatred of another For he upon the Sentence pronounced by the Duke of Alva against him his Brother and many great persons tooke up Armes with so much the fairer pretence by how much it seemed not only just but glorious to defend himselfe to recover his owne and to vindicate his Associates his Son and Countrey in their Rights and Liberties In the Relation of which Warre managed by the Duke of Alva and his Successour Ludovico Requesenes I shall contract my selfe especially where I have no more nor no certainer Intelligence then others For which two Reasons I have inlarged my discourse in the Dutchesse or Parma's Government and shall doe in that of Don Iohn of Austria and of Alexander Farneze For I can promise many Animadversions concerning them out of the Monuments of Letters in my hands which are not common Yet in this Summary if there be any thing as I presume there will be diverse which I know and is unknowne to others I shall not faile to give it you at full Some thought the future Calamities were presaged by a Boy borne at Liege with two Heads foure Feet and as many Hands portending as they said the Monster of a Confederation to be made out of the joynt Forces of sundry Nations which soone after came to passe This Terrour was increased in minds already disposed to feare by a Fire immediatly after happening in the City of Machlin For a sparke falling among the Gunpowder at the Mills by accident or perhaps upon designe tooke hold of 60. Barrels with such a horrid thunder and Earthquake that in most of the Cityes of Brabant the men and houses trembed at the dreadfull noyse Though in regard these Powder-Milles used to be distant from Townes there were but few men slaine yet there might have been fewer and would be daily if as we sever seditious persons lest by coming together they set the State in a Combustion so the Elements that make Gunpowder were kept a sunder But Alva more moved with the Losse then with the Prodigy laid the foundation of a Fort at Antwerp modelled by the great Engineere Paciotto approved of by the Judgment of Serbellonio raised by the hands of 2000. Workmen with extraordinary Speed and Successe because he used but one man's contrivance and one man's counsell It was built in the forme of a Pentagon at every one of the sides was a large bulwarke to foure of which the Governour gave his owne name and titles Ferdinando Toledo Duke and Alva the fifth he suffered to be called Paciotto But this Fort though it long continued a patterne to all the new Plat-formes of Europe and that Paciotto got himselfe a great name by it being from thence called the Inventour of the moderne Fortification yet it was not by all men equally esteemed as for other Causes so particularly for the Situation upon that banke of the Scheldt which looketh towards Brabant in so much as when the Enemy from Holland attacques the Towne it cannot beat them off as it would have done had it been placed on the other side the City against the mouth of Scheldt opposite to Holland But 't is excused by some that say when Alva built this Fort he rather considered how he might defend himselfe from the Towne then the Towne from the Enemy And they add that the place was discreetly chosen as opportune for the bringing in contribution from those Provinces subject to the Spaniard which indeed is most considerable in the building of Forts a convenience they had wanted in case it had looked towards Holland Though I suppose Serbellonio had not this in designe For when he raised this Fort Holland was no lesse obedient to the King then Brabant and therefore he would have provided
besides the distempers of his mind if he were not poisoned he dyed upon Saint Iames his Eue. Foure dayes before having for a long time equally slighted the cure of Body and Soule God turning his Minde he called for his Ghostly Father and confessing his Sinnes with great compunction sending one to his Father to begge pardon for his Disobedience holding a hallowed Candle in his hand gave up the ghost I know this Relation will not please some that greedily swallow downe the foulest Surmizes without any distinction or respect to Truth or False-hood for whose palates if I were minded to dresse my Discourse I might instance the Rebellion of the Moores at this very time and make Prince Charles their Incourager and say that he sollicited Selimus the Turkish Emperour by Michesius the Jew fled out of Spaine as I have formerly related I might like-wise move a jealousie that the Faction of the Low countrey Covenanters was assisted by Prince Charles and might interpret that to be the reason why they resolved to send into Spaine many thousands of Calvins Catechismes translated into Spanish whereof the Governesse as I told you sent Intelligence to King Philip Pope Pius the fifth wrote to his Majesty that some Chest fulls of them were found at Lyons and Tholouse Nor should I passe over the Death of Queene Isabella Wife to King Philip there being but a few moneths between the Prince his Death and her's as if their too much Familiarity for Isabella should have beene marryed to Prince Charles had been the cause of both their fates Lastly I might tell you how the Prince had a designe upon his Father's life either out of affection to the Crowne or hatred to the King grounding my conjecture upon common fame which spread to farre that to my knowledge this verse of Ovid was used to that purpose in the Low-countreys first applied as they say by Opmerus FILIVs ante DIeM patr Ios InqVIrIt In annos Wherein both the Prince's Fact and the yeare of his Death are expressed in numerall Letters But this kind of learning as darke and intricate I willingly leave to those Writers that by Interpretation of such Oracles are ambitious to be famed for acutenesse of wit and divination they seeming to me besides their uncertainty to have no colour of Truth For not to speake of the Love betwixt the Queene and Prince which if it had been true the King to breake that League would have hastned not put off the Princes Marriage with his Cosen-german if the Prince had plotted any thing against his Father he might every day have executed it by himselfe and with his owne hands as being young and coming resolved against an unprepared old man or if he would have raised Tumults and called in help no doubt but he had needed many hands and consequently when the Prince fell those of his Party I suppose could not have stood yet the Princes Death was the losse of no mans Life Nay the King to lessen the envy both of his Son's Imprisonment and Death knowing himselfe aspersed by diverse persons in particular by Mary the Empresse the Prince's Aunt and desirous to match her Daughter to the Heire of so many Kingdomes would he not have pretended the cause of such Severity to have been his Son 's impious Designes Notwithstanding in his Letter to the Empress he denyed that his Son was found guilty of any â—reasonable Intention but said it was fit he should be imprisoned for his own howsoever for the Kingdome 's Good And a few dayes after his Son's Commitment sending the President of his Councell of Castile to the Archbishop of Rossana the Popes nuncio he assured the Bishop from the King there was no other reason of that Change as the Bishop himselfe wrote to Cardinall Alexandrino in the President 's wrods then his Majesties Resolution to prefer Religion and the Safety of his Subjects before his owne bloud which compelled him in a manner to sacrifice his only Son lest he should have been more than ingratefull for the great benefits God had bestowed upon him Afterwards his Majesty inserted in his Letters to forreine Princes and to his owne Kingdomes that the Rumour spread abroad of a Plot which his Son had upon his life was idle false But this fortune proved peculiar to the two Charles'es the Grand-father Grand-childe that the one's Desire to resigne and the other 's to invest the Soveraignty very much busied the wits of Writers The Low-countrey-Lords and Commons affrighted with the King 's forrein and domesticall Severity every man as his conscience accused him shifted for himselfe few hoped for Pardon many thought of Armes and Revenge In so much as Alva himselfe hardly escaped at the Monastery of Greene-vaile to which he was going in devotion an Ambush being laid in the woods by Ressorius Nohott to surprize him by the way And when he came thither he was in danger to have been murthered in the very Monastery by Charles Ressorius his Brother who had taken the habit of a Monke pretending feare of the Duke Iohn Lignius Count Aremberg Governour of Frisland Generall at the Battaile of Hilligel The death of Count Aremberg incouraged not the mind of the Prince of Orange and the Confederates more then it exasperated the Duke of Alva and hastened his March into Friezland to prevent Lewis of Nassau from joyning forces with the Prince of Orange But the Duke fearing that in his absence some Tumult might be raised in favour of the Lords his Prisoners freed himselfe of that suspicion especially being inraged for the losse of Count Aremberg at the newes brought him that Grave Lewis had hanged many Spaniards in Revenge of his Brother Adolph's Death And though diverse of his Friends did not so well approve his Resolution but indeavoured to perswade him there was no danger of a Tumult in the Low-countryes so long as he had for his Security such Hostages as those Prisoners And that it was no more to be doubted that the Low-countrey-men would out of their affection forceably attempt any thing for the Liberty of the impeached Lords then it was to be hoped that the same affection would disswade them from stirring lest by a popular offence they might wrong those Noble-mens private cause Yet the Duke of Alva despising this Advise as one that long experience had made jealous and of his owne nature was averse to other mens counsells which he looked upon with the aspect of a retrograd Planet especially when they offered themselves on the first of Iune Nineteene noble Covenanters were condemned of High Treason by the Councell of twelve and by the Duke of Alva's Order beheaded in the Sand-market at Bruxells Eight whereof dyed religiously the other Eleven like Hereticks as they were obstinately and therefore the bodyes of those were buryed but the other all but
footman strucke off his head Presently after Count Horne with the same constancy was by the same Executioner beheaded both their heads being for two houres set upon two speares for the City to behold Their Bodyes were immediately carryed into the next Churches and the day after together with their Heads sent to the chiefe Cityes of their owne Provinces and there honourably buryed The miserable Death of Count Egmont for he was generally beloued was lamented by the Low-countrymen with greater Spleene then Sorrow Some whereof despising danger dipt their handkerchers in his bloud and kept them either as Monuments of Love or Incitements to Revenge Others kissed his leaden Coffin and without any feare of an Informer publiquely threatened Vengeance Insomuch as diverse Person noting the Low-countrymen's Violent affections to his Memory and their detestation of the very name of Alva said that by Egmonts death the Confederates were first established and foretold that all the Lowcountreys would in a short time contrary to the Duke's Expectation be involued in Tumults This Prediction gave credit to the report that presently after it rained bloud in the Fields about Lovain the Multitude easily believing what their Hatred supposes to be done in Heaven And indeed there are that doubt not but it would have beene more policy in the Duke to have made their Execution private and not presented that distastfull Scene and Pompe of Egmont's Tragedy to the people For they doe ill that make the Favourers and Pittyers of the Cause Spectators of the Punishsment But Alva resolving to make an Example of Terrour which hee then thought necessary slighted Hate or Envy It is reported the French Embassadour who privatly beheld the Execution wrote to King Charles that he had seene in the Market-place at Bruxells his head struck off whose Valour had twice made France tremble intimating the losse of the French Nobility at Saint Quintin and Graueling the first of which Battailes was almost the second altogether purchased by the Courage and conduct of Count Egmont He dyed in the fortie sixth yeare of his age leaving by Sabina of Bavier to whom he was married at Spires in presence of the Emperour Charles the fifth eight Daughters and three Sons the eldest inheriting his Fathers Vertues the second nothing but his Hatred to the Spaniard the third who was faithfull to the King only left Issue to the Family He had a Brother that followed the Emperour Charles into Africa and dyed in Italy a Sister marryed to Count Vadamont Mother to Frances Wife to Henry the third of France The Nobility of his House was antient their Power much greater once when the Dukes of Egmont were Lords of Gelderlandt He tooke his name from Egmond a Towne in the farthest part of Holland neare the westerne Shore of which he still wrote himselfe Count though he was Prince of Gavera a Towne upon the banke of Schelt not farre from Gant Charles the fifth created him knight of the Golden-Fleece King Philip trusted him with the Governement of the most noble Provinces of Flanders and Artois He was a man for the Heroicall Vertues of his mind and body worthy a farre better Fate though the very infelicity of his Death as Compassion looks upon all things through a multiplying Glasse did not a Little increase the opinion of his Vertues Nor was it any disadvantage to his Children restored by King Philip to all their Father 's personall and reall Estate But Philip Count of Horne who was likewise Knight of the Golden-Fleece dyed foure yeares elder then Count Egmont his Brother the Lord Montiny being for the same Cause condemned and beheaded in Spaine whither he was by the Governesse sent Embassadour with the Marquesse of Bergen Nor was Count Horne of a lesse noble family then Count Egmont being descended of the French Momorancyes and had courage equall to his Honour as appeared at the Battaile at Saint Quintin and in the magnificent discharge of two great offices of Admirall and Captaine of the life Guard Hee first tryled a Pike under the Emperour Charles the Fifth to whom he was a Subject for Horne an Imperiall Castle betweene Gelderland and Brabant whence he had his Title of Count though he was possessed of many other Townes and Castles within the Kings Dominions Indeed his death could not have beene moderately lamented but that Egmont had consumed all men's Teares After this the Duke of Alva resolved to move speedily to Friezland sending before with part of his Forces Chiapino Vitelli his Campe-Master-Generall who entring the Groine Valiantly defended that Towne against Lewis of Nassau that sate downe before it Then the Duke in person having payed a Souldiers Duty to Count Aremberg and with the sad Military Ceremonies waited on him to his Grave went about the end of Iune from Bruxells to Antwerp leaving Gabriel Serbellonio there in Garrison with eight Companyes of Germans for defence of the Fort and Towne At the Bus he stayed till Cressonerius came up with seaenteene Field-pieces marching thence in the beginning of Iuly he passed the Mose at Grave from thence he went to Arnhem in Gelderland and so to Daventry in Over-Ysell where he rested a while till his Scouts should bring word if the Bridges wer strong enough to beare the weight of his Cannon they had not rid farre but hearing Drummes beate a pretty way off and presently discovering foure Ensignes they galloped back to the Duke and told him the Enemy was coming hard at hand though he could not well believe it yet because his Scouts of several Nations brought the same Intelligence he forthwith commanded his Colonells and Feild Officers to set his men in Battalia and sent out others to discover the Enemyes nearer Aproaches and their number These were no sooner in the Field but they saw foure gallant Banners displayed and as many Waggons covered with Canvasse and greene Boughes in which a Bride marryed that morning who dreamed not of a warre was riding towards the next Village with a great sort of countrey fellowes leaping and playing about her When this Newes was brought to the Army they made not better Sport at the Folly of the Scouts then they did at the simplicity of the Country people when an Army was so neare them and all that suddaine preparation for a Warre being changed into Mirth they entertained the Bride in her passage with a Volly of Musket-Shot The memory of this Accident is still fresh in the mouthes of the Wallons who ever when they send out their Scouts if they shew any Feare in their Returne aske them in a military Ieere if they have seene the Bride But the Duke of Alva angry at this delay and sharply rebuking them that were the Causes entred the Groin on the fifteenth of Iuly about Noon-day and at that very houre without alighting or changing of his Horse he himselfe attended with a few others rode
State was committed to him alone and he only would be carefull of it In the meane time they ought to obey his just Commands and call to mind that diverse Cities ingaged in the Rebell 's cause might be fined if he so pleased in farre greater Summes then he demanded Now therefore with cheerefull obedience they should redeeme their Delinquencies the rather since he looked not after the money for his owne use or to send it into Spaine to the King but only therewith to defend and secure the Low-countreys against the danger of the times He likewise tooke away the priviledges of diverse malignant Cities charged others with Garisons and struck feare into them all In so much as most of the Provinces consented to the 100. part some commuted and bought out that Tribute with ready money But many taking time to deliberate dispatched Agents into Spainâ— petitioning to be eased of the tenth part but the hundreth part more they were not able they offered to pay Which Affront though Alva deeply stomackt yet fearing the power which his Enemies at Court had with the King he thought it best to dissemble his indignation And to win the Peoples hearts he resolved at that instant to publish what he had long deferred a General pardon for the late Tumults Three yeares before Margaret of Austria had earnestly sollicited the King to grant them This Pardon because she saw that every day many Low-countreymen in feare of punishment either left the Provinces or there conspired with some of their own Faction as if with their Number their Safety would increase because a Multitude is easiest pardoned and where all offend none suffers But the King not sending the Pardon under Seale till two yeares after to the Duke of Alva and he delaying Publication till another yeare both of them lessened the favour by protraction Howsoever Alva omitted nothing that might gloriously set off that benefit to the Lowcountrymen For going to Antwerp he commanded Supplications to be made in the great Church of our Lady he himselfe in a rich habit after Sermon which was preached in Low-Duch by the Bishop of that City being present with all the Lords of the Councell at the Archbishop of Cambray's Masse Towards the end of the Sacrifice the Archbishop read Pius the fifth his Letters wherein he absolved all those that had complied with the Hereticks Vpon which subiect-matter the Bishop of Arras made a Speech in French exhorting the people to give thankes to God for that mercy of the Pope and King and for the indeavours therein used by the Duke of Alva their Governour Whilst he amplified this point he was taken with a suddaine qualme and carried out of the Pulpit diverse persons making a superstitious Construction of the Accident as if he had undertaken a cause that Fortune favoured not In the Evening the Duke attended with a great Traine of Lords and Gentlemen came into the great Market-place filled with an infinite Crowde his Souldiers guarding the Streets and standing mixt among the Townsmen Then his excellence ascending a Theater sate downe in a golden Throne having on his hallowed Sword and hat which I told you were sent him by the Pope pretious both for their Consecration and their Iewelles and commanded the Cryer that stood by him to read the King's Decree wherein his Majesty granted the Low-countreymen an Act of Oblivion and Indemnity The man read it in French and Low-Dutch but with such a hoarse vnaudible Voyce that very few understood him Which was perhaps an Accident perhaps so ordered by the Duke who had rather the Low-countreymen should measure the benefit by the greatnesse of Pompe and the glorious Newes of a Generall pardon then by the Decree it selfe containing so many Exceptions But the just contrary hapned For the people upon sight of so magnificent a preparation promising themselves all they could desire whatsoever fell short of their Expectation they accounted as taken from them Besides the Multitude that looked on and could not get neare the theater not knowing how farre the Pardon extended to particulars were easily deceived by such as watcht there on purpose to extenuate the Kings Favour And many of those that stood neerest by reason of Clauses of Exception not yet thinking themselves sufficiently secured were observed to depart very melancholique and doubtfull and contrary to the Duke of Alva's Expectation no bonefires were made that night to signifie their Joy and thanks In the mean time Princesse Anne daughter to the Experour Maximilian came into the Low-countreys she having beene after the death of Charles Prince of Spaine to whom she was promised espoused to his Father Philip it being fatall to that Prince to have his designed Wâ—ves either taken from him in his life time or after his death enjoyed by his owne Father The Duke of Alva was an earnest Suiter to the King for leave to waite upon the Princesse into Spaine thinking it would be an honour on so good an occasion to quit the Low-countreys which by beating the Enemy he had sufficiently preserved for the present and secured as he thought for the future by the Forts which he had built And though at first the king consented not yet in the end displeased at some thing done by Alva in his Governement and that he had not as he was commanded published his Royall Pardon for those Tumults if Count Mansfeldt long since alienated from Alva wrote truth to the Dutchesse of Parma his Majesty resolved to call him away from the Low-countreys and named his Successour of the Bloud Royall Iuan de la Cerda Duke of Medina Celi Viceroy of Navar who notwithstanding came not till two yeares after and then presently resigning the burthen of the Low-countrey Warre to another he himselfe returned into Spaine At which time it was the common newes that Cardinall Granvell ioyned in commission with Mary Princess of Portugall Wife to Alexander Farneze should succeed in the Governement of the Low-countreys though all their Wishes were fixed upon her mother in Law Margaret of Austria Dutchesse of Parma But the Duke of Alva before the designation of his Successour leaving the businesse of conducting the Queene into Spaine to Maximilian Count of Bolduc Admirall of the Belgick Seas and sending in his owne Place his Sonne Ferdinando de Toledo Caesar Davalo and Mondragonio with his Regiment all of them a while after returning into the Low-countreys but only Caesar Davalo who served Don Iohn of Austria in the battaile of Lepanto and the Warre of Tunis In the meane time the Duke himselfe fell againe upon his demands of the tenth and twentieth part on conditions which he had often altered and the people as often refused with like willfullnesse of both sides The Low-countreymens obstinacy was increased by their intelligence that Alva had but a little time to stay among them which the People wished and
