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B01850 The history of the reformation of the Church of England. The second part, of the progress made in it till the settlement of it in the beginning of Q. Elizabeth's reign. / By Gilbert Burnet, D.D. Burnet, Gilbert, 1643-1715. 1681 (1681) Wing B5798A; ESTC R226789 958,246 890

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Principality which his Unkle George had left him only on condition that he turned Papist notwithstanding which he got him to be possessed of it was made use of by the Emperor as the best Instrument to work his ends To him therefore he promised the Electoral Dignity with the Dominions belonging to the Duke of Saxe if he would assist him in the War against his Kinsman the present Elector and gave him assurance under his Hand and Seal That he would make no change in Religion but leave the Princes of the Ausburg Confession the free exercise of their Religion And thus the Emperor singled out the Duke of Saxe and the Landgrave from the rest reckoning wisely that if he once mastered them he should more easily overcome all the rest He pretended some other quarrels against them as that of the Duke of Brunswick who having begun a War with his Neighbours was taken Prisoner and his Dominions possessed by the Landgrave That with some old Quarrels was pretended the ground of the War Upon which the Princes published a Writing to shew that it was Religion only and a secret design to subdue Germany that was the true cause of the War and those alledged were sought Pretences to excuse so infamous a breach of Faith and of the publick Decrees that the Pope who designed the destruction of all of that Confession had set on the Emperor to this who easily laid hold on it that he might master the liberty of Germany Therefore they warned all the Princes of their danger The Emperors Forces being to be drawn together out of several Places in Italy Flanders Burgundy and Boheme they whose Forces lay nearer had a great advantage if they had known how to use it 1546. June The Elector and Landgrave arm For in June they brought into the Field 70000 Foot and 15000 Horse and might have driven the Emperor out of Germany had they proceeded vigorously at first But the divided Command was fatal to them for when one was for Action the other was against it So they lost their opportunity and gave the Emperor time to gather all his Forces about him which were far inferior to theirs in strength but the Emperor gained by time whereas they who had no great Treasure lost much All the Summer and a great deal of the Winter was spent without any considerable Action though the two Armies were oft in view one of another 1546. Jul. 20. Duke of Saxe and Landgrave proscribed But in the beginning of the Winter the Emperor having proscribed the Duke of Saxe and promised to bestow the Principality on Maurice he fell into Saxony and carried a great many of the Cities which were not prepared for any such impression Nov. 23. The Elector returns into Saxony This made the Duke separate his Army and return to the defence of his own Country which he quickly recovered and drove Maurice almost out of all his own Principality The States of Boheme also declared for the Elector of Saxony This was the state of Affairs there The Princes thought they had a good Prospect for the next Year having mediated a Peace between the Crowns of England and France 1546. Jan. 7. Peace concluded between England and France whose Forces falling into Flanders must needs have bred a great distraction in the Emperors Councils But King Henry's death gave them great apprehensions and not without cause For when they sent hither for an Aid in Money to carry on the War the Protector and Council saw great dangers on both hands if they left the Germans to perish the Emperor would be then so lifted up that they might expect to have an uneasie Neighbour of him on the other hand it was a thing of great consequence to engage an Infant King in such a War Therefore their Succours from hence were like to be weak and very slow Howsoever the Council ordered Paget to assure them that within three or four Months they should send 50000 Crowns to their assistance which was to be covered thus The Merchants of the Still-yard were to borrow so much of the King and to engage to bring home Stores to that value they having the Money should send it to Hamburg and so to the Duke of Saxe But the Princes received a second Blow in the loss of Francis the first of France Who having lived long in a familiarity and friendship with King Henry not ordinary for Crowned Heads was so much affected with the news of his death that he was never seen cheerful after it He made Royal Funeral Rites to be performed to his memory in the Church of Nostredame to which the Clergy who one would have thought should have been glad to have seen his Funerals Celebrated in any fashion were very averse But that King had emancipated himself to a good degree from a servile subjection to them and would be obeyed He out-lived the other not long 1557. Mar. 31. Francis I. died for he died the last of March He was the chief Patron of Learned Men and advancer of Learning that had been for many Ages He was generally unsuccessful in his Wars and yet a great Commander At his death he left his Son an Advice to beware of the Brethren of Lorain and to depend much on the Councellors whom he had employed But his Son upon his coming to the Crown did so deliver himself up to the charms of his Mistress Diana that all things were ordered as Men made their Court to her which the Ministers that had served the former King scorning to do and the Brothers of the House of Lorain doing very submissively the one were discharged of their employments and the other governed all the Councils Francis had been oft fluctuating in the business of Religion Sometimes he had resolved to shake off the Popes Obedience and set up a Patriarch in France and had agreed with Henry the 8th to go on in the same Councils with him But he was first diverted by his Alliance with Clement the 7th and afterwards by the Ascendant which the Cardinal of Tournon had over him who engaged him at several times into severities against those that received the Reformation Yet he had such a close Eye upon the Emperors motions that he kept a constant good understanding with the Protestant Princes and had no doubt assisted them if he had lived But upon his death new Councils were taken the Brothers of Lorain were furiously addicted to the Interests of the Papacy one of them being a Cardinal who perswaded the King rather to begin his Reign with the recovery of Bulloine out of the hands of the English So that the state of Germany was almost desperate before he was aware of it And indeed the Germans lost so much in the death of these two Kings upon whose assistance they had depended that it was no wonder they were easily over-run by the Emperor Some of their Allies the Cities of Vlm and Frankfort and the Duke of
another To the fifth Point 1. The Emperor is at this time so driven to his Shifts that neither he shall be able to attend the stay of Mony from coming to the Mart neither if he were able to attend could I think do it now the Flemings being put in such fear as they be of the loss of all they have 2. The Flemings and the Spaniards which be under him can hardlier be without us than we without them and therefore they would hardly be brought to forbear our Traffique To the sixth Point 1. It were good the Stiliard-men were for this time gently answered and that it were seen whether by any gentle offer of some part of their Liberties again they might be brought to ship their Wares to the Mart. The Frenchmen also I think would easily be brought to come hither having now none other Traffique but hither these two Nations would suffice to begin a Mart for the first part To the seventh Point 1. It is not the ability of the English Merchants only that maketh the Mart but it is the resort of other Nations to some one place when they do exchange their Commodities one with another for the bargaining will be as well amongst the Strangers themselves the Spaniards with the Almains the Italians with Flemings the Venetians with the Danes c. as other Nations will bargain with Us. 2. The Merchants of London of Bristol and other places will come thither for the Mart time and traffique 3. The Merchants will make shift enough for their Lodging 4. There may be some of these Clothes that shall go hereafter be bought with my Mony and so carried to Southampton to be there uttered To the eighth Point 1. Bruges where the Mart was before stood not on the River of Rhine nor Antwerp doth not neither stand on that River 2. Frankfort Mart may well stand for a Fair in Almain although Southampton serve for all Nations that lie on the Sea-side for few of those come to Frankfort Mart. Windsor Sept. 23. Sexto Edwardo Sexti 1552. Number 5. The Method in which the Council represented Matters of State to the King An Original Written by Sir William Cecil Secretary of State Questions 1. Whether the King's Majesty shall enter into the Aid of the Emperor Answ He shall A Pacto 1. THe King is bound by the Treaty and if he will be helped by that Treaty he must do the Reciproque A periculo vitando 2. If he do not Aid the Emperor is like to Ruin and consequently the House of Burgundy come to the French Possession which is perilous to England and herein the greatness of the French King is dreadful Religio Christiana 3. The French King bringeth the Turk into Christendom and therefore that exploit to be staied Periculum violati pacti 4. If the Emperor for Extremity should agree now with the French then our Peril were double greater 1. The Emperor's Offence for lack of Aid 2. The French King's Enterprises towards us and in this Peace the Bishop of Rome's devotion towards us Pro Repub. Patria 5. Merchants be so