second Mutinie and their flight from Leyden with taking near the Isell and in the borders of Gelderland under command of Hierg Governour of that Province the towns of Bura Montford Oudewater and Schounhoven and a little before that in Holland under the command of Vitelli between the Rivers of Ukall and the Leck Lerodam and the neighbour Towns Asper Huchel and Worcom over against Gorcom with other Towns and Forts round about to the great benefit of the Royall partie increased at the same time by the coming of Hanniball Count Altempse with a Regiment of four thousand foot raised in Germany by order from Requesenes who attributed much to the known virtues and warlike abilities of Altempse He was sisters sonne to Pope Pius the fourth bred up in the warres from nine years old by his uncle the Marquesse of Melena in the prime of his youth he served the house of Austria and was afterwards in many expeditions under the Emperours Charles and Ferdinand and Philip the second of Spain in Germany Italy the Low-countreys and Africa But he was the more welcome to Requesenes because Fame had reported him slain by the way and his Regiment dispersed and there was something in it For whilst he rode before his men onely with two or three in his Companie just as he entered the Low-countreys he was set upon by almost 600 souldiers which had run away from the battell of Mooch and being wounded in two places valiantly charged through got clear off Requesenes therefore opportunely leaving these forces to guard Brabant when the Treatie of Peace was come to nothing that had been agitated by the Royallists and Nassavians at Breda on the Emperours part by Gunter Count of Suartzemburg the Prince of Orange his sisters son bent his whole care immediately to make his fleet ready for a voyage long since designed Chiapino Vitelli Marquess of Cetona Campe-master generall The Marquesse Vitelli's funerall was within a few dayes followed by the death of Ludovico Requesenes a man in whom concurred the honours of the House of Zunica by his father and of Requesenes by his Mother For from his father Iuan Zunica great Commendador of the Knights of Saint Iago in the Province of Castile descended upon him that honourable Office And from his mother Stephania Requesenes he had his name and Barony she being the onely daughter of the house of Requesenes that had inheritance in Catalonia For Bernardo Requesenes took his other daughter by the same wife along with him when he went Vice-Roy into Sicily and she still continues in the ancient and illustrious family of Anthonio Requesenes Prince of Pantellana But Ludovico from his mothers side derived not onely his sirname but his skill in Sea-fights proper to the name of the Requesenes For his Great-grandfather Galcerano Requesenes Governour of Catalonia King Ferdinand's Admirall ended the War of Aenare having in a sea-fight utterly defeated the Torellio's Lords of the Island Another Galcerano sonne to the former Count De Trivento and Avilino and his brother Berlinguerio he in Naples this in Sicily succeeded in their Fathers fame and Office of High Admirall to the Catholick King And Berlinguerio's sonne inheriting both his Fathers Place and Virtue overthrew Arias Soliman's Fleet at Pantellana and sent back to Pope Leo the tenth the streamers which Arias had taken out of the Galley of Pope Iulius the second Ludovico Requesenes furnished with these great domestick examples when Don Iohn of Austria had his Patent for High Admirall was by the King chosen under the name of his Vice-Admirall to be the young mans Superintendent Soon after by the same King in the War of Granado he was appointed to defend the Sea-coast of Spain with souldiers brought out of Italy against the Incursions of the Moors assisted by the Turkish Emperour Selimus And in the battell of Lepanto he was by the King made Vice-Amirall to Don-Iohn of Austria but with such authority as Don Iohn was commanded to hear especially and follow his advice But though Requesenes was active and a fortunate Souldier yet I know he was vulgarly accounted a better Gownman and more skilfull in the arts of Peace Which opinion he gained as well by his gentle and modest nature as by his great Offices of State Embassages and the Government of Millian wherewith he was intrusted by the King Though some differences betwixt him and St. Charles Boromeo Bishop of the Citie much blemished his name and some thought that the cause both of his unfortunate administration of the Low-countreys and of his untimely death They say Requesenes in his sickness sent to the Bishop earnestly beseeching him whom he called the holy man to vouchsafe him the expiration of the sacred Crosse a passage which because I do not certainly know I mean not to affirm This I am assured of when Requesenes went from Millain into the Low-countreys without any publick reconcilement with the Bishop for to the Church he was reconciled by the Breve of Gregory the thirteenth upon the way touched with Religion he sent one of the principall Gentlemen of his Train piously and humbly to crave pardon of the Bishop then Cardinall for what was past The good man willingly embraced his desire and promised he would earnestly pray God to grant it But among Requesenes his disasters I cannot justly reckon his Government wherein he was often Conquerour and which was beyond any former victorie after a memorable foarding of the Sea took Zericzee thereby separating Holland and Zeland so facilitating the recovery of both those Countreys to the Royallists and finally left the enemies forces fewer and weaker then he found them I cannot excuse him of one fault that to aw the mutinous souldiers he gave way to the Low-countreymen for taking up Arms which afterwards they were unwilling to lay down But nothing more obstructed Requesenes his successe then his own souldiers who demanding their pay not so unjustly as importunely in two years mutinied three or four times corrupting their own victories and occasioning Requesenes his fate For when Requesenes heard how the horse in Brabant mutinied whilest he lay before Zericzee fearing left some of the foot should make the like attempt which might be the beginning of some great Commotion riding thither post the next day after he came to Bruxells he was past all hope of life Instantly therefore lest the Provinces might suffer by the intervall of Government he named Philip Count Barlamont Governour of the Low-countreys and Peter Ernest Count Mansfeldt Generall of the Army commanding his Secretary to draw up and bring him their Commissions which though presented to him yet because he died before they were read and signed were held of no validitie And the Government of the Low-countreys according to their ancient custome remained in the power of those Lords
they call the States till it should be otherwise ordered by the King who for some time doubted whether he should allow that form of Goverment or no. For Gregory the thirteenth who had mutually agreed with King Philip to assist the Queen of Scots then a Prisoner being to nominate a Generall for that expedition for it was undertaken in the Popes not the Kings name lest it might distast the Rivalls of the Spanish Greatnesse his Holinesse made choice of Don Iohn of Austria famous for Sea victories And therefore advised the King by Ormanetti who was trusted in the transaction of that businesse to send his Brother into the Low-countreys wanting at that time a Governour who would be in great esteem with the Low countrey men that honoured the memory of his Father Charles the fifth and might from thence passe with a Fleet into England where he if any man might exspect success He likewise articled with King Philip that the Queen of Scots if it pleased God they freed her from captivity should be married to Don Iohn with the Kingdome of England for her dowry which would be a fair title to the Island for the House of Austria to ground a Warre upon The King disliked it not though he more approved of the Expedition then of the Generall but instantly resolved and promised the Nuncio to send his brother into the Low-countreys But his Majestie thought it not amisse to protract his Brothers going for a while that he might see how the Low-countreymen would govern the Low-countreys moved hereunto by Ioachim Opper a Low-countrey man his Secretary for the Netherlands who delivered his opinion that the Low-countrey Lords would no doubt be infinitely carefull of the Common-wealth and would now themselves apply to the evill that remedie for which they had so often solicited the King Who by confiding in them would for ever oblige the hearts of the Low-countrey men Especially in that his Majestie well knew the Principall Senatours Duke Areschot the Counts Mansfeldt and Barlamont and the President of the Senate himself Viglius Zuichom were men of most undoubted Religion and Loyaltie But to govern by a Committee that I may not accuse the Kings prudence from the event was then unseasonable For in the most troubled State the most present remedy is for one man to rule Truly this indulgence of the Prince did more hurt to the Low-countreys then all his severity as appeared by the immediate ruine of the Provinces For the people freed from a Spanish Governour would not acknowledge a new one in the Senate or rather greatly feared not a power divided and diminished among many And the Lords despised the government of their Peers and easily deluded their discordant Votes and Orders Some enemies to the Spaniard desirous of revenge fomented this difference of the Lords especially the Burgesses for Brabant and Haynolt whom Requesenes had larely called to Bruxells For these as they were chosen under-hand by means of the Prince of Orange in regard of the Authority wherewith those Provinces intrusted them hugely distracted the Senate And though both parties pretended the Kings name and cause yet their Designes and Counsels were so different that some of them were vulgarly called Spaniards others Patriots or Protectours of their Countrey And as the word Countrey infinitely takes the People with a counterfeit and deceiving image of Libertie it was not to be doubted but in case of a Warre the major part of the Low-countrey-men would adhere unto this party Nor was occasion long wanting to mature the mischief For when they had taken Ziriczee after Requesenes his death the Germans and Spaniards clamouring for their pay for that Island had afforded very little money it was resolved on by the Senate for easing the Low-countreys of the burden of forrein Souldiers to pay and cashiere the regiment of Hannibal Count de Altempse because there having lately been a breach between him and the Governour of Antwerp Frederick Perenot Lord of Campin about the Garrison it was feared lest publick mischief might ensue In the mean time the Spaniards that took Ziriczee under Colonell Mondragonio when they saw themselves passed by and the many moneths pay which was promised them issued out to others interpreting not falsely as some said that it was done out of malice to their Nation and they thereby necessitated to an Insurrection First as if he looked not into their business they threatned Mondragonio then hearing of the complaints made in the Senate of Bruxels by Count Altempse who publickly affirmed that he was casheired not for any danger to the Town of Antwerp nor with relation to his fouldiers importunity for pay which he himself a fortnight longer was able to have satisfied but only by the subtilty spleen of the Lord Campin that excluded souldiers faithfull to the King and so weakning the Spanish partie intended to betray the citie to the Prince of Orange Whereupon the Spaniards troubled at the publick danger and the more exasperated by their private injury in regard they demanded but what was due to their extraordinary labours and unprendented courage in wading through the sea seized upon their Captains and chose themselves a Generall in Mondragonio's place Whereto they were animated by the example of the horse and recruited by the accession of Valdez his Regiment They sent letters therefore to the Senate at Bruxels threatningly petitioning for their money Nor did the Senate deny it the major part being Royallists But the Burgesfes of Hoynolt and Brabant long since bought as I said with the Prince of Oranges money interceded in the name of their Provinces pretending publick necessitie And whilst the Senate partly affrighted with their protestations partly intangled in crosse votes deferred their payment the Spaniards thinking their menaces contemned took up their Colours in furie crying Away for Brabant And having left Ziricze guarded with a few Wallons quitting Schelt and Duveland Islands they had conquered with so much glory to their Nation they ran up and down Brabant threatning but not resolved upon any determinate design the Cities generally trembling and in amazement exspecting where that storm would fall But having first rejected the conditions which Count Mansfeldt meeting them near Asc brought from the Senate then sending away Iuliano Romero who for the same cause came from the Spaniards without so much as hearing him speak afterward shaking their swords and presenting their muskets against Francisco Montesdocha they commanded him to come no nearer and lastly on a sudden possessed themselves of Aelst a town in Flanders not farre from Bruxels hanging the King Officer that opposed them before the Gates openly professing they meant to keep Aelst as a pledge till their Arrears were paid When this news came to Bruxels with addition but false that they had plundered the Town and put the People to the sword the minds
a Commemoration but without upbraiding of their Tumults and insurrections he told them That if they had of late years done any thing so licentiously as to offend the King they might by their present obedience not onely cancell the memory thereof but also highly merit at the Kings hand from which they could not but exspect farre more and firmer fortunes then they should forgo in the Low-countreys Could gallant men find no other place but that to exercise their valour in Kings that have large Dominions never want causes of warre nor rewards for souldiers But it was more then needed to trouble themselves about other mens opinions touching their departure it being evident by whom and with what artifice this was brought about For such as feared them could not indure their company and no marvell if their inferiours that more then once found themselves overmatched now feared them Their neighbours saw and strangers heard how often the Spaniard had cowed the rebellious Enemy They knew the number of Forts Towns and victories wonne by the Armie and that for ten years together in all Land-battels for at Sea there was a variation of Fortune the Spaniards at all times excepting that one overthrow of Count Aremberg remained Conquerours They likewise knew that in the killing of such multitudes no lesse then thirty thousand as the Low-countreymen themselves confesse so few Spaniards have been lost that upon computation Ten Spaniards were able to rout a Thousand Truly a miserable slaughter and to be buryed in silence if it had not been executed for Religion and the King upon Rebells unto both But with this very name of Rebell if by a bloudy Edict of the Estates the late Spanish Mutineirs were branded Don John hath abundantly provided against that Edict by framing a new one of his own and making void the old thereby favouring their Merits and obliging their Obedience so as they may with greater honour obey his Commands and their valour shewn upon the enemy will not appear more glorious then their Loyaltie to their Sovereign and not onely by taking Forts and Cities with their Arms but likewise by laying them down at his Majesties Command with equall praise in both they will be said to have asserted the Low-countreys to the King This last part of his Speech moved the Souldiers wavering minds for rather the spirit of sedition then of anger vanished and He reading an honourable Edict on their behalf posted up in many placed They delivered into the hands of the Estates the Forts of Antwerp and of the other Cities and retired to Maestricht Prisoners on either side being set free The Spaniards releasing Count Egmont Goignius Caprias and six others taken in the storming of Antwerp The Estates on their part five first the Lord Billes Governour of Friezland in the Tumults of those Provinces outed from his Government by his own souldiers and by George Latin Lord of Ville imprisoned at Leovard Then Mondragonio's wife that when the Castle of Gant was besieged whilst she manfully discharged the place of her absent husband was taken prisoner and by the Estates Commanders carryed as it were in triumph After the mutuall release of prisoners some part of their money was begun to be tendered to the Spaniards the Estates having agreed with them for 600000 Florens whereof they were to have 300000 in hand and as much more by bills of exchange at Genoa But after 100000 was paid down the Deputies of the Estates not producing any more Don Iohn out of his own moneys lent the Estates never to be repaid 200000 Florens lest he might be thought to favour their stay So towards the end of April the Spaniards Italians and Burgundians left the Netherlands under the command of Peter Ernest Count Mansfeldt chosen on purpose to take away the emulation between Alphonso Vargas Sancho Avila Iuliano Romero and Francisco Valdez which might with more honour obey a Generall of another Nation then serve under one another The Low-countreymen appeared not more joyfull to see the Armies departure then the Spaniards were discontented and angry at the beholders and the greater their number was for besides souldiers and such as belonged to the carriages the wayes were crouded with horses and wagons loaded with women and children the whole number amounting to thirty thousand head of men and cattle the more it troubled them to be looked upon passing through Cities like a Show Albeit some among them penetrating further into the Low-countreymens designes foresaw that the war now raked up in embers would shortly break forth again into a flame and then the Spaniards would be called to extinguish it In the mean time they left the Low-countreys without so much as obtaining the honour in their passage to take their leave of Don Iohn which exceedingly grieved them as if by that severitie their actions were condemned And marching through Lorain Burgundy and Savoy they descended into Italy Where coming into the Province of Millain the Governour the Marquesse of Ayamont quartered them as he pretended by the Kings Command along the mountains of Liguria which they call Langascho there the heat of Summer breeding diseases for want of necessaries and with very grief to think the King should so forget their services a great sort of the oldest souldiers dyed But Don Iohn whilst the Spaniards marched away riding in the middle between the Popes Legate and the Bishop of Leige attended by the three estates in all their glory entred Bruxels He himself added to the pomp by the lovelinesse of his presence and youth being not yet thirty two years of age as likewise by the fame of his Land-and-Sea-victories in a word by the memory of his Father Charles the fifth honoured by the Dutch as their beloved Countreyman No sooner had he solemnly taken his oath and was acknowledged Governour but he yet more indeared himself to that people by his admired Clemencie Affabilitie Graciousnesse and Bountie beyond example extended even unto his Enemies Insomuch as the Subjects enamoured of the sweetnesse of his deportment above what they could imagine or had ever heard related praised him to the skies especially because they saw themselves at last freed by his favour from the burthen of forrein souldiers and with a generall gratulation joyed their Countrey of its antient happinesse returned with Don Iohn of Austria Yet many thought it not so prudent an action for Don Iohn to trust his person disarmed into the hands of the armed Estates with so much confidence in himself being after the dismissing of the Spaniards in a weak and unsafe condition if so be the Prince of Orange should invade him that had reserved no one Fort or Garrison-town in his power either for refuge or resistance And it was not long before it appeared how he was over-reached in this concession how much wiser King Philip had been when he