evil used that both for the loss of Goods and Honour some Remedy must be sought Pericula consequentia 6. The French King 's Proceedings be suspicious to the Realm by breaking and burning of our Ships which be the old strength of this Isle Declaration of Stuckley's Tale. Answer He shall not Difficile quasi impossibile 1. The Aid is to be chargeable for the Cost and almost to be executed is impossible Solitudo in periculis 2. If the Emperor should die in this Confederacy we should be left alone in the War Amicorum suspitio vitanda 3. It may be the German Protestants might be more offended with this Conjunction with the Emperor doubting their own Causes Sperandum bene ab amicis 4. The Amity with France is to be hoped will amend and continue and the Commissioners coming may perchance restore Corrolarium of a mean way Judicium 1. So to help the Emperor as we may also join with other Christian Princes and conspire against the French King as a common Enemy to Christendom Reasons for the Common Conjunction 1. The cause is common Auxilia communia and therefore there will be more Parties to it 2. It shall avoid the chargeable entry into Aid with the Emperor Sumptus vitandi according to the Treaties 3. If the Emperor should die or break off Amicorum copia yet it is most likely some of the other Princes and Parties will remain so as the King's Majesty shall not be alone 4. The Friendship shall much advance the King 's other Causes in Christendom Dignitas causae 5. It shall be most honourable to break with the French King for this common Quarrel of Christendom Pro fide Religione Reasons against this Conjunction 1. The Treaty must be with so many Parties Inter multos nihil secretum that it can neither be speedily or secretly concluded 2. If the Matter be revealed and nothing concluded Amicitiae irritatae then consider the French King's Offence and so may he at his leasure be provoked to practise the like Conjunction against England with all the Papists Conclusion 1. The Treaty to be made with the Emperor The King's Hand and by the Emperor's means with other Princes 2. The Emperor's Acceptation to be understanded before we treat any thing against the French King Number 6. A Method for the Proceedings in the Council written with King Edward's Hand The Names of the whole Council The Bishop of Canterbury The Bp of Ely Lord Chancellor The Lord Treasurer The Duke of Northumberland The Lord Privy-Seal The Duke of Suffolk The Marquess of Northampton The Earl o● Shrewsbury The Earl of Westmore●●nd The Earl of Huntington The Earl of Pembr●●k The Viscount Hereford The Lord Admiral The Lord Chamberlain The Lord Cobham The Lord Rich. Mr. Comptroller Mr. Treasurer Mr. Vicechamberlain Mr. Secretary Petre. Mr. Secretary Cecil Sir Philip Hobbey Sir Robert Bowes Sir John Gage Sir John Mason Mr. Ralph Sadler Sir John Baker Judg Broomley Judg Montague Mr. Wotton Mr. North. Those that be now called in Commission The Bishop of London The Bishop of Norwich Sir Thomas Wroth. Sir Richard Cotton Sir Walter Mildmay Mr. Sollicitor Mr. Gosnold Mr. Cook Mr. Lucas The Counsellors above-named to be thus divided into several Commissions and Charges First For hearing of those Suits which were wont to be brought to the whole Board The Lord Privy-Seal The Lord Chamberlain The Bishop of London The Lord Cobham Mr. Hobbey Sir John Mason Sir Ralph Sadler Mr. Wotton Mr. Cook Masters of Requests Mr. Lucas Masters of Requests Those Persons to hear the Suits to answer the Parties to make Certificate what Suits they think meet to be granted and upon answer received of their Certificate received to dispatch the Parties Also
two several times that is to say the Sundays next following Easterday and St. Michael the Arch-Angel or on some other Sunday within one month after those Feasts immediately after the Gospel FOrasmuch as it appertaineth to all Christian Men but especially to the Ministers and the Pastors of the Church being Teachers and Instructers of others to be ready to give a Reason of their Faith when they shall be thereunto required I for my part now appointed your Parson Vicar or Curat having before my Eyes the Fear of God and the Testimony of my Conscience do acknowledg for my self and require you to assent to the same I. First That there is but one living and true God of infinite Power Wisdom and Goodness the maker and preserver of all Things And that in Unity of this God-head there be three Persons of one Substance of equal Power and Eternity the Father the Son and the Holy Ghost II. I believe also whatsoever is contained in the Holy Canonical Scriptures In the which Scriptures are contained all things necessary to Salvation by the which also all Errors and Heresies may sufficiently be reproved and convicted and all Doctrine and Articles necessary to Salvation established I do also most firmly believe and confess all the Articles contained in the Three Creeds The Nicene Creed Athanasius Creed and our Common Creed called the Apostles Creed for these do briefly contain the principal Articles of our Faith which are at large set forth in the Holy Scriptures III. I do acknowledg also that Church to be the Spouse of Christ wherein the Word of God is truly taught the Sacraments orderly ministred according to Christ's Institution and the Authority of the Keys duly used And that every such particular Church hath authority to institute to change clean to put away Ceremonies and other Ecclesiastical Rites as they be superfluous or be abused and to constitute other making more to Seemliness to Order or Edification IV. Moreover I confess That it is not lawful for any Man to take upon him any Office or Ministry either Ecclesiastical or Secular but such only as are lawfully thereunto called by their High Authorities according to the Ordinances of this Realm V. Furthermore I do acknowledg the Queen's Majesty's Prerogative and Superiority of Government of all Estates and in all Causes as well Ecclesiastical as Temporal within this Realm and other her Dominions and Countries to be agreable to God's Word and of right to appertain to her Highness in such sort as is in the late Act of Parliament expressed and sithence by her Majesty's Injunctions declared and expounded VI. Moreover touching the Bishop of Rome I do acknowledg and confess that by the Scriptures and Word of God he hath no more Authority than other Bishops have in their Provinces and Diocesses And therefore the Power which he now challengeth that is to be the Supream Head of the Universal Church of Christ and so to be above all Emperors Kings and Princes is an usurped Power contrary to the Scriptures and Word of God and contrary to the Example of the Primitive Church and therefore is for most just Causes taken away and abolished in this Realm VII Furthermore I do grant and confess That the Book of Common Prayer and Administration of the Holy Sacraments set sorth by the Authority of Parliament is agreeable to the Scriptures and that it is Catholick Apostolick and most for the advancing of God's Glory and the edifying of God's People both for that it is in a Tongue that may be understanded of the People and also for the Doctrine and Form of ministration contained in the same VIII And although in the Administration of Baptism there is neither Exorcism Oil Salt Spittle or hallowing of the Water now used and for that they were of late Years abused and esteemed necessary Where they pertain not to the substance and necessity of the Sacrament they be reasonably abolished and yet the Sacrament full and perfectly ministred to all intents and purposes agreeable to the Institution of our Saviour Christ IX Moreover I do not only acknowledg that Privat Masses were never used amongst the Fathers of the Primitive Church I mean publick Ministration and receiving of the Sacrament by the Priest alone without a just number of Communicants according to Christ's saying Take ye and eat ye c. But also that the Doctrine that maintaineth the Mass to be a Propitiatory Sacrifice for the Quick and the Dead and a mean to deliver Souls out of Purgatory is neither agreeable to Christ's Ordinance nor grounded upon Doctrine Apostolick But contrary-wise most ungodly and most injurious to the precious Redemption of our Saviour Christ and his only-sufficient Sacrifice offered once for ever upon the Altar of the Cross X. I am of that mind also That the Holy Communion or Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ for the due obedience to Christ's Institution and to express the vertue of the same ought to be ministred unto the People under both kinds And that it is avouched by certain Fathers of the Church to be a plain Sacrilege to rob them of the Mystical Cup for whom Christ hath shed his most precious Blood seeing he himself hath said Drink ye all of this Considering also That in the time of the Ancient Doctors of the Church as Cyprian Hierom Augustine Gelasius and others six hundred Years after Christ and more both the Parts of the Sacrament were ministred to the People Last of all As I do utterly disallow the extolling of Images Reliques and feigned Miracles and also all kind of expressing God Invisible in the form of an Old Man or the Holy Ghost in form of a Dove and all other vain worshipping of God devised by Man's fantasy besides or contrary to the Scriptures As wandering on Pilgrimages setting up of Candles praying upon Beads and such-like Superstition which kind of Works have no promise of Reward in Scripture but contrary-wise Threatnings and Maledictions So I do exhort all Men to the Obedience of God's Law and to the Works of Faith as Charity Mercy Pity Alms devout and fervent Prayer with the affection of the Heart and not with the Mouth only Godly Abstinence and Fasting Chastity Obedience to the Rulers and Superior Powers with such-like Works and godliness of Life commanded by God in his Word which as St. Paul saith hath Promises both of this Life and of the Life to come and are Works only acceptable in God's sight These things above-rehearsed though they be appointed by common Order yet do I without all compulsion with freedom of Mind and Conscience from the bottom of my Heart and upon most sure persuasion acknowledg to be true and agreeable to God's Word And therefore I exhort you all of whom I have Cure heartily and obediently to embrace and receive the same That we all joining together in unity of Spirit Faith and Charity may also at length be joined together in the Kingdom of God and that
is thought and of these I must confess my self to your Lordship to be one And God is my Judg whether it be for any other respect in this World but that I suppose and verily believe it may prove best for her Majesty 's own quietness during her time And here I must before open to your Lordship indeed her Majesty's true State she presently stands in which though it may be granted the former Advice the better way yet how hardly it layeth in her Power to go thorow withal you shall easily judg For it must be confessed That by the taking into her protection the King and the Faction she must enter into a War for it And as the least War being admitted cannot be maintained without great Charge so such a War may grow France or Spain setting in foot as may cause it to be an intollerable War Then being a War it must be Treasure that must maintain it That she hath Treasure to continue any time in War surely my Lord I cannot see it And as your Lordship doth see the present Relief for Mony we trust upon which either failing us or it rising no more than I see it like to be not able long to last Where is there further hope of help hereafter For my own part I see none If it be so then my Lord that her Majesty's present estate is such as I tell you which I am sure is true How shall this Counsel stand with security by taking a Party to enter into a War when we are no way able to maintain it for if we enter into it once and be driven either for Lack or any other way to shrink what is like to follow of the Matter your Lordship can well consider the best is we must be sorry for that we have done and per-chance seek to make a-mends where we neither would nor should This is touching the present State we stand in Besides we are to remember what already we have done how many ways even now together the Realm hath been universally burdened First For the keeping of new bands after the furnishing of Armour and therein how continually the Charge sooner hath grown than Subsidies payed And lastly the marvellous charge in most Countries against the late Rebellion with this Loan of Mony now on the neck of it Whether this State doth require further cause of imposition or no I refer to your Lordship And whether entring into a further Charge than her Majesty hath presently wherewithal to bear it will force such a Matter or no I refer to wiser to judg And now my Lord I will shew you such Reasons as move me to think as I do In Worldly Causes Men must be governed by Worldly Policies and yet so to frame them as God the Author of all be chiefly regarded From him we have received Laws under which all Mens Policies and Devices ought to be Subject and through his Ordinance the Princes on the Earth have Authority to give Laws by which also all Princes have the Obedience of the People And though in some Points I shall deal like a Worldly Man for my Prince yet I hope I shall not forget that I am a Christian nor my Duty to God Our Question is this Whether it be meeter for our Soveraign to maintain the young King of Scotland and his Authority or upon Composition restore the Queen of Scots into her Kingdom again To restore her simply we are not of Opinion for so I must confess a great over-sight and doubt no better Success than those that do Object most Perils thereby to ensue But if there be any Assurances in this World to be given or any Provision by Worldly Policy to be had then my Lord I do not see but Ways and Means may be used with the Queen of Scots whereby her Majesty may be at quiet and yet delivered of her present great Charge It is granted and feared of all sides that the cause of any trouble or danger to her Majesty is the Title the Queen of Scotland pretends to the Crown of this Realm The Danger we fear should happen by her is not for that she is Queen of Scotland but that other the great Princes of Christendom do favour her so much as in respect of her Religion they will in all Causes assist her and specially by the colour of her Title seem justly to aid and relieve her and the more lawfully take her and her Causes into their Protection Then is the Title granted to be the chief Cause of danger to our Soveraign If it be so Whether doth the setting up the Son in the Mothers Place from whence his Title must be claimed take away her Title in the Opinion of those Princes or no notwithstanding she remain Prisoner It appeareth plainly No for there is continual Labour and means made from the greatest Princes our Neighbours to the Queen's Majesty for restoring the Queen of Scotland to her Estate and Government otherwise they protest open Relief and Aid for her Then though her Majesty do maintain the young King in his present Estate yet it appears that other Princes will do the contrary And having any advantage how far they will proceed Men may suspect And so we must conceive that as long as this Difference shall continue by the maintaining of these two so long shall the same Cause remain to the trouble and danger of the Queen's Majesty And now to avoid this whilst she lives What better Mean is there to take this Cause away but by her own consent to renounce and release all such Interest or Title as she claimeth either presently or hereafter during the Life of her Majesty and the Heirs of her Body Albeit here may two Questions be moved First Whether the Scots Queen will renounce her Title or no Secondly If she will do so What Assurance may she give for the performance thereof To the first It is most certain she hath and presently doth offer wholly and frankly to release and renounce all manner of Claims and Titles whatsoever they be to the Crown of this Realm during her Majesty's Life and the Heirs of her Body And for the second She doth likewise offer all manner of Security and Assurances that her Majesty can devise and is in that Queen 's possible Power to do she excepteth none Then must we consider what may be Assurances for here is the difficulty For that Objections be that Princes never hold Promises longer than for their own Commodity and what Security soever they put in they may break if they will All this may be granted but yet that we must grant also that Princes do daily Treat and deal one with another and of necessity are forced to trust to such Bonds and Assurances as they contract by And as there is no such Surety to be had in Worldly Matters but all are subject to many Casualties yet we see such Devices made even among Princes as doth tie them to perform that which
them out at pleasure and that therefore they might declare the Commission void if they pleased to which he should consent but they could not for such an error turn him out of his Office nor out of his share of the Government To this it was answered That by the late Kings Will they or the major part of them were to Administer till the King was of Age That this subjected every one of them in particular to the rest That otherwise if any of them broke out into Rebellion he might pretend he could not be attainted nor put from the Government Therefore it was agreed on That every of them in particular was subject to the greater part Then the Lord Chancellor was required to shew what Warrant he had for that he had done Being now driven from that which he chiefly relied on he answered for himself That he had no Warrant yet he thought by his Office he had Power to do it that he had no ill intention in it and therefore submitted himself to the Kings mercy and to the gracious consideration of the Protector and the Council and desired that in respect of his past Services he might forego his Office with as little slander as might be and that as to his Fine and Imprisonment they would use moderation So he was made to withdraw The Councellors as it is entred in the Council-Book considering in their Consciences his abuses sundry ways in his Office to the great prejudice and utter decay of the C●mmon Laws and the prejudice that might follow by the Seals continuing in the Hands of so stout and arrogant a Person who would as he pleased put the Seals to such Commissions without Warrant did agree That the Seal should be taken from him and he be deprived of his Office and be further fined as should be afterwards thought fitting only they excused him from Imprisonment So he being called in and heard say all he could think of for his own justification they did not judge it of such importance as might move them to change their mind Sentence was therefore given That he should stay in the Council-Chamber and Closet till the Sermon was ended that then he should go home with the Seal to Ely House where he lived but that after Supper the Lord Seimour Sir Anthony Brown and Sir Edw. North should be sent to him and that he should deliver the Seal into their Hands and be from that time deprived of his Office and confined to his House during pleasure and pay what Fine should be laid on him To all which he submitted and acknowledged the justice of their Sentence So the next day the Seal was put into the Lord St. Johns Hands till they should agree on a fit Man to be Lord Chancellor and it continued with him several months On the day following the late Kings Will being in his Hands for the granting of Exemplifications of it under the Great Seal it was sent for and ordered to be laid up in the Treasury of the Exchequer and the Earl of Southampton continued in his Confinement till the 29th of