and the Navarines sallying out but with losse beat back were thought to be upon the point of yielding When the Turks either by the connivence or ignorance of Prince Alexander's Souldiers put in men by night and relieved the Garrison Besides the Turkish horse and foot coming from al quarters Prince Alexander fearing they would block up his retreat and not hoping to take the Castle thought it enough in his enemies sight to retire with his Cannon to the Fleet. And Don Iohn since the Turkish Navy shunning a general Battell could by no affront be provoked to sea contented to have struct a terrour into the enemy and forced them to confesse themselves not able to appear upon the Main the mindes as well as the Fleet of the Christians being divided he went to Sicily the rest to other places Thus was Alexander Farneze initiated in war which as it begat an opinion both among those great Souldiers and Princes absent specially the successour to Pope Pius Gregory and King Philip of Spain that he would prove a gallant General so afterward it moved the King of his own accord to call him where the war was most dangerous into the Low-countreys For his Majesty pressed with the Low-countrey-mens daily complaints against Don Iohn of Austria and very desirous to quiet the Netherlands without Arms that weaken even the Conquerour himself he resolved to satisfie the desires of the Provinces and in his Brothers place to substitute his Sister Margaret of Austria with her Son Alexander Farneze Hoping either by her prudence and power with the Low-countrey-men to find out some expedient towards the concluding of a Peace or by his valour if there was use of Arms strongly to pursue the war Therefore he ordered it that Cardinall Granvell then at Rome should perswade his sister of Parma to return into the Low-countreys The Cardinall taking a journey to Aquila found there very opportunely the Dutchesse and Prince Alexander and read his letters containing the Kings desires to both together Though his Majesty had likewise commanded the Marquesse of Ayamont Governour of Millaine to treat with Prince Alexander apart The Dutchesse answered doubtfully she would advise upon it either fearing as she pretended to displease Don Iohn or by that delay and seeming refusal aym to put a higher value upon her journey But Alexander Farneze without the least demurring said he would obey the King with all his heart if it so pleased his mother He made yet a plainer answer to two letters delivered him by Raphael Manrique from Ayamont that was sick and kept his bed together with his Majesties letter wherein after expression of his grief for the death of Princesse Mary wife to Prince Alexander he signifies his resolution to imploy him in the Low-countreyes I am certain they are the Kings words now you know it with a ready and undaunted mind you will satisfie my exspectation of you and my love which highly esteems you and your virtue most illustrious Prince But when the King altered his determination of substituting the Dutchesse in his Brothers place by reason of Matthias the Arch-dukes coming into the Low-countreyes it was doubted at Parma whether it would be handsome for Prince Alexander to go and fight in the Low-countreyes commanded by another which consideration he out of duty to the King and desire of glory in the wars easily contemned especially incouraged by some dark words of Granvell promising great matters Besides Gregory the thirteenth interposed his Authority and exhortation who informed of the design by Cardinal Farneze highly praised it and bad the Cardinal write to the Prince of Parma in his name that the expedition would be pleasing to God and therefore under so mighty protection and upon encouragement from his Holiness he should willingly and speedily undertake it The Pope I suppose did not thus commend the warre onely for the King of Spain's sake and the common cause of Religion but for some peculiar benefit that might result to the Pontifician Empire For the Prince of Parma being a Feudatary and Homager to the See Apostolick his Holinesse thought himself concerned in sending the Prince to a Forein warre whence he might return an able General to defend the Church of Rome Wherefore Alexander Farneze having within a few dayes received three letters from Don Iohn of Austria which invited him with great entreaties and no lesse promises to the society of warre and glory making ready with all possible speed the twelvth day after he left Parma arrived at Luxemburg and there met Don Iohn who with expressions of incredible contentment received Prince Alexander that stood amazed to see his uncle no lesse impaired in his health then in the presence and Majestie of the most fortunate Generall So true it is that they are most sensible of adverse fortune which have been in most felicity It is therefore probable that Don Iohn not against his will or onely by the Kings command sent for the Prince of Parma nor did with dissembled joy welcome him from whose long approved fidelitie and valour he might promise safety to the publick and a particular preservation to himself whose life was sought by so many plots At their first meeting Don Iohn imparted the Kings commands that he should acquaint Prince Alexander with all businesse of Warre and Peace and reserve for his use 1000 Crownes a moneth Both which conditions pleased him very much especially the later usually given by the King to none but Viceroyes Governours of Provinces or Generalls of Armies For some dayes the Prince of Parma took the money till the Kings high estimation of his merit was thereby divulged among the people afterwards writing his humble thanks to his Majesty he as one more ambitious of honour then profit refused the pay adding that it was not fit he should be so remunerated who had yet done no service and he needed no encouragement But Alexander Farneze acting nothing without order from Don Iohn wholly applyed his minde and endeavours to inform himself of affaires at home and abroad which he found to be in a very bad condition For the King had but two Provinces that continued loyall in the rest the few Forts that held for his Majestie daily revolted to the States Nay even in Holland Amsterdam it self began to waver And in Brabant Bergen op Zoom where the Souldiers basely betraying their Colonell Charles Fugger yeilded to the States But the Garrison of Breda a while before deceived by a stratagem of the enemy carryed themselves yet more basely towards their Colonell For the Generalls of the Sates Arrmy Philip Count Holach and Frederick Perenot Lord of Campin that besieged Breda they were gallantly opposed by George Fronsberg Colonel of the Germans that served Don Iohn but the Garrison because they were some payes behind daily growing to mutiny Fronsberg by a man of know
kind of fate upon the place for ever since the year of our Lord 900 it is famous for many sackings burnings and plundrings at the earnest suit of Lambert Count and Abbot of Gemblac made to Alexander Farneze and by him unto Don Iohn was preserved both from the plunder and injurie of the souldier The Garrison being onely disarmed such as were Low-countrey men taking an oath never more to bear Arms against the King of Spain the rest not within a year were all let go save twelve of the principall detained in stead of hostages that were carried to the Castle of Namure with their Generall Goigny Who was before his departure brought to Don Iohn and they say desiring to kisse his victorious hand he gave it him with these words God thus breaks their contumacy that impiously rebell against Religion and their King The successe even of this battell wherein so great an Army was defeated by so few shews how much God Almighty favours his Majesties just cause But he onely answering That he never took up arms against Religion with the other prisoners was removed Then Don Iohn taking notice of his own Souldiers merits graciously calling to him every Commander and the stoutest of the Souldiers with great and glorious words magnificently commended their service Among them all he was not ignorant that Alexander Farneze best deserved yet the more he saw the Army look upon him and extoll his courage the more he thought it concerned his Love and Place to praise not without care and caution the virtue of that man whom he both feared and affected Therefore minding the Prince of his danger at the battell of Lepanto he remembred him of the Office of a Generall and said He was sent thither by the King his Uncle to advance the Warre not with his hand and the danger of a common souldier but with his counsel and conduct Prince Alexander replying that he could think no man fit to command in chief that had not first valiantly performed the duties of a common souldier especially under so great a Generall was received both with the Armies applause and the Generalls embraces But the Prince of Parma wrote Don Iohns praises not beyond their merit much more freely and without any exception to the King For together with the Generalls Letters giving an account of the battell to his Mejestie at Argenton Prince Alexander gratulated the Kings victory won first by Gods assistance and in the next place by the prudence and valour of Don Iohn And that as the enemy in the field found him a most valiant Generall so when they had laid down Arms he shewed himself a mercifull Conquerour by his Majesties example And therefore it was to be hoped that that victory in all mens account the greatest ever gained in the Low-countreys would shortly draw along with it the reducement of many Cities And writing a Complementall relation of the same victory to some Lords of Spain that were his antient friends and acquaintance at large to his Mother more briefly to his Father and his uncle-Cardinall he still inserted the like commendations of Don Iohn nothing at all of himself either out of the greatnesse of his spirit hoping to do yet more glorious things and therefore concealing this as of no moment or else assuring himself others would write to the same persons those very actions much more to his glory But at Bruxels where they yet heard not the mis-fortune of their men they consulted in the Archdukes presence whether Don Iohn should be assailed or exspected in the fields whether they should fight with all their forces or a part when suddenly the sad news ran through the whole city that they had fought unfortunately with Don Iohn and lost a day where the Spaniard had his fill of bloud Which being confirmed by many that at last had got by their fear and flight into the Town It being further said that Gemblac was taken by the enemie who had the Generall of their army prisoner and had put all their Foot to the sword some reporting as fear ever fancies danger near at hand that Don Iohn with his victorious army would presently be at the City-gates Bruxels was so terrified as the next day leaving some kind of Garrison in the Town the Prince of Orange with the Arch-duke carrying along the Courts of Justice and the Senate retired to Antwerp Nor was Don Iohn altogether averse from besieging Bruxels propounding it to his Councel of Warre But being hindered by the thinness of his army which could not be recruited unlesse the King sent money it was thought best before men recovered that fit of terrour to carrie into severall parts the Warre and Victory consisting in expedition rather then to dull the souldiers alacritie with lying before a Town Octavio Gonzaga was therefore commanded with five hundred chosen Horse and some regiments of Foot immediately to assault Lovain and Machlin Cities well affected to Don Iohn AEgidius Barlamont with Charles Mansfeldts French Regiment and four colours of Wallons marcht to Bovines And Lovain not exspecting a summons turning out the Scottish Garrison rendred themselves to Ganzaga of their own accord So did Iudoignia a Town of more account for the healthfulness of air then fruitfulnesse of soil in which respect the ancient Dukes of Brabant used to make it a Nursery for their children the like was done by Tienen and a while after not without force by Areschott To Machlin and Vilvord newly garrison'd by the States Gonzaga came too late But Bovines a Citie accustomed to assaults never attempted by the enemie in vain often slighted but ever by the peoples constancie fortified again received the Lord of Heirge but not before a great part of the walls was battered down upon conditions Don Iohn while things succeed as he could wish resolving to reduce the rest of Brabant ordered Alexander Farneze to attaque Diestem a Town belonging to the Prince of Orange He with part of his forces marching thither left he should leave Sichem on his back a neighbour Town to Diestem and a place at that time not to be neglected both for the Fort which afterwards was ruined with a great part of the Town and for the convenience of the River Demera sends thither with his German Regiment Lancelot Barlamont Count of Megen But they of Sichem confident both in the place which they had prettily well fortified and likewise in their number refusing to treat industriously prepared for their defence When Prince Alexander comming up after he had offer'd his Devotions upon a hill close by the Town where the Blessed Virgin works miracles out of an Oak planted against the old wall of the Suburbs standing in diameter to the Lovain-Port eight demi-Culverins and beginning at day-break to make a Battery no lesse violent then constant holding till noon
Government of the Low-countreys then designed him he would not so much as come to Court but went to the house of Anthonio Perez to linger there till he found whether the King would allow him place as a Prince-Infanta within the Cloth of State But the King that went out of Towne lest he might discontent his young Brother with the Assignation of his Place stayed on purpose in the Countrey receiving him more affectionately then magnificently at Villa Pardo And from thence exaggerating indeed not falsely the Necessity of the Provinces sent him presently into the Low-countreys His Majestie 's Suspicion also appeares by the Instructions he gave Don Iohn at his Departure The first and last whereof was that he should quiet the Provinces upon any Conditions whatsoever but a Warre so as he did it with a Salvo to Religion and Allegeance For though the King now weary of the infinite Expences of that Warre wished this might be the only Meanes of settling the Belgick Tumults yet howsoever I belieue his Majesty who thought nothing secure unlesse suspested would not have continued the Command of an Army to one person lest he should at last have established a Power irrevocable For the same reason when there was Necessity of a Warre Money to pay the Army came very sparingly from Spaine For this very reason the King's eares were open to the Low-countreymens Complaints accusing Don Iohn as longing to be in Armes Nay to confirme this Suspicion of the King 's I doubt not but the Prince of Oranges Designe was layed when he wrote Letters to a Friend in France which assured him that Don Iohn was to marry the Queene of England adding that for his perticular Service therein Don Iohn had given him hope of the free Exercise of Religion in the Low-countreys Which newes Vargas the Spanish Embassadour in France that carefully pried into all Occurrences privately sent post to King Philip. Whereupon followed the death of Iuan Escovedo as the man that put him upon it I cannot believe this of Don Iohn though sometimes troubled and crossed even to desperation Many Arguments rather induce me to thinke it a Finesse of the Prince of Orange to alienate the King from his Brother But the Causes of Escovedo's Death and the Tragedies insuing thereupon in Spaine as fitter for the Stage I leaue to Writers covetous of such Subiects Nor to any other end a newes which they heard in Spaine was the Principallity of the Low-countreys lately offered to Don Iohn For one of the Low-countrey Lords as an expedient for quieting the Provinces exhorted Don Iohn to take upon him Soveraigne Authority offering to serve him in it with the Nobility and ensuring the Event Which though it so highly displeased him that he drew his Stilletto not as once Germanicus Caesar did who turned the point upon himselfe but to have stabbed that perfidious and fraudulent man who with such impudent Counsell tempted his Loyalty Yet because this passed without Witnesses it was liable to the Censure of those that ever thinke the worst And some kinde of Suspicions no Innocence can absolutely cleare But I believe this bold and subtill Invitation was made not to bring the Lowcountreys into Don Iohn's Power but to fill the King's eares listning after such Rumours and to make him jealous that his Brother would not all wayes retaine that Modesty and that it therefore concerned the King in Wisdome to provide that what his Brother once modestly refused might never more be in the Power of his Acceptance Nor was King Philip now to be taught the Art of Iealousy being no lesse prudent in keeping then fortunate in amplifying his Dominions And Don Iohn daily found by new proofe how jealous the King was of him not satisfied by the compliance of the private life which he had so long indured Hearing likewise of Escovedo's death whom he had sent into Spaine to procure Money and other warlike Necessaryes for whose returne he had so often and so anxiously sollicited and every day finding himselfe in greater Straits deserted as he openly complained by the King and exposed to the Scorne of his Enemyes this Prince of great Spirit and hope too much remembring his bloud by the Father's side languished into a Consumption But whether besides his Griefe a poyson strong enough to kill him there might be another Dose given for they that saw his Corps found shrewd Signes of poyson I will make no Determination as in a thing commonly obnoxious to Presumptions of that Nature Though there wanted not some that watched to murther him as I am well assured by Alexander Farneze's Letters to his Father Duke Octavio And it was sufficiently evident two Englishmen being apprehended that had undertaken to kill him that very Month wherein he dyed which a while after examined and convicted of the Crime were by the Prince of Parma put to death But by what meanes soever his fate was brought about it was deplored with extraordinary Commiseration And seldome was it knowne that any Army with higher praises of his vertue mourned foâ— their Generall There were that compared Don Iohn and Germanicus together For their Beauty for their Yeares being 33 for the many battells they had fought in Places neighbouring upon Holland For the Court-Iealousyes upon them and for the Rumour of their approaching Death Others paralleld him nearer with his Father Charles the fifth Both had the same Birth-day almost the same Day of Death and like Expeditions by Sea and Land against the Moores and Turkes The Kingdome of Tunis was conquered by them both King Muleasses was reestablished in his Throne and Barbarossa outed by Charles the fifth King Amida Son to Muleasses but the Deposer of his Father deposed himselfe and Mehemet crowned was by Don Iohn carryed away among his Spoiles and Prisoners The Father had ended more Warres for he had lived more Yeares The Son in one Navall Victory equalled all his Father's Triumphs And no doubt but if he had injoyed his Fathers Power and alone commanded Kingdomes and Armies he would have made his Fame as glorious They likewise added things for the most part triviall and obvious to all Comparers That both by like artificiall Courtesyes quickned their Followers Hopes but he by bestowing Titles of Honour much increased the Nobility this remunerated the merits of his Souldiers because he had no other Meanes of Satisfaction with magnificent Words somtimes with a suddaine Expression of Ioy giving his Hatt or Stilletto to a Souldier Indeed calling every common Souldier by his name his Memory served instead of a Reward Both of them brought up fashions that added to the handsomenesse of the Body especially of the Head Charles the fifth when he came into Italy to be crowned Emperour was the first that to ease himselfe of the head-ach cut off his haire the great Courtiers following