June but then he entred into a Recognisance of 4000 l. to pay what Fine they should impose on him and upon that he was discharged of his Imprisonment But in all this Sentence they made no mention of his forfeiting his being one of the late Kings Executors and of the present Kings Governours either judging that being put in these Trusts as he was Lord Chancellor the discharging him of his Office did by consequence put an end to them or perhaps they were not willing to do any thing that might seem to change the late Kings Will and therefore by keeping him under the fear of a severe Fine they chose rather to oblige him to be absent and to carry himself quietly than by any Sentence to exclude him from his share in that Trust Which I encline the rather to believe because I find him afterwards brought to Council without any Order entred about it So that he seems to have come thither rather on a former Right than on a new choice made of him Thus fell the Lord Chancellor and in him the Popish Party lost their chief support and the Protector his most emulous Rival The Reader will find the Commission with the Opinion of the Judges about it in the Collection Collection Number 5. from which he will be better able to judge of these Proceedings against him Which were summary and severe beyond the usage of the Privy Council and without the common forms of legal Processes But the Councils Authority had been raised so high by the Act mentioned Page 263. of the former Part that they were empowerd sufficiently for Matters of that nature That which followed a few days after made this be the more censured The Protector holds his Office by Patent since the Lord Protector who hitherto held his Office but by the choice of the rest and under great restrictions was now resolved to hold it by Patent to which the late Chancellor had been unwilling to consent The pretence for it was That the Forreign Ministers the French Ambassador in particular desired to be satisfied concerning his Power and how far they might treat with him and depend on the assurances and promises he gave So the Protector and Council did on the 13th of March March 13. petition the King that they might act by a Commission under the Great Seal which might empower and justifie them in what they were to do And that was to be done in this manner The King and the Lords were to Sign the Warrant for it upon which the Lord St. John who though he had the keeping of the Great Seal was never designed to be Lord Keeper nor was empowred to hear Causes should set the Seal to it The Original Warrant was to be kept by the Protector and Exemplifications of it were to be given to Forreign Ministers To this Order Sir Thom. Cheyney set his Hand upon what Authority I do not so clearly see since he was none of the Executors By this Commission which will be found in the Collection it is set forth Collection Number 6. That the King being under Age was desired by divers of the Nobles and Prelates of the Realm to name and authorize one above all others to have the Charge of the Kingdom with the Government of his Person whereupon he had formerly by word of mouth named his Unkle to be Protector and Governour of his Person yet for a more perfect Declaration of that he did now ratifie and approve all he had done since that Nomination and constituted him his Governour and the Protector of his Kingdom till he should attain the full Age of 18 years giving him the full Authority that belonged to that Office to do every thing as he by his Wisdom should think for the Honour Good and Prosperity of the King and Kingdoms and that he might be furnished with a Council for
his aid and assistance he did by the advice of his Unkle and others Nobles Prelates and wise Men accept of these Persons for his Councellors the Arch-bishop of Canterbury the Lord St. John President the Lord Russel Lord Privy-Seal the Marquess of Northampton the Earls of Warwick and Arundel the Lord Seimour the Bishop of Duresme the Lord Rich Sir Thomas Cheyney Sir Joh. Gage Sir Anth. Brown Sir Anthony Wingfield Sir William Paget Sir William Petre Sir Ralph Sadler Sir John Baker Doctor Wotton Sir Anth. Denny Sir William Herbert Sir Edw. North Sir Ed. Montague Sir Ed. Wotton Sir Edm. Peckham Sir Tho. Bromley and Sir Richard Southwell giving the Protector Power to swear such other Commissioners as he should think fit and that he with so many of the Council as he should think meet might annul and change what they thought fitting restraining the Council to act only by his Advice and Consent And thus was the Protector fully setled in his Power and no more under the curb of the Co-executors who were now mixed with the other Councellors that by the late Kings Will were only to be consulted with as they saw cause But as he depressed them to an equality with the rest of the Councellors so he highly obliged the others who had been formerly under them by bringing these equally with them into a share of the Government He had also obtained to himself an high Authority over them since they could do nothing without his consent but he was only bound to call for so many of them as he thought meet and was not limited to act as they advised but cloathed with the full Regal Power and had it in his Hands to oblige whom he would and to make his Party greater by calling into the Council such as he should nominate How far this was legal I shall not enquire It was certainly contrary to King Henry's Will And that being made upon an Act of Parliament which empowred him to limit the Crown and the Government of it at his pleasure this Commission that did change the whole Government during the Kings Minority seems capable of no other defence but that it being made by the consent of the major part of the Executors it was still warrantable even by the Will which devolved the Government on them or the major part of them All this I have opened the more largely both because none of our Historians have taken any notice of the first Constitution of the Government during this Reign and being ignorant of the true account of it they have committed great errors and because having obtained by the favour of that most industrions Collector of the Transactions of this Age Mr. Rushworth the Original Council-Book for the two first years of this Reign I had a certain Authority to follow in it the exactness of that Book being beyond any thing I ever met with in all our Records For every Council-day the Privy-Councellors that were present set their Hands to all that was ordered judging so great caution necessary when the King was under Age. And therefore I thought this a Book of too great consequence to lie in private Hands so the owner having made a Present of it to me I delivered it to that Noble and Vertuous Gentleman Sir John Nicolas one of the Clerks of the Council to be kept with the rest of their Books And having now given the Reader a clear Prospect of the state of the Court I shall next turn to the Affairs that were under their consideration The state of Affairs in Germany That which was first brought before them was concerning the state of Germany Francis Burgartus Chancellor to the Duke of Saxe with others from the other Princes and Cities of the Empire were sent over upon the news of the former Kings death to sollicit for Aids from the new King toward the carrying on the War with the Emperor In order to the clearing of this and to give a just account of our Councils in reference to Forreign Affairs especially the cause being about Religion I shall give a short view of the state of Germany at this time The Emperor having formed a design of an Universal Monarchy laid hold on the differences of Religion in Germany as a good mean to cover what he did with the specious pretence of punishing Heresie and protecting the Catholicks But before he had formed this design 1531. Jan. 11. Ferdinand Crown'd King of the Romans he procured his Brother to be chosen King of the Romans and so declared his Successor in the Empire which he was forced to do being obliged to be much in Spain and his other hereditary Dominions and being then so young as not to enter into such deep Counsels as he afterwards laid But his Wars in Italy put him oft in ill terms with the Pope and being likewise watched over in all his Motions by Francis the I. and Henry VIII and the Turk often breaking into Hungary and Germany he was forced to great compliances with the Princes of the Empire Who being animated by the two great Crowns did enter into a League for their mutual defence against all Aggressors And at last in the Year 1544. 1544. Feb. 20. Diet began at Spire in the Diet held at Spire the Emperour being engaged in War with France and the Turk both to secure Germany and to obtain Money of the Princes was willing to agree to the Edict made there which was That till there was a free Council in Germany or such an Assembly in which Matters of Religion might be setled there should be a general Peace and none was to be troubled for Religion the free exercise of both Religions being allowed and all things were to continue in the state they were then in And the Imperial Chamber at Spire was to be reformed for the Judges of that Court being all Papists there were many Processes depending at the Suit of the Ecclesiasticks against the Protestant Princes who had driven them out of their Lands and the Princes expecting no fair dealing from them all these Processes were now suspended and the Chamber was to be filled up with new Judges that should be more favourable to them They obtaining this Decree contributed very liberally to the Wars the Emperour seemed to be engaged in 1544. Sept. 24. Emperor has Peace with France Who having his Treasure thus filled presently made Peace both with France and the Grand Seigniour and resolved to turn his Wars upon the Empire and to make use of that Treasure and Force they had contributed 1545. Oct. Peace with Turk to invade their Liberties and to subdue them entirely to himself Upon this he entred into a Treaty with the Pope that a Council should be opened in Trent upon which he should require the Princes to submit to it which if they refused to do he should make War on them The Pope was to assist him with 10000 Men besides levy Taxes hard on his