132. l. 6. p. 24. as keth the Duke of Alva what punishment he thinks due to the Gantois l. 7. p. 39. his words concerning the magnitude of Gant ibid. and the nature of the Low-countrey men l. 6. p. 23. he thinks of reducing the Low-countreys into the form of a Kingdome l. 1. p. 15. why he forbare to do it p. 16. how he amplified the Principalitie of the Netherlands ibid. he meant to have encreased the Bishopricks of the Low-countreys l. 1. p. 17. why he went not on with his defigne ibid. Charles the fifth Prince of Burgundy abrogates the innovation of taxing the Low-countreys at the hundreth part l. 7. p. 69 70. he prepares Edicts and Arms against the Lutberans l. 2. p. 34. l. 9. p. 42. his Decrees and Edicts published l. 4. p. 96. they are thought to be severe and breach of priviledge to the Brabanters l. 5. p. 98. they are defended l. 5. p. 104 105. qualified l. 5. p. 106. sent into Spain l. 5. p. 114. He begets his daughter Margaret at Ondenard in the Law-countreys l. 1 p. 20. and Don Iohn of Austria at Ratisbone in Germany l. 1. p. 16. with whom he is compared p. 19. he espouseth Margaret to Alexander Medices l. 1. p. 21. and after his death to Octavio Farneze p. 22. his wife Isabella of Portugal l. 10. 17. by whom he had Philip the second l. 9. p. 43. his parity and disparity with King Philip l. 2. p. 38. his daughter Mary l. 7. p. 43. he makes his Will at Ausburg l. 1. p. 10. prepares to resigne his Kingdoms p. 3. Creates his sonne Philip master of the Order of the Golden Fleece ibid. gives him the Low-countreys and Burgundy l. 1. p. 4. then all his Kingdomes p. 5. repeats his own actions l. 1. p. 4. His speech at the resignment of his Kingdome to his sonne ibid. he gives away the Empire p. 5. he sends the Imperiall Crown and Scepter by the Prince of Orange to his brother Ferdinand ibid. l. 2. p. 44. his desire to transfer the Kingdome of the 〈◊〉 to his son Philip l. 1. p. 5. from Zeland be weighs anchours for Spain ibid. The ship he sailed in after he was landed sunk immediately ibid. his words when he came on shore ibid. a suspicion that his mind was changed l. 1 p. 5. he visites Charles Prince of Spain p. 6. builds himself a house adjoyning to the Monastery of St. Iustâ—m ibid. his family and furniture l. 1. p. 6. his daily exercises in that solitude ibid. his Whip or discipline died in his bloud much reverenced p. 7. he keeps the anniversary of his mothers death ibid. he celebrates his own Funeralls ibid. falls sick l. 1. p. 7. discovers his son Iohn to King Philip l. 10. p. 17. dies religiously l. 1. p. 8. The prodigies at his death l. 1. p. 8. the years of his Government ibid. the severall conjectured Causes of his Resignation l. 1. p. 8. Charles of Austria Prince of Spain l. 7. p. 43. his nature ibid. not approved of by his Grandfather Charles the fifth l. 1. p. 6. his education l. 7. p. 43. l. 10. p. 18. sent to Alcala l. 7. p. 43. falls from a ladder ibid. is recovered by the help of St. Didacus l. 7. p. 43. Isabella daughter to Henry the second of France is designed for his wife l. 7. p. 45 68. so is the daughter of the Emperour Maximilian p. 68. how unlike he was to his father l. 7. p. 43. his hatred to his fathers favourites ibid. his patronage of the Low-countrey men l. 6. p. 22. l. 7. p. 43. his purpose to steal away for the Low-countreys l. 7. p. 44. which he imparted to some friends ibid. discovered to his father by Don Iohn l. 7. p. 44. he endeavours to fright the Duke of Alva from his Low-countrey expedition ibid. being to take horse in the morning he is in the night seized on by his father l. 7. p. 44. committed to his chamber p. 45. his infelicity ibid. and Death p. 45. the causes of his imprisonment and death ibid. He Don Iohn and Alexander Farnâ—ze compared together l. 10. p. 18. Charles Count Barlamont Governour of Naâ—â—â—e l. 1. p. 16. the asserror of Religion l. 10 p. 5. his sonnes ibid. his known fidelity to the King l. 1. p. 25. l. 3. p. 69. l 10. p. 5. one of Granvels party l. 4. p. 81. manifests his readiness to take arms for the King l. 5. p 129. informs the Governess what the Knights of the Order had designed l. 3. p. 69. when Duke Areschott and Count Egmont fell out he mediated between them l. 3. p. 72. his vote against the Covenanters l. 5. p. 103. he gives the name of Gâ—enses by way of contempt to the petitioning Covenanters l. 5. p. 109. takes the Oath of allegiance l. 6. p. 11. is by force taken out of the Senate and imprisoned in Bruxels l. 8. p. 20 dies at Namure l. 10. p. 5. his Obsequies ibid. his Encomion ibid. Charles Boisot Governour of Zeland sent by the Prince of Orange into Duveland l. 8. p. 10. slain by the Royallusts p. 13 St. Charles Cardinall Borromeo l. 8. p. 1â— Charles Brime Count Megan Governour of Gelderland and Zurphen l. 1. p. 17. l. 2. p. 41. gives the Governess intelligence of the Lords conspiracy l. 5. p. 99. and of souldiers levied in Saxony l. 7. p. 47. discovers to her the Covenanters l. 5. p. 101. his vote in Councel l. 5. p. 103. sent before by the Governess to quiet the sedition at Antwerp l. 5. p. 118. and to the Buss and Maâ—strieht l. 6. p. 2. Megen printed Mela takes the Oath of Allegeance l. 9. p. 11. beats the Covenanting Rebels out of Amsterdam l. 6. p. 19. drives them into Waterland ibid. is highly favoured by the Governesse p. 48. governs Frisland in the place of Count Aremberg deceased ibid. l. 7. p. 58. his Votive montment at Swoll in Leovard l. 7. p. 48. he dies ibid. Charls Croi Marquess of Haure returns from Spain to the Low-countreys l. 8. p. 19. sent by the Deputies of the Estates with an Army to Antwerp l. 8. p. 22. commands a Wing of Horse at the battel of Giâ—â—slac l. 9. p. 50. Charles Davalo son to Vastius Captain of a troop of Horse in the Low-countreys l. 6. p. 30 Charles Egmont Duke of Gelder l. 1. p. 19 Charles Farneze twin-brother to Alexander Farneze l. 9. p. 43 Charles Fugger a Colonell betrayed by his souldiers l. 9. p. 48 49 Charles the seventh of France his difference with his son Lewis l. 7. p. 44 Charles the eighth of France what an Oath he forced upon the Pisans and Florentimes l. 9. p. 34 Charles the ninth of France l. 3. p. 58. at Baion l. 4. p. 8â— his marriage with Elizabeth daughter to the Empâ—rour Maximision l. 4. p. 88. he desires assistance against the Hereticks l. 3. p. 55 56. his victory l. 3. p. 61. he
till the Councel of Trent should end ibid. but receiv'd by neither party ibid. Invective of the Marquess of Bergen against Cardinal Granvel l. 3. p. 75. of the Prince of Orange against the Emperours Edict l. 5. p. 133. Inundation a most horrid one in the Low-countries l. 7. p. 69. Ioachim Opper l. 8. p. 16. Ioan Alibret daughter to Margaret of Valois and Henry King of Navarre wife to Anthony Bourbon l. 3. p. 56. had implacable hatred to the name of Rome and Spain l. 3. p. 57. Comparâ—d to Tullia Tarquins wife ibid. Her Curtain-lecture to her husband when she set him at the Catholicks ibid. Her indignation against him l. 3. p. 59. Ioan of Austria l. 10. p. 22 23. Ioan daughter to Ferdinand the Catholick King wife to Philip the first l. 1. p. 17. Ioan daughter to Duke Wenceslaus l. 9. p. 36. Don Iohn of Austria born at Ratisbone l. 10. p. 16. Carried into Spain in Swadling-clouts l. 10. p. 17. Educated at Villa-Garcia ibid. sav'd from fire ibid. His disposition and behaviour ibid. The Emperour intends to make a Priest of him ibid. He is commended to King Philip by their father Charles the fifth ibid. He is own'd by his brother as he was hunting l. 10. p. 18. taken to Court ibid. sent to the university of Alcala l. 9. p. 44. bred with Prince Charles and Alexander Farneze l. 10. p. 18. Compared with them ibid. He offends the King because he would not enter into holy Orders ibid. and by going to the War of Malta without the Kings leave ibid. He regaines the Kings favour l. 10. p. 19. disswades Prince Charles from going into the Low-countries l. 7. p. 44. Discovers to the King the Prince's Design to steal away l. 10. p. 19. Is made General against the Moores ibid. Admiral of the whole Fleet in the holy War against the Turk l. 9. p. 45. l 4. p. 81. Receives the sacred Standard of Christendome from Granvell Vice-Roy of Naples ibid. The difference between him and Vernerio l. 9. p. 45. Wins the Battel of Lepaâ—ot l. 10. p. 19. l. 9. p. 46. l. â— 10 P. 21. Again commands in chief at Sea l. 9. p. 46. Besieges Navarine in vain ibid. 47. Challenges the Ottoman Fleet ibid. at the dissolving of the holy League goes for Sicily ibid. Takes Tunis and Biserta by assault l. 10. p. 19. Carries away King Amida with his two sons prisoners ibid. gives his Kingdome to Mehâ—met l. 10. p. 21. Returnes victorious into Italy ibid. Defers the Acceptance of the Kingdome of Ireland l. 10. p. 22. Offends the King with putting a Garrison into Biserta l. 10. p. 19. The Popes request for the Conferring upon him the title of King of Tunis ibid. His houshold servants chang'd by the King ibid. Recal'd from Italy into Spain ibid. Desires the Place honour of a Prince Iâ—â—anta ibid. is by the Pope propos'd to his Majesty for Governour of the Low-countries l. 8. p. 16. The Government promised to him by the King ibid. p. 19. He is design'd General for the Army that was to Land in Great Britain l. 8. p. 16. 'T is falsly rumor'd That should marry Elizabeth Queen of England l. 10 p. 20. l. 8. p. 16. He comes into the Low-countries l. 9. p. 26. The Senators and Delegates of the Estates doubt whether or no they should admit him ibid. He consults about sending away of the Spaniards from the Low-Countries l. 9. p. 27. Resolves to dismisse them and why l. 9. p. 29. Allowes of the Pacification of Gaâ—t l. 9. p. 30. Proclaims it ibid. Is acknowledged Governour of the Low-countries ibid. Presses the Spaniards to depart ibid. Lends money to the Estates to pay the Spaniards l. 9. p. 32. Enters Bruxels with extraordinary pomp ibid. His gracious carriage ibid. He requires that the Prince of Orange with the Hollanders and Zeleanders shall subscribe the Perpetual Edict l. 8. p. 33. His Letters to the King intercepted and published ibid. Many suspect and fall off from him l. 9. p. 34. His dissembled flight ibid. He seizes the Castle of Namure l. 9. p. 35. He certifies the Deputies of the Estates of the cause of his departure ibid. Complains of Contumelies offer'd to and plots laid against him ibid. Writes to the Provinces ibid. Attempts the Fort at Antweâ—p ibid. Is by the Estates accus'd of Counterfeiting his fears ibid. He showes them to be real l. 9. p. 36. Receives supplies of money from the Pope ibid. Is incourag'd by the Kings Letters ibid. sharply reproves the Estates for creating the Prince of Orange Ruart of the Province l. 9. p. 37. Prepares for War ibid. what forces he had ibid. It troubles him the Arch-Duke Matthias was to come into the Low-Countries l. 9. p. 39. The Senate declares him Enemy to the Countrey ibid. He calls back the Spaniards from Italy l. 9. p. 41. Invites Alexander Farneze whom the King had design'd for the Low-Countriesl 9. p. 48. Joyfully receives him ibid. Is animated by his coming with the Spanish Army l. 9. p. 41. Sends relief to Breda besieg'd l. 9. p. 49. Defends Ruremund ibid. Refuses Conditions of Peace offer'd by the Queen of England ibid. His march to Gemblac His army battel and victory ibid. p. 50. His words to Goigny General of the Prisoners l. 9. p. 52. His commendations of his own men ibid. Other Cities render themselves to him l. 9. p. 53. 54. He commands Alexander Farneze to attacque Dieshem ibid. and Levia l. 9. p. 55. And Charles Mansfeld to besiege Nivell ibid. Nivel is rendred to himself l. 9. p. 56. He quiets the Mutiny in his Camp ibid. Dismisses the Garrison of Nivell without their armes ibid. which arms he bestowes on his French souldiers but the gift was fatal to them ibid. Grants them leave to â—epart l. 9. p. 57. Many Towns yields to him ibid. â—â—e He stormes Cimace ibid. besieges Philsipvill and takes is ibid. 58. Goes to Namure to recover his healâ—h l. 10. p. 1. commits the Expedition of Limburg to Alexander Farnâ—ze ibid. Performs the Rites of â—â—neral to Count Barlamont and his son Megan l. 10. p. 5. Receives money from the King l. 10. p. 7. Calls a Councel of War about invading of the Enemy ibid. Moves to Rimcnant l. 10. p. 9. begins the fight l. 〈◊〉 p. 10. suspects the enemie to fly upon design ibid. â—â—s angry with his men which the enemy had Circumvented Ib. p. 11. Considers how to bring them off ibid. Leaves it to be manag'd by Alexander Fâ—â—nâ—ze ibid. The fight is renew'd with equall losse to the Enemy ibid. p. 12. His care in his etreat ibid. p. 13. He loses the town of Areschâ—t Ibid. Sets a foot a treaty of Peace l. 10. p. 14. Demolishes some Forts and quits certain Towns ibid. Is offended with the Conditions of peace offered ibâ—d writes in fury to the King ibid. Entrenches upon the hill of Buge ibid. The Complaints made against
8. p. 13. Iohn Pettin l. 8. p. 2. Iohn the 22 Pope l. 2. p. 30. Iohn Regula Confessar to Charles the fifth l. 1. p. 7. Iohn Sellius in the Kings name treats for peace with the Deputies of the Estates l. 10. p. 5. 6. Iohn Sorean General of the Gheuses hath a plot upon Lisle l. 6. p. 6 7. Attempts Lanoi in vain ibid. fights with Norcarmius ibid. is Routed ibid. Iohn Spell Provost Marshal chief actor in the execution of the Lords and Gentlemen l. 7. p. 49. hang'd ibid. Iohn Valhart Commander of horse l. 5. p. 132. Iohn Vangest maternal Grandfather to Margaret of Ausria l. 1. p. 20. Iohn Vargas Mexia the King of Spain's Embassadour l. 10. p. 20 24. Joy for the Peace between the French and Spaniard l. 1. p. 12. For the departure of Cardinal Graâ—vell l. 4. p. 80 81. At Rome for the twins Alexander and Charles Farneze l. 9. p. 42 43. At the marriage of Alexander Farneze and Princesse Mary of Portugall l. 4. p. 94 For the Emperour disclaiming the plunder of Rome l. 1. p. 9. Joyful entry l. 2. p. 30. the Priviledges therein contain'd ibid. l. 9. p. 36. Ipre a town of the lower Flanders l. 5. p. 122. Bishop of Ipre Ibid. l. 7. p. 52. vide Iconomachy Ireland offer'd to Don Iohn l. 10. p. 22. Isabella Briganze wife to Edward Prince of Portugall l. 4. p. 92. Isabella wife to Charles the fifth l. 10. p. 17. Isabella sister to Charles the fifth l. 1. p. 19. Isabella the Catholick Queen l. 4. p. 78. Her armes ibid. Isabella Clara Eugenia daughter to Philip the second is born l. 5. p. 132. baptiz'd by the Popes Nuncio ibid. married to Albert Rodolp the Emperours brother and endow'd with the Low-Countrey ibid. Isabella daughter to Henry the second of France l. 1. p. 12 13. why she was call'd the Princesse of Peace ibid. promised to Charles Prince of Spain ibid. l. 7. p. 68. married to his father Philip the second l. 1. p. 12. is brought into Spain l. 3. p. 57. present at the Conference at Baion l. 4. p. 87. Dies l. 7. p. 45. Isabella of Portugall mother to Philip the second l. 4 p. 92. Isabella of Portugall wife to Philip Duke of Burgundy l. 4. p. 94. Ischius sent by the Senate to Don Iohn l. 9. p. 26 27. refuses the Counsel given him by the way ibid. Incurs the hatred of many for his Commendations of Don Iohn of Austria Ibid. Isell a River l. 8. p. 7. Isidor Pacecho a Spanish Captain at the wading over Sea to Duveland l. 8. p. 10. Dies shot l. 8. p. 12. His courage and last words ibid. He and Caesar's Centurian parallel'd ibid. Italians attribute the victory at Mooch to the Marquesse of Monte l. 8. p. 3. depart the Low-countries l. 9. p. 32. are brought back thither by Alexander Farneze l. 9. p. 41. Their valour at the Battel of Rmenant l. 10. p. 12. who was call'd the Paladin of Italy l. 8. p. 4. Forces rais'd in Italy l. 6. p. 25 30. l. 10. p. 6. Iuan Acugnia sent by the King to Savoy l. 6. p. 21. Iuan Auguisciola a Colonel l. 3. p. 60. Iuan Aranda sounds the Foard in the Zeland Expedition l. 8. p. 9. His relation to Requescenes ibid. He wades the Sea to Duveland l. 8. p. 10. Iuan a Cerâ—a Duke of Medina Coeli made Governour of the Low-countreys l. 7. p. 68. goes into the Netherlands and presently returns for Spain ibid. Iuan Escovedo perswades Don Iohn to dismisse the Spaniards l. 9. p. 28. His speech to the Spaniards l. 9. p. 31. He is sent into Spain l. 9. p. 36. l. 10. p. 20. His death ibid. Iuan Zuniga Father to Requesenes great Commendador of the Knights of St. Iago in Castile l. 8. p. 15. Iuan Zuniga brother to Requesenes the Kings Embassadour at Rome l. 4. p. 81. Iudoignia rendred to Don Iohn l. 9. p. 53. Iuliers the territory l. 7. 46. The Duke l. 9. p. 36. l. 10. p. 4. Iuliano Romero l. 6. p. 30. a Spaniard ibid. Colonel of the Sicilian Regiment ibid. wounded l. 7. p. 80. Joyn'd with Glimè to relieve Middelburg l. 8. p. 2. His life endanger'd in a Tumult at Bruxells l. 8. p. 18. Invades Antwerp l. 8. p. 22. takes Philip Egmont ibid. Departs with the Spaniards from the Low-countreys l. 9. p. 32. Dies of a fall with his horse l. 9. p. 41. Iulio Pavesio the Popes Legate to the Emperour l. 5. p. 114. Iulius the second Pope l. 3. p. 57. l. 8. p. 15. S. Iustâ—us Monastery l. 1. â—6 Iusticium or the Courts of Justice forbidden to sit in a time of publick mourning l. 1. â—9 Iustus Scowemburg sollicited by Brederod l. 6. p. 20. Enters Frisland l. 7. p. 46. represses the seditions of the Germans l. 7. p. 55. At the battel of Geming l. 7. p 56. His Carriages taken ibid. Iustus Villers defends Nivell for the States l. 9. p. 56. Sentences in I. OCcasion cannot be long wanting to IMPROBITIE l. 7. p. 40. INFANTS manners are moulded by the example of their Parents much sooner then by the Stars that raign at their Nativities l. 9. p. 43. It seems to be an argument of JUST anger not to be friends upon the sudden l. 5. p. 1â—4 K. KEunava Colonel of a Regiment of women in the siege of Harlem l. 7. p. 79. admir'd even by the enemy ibid. King of Cyprus l. 5. p. 139. King of the Romans l. 1. p. 5. King of Spain vide Philip. King of France vide Charles Francis Lewis Kingdome resign'd l. 1. p. 3 5. translated l. 1. p. 4. Erected l. 1. p. 15. Knights of the Golden Fleece who and by whom created l. 1. p. 16 44. l. 6. p. 28. l. 7. p. 47 53. l. 9. p. 42. The Order it self when and by whom instituted l. 1. p. 17. l. 4. p. 94. To what number the Knights was encreased l. 1. p. 25. yet farther augmented by Charles the fifth ibid. Under the Patronage of what Saint l. 4. p. 94. The Master of the Knights l. 1. p. 3. l. 5. p. 107. tâ—eir Herauld commonly call'd Tosond'or l. 5. p. 101. In whom the power is to create them l. 2. p. 46 47. Their legal Judge l. 7. p. 50. Their Convention at Gant l. 2. p. 46. Their Assembly l. 1. p. 3 25. Their Convocation l. 3. p. 69. The result thereof ibid. Their Combination against the power of Granvel ibid. some of them numbered among the Covenanters l. 5. p. 101. Their Joy at the marriage of Alexander Farneze and Mary Princesse of Portugal l. 4. p. 94. A Libell published in their name by the Gheuses l. 5. p. 112. Knights of Calatrava l. 7. p. 58. Of St. Iohns of Ierusalem l. 6. p. 23 30. Of St. Jago l. 8. p. 1. Of St. Stephen l. 8. p. 14. Sentences in K. KINGS that have large Dominions never want causes of War nor rewards for Souldiers l. 9.
Duke of Alva concerning the King of Navarre l. 3. p. 58. Of the Spanish Officers to the King l. 8. p. 22. Of Count Hochstrat in answer to Count Mansfeldt l. 6. p. 12. Of Count Horn to the King against Granvell l. 3. p. 72. Of Don Iohn to Alexander Farneze touching the Emperour Redolph and the Arch-Duke Matthias l. 9. p. 39. to the King his brother l. 10. p. 14. another counterfeited and sent for his to Fronsberg l. 9. p. 49. Of Iohn Michese the Jew incouraging the Calvinists at Antwerp to Rebel l. 5. p. 139. Of Margaret of Austria to Philip the second touching the dismission of the Spaniards l. 3. p. 51. and Cardinal Granvell l. 3. p. 68. Of Concessions made against Religion l. 5. p. 130. Of her Letters betrayed at the Kings Court l. 5. p. 137. Of the storming of Valenciens l. 6. p. 8. Of the Duke of Alva's Army l. 6. p. 27. Of the authority granted to the Duke of Alva that much troubled her l. 9. p. 48. Of her desire to be discharged from the Government l. 6 p. 34. before her departure l. 6. p. 36. to Granvell touching the acceptance of his Cardinals robes l. 3. p. 54. to the Provinces against the Valencenians l. 6. p. 6. to the Governours of Provinces to take away Heretical Exercises l. 5. p. 141. in answer to the Covenanters l. 5. p. 143. to the Lady Marquesse of Bergen when she sent a Garrison into the Town of Bergen l. 6. p. 28. to the Duke of Alva that he would lossen his Army l. 6. p. 29. Leva vide Alphonso Sancho Levia Rendered to Alexander Farneze l. 9. p. 35. Levinus Tâ—rentius l. 9. p. 36. Lewis of Granado a Dominican Fryer l. 7. p. 82. Lewis of Nassau brother to the Prince of Orange infected with heresie in his travels l. 9. p. 99. sets a foot a conspiracy in Low-Countries ibid. and in Germany l. 5. p. 100. commands the Conspirators in chief l. 5. p. 102. enters Bruxells with the Covenanters l. 5. p. 107. collects money for them assisted by Brederod ibid. at a feast with the Covenanters l. 5. p. 110. goes with his Companions to the Governesse l. 5. p. 111. asks leave of the Bishop of Lieg for the Gheuses to convene at Centron l. 5. p. 119. offers another Petition to the Governesse l. 5. p. 120. his Letter consenting to the Iconomachy l. 5. p. 127. the Principal Boutefeu ibid. 134. his threats against Bruxels and the Governesse l. 5. p. 129. he is present in the Convention at Dendermund l. 5. p. 134. the Kings displeasure against him ibid. he perswades the Antwerpers to conform unto the Confession of Ausburg l. 5. p. 138. is chosen General for the Covenanters to raise men and money l. 5. p. 141. followes the Prince of Orange out of the Low-Countries l. 6. p. 15. is impeached and condemned absent l. 7. p. 41. enters Frizland l. 7. p. 47. takes Damme ibid. Fights Count Aremberg and defeats him ibid. besiegeth the Groine l. 7. p. 54. the number of his Forces ibid. he encamps at Geâ—â—ng l. 7. p. 55. a mutiny in his Camp ibid. he fights with the Duke of Alva Ibid. 56. loseth his Army ibid. and Carriages abid his Armes and his Clothes are brought to the Duke of Alva ibid. he flyes ibid. his battel by the â—â—yer Emmes compared with the overthrow of Arminius by the River Visargis ibid. General of the Hugonots in France he is Routed by Count Mansfeldt l. 7. 64. he moves the French King to invade the Low-countries l. 7. p. 73. take Mons in Hayndt ibid. is besieged renders the Town l. 7. p. 76 78. goes to Dilemburg ibid. is defeated at Mooch his Death l. 8. p. 3. diverfly reported ibid. his Elogy Ibid. Lewis de Bourbon Prince of Conde Enemy to the Guises l. 3. p. 56. advanceth the Conspiracy at Ambois l. 3. p. 57. sentenced to lose his head l. 3. p. 58. restored to liberty and the Kings favour ibid. is a friend to the Heretical Cause l. 3. p. 60. his Activenesse to raise men in the Low-countries ibid. Taken at Dort l. 3. p. 6. Sollicites the Hereticks to plunder Churches in the Netherlands l. 5. p. 121. is accounted one of the Covenanting Gheuses ibid. Favours those of Geneva l. 6. p. 26. Perswades the King of France to fight the Spaniard ibid. the Low-countrey Fugitives have recourse to him l. 6. p. 34. he makes the Duke of Alva's March an occasion to raise Forces Ibid. he is routed at St Denis l. 6. p 35. renewes the war ibid. revives the third Civil War of France l. 7. p. 63. vide Lodwick Lodovico Libels in France against the King and the Guises l. 3. p. 57. in the Low-Countries against Religion the Bishops and Cardinal Granvel l. 4. p. 77. against the Inquisition l. 5. p. 100. one fathered upon the Knights of the Golden Fluce l. 5. p. 112. Of Hereticks at Autwerp for liberty of Conscience l. 5. p. 139. another with in blood l. 4. p. 84. one offered to the Arck-Duke for liberty of Conscience l. 9. p. 41. Liberty naturally defited by the Low-Countrey men l. 1. p. 23. l. 8. p. 21 l. 9. p. 37. Licherth a Fort l. 8. p. 19. Lieg a Monster born there l. 7. p. 40. Bishop of Lieg l. 1. p. 18. l. 5. p. 119. the Town joynes in the Association of Gant l. 9 p. 30. gratulates Alexander â—arneze l. 9. p. 52. the Mambure of the Legeois l. 9. p. 36. Life contemned l. 8. p. 12. Lignius vide Iohn Lily taken for a happy Omen l. 1. p. 8. Limburg a Province of the Low-Countries l. 1. p. 16. and l. 10. p. 14 its Governour l. 1. p. 16. recovery l. 10. p. 4. Situation l. 10. p. 1. Suburbs ibid. stormed ibid. p. 2. the Town taken by assault ibid. defended Ibid. the Fort burnt l. 10. p. 4. 〈◊〉 the Chief City of Flanders l. 6. p. 6. against it they of Tornay and Armenter conspire ibid. the Consistorial Merchants attempt to betray it ibid. the Plot discovered ibid. p. 7. the City freed ibid. the Townesmen of Lisle demolish the Fort l. 9. p. 38. the Governour of L'Isle l. 6. p. 7. Livia's advice to Aug. Caesar l. 9. p. 28. Low-Countries how all the Provinces were anciently consotlated under one Principality l. 1. p. 15. Charles the fifth thought to have made them into a Kingdom ibid. p. 16. They are transferred by Charles the fifth to his son Philip l. 1. p. 4. their division l. 1. p. 15. to whom the King assigned their Governments l. 1. p. 16. they Petition the King to take off the tenth part l. 7. p. 67. they waver at the newâ—s of the taking of Brill by the Covenanters l. 7. p. 72. they conspire against the Spanish l. 8. p. 20. they adhere to the Estates onely two continuing faithful to Don Iohn l. 8. p. 21. l. 9. p. 37 48. Low-Countrey Governour
Chosen by the Lords without the Kings consent l. 9. p. 3â— confirmed by the Estates l. 9. p. 39. Governour of all the Low-Countries l. 1. p. 16 21 25. l. 6. p. 35 36. l. 7. p. 69 81. l. 8. p. â—7 18 19. and of every particular Province â— 1. p. 16. Low-Countrey Estates vide Estates Lodronius vide Albericke Lodwick Boisote Admiral of Holland loses his Eye in a Sea-fight l. 8. p. 2. Defeats the Enemy ibid. Admiral for the Expedition of Ziriczce where he is drown'd l. 8. p. â—3 Lodwick Blosius Treslong taken prisoner l. 9. p. 35. vâ—de William and Iohn Lodovico Berlinguâ— is son to Requesenes defeats the Turkish Fleet l. 8. p. 15. Recovers the Popes Colours and returns them ibid. Lodovico Requesenes great Commandor of the Knight of St. Jago l. 8. p. 1. Embassadour to the Pope presseth him to determine the Controversie between himself and the French Embassadour l. 4. p. 85. Departs from Rome in great Indignation ibid. Governour of â—â—â—lain l. 7. p. 81. Difference betwixt him and St. Charles Borromeo l. 8. p. 15. Going from Milain he asks forgivenesse of S. Charles ibid. Governour of the Low-countries He receives the Provinces from the Duke of Alva l. 7. p. 81. Enters upon the Government l. 8. p. 1. Takes away the Duke of Alva's statue iâ—st sends a Fleet to relieve Middelburg besieged ibid. Beholds from the shore the losse of his men l. 8. l. 2. Pawnes his furniture to pay the mutinous Spaniaâ—ds l. 8. p. 5. Sends them to the siege of Leyden commanded by Valdez l. 8. p. 6. Proclaimes a general pardon at Bruxells Ibid. Quiets another sedition of the Spaniards by sending of their pay l. 8. p. 8. Leâ—ves Count Altâ—mpse his Forces to secure Brabant l. 8. 29. Undertakes the Zeland Expedition Ibid. Designes the Officers the way and the Souldiers ibid. stands on the shore and views his Souldiers wading over the Sea l. 8. p. 11. A flame seen in the form of a Crown inclining towards him Ibid. Takes Duveland l. 8. p. 13. besieges Ziriczee ibid. Performs Vitellâ—'s Funeral obsequies l. 8. p. 14. His death l. 8. p. 15. Elâ—gy ibid. Ancestors ibid. Fortunate for Victories atâ—â—ea ibid. His errors in Governing the Netherlands l. 8. p. 16. Dying he nominates a Governour and a General ibid. Lombere a City l. 2. p. 3â— Londognia vide Sancho Lopez Figueroa l. 7. p. 55. The piety of his Souldiers ibid. They take the Cannon Ibid. 56. open a way to victory ibid. Lopez Figuâ—â—oa a Spanish Colonel brings the Itâ—â—ian Garrisons into the Low-countries l. 10. p. 6. Lopiu Gallus l. 6. p. 29. Lords of France joyn with the heretical multitude l 3. p. 57. Lords of Spain neglect Charles the fifth l. 1. p. 5. Lords of the Netherlands advanc'â— by the King to the Governments of Provinces l. 1. p. 16. Their Indignation l. 3. p. 69. Accounted Patrons of the â—ugonots l. 3. p. 72. They leave the Court l. 3. p. 76. Their Letters to the King against Granvell l. 3. p. 72 73. The Cognizance of their Combination invented at a Feast l. 4. p. 78. Impatient at the power of strangers l. 4. p. 78 79. In obedience to the King they 〈◊〉 to the Court l. 4. p. 8. Some of them thought to be Covenanters l. 5. p. 101. Their design to change the Government of the Low-countries ibid. 135. l. 7. p. 49 50. Their private meeting at Dendermund l. 5. p. 134. They have Intelligence of the Kings resolutions in Councel l. 5. p. 137. Their cause defended in the Kings Court l. 6. p. 22. l. 7. p. 43. They come to Councel with the Duke of Alva l. 6. p. 33. They are impeacht l. 7. p. 41. They refuse to give their appearance Ibid. They are condemn'd in their absence â—bid They take up arms against the Spaniards l. 8. p. 20 21 23. are offended at the Prince of Orange ' power l. 9. p. 38. Consider of a new Governour of the Low-Countries ibid. Lords Patrons to the Commons vindicators of the Low-Country Priviledges and liberty vide Nobility Covenanters and Knights of the Golden Fleece Lorain the Dukedome l. 1. p. 16. p. 31. Lorain the Duke l. 1. p. 12 19. l. 6. p. 26. Lorain the Cardinal l. 3. p. 56 61 75. l. 7. p. 76. the Captain l. 6. p. 31. vide Charles Christien and Francis Lovein a City l. 5. p. 98. Faithful to the King l. 7. p. 75. taken by the Prince of Orange and fined ibid. Assaulted by Gonzaga l. 9. p. 53. rendered to Don Iohn ibid. The famous University of Lovain l. z. p. 31. Its priviledges l. 7. p. 42. It raines blood near the Town l. 7. p. 53. Lovervall vide Philip. Lucas Gauriem the Mathematician l. 1. p. 13. Lucemburg a Province of the Low-Countries l. 1. p. 16. l. 6. p. 31. l. 9. p. 26. Famous for slaughter l. 1. p. 16. Adheres to Don Iohn l. 9. p. 37. It s Governour l. 1. p. 16. l. 4. p. 96. Lumo a Marcha vide William Lutheran Heresie l. 9. p. 42. upon what occasion it was brought from Germany into France l. 3. p. 55. By whom it was promoted ibid. Almost extinguisht by the King of France ibid. It breaks out in the Low-Countries l. 5. p. 116. The Lutherans enemies to the Calvinists l. 6. p. 4. Joyn with the Catholicks against them ibid. Luther vide Martin Sermons Heresie Lyes how they come to be so artificially compos'd l. 10. p. 4. The Advantage by them ibid. Many times they are sprinkled with soone portion of truth ibid. Made use of like Scaffolds in building lib. 5. p. 113. Sentences in L. LAWES before they passe should be debated after they are pass'd obeyed l. 5. p. 105. A State cannot be more indangered then by altering of their LAWES Ibid. It is more dishonour to a Prince to keep LAWES in force which his Subjects will not obey then to apply them to their natures and so keep his people in obedience l. 5. p. 105. 'T is wisdome to wave those LAWES the Contempt whereof we have not power to punish l. 5. p. 117. They favour LEARNING whose Actions are worthy of a Learned Pen l. 3. p. 55. LICENTIOUSNESSE more easily increaseth then begins l. 6. p. 24. LITTLE things are by their Littlenesse secured l. 8. p. 24. M. MAchiavell's Institution studied by the Prince of Orange l. 2. p. 46. Machiavell Secretary to the Governesse sent into Spain l. 6. p. 34. returns l. 6. p. 35. Maâ—stricht threatens to revolt from the King l. 6. p. 1. sues for pardon to the Governesse l. 6. p. 15. the Embassage in behalf of that Town sent to the Governesse by the Bishop of Lieg ibid. it is rendred to Norcarmius l. 6. p. 16. punished ibid. to whom the City of right belongs l. 6. p. 15. the Spanish Garrison turned out l. 8. p. 21. they recover and plunder the town ibid. Magdalen Vlloa Lady of
Belgick Provinces against the Romans l. 7. p. 70. of the Moores against the King of Spain l. 6. p. 22. of the Hugonots against the King of France l. 6. p. 26. by the Prince of Orange in the Low-countries attempted and matured l. 7. p. 70. the Rebel Cities receive from him Governours Lawes and Imposititions l. 7. p. 72. from whence the Low-Countrey men and the Prince of Orange had their occasion of Rebeling l. 2. p. 48. l. 7. p. 70. first from the Cause of Religion l. 5. p. 133 134. l. 6. p. 1. 7. 11. then from Taxes layed upon them l. 7. p. 71 73. afterwards from the Mutinous Spaniards vide Gentlemen Covenanters l. 8. p. 20. Recovery of Cities Revolted from the King l. 7. p. 77. of Mons ibid. its description ibid. of the Province of Limburg l. 10. p. 2. its delineation l. 10. p. 1. Reformed vide Religion Reformed Regiment of Naples l. 6. p. 30. of Sardinia cashiered and punished l. 7. p. 58. a magnanimous one of the Royallists l. 8. p. 11. a Squadron of Walloones l. 9. p 50. vide Army Register of the Empire l. 1. p. 2. Regâ—ard vide Simon Religion holds forth Worship to God and Peace to men l. 2. p. 33. Preserver of peace and tranquility ibid. holds the People in due obedience l. 2. p. 46. the manner of advancing it in the Low-countries l. 1. p. 18. Penal Edicts against irreligion l. 2. p. 49. l. 4. p. 96. the Cognizance of the Cause of Religion to whom it appertains l. 2. p. 33. l. 4. p. 84 85. l. 5. p. 105. against the Violaters thereof what provision was made l. 2. p. 33. 'T is injured by Luther ibid. the League for Religion approved of by the Hereticks l. 5. p. 138. Religion commended by the Emperour to the Estates of the Low-Countries l. 1. p. 4. by the King to the Covernesse and Estates l. 1. p. 27. l. 4. p. 83 90 96. a Conspiracy against l. 5. p. 141. wrong offered to it l. 1. p. 9. l. 5. p. 113 116 121. Scandalous Libels against it l. 4. p. 77. l. 5. p. 112. hatred to it l. 3. p. 56. l. 8. p. 8. the Cause of the Low-countrey War l. 1. p. 3. l. 9. p. 1. 9 30. its Restitution by the Governesse l. 4. p. 83. l. 5. p. 130. l. 6. p. 18 20. by the Duke of Alva l. 7. p. 64. a new oath formed against it l. 5. p. 107. l. 9. p. 39. liberty of Religion sought for in the Low-countries l. 5. p. 99 102 119 129. extorted l. 9. p. 41. Consultations concerning it l 1 p. 18. l. 6. p. 15. Religion Reformed secured in the Low-Countries l. 5. p. 127. Councels held in France and the Low-countries to destroy it l. 2. p. 46. the Prince of Orange makes use thereof to keep Townes against the Spaniards l. 10. p. 5. vide Gheuses the Disturbers of the Catholick Religion l. 5. p. 134. Revolters from it l. 9. p. 37. Men of doubtful Religion l. 3. p. 75. the Religious turned out of the Low-Countrey Cities l. 5. p. 132. l 9 p. 40 41. their Monasteries l. 2. p. 30. plundered l. 3. p. 64. l. 5. p. 122 127 137. Reliques of Saints preserved from fire and ruine l. 10. p. 5. more valued then Jewels l. 4. p. 94. Remedies seasonably applyed l. 8. p. 19. sometimes bettered by Contempt l. 4. p. 79. and rash in precip tated misfortunes l. 10. p. 21. the best when one Man Governes l. 8. 16 17. the Remedy of imminet Mischief l. 5. p. 112 113. Rene daughter to Lewis King of France married to Hercules Duke of Ferrara l. 1. p. 21. her daughter designed for Wife to Alexander Farneze l. 4. p. 91. Renatus son to Henry of Nassau Clande Chalon l. 2. p. 43. Rendition of Low-countrey Cities and Provinces to the Spaniards l. 6. p. 11. l. 9. p. 52. of many places to the Prince of Orange l. 7. p. 73. of Oudenaerd l. 7. p. 75. of Brill l. 7. p. 70 72. of Mons l. 7. p. 73. of Dendermund l. 7. p. 75. of Centron ibid. of many Towns to the Royallists l. 7. p. 77 78 l. 8. p. 8. of Bommen l. 8. p. 13. of Bovines l. 9. p. 53. of Cimace l. 9. p. 57. of the Abbey d' Espine l. 7. p. 74. of Dallhem l. 10. p. 3. of Harlem li7 p. 78. of Limburg l. 10. p. 1. of Nardâ—us l. 7. p. 78. of Sichem l. 9. p. 54. of Maestricht l. 8. p. 21. of Valenciens l. 6. p. 10. of St. Valerey l. 7. p. 46. of Zeriezee l. 8. p. 13. of Zuitbeverland l. 7. p. 78. of â—utphen l. 7. p. 77. of Aloost l. 8. p. 18. Rentey a Castle of Artois l. 8. p. 4. Reputation l. 5. p. 110. Republick of the Hollanders how great and from how small beginning l. 1. p. 1. l. 7. p. 73. Of the Hereticks Instituted by the Covenanters l. 5. p. 138 142. advanced by Piracy l. 7. p. 73. their Fleet most commonly victorious ibid. Requesenes vide Berlingâ—erio Lodovico his son Galceâ—anâ— and Lodovico Commendador of the Knights of St Iago Restorer of lost liberty an attribute given to the General of the Covenanters l. 5. p. 109. Revolt of Cities and Provinces from the Spaniard l. 7. p. 72 73 l. 9. p. 37. Sollicitors of the Low-Countrey mens Revolt l. 7. p 71 73. Reux rendred to Don Iohn l. 9. p. 57. Ryne a River of Holland l. 8. p. 7. Roan taken by the French l. 3. p. 61. Rich mens unhappy fortune l. 8. p. 24. Rimenant a Village l. 10. p 9. the Battle ibid. Risorius Nohoc layes a plot against the Duke of Alva l. 7. p. 46. from Iuliers passes the Moes ibid. Robert Brederod enemy to Cardinal Granvell l. 2. p. 41. stands for the Archbishoprick of Cambray ibid. Robert Melodune Viscount Gant l. 9. p. 5. Robert Stuart Commander of the Scots at the Battle of Rimenant l. 10. p. 10. Roderick Gomez a Silva Prince of Ebolo one of the Lords of the Privy Councel to the King of Spain l. 2. p. 38. of great power with his Majesty l. 3. p. 8. l. 6. p. 22. his Contest with the Duke of Alva at the Councel Table and in Courr Ibid. his opinion touching the Kings Expedition into the Low-Countries l. 6. p. 23. He advertiseth the Governesse of the Marquis of Bergen's death l. 6. p. 27. and that she must bring his Cause to a Tryal ibid. writes to her in the Kings name of the Army that was to march into the Low-countries Ibid. and acquaints her with the Cause of the Duke of Alva's coming l. 6. p. 29. attends the King at the Commitment of Prince Charles l. 7. p. 44. jeeres his Rival the Duke of Alva for erecting to himself a Statue l. 7. p. 65. Roderick de Toledo a Colonel carried out of the field wounded into the Camp l. 7. p. 80. Rodolph the second Emperour by his Embassadour obligeth himself to