down on the 13th of December But both these Bills were put in one and sent up by the Commons on the 20th of that Month and assented to by the King By this Act it was set forth That the way of choosing Bishops by Conge d'Eslire was tedious and expenceful that there was only a shadow of Election in it and that therefore Bishops should thereafter be made by the Kings Letters Patents upon which they were to be consecrated And whereas the Bishops did exercise their Authority and carry on Processes in their own Names as they were wont to do in the time of Popery and since all Jurisdiction both Spiritual and Temporal was derived from the King that therefore their Courts and all Processes should be from henceforth carried on in the Kings Name and be sealed by the Kings Seal as it was in the other Courts of Common-Law after the first of July next excepting only the Arch-bishop of Canterbury's Courts and all Collations Presentations or Letters of Orders which were to pass under the Bishops proper Seals as formerly Upon this Act great advantages were taken to disparage the Reformation as subjecting the Bishops wholly to the pleasure of the Court. At first The ancient ways of electing Bishops Bishops were chosen and ordained by the other Bishops in the Countries where they lived The Apostles by that Spirit of discerning which was one of the extraordinary gifts they were endued with did ordain the first Fruits of their Labours and never left the Election of Pastors to the discretion of the People Indeed when they were to ordain Deacons who were to be trusted with the distribution of the publick Alms they appointed such as the People made choice of but when St. Paul gave directions to Timothy and Titus about the choice of Pastors all that depended on the People by them was that they should be blameless and of good report But afterwards the poverty of the Church being such that Church-men lived only by the free bounty of the People it was necessary to consider them much so that in many Places the choice began among the People and in all Places it was done by their approbation and good liking But great disorders followed upon this as soon as by the Emperors turning Christians the Wealth of Church-benefices made the Pastoral Charge more desirable and the vast numbers of those who turned Christians with the Tide brought in great Multitudes to have their Votes in these Elections The inconvenience of this was felt early in Phrygia where the Council of Laodicea made a Canon against these Popular Elections Yet in other parts of Asia and at Rome there were great and often Contests about it In some of these many Men were killed In many Places the inferior Clergy chose their Bishops But in most Places the Bishops of the Province made the choice yet so as to obtain the consent of the Clergy and People The Emperors by their Laws made it necessary that it should be confirmed by the Metropolitans They reserved the Elections of the great Sees to themselves or at least the Confirmation of them Thus it continued till Charles the Great 's time But then the nature of Church-employments came to be much altered For though the Church had Predial Lands with the other Rights that belonged to them by the Roman Law yet he first gave Bishops and Abbots great Territories with some branches of Royal Jurisdiction in them who held these Lands of him according to the Fewdal Laws This as it carried Church-men off from the humility and abstraction from the World which became their Function so it subjected them much to the Humours and Interests of those Princes on whom they had their dependance The Popes who had made themselves Heads of the Hierarchy could not but be glad to see Church-men grow rich and powerful in the World but they were not so well pleased to see them made so much the more dependent on their Princes and no doubt by some of those Princes that were thus become Patrons of Churches the Bishopricks were either given for Money or charged with reserved Pensions Upon this the Popes filled the World with the complaints of Simony and of enslaving Church-men to court Interests and so would not suffer them to accept of Investitures from their Princes but set up for free Elections as they called them which they said were to be confirmed by the See-Apostolick So the Canons Secular or Regular in Cathedral Churches were to choose the Bishops and their Election was to be confirmed at Rome yet Princes in most Places got some hold of those Elections so that still they went as they had a mind they should Which was oft complained of as a great slavery on the Church and would have been more universally condemned if the World had not been convinced that the matter would not be much the better if there should have been set up either the Popular or Synodical Elections in which Faction was like to sway all King Henry had continued the old way of the Elections by the Clergy but so as that it seemed to be little more than a mockery but now it was thought a more ingenuous way of proceeding to have the thing done directly by the King rather than under the thin covert of an involuntary Election For the other Branch about Ecclesiastical Courts The Causes before them concerning Wills and Marriages being matters of a mixed nature and which only belong to these by the Laws of the Land and being no parts of the Sacred Functions it was thought no Invasion of the Sacred Offices to have these tried in the Kings Name But the Collation of Benefices and giving of Orders which are the chief parts of the Episcopal Function were to be performed still by the Bishops in their own Names Only Excommunication by a fatal neglect continued to be the punishment for contempts of these Courts which belonging only to the Spiritual Cognisance ought to have been reserved for the Bishop with the assistance of his Clergy But the Canonists had so confounded all the Ancient Rules about the Government of the Church that the Reformers being called away by Considerations that were more obvious and pressing there was not that care taken in this that the thing required And these errors or oversights in the first concoction have by a continuance grown since into so formed a strength that it is easier to see what is amiss than to know how to rectifie it On the 29th of November the Bill against Vagabonds was brought in An Act against Vagabonds By this it was Enacted That all that should any where loiter without work or without offering themselves to work three days together or that should run away from work and resolve to live idly should be seized on and whosoever should present them to a Justice of Peace was to have them adjudged to be his Slaves for two years and they were to be marked with the Letter V. imprinted
Translation into some Town of the Popes to which it was not likely the Imperialists would follow them and so at least the Council would be suspended if not dissolved For this Remove they laid hold on the first colour they could find One dying of a malignant Feaver it was given out and certified by Physicians that he died of the Plague so in all hast they translated the Council to Bologna Apr. 21. The first Session of Bologna The Imperialists protested against it but in vain for thither they went The Emperor was hereby quite disappointed of his chief design which was to force the Germans to submit to a Council held in Germany and therefore no Plague appearing at Trent he pressed the return of the Council thither But the Pope said it was the Councils act and not his and that their Honour was to be kept up that therefore such as stayed at Trent were to go first to Bologna and acknowledge the Council and they should then consider what was to be done So that now all the hope the Germans had was that this difference between the Pope and Emperor might give them some breathing and time might bring them out of these extremities into which they were then driven Upon these disorders the Forreign Reformers who generally made Germany their Sanctuary were now forced to seek it elsewhere So Peter Martyr in the end of November this Year was brought over to England by the Invitation which the Arch-bishop of Canterbury sent him in the Kings Name He was born in Florence where he had been an Augustinian-Monk He was learned in the Greek and the Hebrew which drew on him the envy of the rest of his Order whose Manners he inveighed oft against So he left them and went to Naples where he gathered an Assembly of those who loved to Worship God more purely This being made known he was forced to leave that Place and went next to Lucca where he lived in society with Tremellius and Zanchius But being also in danger there he went to Zurick with Bernardinus Ochinus that had been one of the most celebrated Preachers of Italy and now forsook his former Superstitions From Zurick he went to Basil and from thence by Martin Bucers means he was brought to Strasburg where Cranmers Letter found both him and Ochinus The Latter was made a Canon of Canterbury with a Dispensation of Residence and by other Letters Patents 40 Marks were given yearly to him and as much to Peter Martyr There had been this Year some differences between the English and French concerning the Fortifications about Bulloigne The French quarrel about Bulloigne The English were raising a great Fort by the Harbour there This being signified to King Henry by Gaspar Coligny afterwards the famous Admiral of France then Governour of the neighbouring Parts to Bulloigne it was complained of at the Court of England It was answered That this was only to make the Harbour more secure and so the Works were ordered to be vigorously carried on But this could not satisfie the French who plainly saw it was of another sort than to be intended only for the Sea The King of France came and viewed the Country himself and ordered Coligny to raise a Fort on a high Ground near it which was called the Chastilion Fort and commanded both the English Fort and the Harbour But the Protector had no mind to give the French a colour for breaking with the English so there was a Truce and further Cessation agreed on in the end of September These are all the considerable Forreign Transactions of this Year in which England was concerned But there was a secret contrivance laid at home of a high nature which though it broke not out till the next Year yet the beginnings of it did now appear The Protectors Brother Thomas Seimour was brought to such a share in his Fortunes The Breach between the Protector and the Admiral that he was made a Baron and Lord Admiral But this not satisfying his ambition he endeavoured to have linked himself into a nearer relation with the Crown by marrying the Kings Sister the Lady Elizabeth But finding he could not compass that he made his Addresses to the Queen Dowager Who enjoying now the Honour and Wealth the late King had left her resolved to satisfie her self in her next Choice and entertained him a little too early for they were married so soon after the Kings death that it was charged afterwards on the Admiral that if she had brought a Child as soon as might have been after the Marriage it had given cause to doubt whether it had not been by the late King which might have raised great disturbance afterwards But being thus married to the Queen he concealed it for some time till he procured a Letter from the King recommending him to her for a Husband upon which they declared their Marriage with which the Protector was much offended Being thus possessed of great Wealth and being Husband to the Queen Dowager he studied to engage all that were about the King to be his Friends and he corrupted some of them by his Presents and forced one on Sir John Cheek That which he designed was That whereas in former times the Infant Kings of England had had Governours of their Persons distinct from the Protectors of their Realms which Trusts were divided between their Unkles it being judged too much to joyn both in one Person who was thereby too great whereas a Governour of the Kings Person might be a check on the Protector he would therefore himself be made Governour of the Kings Person alledging that since he was the Kings Unkle as well as his Brother he ought to have a proportioned share with him in the Government About Easter this Year he first set about this design and corrupted some about the King who should bring him sometimes privately through the Gallery to the Queens Lodgings and he desired they would let him know when the King had occasion for Money and that they should not always trouble the Treasury for he would be ready to furnish him and he thought a young King might be taken with this So it happened that the first time Latimer preached at Court the King sent to him to know what Present he should make him Seimour sent him 40 l. but said he thought 20 enough to give Latimer and the King might dispose of the rest as he pleased Thus he gained ground with the King whose sweet nature exposed him to be easily won by such Artifices It is generally said that all this difference between the Brothers was begun by their Wives and that the Protectors Lady being offended that the younger Brothers Wife had the precedence of her which she thought belonged to her self did thereupon raise and inflame the differences But in all the Letters that I have seen concerning this Breach I could never find any such thing once mentioned Nor is it reasonable to imagine that the
Bonner turning to speak to the People was interrupted by one of the Delegates who told him he was to speak to them and not to the People at which some laughing he turned about in great fury and said Ah Woodcocks Woodcocks But to the chief Point he said he had prepared Notes of what he intended to say about the Kings Power in his Minority from the Instances in Scripture of Achaz and Osias who were Kings at Ten of Solomon and Manasses who Reigned at Twelve and of Josias Joachim and Joas who began to Reign when they were but Eight years old He had also gathered out of the English History that Henry the third Edward the third Richard the second Henry the sixth and Edward the fifth were all under Age and even their late King was but eighteen when he came to the Crown and yet all these were obeyed as much before as after they were of full Age. But these things had escaped his memory he not having been much used to preach There had been also a long Bill sent him from the Council to be read of the defeat of the Rebels which he said had disordered him and the Book in which he had laid his Notes fell out of his hands when he was in the Pulpit for this he appealed to his two Chaplains Bourn and Harpsfield whom he had desired to gather for him the Names of those Kings who Reigned before they were of Age. For the other Injunctions he had taken care to execute them and had sent Orders to his Arch-deacons to see to them and as far as he understood there were no Masses nor Service in Latin within his Diocess except at the Lady Maries or in the Chappels of Ambassadors But the Delegates required him positively to answer whether he had obeyed that Injunction about the Kings Authority or not otherwise they would hold him as guilty and if he denied it they would proceed to the examination of the Witnesses He refusing to answer otherwise than he had done they called the Witnesses who were Sir John Cheek and four more who had their Oaths given them and Bonner desiring a time to prepare his interrogatories it was granted So he drew a long Paper of twenty Interrogatories every one of them containing many Branches in it full of all the niceties of the Canon Law a tast of which may be had from the third in number which is indeed the most material of all The Interrogatory was Whether they or any of them were present at his Sermon where they stood and near whom when they came to it and at what part of his Sermon how long they tarried at what part they were offended what were the formal Words or Substance of it who with them did hear it where the other Witnesses stood and how long they tarried or when they departed The Court adjourned to the 18th of September And then there was read a Declaration from the King explaining their former Commission chiefly in the Point of the Denunciation that they might proceed either that way or ex Officio as they saw cause giving them also Power finally to determine the matter cutting off all superfluous delays Bonner gave in also some other Reasons why he should not be obliged to make a more direct Answer to the Articles objected against him The chief of which was That the Article about the Kings Age was not in the Paper given him by the Protector but afterwards added by Secretary Smith of his own Head Cranmer admonished him of his irreverence since he called them always his pretended Judges Smith added That though Proctors did so in common matters for their Clients yet it was not to be endured in such a Case when he saw they acted by a special Commission from the King New Articles were given him more explicite and plain than the former but to the same purpose And five Witnesses were sworn upon these who were all the Clerks of the Council to prove that the Article about the Kings Age was ordered by the whole Council and only put in writing by Secretary Smith at their Command He was appointed to come next day and make his Answer But on the 19th two of his Servants came and told the Delegates that he was sick and could not attend It was therefore ordered That the Knight-Marshal should go to him and if he were sick let him alone but if it were not so should bring him before them next day On the 20th Bonner appearing answered as he had done formerly only he protested that it was his opinion that the King was as much a King and the People as much bound to obey him before he was of Age as after it And after that Secretary Smith having taken him up more sharply than the other Delegates he protested against him as no competent Judge He protests against Secretary Smith since he had expressed much passion against him and had not heard him patiently but had compared him to Thieves and Traitors and had threatned to send him to the Tower to sit with Ket and Arundel and that he had added some things to the Injunctions given him by the Protector for which he was now accused and did also proceed to judge him notwithstanding his Protestation grounded on his not being present when the Commission was first opened and received by the Court But this Protestation also was rejected by the Delegates and Smith told him That whereas he took exception at his saying that he acted as Thieves and Traitors do it was plainly visible in his doings upon which Bonner being much inflamed said to him That as he was Secretary of State and a Privy Councellor he honoured him but as he was Sir Tho. Smith he told him he lied and that he defied him At this the Arch-bishop chid him and said he deserved to be sent to Prison for such irreverent carriage He answered he did not care whither they sent him so they sent him not to the Devil for thither he would not go he had a few Goods a poor Carkass and a Soul the two former were in their power but the last was in his own After this being made to withdraw he when called in again put in an Appeal from them to the King and read an Instrument of it which he had prepared at his own House that Morning and so would make no other answer unless the Secretary should remove For this contempt he was sent to the Prison of the Marshalsea and as he was led away he broke out in great passion both against Smith and also at Cranmer for suffering Hereticks to infect the People which he required him to abstain from as he would answer for it to God and the King On the 23d he was again brought before them where by a second Instrument he adhered to his former Appeal But the Delegates said they would go on and judge him unless there came a Supersedeas from the King and so required him to answer those