secure Bolduc l. 6. p. 17 Orders the City and the State Ibid. receives the Duke of Alva at his entrance into the Low-Countries l. 6. p. 31. vide Iustus Sceâ—dt the head City of the Isle of Zeland taken l. 7. p. 78. the War carried thither by Requesenes l. 8. p. 9. relief sent by the Prince of Orange l. 8. p. 13. taken by assault ibid. relinquished by the Spaniards l. 8. p. 18. Sceldt the River l. 1. p. 2. l. 7. p. 78. Scheiff Chancellor of Brabant sent to quiet the Bus l. 6. p. 2. contumeliously used and imprisoned ibid. l. 6. p. 16. released and sent back to the Governesse ibid. Schonhoven a City faithful to the Spaniard l. 7. p. 72. taken by Hierg Governour of Gelderland l. 8. p. 8. Sciplo Campio an Engineer l. 10. p. 14. Scotlands Queen vide Mary Stuart Scots fight naked in the battel of Mechlin l. 10. p. 11. Scottish Forces l. 9. p. 50 53 l. 10. p. 11. Sea let into the Woods and Meadowes l. 8. p. 7. waded over l. 7. p. 77. l. 8. p. 10. overflowing l. 7. p. 69. It s Admiral l. 1. p. 17. l. 7. p. 69. Sebastian Morales a Jesuite Bishop of Iapan Confessour to Princesse Mary of Portugal l. 4. p. 92 93. Sâ—câ—inâ—rs fight and rout the Image-breakers l. 5. p. 122. Sedition how begun by the Prince of Orange in the Low-Countries l. 2. p. 46 47. Sedition of the Valentenians l. 3. p. 62. revived l. 3. p. 64. composed l. 3. p. 65. at Antwerp occasioned by the Punishment of an Apostate l. 4. p. 84. upon the prohibition of Sermons l. 5. p. 117 118. by the Calvinists l. 6. p. 4. vide Tumult Sedition Military in the Camp of Lewis of Nassau by the German Souldiers demanding their Pay l. 7. p. 55. repressed Ibid. itterated Ibid. sedition of the Spaniards against Avila for not paying them l. 8. p. 4. the Seditious Create a new Electo l. 8. p. 5. enter Antwerp ibid. their threats and solemn oath ibid. they are payed and pacified ibid. their pious liberality ibid. how they demeaned themselves towards the Jesuites Ibid. their amendment upon an exhortation made by one of the Society l. 8. p. 6. their plunder suspected to be a plot ibid. Sedition of the Spaniards at the siege of Leiden l. 8. p. 8. the Seditious imprison their General Valdez ibid. upon the Receit of their money they are pacified ibid. Sedition of the Spanish Horse at Ziriczee for the defering of their pay l. 8. p. 16. Sedition of the Spaniards against Mondragonio l. 8. p. 17. the Seditious take Alost l. 8. p. 18. are declared Enemies by the Royal Senate ibid. assisted by Avila ibid. they take the Fort at Licherch l. 8. p. 19. the Decree of Senate for expelling them the Low-Countries l. 8. p. 10. Confirmed by the Association of Gant l. 8. p. 21. from Alost they march to Antwerp l. 8. p. 22. their Fury ibid. they beat the Townesmen out of their Trenches and take the Town ibid. 23. plunder it ibid. p. 24. the Sedition of the Spaniards upon the Command sent them to depart the Low-countries l. 9. p. 30. they are pacified l. 9. p. 31. Sedition of the Germans defending Breda against Fransberg l. 9. p. 48. Sedition in the Catholick Camp raised by the Germans l. 9. p. 56. the Seditious are separated ibid. the Authors of the Sedition are demanded ibid. their punishment Ibid. Sega vide Philip Seghet l. 5. p. 139. Seige of Alemar l. 7. p. 81. of Amsterdam l. 10. p. 5. 9. 〈◊〉 Breda l. 9. p. 48. of the Castle at Gant l. 9. p. 31. â—worâ— of Gemblac l. 9. p. 52. of Gocs l. 7. p. 77. of Groningham l. 7. p. 54. of Harlem l. 7. p. 78. of Leiden l. 8. p. 6. 〈◊〉 Mons l. 7. p. 74. the description of its reducement ibid. of Paris l. 6. p. 35. of Orbatello l. 8. p. 14. oâ— Parma l. 9. p. 42. of Ruremud l. 9. p. 49. of Saneerre l. 7. p. 79. of Valenciens l. 6. p. 5. its description l. 6. p. 10. of Ziriczâ—e l. 8. p. 13. Selimus the Turkish Emperour favours the Jewes l. 6. p. 138 assists the Moores against the Spaniard l. 5. p. 139. l. 8. p. 15. converts his Fury against Cyprus l. 5. p. 139. Sellius vide Iohn Semer the Lord appointed by the Governesse to be Governour of Mechlin l. 6. p. 12. Senators their Cabinet Councel called the Consult l. 1. p. 25. how the Senate was to be convened ibid. what precepts were therein to be observed ibid. the Senates opinion touching the sedition at Valenciens l. 3. p. 64. the Senate of Briges contumacious against the Inquisitor of Faith l. 4. p. 84. the Kings instruction for Ordering the Senate l. 4. p. 90. the Senators Suffrages for the Covenanters against the Inquisition and the Emperours Edicts l. 5. p. 103 104. Their grievances ibid. confuted by the Governesse ibid. l. 2 p. 105. the Senate summoned upon the News of the Violation of Sacred things l. 5. p. 127. the Decree of Senate for the Security offered to the Covenanters l. 5. p. 129. the divers Sences of the Senators l. 5. p. 128. the Senate of the three States attend the Governesâ—e to Antwerp l. 6. p 18. Senate Royal Governes the Low-Countries after the death of Requesenes l. 8. p. 16. confirmed by the King ibid. the Spanish Senators and Patriots who they were l. 8. p. 17. the discord between them ibid. the fall of the Authority ibid. they are bought by the Prince of Orange ibid. they pay the German Regiment and delay the Spaniards ibid. they declare the Spaniard Enemies l. 8. p. 18. they permit divers Cities of Flanders and Brabant to take up Armes ibid. their Complaints against Avila ibid. their Edict against the Mutineers at Aloost ibid. they write to the King l. 8. p. 19. they Associate under-hand with the Prince of Orange l. 8. p. 20 23. they betray the Kings Cause l. 7. p. 46. their votes against the Seditious at Alost l. 8. p. 19. the Senators that voted for the Spaniards forcibly taken out of the Senate and committed prisoners l. 8. p. 20 23. others chosen in their places l. 8. p. 20. the Authority of the Royal Senate Nulled ibid. a New form of Government introduced ibid. the Senators suspected by the Estates removed from Senate l. 9. p. 39. new ones elected ibid. they declare Don Iohn and his Party Enemies to the State ibid. their flight to Antwerp upon the Newes of their losse at Gemblac l. 9. p. 53. the Senates Letter to the King l. 8. p. 19. the Decree of Senate for expelling the Spaniards l. 8. p. 20. the Senate house at Antwerp fired l. 8. p. 23. Prince of the Senate who he was l. 8. p. 19. vide Estates Sepulcher temporary for Don Iohn l. 10. p. 22. Sepulchers defaced l. 7. p. 75. Seradilla l. 1. p. 6. Serbellonio vide Gabriel
Voluntary inheritance l. 1. p. 4. Vorne an Isle of Holland l. 7. p. â—2 Votive Monument l. 7. p. 48. Urban VII P. M. l. 5. p. 132. Urban VIII P. M. l. 7. p. 60. Vrsel imployed from Antwerp into Spain l. 3. p. 66. Utricht honoured with the prerogative of an Archbishoprick l. 1. p. 18. the Townsmen out the Catholicks from their Churches l. 5. p. 131. threaten to revolt from the King l. 6. p. 1. Vulgar Apostles who l. 3. P. 61. Vulgar interpretation of the Hoods l. 4. p. 78. vâ—de peole Uzeda l. 7. p. 112. Sentences in V. VICES that passe from hand to hand are soiled with being touched and grow still fouler l. 5. p. 115. It is not easie to hold mens hands when VICTORY showes them at once revenge and booty l. 8. p. 24. What is VISIBLE is slighted l. 1. p. 8. UNSOUND minds like unsound bodies the more you feed the more you poyson them lib. 9. p. 34. The VOTE which nature extorts we think is given to the Cause when indeed we give it to our humour l. 6. p. 13. W. WAcken sent Admiral into Spain l. 6. p. 32. Walcheren an Island l. 6. p. 2. l. 8. p. 1. Waterland an Isle l. 6. p. 19. West a River l. 10. p. 1. Westphalia l. 2. p. 36. Wight an Isle of England and its Governour l. 8. p. 33. Willebroc a Village l. 6. p. 14. Wâ—rkâ—me l. 8. p. 9. Wallet an Emblem of the Gheuses l. 5. p. 110. Wallets stuck upon Spear-points l. 8. p. 10. Water-Gheuses l. 7. p. 71. William Count Bergen one of the four first Covenanters l. 5. p. 102. at Bruxells l. 5. p. 107 109. feasted with them ibid. goes with them to the Governesse l. 5. p. III. retires into Gelderland ibid. l. 6. p. 15. is impeached l. 7. p. 41. condemned in absence ibid. victorious in Zutphen l. 7. p. 73. defeated l. 7. p. 77. William Bâ—osius Treslong one of the first Water-Ghenâ—es l. 7. p. 71. turns Pirat ibid. beats the Spaniards and fires their Ships l. 7. p. 72. is the Cause of hanging Alvares Pacecho ibid. William Bronchorst dyes l. 7. p. 10. William Duke of Cleve l. 9. p. 101. l. 9. p. 30. William Horne Lord of Mese Governour of Bruxells l. 8. p. 20. by order from him the Royal Senators are Imprisoned ibid. the Prince of Orange's Emissary l. 9. p. 34. Commands a Regiment at the Battle of Gemblâ—â— l. 9. p. 50. Ingrateful to Don Iohn l. 9. p. 35. Adviseth the Jesuites to take the Oath l. 9. p. 40. his Enmity with the Prince of Orange l. 1â— p. 9. what â—is End was l. 9. p. 34. William Luâ—â— descended from the Counts e Marchâ— Commander of Horse among the Covenanters l. 6. p. 1. irreconcilable to the name of Catholick l. 7. p. 58. his Vow to revenge the Death of Count Egmont and Count Horn ibid. General of the Water-Gheuses l. 7. p. 71. his hatred to the Duke of Alva ibid. signified in his Colours ibid. he robs at Sea ibid. takes and fortifies Brill l. 7. p. 72. destroyes things Sacred ibid. is pictured putting a pair of Spectacles upon the Duke of Alva's Nose ibid. by his means the Rebel-Cities submit to the Prince of Orange ibid. his own Men offended with him l. 7. p. 80. Cassed by the Prince of Orange ibid imprisoned and banished ibid. overthrown at the battel of Gemblac he flyes to Lieg ibid. dyes miserably ibid. William of Nassau Prince of Orange l. 1. p. 5. his family birth presages Ancestors l. 2. p. 43 44. His Education with Mary sister to Charles the fifth ibid. Gentleman of the Bed-chamber to the Emperour ibid. his Services of War Civil imployments and favour with the Emperour ibid. Carries the Imperial Crown to Ferdinand King of the Romans l. 1. p. 5. l. 2. p. 44. is by Caesar commended to his son Philip ibid. Chosen Knight of the Golden Fleece ibid. the Instrument of making peace with and Hostage to Henry King of France ibid. p. 46. the Causes of his discontent and designes l. 2. p. 44. his Wit and Manners l. 2. p. 45. the splendor of his house-keeping Ibid. what his Religion was ibid. he Studies Machiavil l. 2. p. 46. his marriages l. 3. p. 53. his daughter born l. 3. p. â—1 and his son Maurice l. 4. p. 87. General of the Spanish Horse in the Low-countries l. 2. p. 28. Governour of Holland Zeland and ulricht l. 1. p. 16. and Burgundy l. 1. p. 17. designed by the people's wishes for Governour of all the 17. Provinces l. 1. p. 19. which he saith he ought to be of right l. 2. p. 45. what hindered him l. 1. p. 19. out of hope of the Government l. 2. p. 45. from whence sprung his indignation and complaints against the King l. 2. p. 38. and his alienation l. 3. p. 67. his Envy and Emulation against Granvell l. 2. p. 39 41 42. who did him mischief l. 3. p. 54 67 68. when he took the first occasion of raise troubles ibid. whence the beginning l. 2. p. 46. l. 5. p. 100. he favours the Seditious Citizens and Hereticks l. 2. p. 46. l. 3. p. 66. drawes in Count â—gmont l. 3. p. 68. with whom he is compared l. 3. p. 70. exasperates the Brabanters l. 3. p. 68. combines against Granvell l. 3. p. 69 71. writes against him to the King l. 3. p. 72. his Complaints at the Convention of the Golden Fleece l. 3. p. 69. and in Senate before the Governesse l. 3. p. 75. his dissention with Count Aremberg l. 3. p. 73. and with Duke Areschot l. 5. p. 103. resolves to come no more to Senate l. 3. p. 75. advertiseth the Governesse of the Lords Conspiracy l. 5. p. 99. whether he was one of the Conspirators ibid. at his City of Breda the Covenant was signed l. 5. p. 100 101. he complaines in Senate that he is reported to be a Covenanter Ibid. gives his vote for the Covenanters admission into Bruxells l. 5. p. 103. his Complaints against the King l. 5. p. 104. the Covenanters light at his house l. 5. p. 107. what was acted there ibid. he meets them at Culemburg-house l. 5. p. 110. Feast the Covenanters Hath a monitory letter sent him from Pius the fifth l. 5. p. 114. having been formerly admonished by Pius the fourth touching the same point ibid. the Governesse at the desire of the Citizens of Antwerp sends him to compose the tumult there l. 5. p. 118. the applauses shouts and acclamations of the Hereticks as he came in ibid. what he acted at Antwerp ibid. 120. sent by the Governesse to trouble the meeting at Centron ibid. he moves to be made Governour of Antwerp for settling of the Town ibid. he is Commissionated and suffered to have a Life-guard ibid. his design to invade the Principality of the Low-countries ibid. 129 130. l. 7. p. 40. and Holland in the first place l. 6. p. 1. he argues in Senate
his resolution But those Censurers were mistaken The Monastery of S. Justus Sex Aur. Vict. in Caius Czs. The Emperours new habitation Febr. 1557. His family and how accommodated His contempt of the world How be disposed his time His riding to take the air His gardening His making of clocks or watches Jannell Turrianus whose Mathematicall inventions be much delighted in His extraordinary care of his soul. Joseph Seguenza in the History of his Order l. 1. By the Bull of Julius 111. 1554. Marc. 19 He disciplined himself His whip reverenced by his son Aug. 30. 1558. Immediately he falls sick Barthol Miranda Soon after he died Sept. 21. 1558. His funerals ushered with Prodigies in heaven Observed by Ian. Turrionus present at the Emperours death And in earth How long he reigned Diverse reasons commonly given for his resignement The new Kings first care The Duke of Savoy made governour of the Low-countreys The Truce between France and Spain broken Febr. On what occasion Thuan. l. 22. Decemb. The French invade the Low-Countreys Ferdinand of Tolledo Duke of Alva Iune 1557. Aug. 1550. The Spaniard first was conquerour at S. Quintins Presently after the French recovered Caliâ—e Ian. 1558. The Spaniard hath another victorie at Graveling Fortune seconds valour Iuly 1558. The womens crueltie to the French A Treatie of peace between the Kings Concluded by mediation of the Dutchess of Lorain At Cambray the Peace-making city April 1556. To the generall contentment Charles the V. Francis the I. Aug. 1529. Alice the Kings mother and Margaret the Emperours aunt The Peace confirmed by marriage Of the King of Spain to the French Kings daughter The King of France his sister married at the same time to the Duke of Savoy A Tournament at the wedding Where the King is victor Gabriel Count de Mongomary but soon after wounded Dies July 2. 1549. His death foretold Luc. Gaur Thus. l. 22. Lod. Guicciard l. 3. The history of the Netherlands 1559. Anonym in that Hist. Thua l. 3. 22. Vidus Cavocius Francis Vivonus The judgement of prudent men upon the Kings fate A strange conjuncture this year of Princes funerals King of Rome Of Belgium or the Low-countreys It s Name 〈◊〉 Greatness Wealth Guicciardine in his description of the Low-countreys Cities Towns Villages Forts Militia Navigation Trade of clothing Inclination Adv. Jien in his Tract of Holland attributes it to the air they live in The Character of a Low-countrey man Belgium divided into 17 Provinces Which come to one Prince three wayes Philip the Good had them by affinity Meyer l. 17. Charles the Souldier by Purchase and the Sword Pont. Heut l. 1. But he lost some of them Paulus Aemil. l. 10. and Pont. Heut l. 2. Part Maximilian recovered by arms The same Authour in the same book and lib. 5. Part by Treaty Guic. lib. 1. 4. 8. Belcar l. 8. Charles the fifth possessed himself of all together Pont. Heut lib. 11. and 9. The same l. 11. and Meter Guic. lib. 16. and Pont. Heut lib. 11. And though to have made a Kingdom of them Guic. Meyer Why he did not The distribution of the Provinces 1546. 1556. The government whereof King Philip gave to the Lords Lucemburgh to Count Mansfield 1559. Namure to Count Barlamont Lymburgh to the Count of East-Frizeland Haynolt to John Lanoi Lord of Molembase But he shortly after dying it was bestowed on the Marquess of Berghen Flanders and Artois to Count Egmont French-Flanders to John Momorancy Tournay to his Brother Florence Holland and Zeland to the Prince of Orange 1559. Frizeland and Overysell to Count Arembergh Gelderland and Zutfen be as then assigned to no one But afterwards he sent from Spain a Patent to Count Megen to be Governour of both Marc. 25. 1560. And another to the Prince of Orange after the death of Vergius Jan. 16. 1559. to govern Burgundy Brabant reserved for the Supream Governour of the Low-countreys The ordering of the Militia Especially of the Horse Whose troops were famous througout Europe Their Commanders The Admirall Generall of the Ordinance The disposition of Bishopricks whereof there were onely four in all the 17 Provinces Many therefore had wished their number might be encreased Which Charles the fifth went about to do The reason why he desisted His son Philip attempts it Treats about it with the Pope Concludes with him Fourteen Bishopricks were to be added to the four former Whereof three Archbishopricks The men chosen for those Dioceses Of the Governour of the Low-countreys Various conjectures as is usuall with the people who should be the man The major part conceive Count Egmont will be elected a man of much same and merit Many think the Prince of Orange will carry it a man of greater power and wealth Not undeserving But he doubts a repulse Christierna of Lorain is also designed for the place With generall approbation But Margaret of Parma is preferred before them all What hindred Count Egmont What the Prince of Orange What Christiern of Lorain Cic. l. 2. de Oratore Of Margaret of Parma Her Mother Her mothers Parents Education Perfections The Emperour falls in love with her Delivered of Margaret Anno 1522. whom Cesar conceals for her mothers credit and his own But at last it was discovered The Infant is sent to be educated by the Emperours Aunt And afterwards by his sister 1530. Her disposition Her delight in hunting 1496. Cesar promises her in marriage to the Duke of Florence Breaking the match intended with the Prince of Ferrara 1516. 1529. Francisc. Maria Feltrio The Florentines labour to break the match But in vain The Nuptials celebrated at Naples Soon after at Florence With a strange Omen 1536. Her husband slain the same year 1537. His successour sues to Cesar for Margaret But he casts his eye on the house of Farneze And marries his daughter to Octavio Farneze Francisco Maria Feltrio With whom at first she corresponded not 1541. But afterwards He was indeared to her By means of his Absence and Hazzards 1545. Her love to him increased See the ninth Book Not without some instrvening jarres Her masculine spirit And manly exercises She was of a ready wit Wonderfull discreet And religious Especially at the Eucharist Her yearly Charity to the poor Which juncture of excellencies principally moved the King to make her Governess of the Low-countreys A second Cause thereof A third A fourth more secret perhaps more true The King after her instructions gives her a pension And in a Chapter of the Knights of the Golden Fleece 1516. 1433. 1429. He declares her Governess And commands to them Religion and Obedience Hears the Estates Requests And grants them Then his Majestie goes into Spain The Dukâ—â— of Savoy into Italy The Dutchess of Parma to Bruxells The Kings unseasonable departure out of the Low-Countreys before a perfect settlement was made The like inconvenience in Spain when Charles the fifth went from thence to Germany 1520. The Causes why writers differâ—