Articles which he had not yet answered otherwise they would proceed against him as Contumax and hold him as Confessing But he adhered to his Appeal and so would answer no more New matter was also brought of his going out of St. Pauls in the midst of the Sermon on the 15th of the Month and so giving a publick disturbance and scandal and of his writing next day to the Lord Major not to suffer such Preachers to sow their ill Doctrine This was occasioned by the Preachers speaking against the Corporal Presence of Christ in the Sacrament But he would give the Court no account of that matter so they adjourned to the 27th and from that to the first of October In that time great endeavours were used to perswade him to submit and to behave himself better for the future and upon that condition he was assured he should be gently used But he would yield to nothing So on the first of October when he was brought before them the Arch-bishop told him they had delayed so long being unwilling to proceed to extremities with him and therefore wished him to submit But he read another Writing by which he protested that he was brought before them by force and that otherwise he would not have come since that having appeal'd from them he looked on them as his Judges no more He said that he had also written a Petition to the Lord Chancellor complaining of the Delegates and desiring that his Appeal might be admitted and said by that Appeal it was plain that he esteemed the King to be cloathed with his full Royal Power now that he was under Age since he thus appealed to him Upon which the Arch-bishop the Bishop of Rochester Secretary Smith and the Dean of St. Pauls He is deprived from his Bishoprick gave Sentence against him that since he had not declared the Kings Power while under Age in his Sermon as he was commanded by the Protector and Council therefore the Arch-bishop with the Consent and Assent of his Colleagues did deprive him of the Bishoprick of London Sentence being thus given he appealed again by word of mouth The Court did also order him to be carried to Prison till the King should consider further of it This account of his Trial is drawn from the Register of London where all these Particulars are inserted From thence it was that Fox printed them For Bonner though he was afterward Commissioned by the Queen to deface any Records that made against the Catholick Cause yet did not care to alter any thing in this Register after his re-admission in Queen Maries time It seems he was not displeased with what he found Recorded of himself in this matter Thus was Bonner deprived of his Bishoprick of London Censures past upon it This Judgment as all such things are was much censured It was said it was not Canonical since it was by a Commission from the King and since Secular Men were mixed with Clergy-men in the censure of a Bishop To this it was answered That the Sentence being only of deprivation from the See of London it was not so entirely an Ecclesiastical Censure but was of a mixed nature so that Lay-men might joyn in it and since he had taken a Commission from the King for his Bishoprick by which he held it only during the Kings pleasure he could not complain of this deprivation which was done by the Kings Authority Others who looked further back remembred that Constantine the Emperor had appointed Secular Men to enquire into some things objected to Bishops who were called Cognitores or Triers and such had examined the business of Cecilian Bishop of Carthage even upon an Appeal after it had been tried in several Synods and given Judgment against Donatus and his Party The same Constantine had also by his Authority put Eustathius out of Antioch Athanasius out of Alexandria and Paul out of Constantinople and though the Orthodox Bishops complained of these Particulars as done unjustly at the false suggestion of the Arrians yet they did not deny the Emperors Authority in such Cases Afterwards the Emperors used to have some Bishops attending on them in their Comitatus or Court to whose Judgment they left most Causes who acted only by Commission from the Emperor So Epiphanius was brought to condemn Chrysostome at Constantinople who had no Authority to judge him by the Canons Others objected that it was too severe to deprive Bonner for a defect in his memory and that therefore they should have given him a new Tryal in that Point and not have proceeded to censure him on such an omission since he protested it was not on design but a pure forgetfulness and all People perceived clearly it had been before hand resolved to lay him aside and that therefore they now took him on this disadvantage and so deprived him But it was also well known that all the Papists infused this Notion into the People of the Kings having no Power till he came to be of Age and he being certainly one of them there was reason to conclude that what he said for his defence was only a Pretence and that it was of design that he had omitted the mentioning the Kings Power when under Age. The adding of Imprisonment to his Deprivation was thought by some to be an extream accumulation of Punishments But that was no more than what he drew upon himself by his rude and contemptuous behaviour However it seems that some of these Objections wrought on Secretary Petre for he never sate with the Delegates after the first day and he was now turning about to another Party On the other hand Bonner was little pitied by most that knew him He was a cruel and fierce Man he understood little of Divinity his Learning being chiefly in the Canon Law Besides he was looked on generally as a Man of no Principles All the obedience he gave either to the Laws or the Kings Injunctions was thought a compliance against his Conscience extorted by fear And his undecent carriage during his process had much exposed him to the People so that it was not thought to be hard dealing though the Proceedings against him were summary and severe Nor did his carriage afterward during his imprisonment discover much of a Bishop or a Christian For he was more concerned to have Puddings and Pears sent him than for any thing else This I gather from some original Letters of his to Richard Leechmore Esq in Worcester-shire which were communicated to me by his Heir Lineally descended from him the Worshipful Mr. Leechmore now the Senior Bencher of the Middle-Temple of which I transcribed the latter part of one Collection Number 37. that will be found in the Collection In it he desires a large quantity of Pears and Puddings to be sent him otherwise he gives those to whom he writes an odd sort of Benediction very unlike what became a Man of his Character he gives them to the Devil to the Devil
him he was now in the 16th Year of his Age. But if all Princes should be thus judged by all Instructions that pass under their Hands they would be more severely censured than there is cause And for the particular matter that is charged on the Memory of this young Prince which as it was represented to him was only a calling for the superfluous Plate and other Goods that lay in Churches more for pomp than for use though the applying of it to common uses except upon extream necessities is not a thing that can be justified yet it deserved not so severe a censure especially the Instructions being Signed by the King in his sickness in which it is not likely that he minded Affairs of that kind much but set his Hand easily to such Papers as the Council prepared for him These Instructions were directed in the Copy that I have perused Instructions for the President of the North. to the Earl of Shrewsbury Lord President of the North upon which occasion I shall here make mention of that which I know not certainly in what Year to place namely the Instructions that were given to that Earl when he was made President of the North. And I mention them the rather because there have been since that time some Contests about that Office and the Court belonging to it There was by his Instructions a Council to be assistant to him whereof some of the Members were at large and not bound to attendance others were not to leave him without licence from him and he was in all things to have a negative Voice in it For the other Particulars I refer the Reader to the Copy which he will find in the Collection Collection Number 56. One Instruction among them belongs to Religion that he and the other Councellors when there was at any time Assemblies of People before them should perswade them to be obedient chiefly to the Laws about Religion and especially concerning the Service set forth in their own Mother-Tongue There was also a particular charge given them concerning the abolished Power of the Bishop of Rome whose abuses they were by continual inculcation so to beat into the minds of the People that they might well apprehend them and might see that those things were said to them from their Hearts and not from their Tongues only for Forms sake They were also to satisfie them about the abrogation of many Holy-days appointed by the same Bishop who endeavoured to perswade the World that he could make Saints at his pleasure which by leading the People to idleness gave occasion to many vices and inconveniences These Instructions were given after the Peace was made with Scotland otherwise there must have been a great deal in them relating to that War but the Critical time of them I do not know This Year Harly was made Bishop of Hereford instead