about the Beginnings of the Low-countrey tumâ—lts Ostentation of wit Faction Ignorance of the difference between Beginnings and Causes Which difference is principally to be observed and explained by an Historian So did the ancient and best writers Fab. Pict in his Annalls Tit. Liv. l. 21. Polyb. l. 3. To follow whose examples it is easie for a man acquainted with Princes secrets The Low-Countreymens Priviledges very great Lud. Guicciardin in Descrip. Belg. From whence this evil had its Originall because the King trencht upon them three wayes The retaining of the Spanish souldiers 〈◊〉 first Cause of their 〈…〉 The Low-Countreymen are aggrieved Instigated by the Prince of Orange And exasperated by the Spaniards the 〈◊〉 Hence grew their 〈…〉 the King 〈◊〉 Cause is 〈…〉 wholly to 〈…〉 to the Low-Countrey-men Not to the King Whether the Belgick tumults are to be derived from this fountain Multiplying the number of Bishops the second cause of Insurrection The complaints made thereupon By the old Bishops The Lords temporall The Abbots And almost all that stood for the Low-countrey priviledges In 2. Addit ad â—aetum introitum Principis Hispaniae Artic. 24. What those priviledges were Artic. â—6 And how violated by increase of Bishops For which many men rail at And threaten the King Artic. 5. Some argued for his Majestie From Precedents in other countreys Which makes against the complaints of the old Bishops Baronius ann 639. 741. Extrav Solvator de Praebend Dignit As likewise against the temporall Lords And against the Abbots Aubertus Miraeus in Notitia Episc. The literal sense of their priviledges Whence some infer that they were not broken June 4. 1561. apud Arnold Havens de novis Episc. l. 2. Jun. 4. 1561. Arnol. Haves de nov Episc. l. 2. and adde the decision of the Lovain Doctors and necessity the greatest of Priviledges And that the King was not obliged to summon the Estates Generall Nor out of his own purse to allow maintenance for the Bishops Especially when he gave them Pensions Whether the beginning of the tumults may be deduced from hence The Inquisition the third cause of Insurrections The first occasion of introducing it into the Government of the Church The different forms thereof Established in Rome Constit. 34. Licet Not without Penalties J Manich and l. Quicunque C. De haereticis C. ut inquisitionis de haereticis in 6. In Spain especially from the year 1383. Martin Luthers Heresie makes it every where strictly observed Emp. Max. 1. Gratian. Theod Arcad. Honor Martian c. Charles the fifth his Edict against Luther and hereticks Leoâ— Seven times the Emperour renued it The Brabanters refuse the Inquisition King Philip confirms his Fathers Edicts Commands the execution thereof to the Governess The Governess to the Magistrates The Magistrates let it cool The Brabanters still refuse The people differ in opinions The common discourse against the Inquisition and the Emperours Edicts In the Lateran Councel under Innocent iii. Tumults caused by fear of the Inquisition and punishment of Delinquents Some men censure the King Others excuse him C. Sane 2. de Off. Potest Jud. lib. 1. §. Quiâ—manda tam. 〈◊〉 de Off. ejus Of the Prince of Orange His Ancestours came out of Germany Into the Low-countreys Ann. 1292. The Prince of Orange in his Apol. 1581. Their power in the Netherlands Anno 1544. The birth of the Prince of Orange Henr. Ranzou in exemplis Astvol Michael Airzinger in Leone Belg. His Nativity calculated His civill And military education Called the ordinary Bands Emmanuel Fishberti Duke of Savoy His favour at Court Some suspect him The Emperour answers all Objections And commends him to the King The King makes great account of him The Causes of his Discontent His Designe His Wit and Manners Which relished not of Courtship or Levity The splendour of his Family His doubtfull Religion He declares himself a Calvinist Apology 1518. His Apology Anno 1518. Whether from his heart or no is uncertain Ann. 1581. He was Hostage for K. Philip to Henry K. of France Ann. 1581. He discovers both the Kings designes against the hereticks And from thence takes his hint for Commotion Ann. 1559. Beginning at the Convention of the Knights of the Golden Fleece out of the same Apology Hoventius Momorancy Lord Montany Anthony Lalin Count Hochstrat Starting matter for sedition out of the Spanish souldiers 1559. In the some Apology Out of the new Bishops In his said Apol and so Granvel writes Ann. 1582. Out of the Inquisition Out of Granvels power Out of the troubles arising in the Duke of Alva's government The mutinous Citizens and the Hereticks desire to have the Prince of Orange for their Generall Anne daughter to Maurice Duke of Saxonie He offers himself To the destruction of the Publick The Causes and Occasions of the Belgickâ—nmults â—nmults summed up 1559. The Spanish souldiers have Orders to depart 4. Octob. Their Departure countermanded by the King Whereat the Low-countreymen rage And grow desperate Tacitus in his Annals l. 13. Called the Consult 1560. The Consulters are of opinion the souldiers should not be stayed 1560. Of the same mind were all the Councell of State 1560. But onely Granvell Who at last consents The Governesses Express to the King Her private letter 12. Decemb. The King assents in these words The Spanish souldiers sail for Spain 1561. A new Modell of the Foot Touching forrein and domestick souldiers 1562. The Marriage between the Prince of Orange and Princesse Anne daughter to the Duke of Saxony Landgrave of Hessen Anno 1550 The Landgraves Plot to break the match Discovered to the Duke of Saxony 1561. The Nuptials with Princesse Anne celebrated Afterwards he sued out a Divorce Anno 1572 At Brill is Holland Granvel made a Cardinall A Cardinalls hat brought to him He delays his acceptance 25. Feb. 12. Iuly 1562. 27. March The Governess likes not his delay He at last owns the scarlet And hat sent him by speciall favour from his Holiness For which he gives the Governess his reasons as she wrote to the King 29. Novem. 1564. 1562. The Crown of France being endangered succours are sent from the Low-countreys Of the French Tumults The Lutheran Religion brought into France Upon what occasion The City of Paris Its Favourers Margaret of Valois sister to K. Francis T is almost extinguished â—y the King Calvinisme succeeds First among the Commons Afterwards among the Lords Out of their â—mulation and envie 1562. To the Guises Duke Francis and his brother the Cardinall Anthony of Bourbon King of Navarre The Prince of Condè brother to the King of Navarre Gaspar Colligny and his brother Andelot All these were infected with Heresie But the greatest Professour of them was Joan Alibret Queen of Navarre Julius II. The Lord joyn with the hereticall rabble 1559. Against whom assistance is requested of the King of Spain And promised Alibret exasperates her husband against the Catholicks Tit. Liv. l. 1. The conspiracy at
hope of impunity Their new Conspiracy And new fashion The Originall of these kind of confederacies May 17. Not cured either by the Governesses care 6. or 21. of May. Or by the Kings letter gracious indeed March 15. But unseasonably protracting the Grant of Generall Pardons to some great ones 1570. The Low-countreys over flowed with Hereticks 1566. Privately at first Then openly preaching Three â—orts or Classes of them Calvinists Lutherans Anabaptists Catholicks What they were that came in Infinite Resort to hear them And to the Sacraments after the hereticall way Why the people are so fond of sermons Some out of zeal to heresie Divers taken with the Rarity 1565. Many delighted with singing of Psalms But the most with hearing them rail and jeer in the Pulpit Their audience increased by severall Countreymen striving to have their heresie preferred Which necessitates the Governess to hasten away the Marq. of Bergen into Spain Who sickning by the way Sends the Steward of his house before with his Letters 1566. Her Excellence by Edict banishes Forreiners But cannot resolve what course to take with the new Preachers She revives the Edict against them Who were more followed because prohibited Especially at Antwerp The Governess is desired to come thither 1564. She sends count Megen before her But upon a mutiny of the people He is called away The Town petitions for the Prince of Orange Who is made Governour of Antwerp Multitudes of people meet him upon the way He silences their shouts and the Hereticks acclamations Consults about a remedie for the present mischief Sermons in the fields frequented as much as ever For which she justly reprooves the Senate of Antwerp and tries severall wayes to make the Prince of Orange A meeting of the Gheuses at Centron or San-Truden They desire the use and freedom of the Town from the Bishop of Liege Gerard Grosbech Which he denies But the Townsmen let them in They convene in the City Where they unanimously agree to petition for their Indemnity Touching Libertie of Religion they differ among themselves A few Pages lower The Governess sends Count Egmont and Count Horn to break off the Convention These Lords remember the Covenanters of their promise But they by a new message from S. Truden make high demands from the Governesse She puts them off for the present The Prince of Orange would be made Governour of Antwerp to enable him for ruling of the Town And is made Governour accordingly with power to chuse himself a Guard But this concession was a great weakning in her Excellence The Kings letters wherein he grants the Governesse her desires So limited as gave the people no satisfaction And so long a coming as rendered them unusefull to the King Of the plunder of Churches From whence that Mischief came into the Low-countreys August 28. What forreiners incouraged them Why the Low-countreymen joyned with them August 28. The day appointed for the Picture-scuffle The Place The quality of the Image-breakers Their Instruments First the Villages are plundered Then the Cities They are received at Ipres Deface and pillage the great Church Burn the Library Violate all things sacred The People and the Magistrate diversly affected A new Party of Image-breakers in other Towns S. Omer Menin Commines Vervich Encountred by the Secliners And defeated The Governess's words to Count Egmont His Answer Her reply His Rejoynder Her Conclusion The Senates resolution upon the Exigent A new Iconomachy at Antwerp Begun with scorn put upon the holy Pâ—ocession Mockerie And quarrelling in the Cathedrall Church Whereof the sacrilegious people shutting out the rest possest themselves And singing Psalmes fall to work Breaking all things consecrated And defacing the whole Cathedrall O Profane What a great stately Church was this How small a number defaced it In a few houres Some thought the Devil helpt his Children Because none of the Sacrilegious were so much as hurt in the doing it From the Church they fall upon the City And their number encreasing Plunder all the Churches And Religious Houses in the Town With incredible security Terrifying the Inhabitants The Merchants keep their own houses and there stand upon their guard Those that had the custodie of things sacred run away from their charge Religious men dare not appear All the Town in a fright The Nuns flie to their fathers Houses The Sacrilegious make but one nights work of it Both Catholicks and Hereticks conceal themselves out of mutuall distrust The Church-robbers plunder with more licentiousnesse then before The Pillage continues for three whole dayes together At last the drowsie Citizens awake And taking Arms Fright away the Sacrilegious The like mischief at the same time Shaked all the seventeen Provinces like an Earthquake Onely sour excepted Tac. l. 2. Annals To an infinite losse Especially in Flanders Some thought this Pillage a design to betray the Low-countreys Martin Delrio in Alter Belg. l. 1. Sen. Truden l. 4. Plotted between the French and Low-countrey Hereticks With consent of the Gheuses An instance whereof is Lewis of Nassau's letter And his Patronage of the Iconomachy Septemb. 8. The Governesse calls a Senate or Great Councell Aug. 27. Her Speech The divers senses of the Senatours upon this Speech some for others against a Warre Their heat ended The Senate made this Decree nemine contradicente â—he Gheuses threaten Bruxels and the Governess Who frighted resolves to leave Bruxels But is stayed by prayers force The Prince of Orange expresses verymuch trouble The Governess more and more threatned Ulricus Viglius Yet not suffered to depart the Town And very much terrified Makes some concessions to the covenanting Gheuses Giving the King this account by letter Of the Causes moving her to do it And of the particulars granted Blaming her own indulgent Act and beseeching his Majestie not to confirm it But rather to vindicate Religion She in the interim secures her self and the Town of Bruxels And gets time to breath upon the present alteration of affairs by the endeavours of the Gheuses at Bruxels And of the Prince of Orange at Antwerp Who afterwards offended the Governesse by his grant of Churches to the Hereticks Septemb. 3. For which he gives her reasons Septemb. 4. Septemb. 4. 5. 7. But not satisfactory The like done at Mechlen and Tournay by the Counts of Hochstrat and Horn who excuse themselves Septemb. 8. The very same at Utretcht And at Bolduc The Franciscans at Antwerp endangered by the Hereticks Septem 17. And turned out of doors at Amsterdam The pious Act of the Amsterdam women The impious act of the women of Delph Septem 27. Octob. 10. and 16. The Governesse beseeches the King to come with an Army Gant 1539. 14. and 24. And the King after he had communicated the joy of his Daughters birth August 12. Clara Isabella Eugenia Approves of her advice Directs her what numbers to raise And what Commanders to employ Sends Commissions And money to the Governess Giving reasons to the Princes of
Camillo a Monte. Christopher Mondraegonio Sancho Avila Curtio Martinengo Nicholao Basta Francisco Verdugo The Army divided into Tertiaes A new Invention Their March Strict discipline Exemplary Pâ—nishâ—ent The Duke of Alva enters the Low countreys He is saluted from the Governesse To whom he had sent He quarters his men in the Low-countries 22. August His visit to the Governesse in great state and with much Reverence He shewes her part of his instructions Omitting his larger Commission till a fitter time She appeares satisfied But complaines to the King 8. Septemb. Of the Attainâ—dor of Count Egmont Alva uses him to draw in Count Horne He summons the Lords to advise about the publick The rest he surprises by other meanes Especially Casembrot And Strall The Lords advise with the Dukes very unadvisedly Count Egmont arrested and disarmed So is Count Horne The City in a Maze Cardinall Granvells saying The D. of Alva sends his excuse to the Governesse Not satisfactory 20. August 11. Sept. She sues again to bee discharged of the Governement In the interim shee is very active in it By her Edict she stops such as were leaving the Lowcountries She publishes another in favour of the French Embassadour Who likewise moves for forces out of the Netherlands to suppresse the new Troubles of France Occasioned by the Duke of Alva's March Great Mischief done by the Rebells The Governesse doubts whether she may grant the Embassador's Request But the Duke of Alva makes no difficulty of it Who furnishes him with men makes Count Aremberg their Generall And offers himselfe to lead them But the French decline that Offer from a Spaniard Of the Governesse's departure from the Low-countreys October 10. The King gives her leave to go She delivers to Alva his Commission And signifies her departure to the Princes her neighbours Decemb. 7. Writes about it to the Estates And answers the King thus Decemb. 20 Complements sent to the Dutchesse of Parma By the Provinces And neighbour-Princes Especially by the Queene of England Febr. 10. She departs the Netherlands having a Pension assigned her by the King And leaving a great desire of her Returne in the Low-countrey-men's hearts Which they expressed in their discourse 1574. Out of the Letters of Juan Gang. Fransican and others 1568. A proposall of the following 〈◊〉 The couse is â—â—mmoâ—â— heâ—ged upon the Duke of Alva out of 〈◊〉 to him For his words to the Emperour For bringing againe the Spanyerds For conâ—enning and banishing the Lords Out of all which some deduced the Cause of the Warre l. 3. Hist. But improperly A more probable deduction How the Authour meanes to write the Governments of Alva and Requesenes Presages of the future A monster born at Liege A Fire at Mechlin The Fort at Antwerp It 's Figure of five sides The Architect The Site by some disliked Hier. Conestag li. 2. Defended by others Adrian Sropernus contra Conestag But with arguments ill suited The reason why it was built in that place The Councell for examination of the Tumults The Duke of Alva summons the Belgick Lords to answer their Impeachments They protest against his proceeding The Prince of Orange sues for the Patronage of the German Princes Who treate with Alva But in vaine The Duke of Alva gives sentence against the Lords Sends the Prince of Orange's Son into Spaine where Amb. Morales was his Turour a great Philosopher and Divine The Prince of Orange appeares inraged In his Apology 1581. But is not so The Councell of twelve condemnes diverse others Alva razes Culemberg house New terrour from Spaine By reason of Prince Charles his misfortune And the Lord Montiny â— death Of Charles Prince of Spaine His disposition What conjectures were made from it Quint. 5. â—9 I. B. Castanco afterwards Vrban VII Feb. 4. Aloys Cab in Philip the 2. l. 2. 6. and 8. and Adrian l. 19. and 20. Hist. Charles the 5. liked not his Grandchild Aloys Cab. in Philip. the Second 2. l. 6. P. Charles sent To Alcala to study Lyes at the point of Death Recovers miraculously How unlike to his Father Their mutuall aversion out of the Letters of Castan the Popes Nuntio to Car. Alex. 30. Aprill Vpon these two points Out of the same Letters to the same person 4. Feb. His hatred to his Fathers Servants His Patronage of the Low-countreymen More violent then it ought to have been His purpose to go for the Low countreys His Endeavours to hinder the Duke of Alva's Belgick Expedition Out of the said Letters to the same man April 30. He reveales his Designe to Don Iohn Marquesse Pescaria Duke Mid. Riosiou Who first disswades him Afterwards acquaints the King with it The King seeks helpe from God And Counsell from prudent men what to do in the Case of his Son 1456. Paul Aemil. in Gar. 7 and Haraeus in â—hilip the Good Who being to take â—ost by breake of day Was seized at midnight Rui Comez Prince of 〈◊〉 Comez Figueroa Duke of Feria Anthonio de Toledo Priour of Leon and Aloysio Quisciada A guard set upon him in his Lodgings his Infelicity His religious Dâ—ath Out of the Letters of Castan the Popes Numcio to Card. Alex. 27. July Didacus de Chiaves Causes that might sound probable for the imprisonment and death of Prince Charles The Rebellion of the Mooâ—es in Spaine The Belgick Faction countenanced by him Ant. Gabie in 〈…〉 l. 3. c 3 1566. Too much familiarity with the Queen his Step mother A Plot to murther his Father Lib. 1. Metamorâ—h MDLXVIII But all these Causes were uncertaine Or rather false Ianuary 21 What the King wrote concerning his Son's Imprisonment Didaco Cardinall Spinosa Ianuary 24 What he caused to be divulged privately And publiquely The said Nuncio to the said Cardinall Ianuary 27 Charles the fifth Prince Charles The Low-countreys in great feare An Ambuscado layed for the Duke of Alva The Duke of Alva proceeds against the impeached Lords and Gentlemen His friends disswade him First he puts to death 19. Then others Risorius Carloi Dui Villers Yet more John Groneit Spel Prevost de Campagna on Drossart rural Fammianus Strada Many intercede for the Counts Egmont and Horne Mary wife to Count Mansfeldt Sabina ofâ—gmont â—gmont October 1. Her humble Petition to the King The King's Advocate still followes the cause against the Prisoners Charges them both Among diverse other things With these Particulars The summe of their Indictment He concludes this to be matter enough for Sentence of Death to passe upon them C. Egmont's Province Count Horne's Province Some of these Heads the Governesse had objected against them to the King August 20. 1566. The People doe not thinke them guilty but conceive all this to be the malice of C. Egmont's Rivall Alva Whom the Count had foyled The Duke of Alva not so culpable in this as some imagine In Adriaenus Stopeâ—â—s See the yeare 65. Whether Count Egmont bribed by the Rebells connived at them The Duke of Alva pronounces Sentence of
Duke of Alva desirous to attend her Highnesse into Spaine and to leave his Governement of the Low-countryes 51 Septem The King assents And nominates his successour Who was long a comming In the interim Alva returnes to his Demands of the 10 and 20. parts An Inundation in the Low-Countries November 1 Greater then any in mans memory What a destruction is made See Pier. Winsen l. 2. Hist. A rare Accident This calamity drawes off the Duke from inâ—isting upon the Taxes Some perswade him to desist altogether Arhâ—n l. 3. Dipnos Others argue that it was just and Necessary And diverse meerely put a trick upon the Duke of Alva At length He qualifies the Edict and proposeth it the third time April The City of Bruxells refuse it with notorious contumacy Alva provides against them Forces and Halters See further in the Prince of Orange's Apology 1581. But suddaine Newes diverts him So that he is forced to leave the designe of Taxes Which had infinitely prejudiced the Duke and occasioned the Revâ—ls of the Low-countreys farre more then all his cruelty The Hollanders anciently free from Tribute Taciâ—us de Moribus Germanorum Idem l. 4. Annal. The exaction whereof caused their Rebellion against the Romanes 1570. And now for the same reasons the P. of Orange sollicits their Defection Having often tryed other waies to bring them 〈◊〉 As last he compasses his desire The People being imboldned upon the newes of the Duke 's present departure The Duke of Alva's Losse at Sea The Water Gheuses Their Generall His Principall Officers They turne Pirates Are prohibited the Ports of England Vorna They take the Towne of Brill April 1. Destroy all things Sacred Beate the Spanish forces Gulielmus Blosius Treslong A wonderfull change followes Durdrecht or Dort revolts from the Spaniard And Vlushing John Treslong And Enchuysen And almost all Holland And a great part Zeland being now out of feare of the Duke of Alva and jeering him for the losse of Brill The revolted Townes put themselves into the Prince of Orange's power Their new Commonwealth The predatory Fleet very much increased and constantly victorious Bernard Mend. l. 16. Making the Taxes their Pretence Iuly 24. Anno 74. Many other Townes revolt Doesburg Zutphan Harderwick Oldden sal c. Lewis of Nassau takes the City of Mons assisted by the French May 25. With their Kings leave procured by Gaspar Coligny Who with too much confidence trusts himselfe to the King Endeavours to win the Low-Country Lords And makes high offers to Vitelli. The Marquesse Vitelli's noble carriage Of Mons recovered by the Duke of Alva J. B. Adrian l. 18. Thuan. l. 36. Duke Federico attacques the Towne The French bravery The Spaniards pitch their Tents Women-spies Punished Bern. Mend. l. 6. 2. Reg. c. 10. The Abbey D'espine taken by the Besiegers The Armyes sent by Coligny to relieve the Towne Gives battaile to Federico Is defeated Vitelli's bold venture Thuan. l. 54. Iohn Meu l. 7. Ber. Mend. reckons but twenty Prisoners put to death Those that escaped the â—ight knockt in the head by the Boores. The victorious Army full of â—olliâ—y The second expedition of the Prince of Orange from Germany into the Low-countreys to relieve his brother Lewis He takes Ruremond by storme Passeth by Lovaine for a summe of money Mechlin yields He takes other Townes in his March Bruxells holds out Guelm a Mar. Lud. Gulielm Foure Armies of the Enemy at one time harressing the Low countreys Pouring their fury upon things sacred and the Priests Guâ—ieâ—m 〈◊〉 de crudeliâ—â—â—â— In 21. Mart. Gorcom Sur. in com Arnold Havr l. 15. de erect Episc. Johann Meurs in Orang l. 7. and others This makes the Prince of Orange's Army illspoken of He hastens to Mons Admires at Alva's Trenches Tryes to breake through in vaine The Ioy in the Duk 's Campe For the Massacre at Paris Henry IV. Gregory XIII A Thanksgiving day upon the same occasion at Rome Which causeth the Prince of Orange his Despaire And retreate from Mons His Campe assaulted in the night by Spaniards in their 〈◊〉 Their confidence The Prince of Orange's danger Septem 19. Mons yielded to Alva His just commendations for that victory He recovers all the Prince of Orange had taken The sack of Mechlin Peter Trigose The charity of the Antwerp Merchants towards the Plundered Iohn Boter in vita Albani ex Hist. Societ Iesu Ann. 1572. The Souldiers piety Alva strives to cleare himselfe from the Infamy of Sacking Mechlin The Victory won by Duke Federico And Mondragonio Goes Octob. 20. Ann. 72. The destruction of Nardem Which make the Spaniard odious Mich. Isselt in Hist. sui temp Fran. Har. in Annal. Belg. aâ—â— fere omnes Of the Siege of Harlem Federico despaires of taking it His Father chides him The Harlemers provoke the Spaniards with new Scorne The Spaniards jeere to the Towne Their Answer Their mocquery of holy things Not unpunished August 1. They yield to mercy Very many put to death Alva's Son The remarkeable Accidents hapning at this Siege Carrier-Pidgeons A Regiment of Women The wilfulnesse and cruelty of the Harlemers The Siege of Harlem and Sancerre 1573. Compared Thuan Hist. l. 55. How many Royalists were slaine and hurt at the siege of Harlem Roan 1562. How many Covenanters were killed Bern. Mend. Lumè discontented His Commission taken from him by the Prince of Orange He is imprisoned Banished the Low-countries Arnold Havensius l. 1. de nov Episcop An. Carner in Hist. Belg. l. 5 Fran-Harzus in Annal. He dyes D. Federico forced to raise his seige of Alcmar Count Bolduc Admirall of the Spanish Fleete beaten at Sea â—euteâ— apud Haraeum in Anâ—l Gallantly fighting Aldegund the Prince of Orange's intimate friend taken prisoner Novemb. 17 The Duke of Alva resignes the Lowcountries to his successour Requesenes And goes aboard for Spaine The diverse senses touching his departures of the Hereticks The Prince of Orange And of the Catholickes Sextus Aurel. in his â—ife He is gratiously received in Spaine by the King But the Courâ—iers thinke the King dissembles Wherein they were deceived The true cause of Alva's confinement His excellent temper of mind in that calamity How great an honour it was to him in the end He is called from banishment to be Generall against Portugall His words to the Messengers He conquers And dyes The King's expression Didaco Prince of Spaine Anne the Emp. Maximilian's Daughter Alva's Elogy His Father 1510. His Grandfather He himselfe greater then his Progenitors Alva and Annas Momorancy parallel'd The Duke of Alva a good Courtier Much affected by the King But rather inwardly then in shew How much the King relied upon his Faith What soyled his Fame 1574. Requesenes begins his Government of the Low-countreys The hopes conceived of him Mart. Delr l. 1. Belg. Turb He takes away the Duke of Alva's Statue To the great joy of the Low-countreymen The Zelanders besiege Middelburg Requesenes sends a Fleet to relieve
nearly concerned to preserve Religion then greatly indangered in France and they very well affected to the cause had laid their designes the Queen Regent by the by propounded some Marriages wherein she would have ingaged her Daughter but the Queen of Spain and the Duke of Alva returned thereunto no absolute answer reserving the finall determination of all things to King Philip. Lastly upon occasion of an Embassadour sent from Soliman the Turkish Emperour to renew the league between King Charles and him the French spake of renouncing the said League and that their King should joyn with King Philip and the Emperour against the common enemie But this though it was opportune took no effect the Queen of Spain declining all overtures but onely concerning Religion which she at the Duke of Alva's earnest motion again commending to them after they had imbraced and kissed they took their leaves The Hereticks that guessed at their intentions exceedingly fearing lest by the meeting of these Princes as by the conjunction of malevolent Starres was portended some fearfull storm that would fall upon their heads And indeed that great massacre of the Hugonots which seven years after was acted at Paris was they say plotted at this meeting which I will neither denie nor affirm Though I am rather inclined to believe that the mutuall succours which since this time we see have been often sent by the French into the Low-countreys and from thence into France against the Rebells to Religion and their Prince together with the marriage five years after solemnized by King Charles and Elisabeth daughter to the Emperour Maximilian were concluded at this conference For King Philip in the fore-mentioned letter gives an intimation of mutuall assistance to be from thenceforth given to expell heresie out of their Kingdomes and plainly faith the Queen had not directly declared her self against the marriage but left a door open to a new consulation since in regard of their tender years the young Prince and Princesse he being but fifteen and Princesse Elisabeth eleven might very well stay a good while before they married In the beginning of March Count Egmont came to Madrid contrary to the exspectation and command of his Majestie who would have had his journey put off I suppose because the Governess had informed him that the Count was willing to go in hope of his private advantage Yet the King received him very graciously answerable to the quality of so noble a person and so great a Generall famous for many victories and often with good approbation heard him move for relief to the publick necessities of his Countrey Nay when he descended to his particular affairs the King granted his suit almost in every thing Finally his Majestie gave him large instructions in writing for answer to the Governess and that he might resolve upon more certain grounds he advised in that which concerned Religion with Divines which to that purpose waited on him In that Assembly of learned men I have heard one that was present say The pietie of the King was admirable For having summoned the greatest Schoolmen and Casuists and demanding their opinions touching the Libertie of Conscience which some Low-countrey Towns so earnestly petitioned for when many of them considering the present condition of the Low-countreys said That for the avoiding of a greater evil much to be feared in Cities ready to revolt and shake off Obedience to their Prince and to the Orthodox Faith his Majestie might without offending God allow his subjects the free exercise of their Religion He replied That he sent not for them to instruct him whether such a Permission were lawfull but whether it were necessary And when they told him they saw no necessity then the King in their presence kneeling before a Crucifix And I said he pray and beseech thy Divine Majestie thou King of all men O God that thou wilt please to keep me alwayes in this mind that I may never care that the men which deny thee for their Lord may either be or be called my Subjects and then he opened his determination concerning Religion in those Letters which I told you were delivered to Count Egmont But before he had his dispatch the King dealt plainly with him That he was not a little offended at the last conspiracie of the Lords when they gave the Coats and Cognizances wherein they aenigmatically threatned Cardinal Granvel that especially Egmont reputed the Authour of that invention might therein have shewn if not more fidelity at least more discretion But Count Egmont faithfully assured his Majesty that it was mere mirth and childish sport at table to make a jest to laugh at in their cups not to be feared by any man that done he omitted not to accuse the Cardinall as the principall cause thereof because he daily mustered those of his faction against the Nobility and therefore deserved to be requited with the like Assemblies Yet in these meetings and this he often confirmed by oath they did not so much as think of any thing contrary to their sincere Allegiance to his Majesty Nay if he had found any of their party an Enemy to the King he himself would have been first though he were his own brother that should have stabbed him to the heart This Discourse having passed between the King and Count Egmont of all which the King by a private Letter certified the Governess Instructions were given to the Count thus indorsed Instructions of those things which thou Prince of Gavera Count of Egmond our Cousen and Counsellour in affairs of the Empire art commanded in our Name to communicate to Our Sister the Dutchess of Parma The summe of his large Instructions was this At his arrivall in the Low-countreys after he had saluted the Governess from the King and returned her his royall thanks for her good Government of those Provinces and for sending into Spain the fittest man to negotiate for the Low-countreys he was to deliver her this answer from his Maiesty That in the first place he was struck with unutterable grief to hear of the growth of Heresie and that he was firmly resolved and would have the whole world know that he would not suffer it within his Dominions though he were to die for it a thousand times Therefore he desired the Governess to call a Senate extraordinary to which divers Bishops should be summoned particularly Rythovius Bishop of Ipres with the like number of Divines and such Counsellours as stood best affected to Religion and their Countrey The pretended occasion should be to examine the Councel of Trent but the reall meaning to find out an Expedient how the people might be kept in their ancient Religion how their children might be virtuously bred up at School how to proceed in punishing Hereticks by some other course that might take off the odium not that he meant to pardon them for that he neither resolved to
from such as were not invited whereby jealousies and differences might arise among them And it happened very conveniently that at the same time the Governesse received some letters from the King writ with his own hand to the Prince of Orange and some other of the Low-countrey Lords expressing much affection to them which she presently sent to the presse and had them published the result of all this was That partly out of fear the Lords would desert them whose resolutions the Confederates perceived to waver partly out of hope which they were full of because they saw themselves courted and honoured by the King partly out of malice to others which as they thought suspected and hated them divers of the Covenanters leaving the publick meetings of the Conspiratours returned to their own houses to follow their private businesse or came over and submitted to the Governesse striving rather to merit the Kings favour then his indignation Which great defection elevating her spirits the Governesse resolved to use her utmost force and policy to scatter their seditious Congregations And to begin the right way by craving a blessing from God she wrote letters in the Kings name to all the Bishops and chiefest Prelates to appoint in all their Cities Fast-dayes and publick Prayers and to use all other means for appeasing the Divine wrath She likewise sent an Agent into France to Francis Alava the King of Spains Embassadour to inform him of the preparations made by the French Hugonots and another into Germany to the Emperour to pre-acquaint him with the Petition that was to be presented at the Diet and to give him intelligence how he was threatened by the Electours Augustus Duke of Saxony and Frederick Count Palatine And truly Count Mansfeld would have offered the Emperour that he himself would either convert the Duke of Saxonie to his Allegeance or take away the power of his disloyaltie by imploying the sonnes of Iohn Frederick that bore an inveterate malice to Duke Augustus for depriving their Father of the Electorate and if they should be incouraged to take arms no doubt but they would involve all Saxony in a War and Augustus would have enough to do to extinguish the fire in his own Dukedome without scattering it in anothers Dominions But the Governesse could not at that time spare Count Mansfeld she therefore held it sufficient to commend his design and to inform the King of it and his readinesse to serve his Majesty pretermitting no occasion to name him for the advance of the Counts former Suit and perhaps he himself had an eye upon it when he made this offer which undoubtedly would more advance his favour with the King then his trouble in Saxony Thus many proffer huge service to such as they know will not accept it especially if they think themselves able to do their businesse without the profferer's help Moreover it was Mansfelds plot the Counts of Aremberg and Megen being of the same opinion that the number of souldiers should be increased in the Low-countreys and the Governours attended with greater Guards and presently the Governesse directing her Letters to them advised them severally Not to suffer the Hereticks to have any more meetings That she knew besides their Sermons that were with limitation permitted they held I know not what Consistories and setting up Schools for Children bred them to impious Opinions That they married buryed and baptized in a new manner published filthy Books and posted up Pictures in mockery of God and the King and at their Calvinisticall Suppers the multitude then meeting solemnly professed that they had broke the League with Catholick Religion and were resolved never to make a Peace but constantly to endeavour the extirpation of it Root and Branch And yet was it possible men should so far forget all Modesty and Shame as to affirm that these abominations were licensed by the Governess when she permitted them Sermons That she was not so foolishly wicked as not to distinguish things so distant or to suffer so execrable impiety Therefore in the Kings name she commanded the Governours of the Provinces that as many as they should apprehend at any Hereticall meetings Sermons onely excepted they should proceed against them as Traytours to the King and disturbers of the publick Peace To these Letters she joyned an Edict which clearly explained every particular thereof and imposed penalties upon the contumacious somewhat more sharp and severe then well consisted with her nature I suppose Grief made a deep impression in her mind as if all that mischief came of Sermons which her too much fear and lenity had toleratrd Wherefore her Excellence sending the King a Transcript of the Edict said She was forced to use that rigour because the detestable carriage of the Hereticks contrary to agreement so required And she hoped if their other exercises were once suppressed that Sermons whensoever the King would declare the grant to be void and disallow them would be likewise banished the Low-countreys She added that when the Edict was penned all the Privie Councel consented but onely Egmont who said that Edict would be an Alarum to the Low-countreys and indeed either upon that occasion or because the Church-robbers and such as met at Sermons in prohibited places were punished they hastened the warre which they meant not should begin till a long while after To this end they met more frequently in their Consistories and Committees many Letters passing by the hands of Gyles Cleark to the confederate Gentlemen and from them to the Merchants and Consistorians By all which it was finally resolved that whensoever the Governess should use force they would be ready to take the field making their levies partly in Saxonie partly in the Palatinate but the Palsgraves offer should be first embraced Commission for Generall was given to Henry Brederod with a list of the names of Antwerp Merchants that engaged for money to raise men Brederod immediately named Collectours and made Philip Marnixius of S. Aldegund Treasurer of the Army Lewis of Nassau undertook to solicit Augustus Duke of Saxony For though Saxony was then embroyled in a Warre between Iohn Frederick sonne to the late Electour Iohn Frederick and his cosin-germane by the fathers side Augustus Duke of Saxony de facto yet Lewis liked the employment because he hoped by authority of the Germane Princes that were active in it the difference would be soon composed and he should from thence be furnished with stout and well armed souldiers for the Low-countreys But because the war continued Iohn Frederick despising the conditions of Peace and that the Governess knowing the Covenanters designe to trouble Lewis his negotiation kept some faithfull Agents in Augustus his Army which lay before the city of Goth therefore the Covenanters not relying upon this slow assistance met at the Prince of Oranges City Breda where these three things were decreed