of Skip who died the last Year And he being the last of those who were made so by Letters Patents The Form of the Bishops Letters Patents I shall give the Reader some satisfaction concerning that way of making Bishops The Patents began with the mention of the vacancy of the See by death or removal upon which the King being informed of the good qualifications of such a one appoints him to be Bishop during his natural Life or so long as he shall behave himself well giving him power to ordain and deprive Ministers to confer Benefices judge about Wills name Officials and Commissaries exercise Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction visit the Clergy inflict Censures and punish scandalous Persons and to do all the other parts of the Episcopal Function that were found by the Word of God to be committed to Bishops all which they were to execute and do in the Kings Name and Authority After that in the same Patent follows the restitution of the Temporalties The day after a Certificate in a Writ called a Significavit was to be made of this under the Great Seal to the Arch-bishop with a Charge to consecrate him The first that had his Bishoprick by the Kings Patents was Barlow that was removed from St. Davids to Bath and Wells They bear date the third of February in the second Year of the Kings Reign and so Ferrar Bishop of St. Davids was not the first as some have imagined for he was made Bishop the first of August that Year This Ferrar was a rash indiscreet Man and drew upon himself the dislike of the Prebendaries of St. Davids He was made Bishop upon the Duke of Somersets favour to him But last Year many Articles were objected to him some as if he had incurred a Praemunire for acting in his Courts not in the Kings but his own Name and some for neglecting his Charge and some little indecencies were objected to him as going strangely habited travelling on foot whistling impertinently with many other things which if true shewed in him much weakness and folly The heaviest Articles he denied yet he was kept in Prison and Commissioners were sent into Wales to examine Witnesses who took many Depositions against him He lay in Prison till Queen Maries time and then he was kept in on the account of his Belief But his suffering afterwards for his Conscience when Morgan who had been his chief Accuser before on those other Articles being then made his Judge condemned him for Heresie and made room for himself to be Bishop by burning him did much turn Peoples Censures from him upon his Successor By these Letters Patents it is clear that the Episcopal Function was acknowledged to be of Divine appointment and that the Person was no other way named by the King than as Lay-Patrons present to Livings only the Bishop was legally authorized in such a part of the Kings Dominions to execute that Function which was to be derived to him by Imposition of Hands Therefore here was no pretence for denying that such Persons were true Bishops and for saying as some have done that they were not from Christ but from the King Upon this occasion it will not be improper to represent to the Reader how this matter stands according to Law at this day which is the more necessary because some superficial Writers have either mis-understood or mis-represented it The Act that authorized those Letters Patents and required the Bishops to hold their Courts in the Kings Name was repealed both by the 1 Mar. Chap. 2. and 1 and 2 Phil. and Mary Chap. 8. The latter of these that repealed only a part of it was repealed by the 1 Eliz. Chap. 1. and the former by the 1 Jac. Chap. 25. So some have argued that since those Statutes which repealed this Act of Edward the 6th 1. Par. Chap. 2. are since repealed that it stands now in full force This seems to have some colour in it and so it was brought in question in Parliament in the fourth year of King James and great debate being made about it the King appointed the two Chief Justices
Place to mention it here At Court many were afraid to move the King for her both the Duke of Norfolk and Gardiner look'd on and were unwilling to hazard their own Interests to preserve her But as it was now printed And was preserv'd by Cranmer's means and both these appealed to Cranmer was the only Person that would adventure on it In his gentle way he told the King that she was young and indiscreet and therefore it was no wonder if she obstinately adhered to that which her Mother and all about her had been infusing into her for many Years but that it would appear strange if he should for this Cause so far forget he was a Father as to proceed to Extremities with his own Child that if she were separated from her Mother and her People in a little time there might be ground gained on her but to take away her Life would raise horror through all Europe against him By these means he preserved her at that time After her Mother's Death in June following she changed her note She submitted to her Father for besides the Declaration she then signed which was inserted in the former part of this Work she writ Letters of such submission as shew how expert she was at dissembling Three of these to her Father and one to Cromwell I have put in the Collection in which she Collect. Numb 3 4 5 6. with the most studied Expressions declaring her sorrow for her past stubbornness and disobedience to his most just and vertuous Laws implores his Pardon as lying prostrate at his Feet and considering his great Learning and Knowledg she puts her Soul in his Hand resolving that he should for ever thereafter direct her Conscience from which she vows she would never vary This she repeats in such tender words that it shews she could command her self to say any thing that she thought fit for her ends And when Cromwell writ to her to know what her Opinion was about Pilgrimages Purgatory and Reliques she assures him she had no Opinion at all but such as she should receive from the King who had her whole Heart in his keeping and he should imprint upon it in these and all other Matters whatever his inestimable Vertue high Wisdom and excellent Learning should think convenient for her So perfectly had she learned that stile that she knew was most acceptable to him Having copied these from the Originals I thought it not unfit to insert them that it may appear how far those of that Religion can comply when their Interest leads them to it From that time this Princess had been in all Points most exactly compliant to every thing her Father did And after his Death she never pretended to be of any other Religion than that which was established by him So that all that she pleaded for in her Brother's Reign was only the continuance of that way of Worship that was in use at her Father's Death But now being come to the Crown that would not content her yet when she thought where to fix she was distracted between two different Schemes that were presented to her On the one hand Gardiner and all that Party were for bringing Religion back to what it had been at King Henry's Death and afterward The Designs for changing Religion by slow degrees to raise it up to what it had been before his breach with the Papacy On the other hand the Queen of her own Inclination was much disposed to return immediately to the Union of the Catholick Church as she called it and it was necessary for her to do it since it was only by the Papal Authority that her Illegitimation was removed To this it was answered that all these Acts and Sentences that had passed against her might be annulled without taking any notice of the Pope Gardiner's Policy Gardiner finding these things had not such weight with her as he desired for she looked on him as a crafty temporizing Man sent over to the Emperor on whom she depended much to assure him that if he would perswade her to make him Chancellor and to put Affairs into his Hands he should order them so that every thing she had a mind to should be carried in time But Gardiner understood she had sent for Cardinal Pool so he writ to the Emperor that he knew his Zeal for the Exaltation of the Popedom would undo all therefore he pressed him to write to the Queen for moderating her heat and to stop the Cardinal 's coming over He said that Pool stood Attainted by Law so that his coming into England would allarm the Nation He observed that upon a double account they were averse to the Papacy The one was for the Church Lands which they had generally bought from the Crown on very easie terms and they would not easily part with them The other was The fear they had of Papal Dominion and Power which had been now for about 25 Years set out to the People as the most intollerable Tyranny that ever was Therefore he said it was necessary to give them some time to wear out these Prejudices and the precipitating of Councils might ruin all He gave the Emperor also secret Assurances of serving him in all his Interests All this Gardiner did the more warily because he understood that Cardinal Pool hated him as a false and deceitful Man Upon this the Emperor writ to the Queen several Letters with his own hand which is so hardly legible that it was not possible for me or some others to whom I shewed them to read them so well as to copy them out and one that was written by his Sister the Queen of Hungary and signed by him is no better but from many half Sentences I find that all was with a design to temper her that she should not make too much hast nor be too much led by Italian Counsels Upon the return of this Message the Seal which had been taken from Goodrick Bishop of Ely and put for some days in the keeping of Hare Master of the Rolls was on the 13th of August given to Gardiner who was declared Lord Chancellor of England He is made Chancellor and the conduct of Affairs was chiefly put in his hands So that now the measure of the Queen's Councils was to do every thing slowly and by such sure steps as might put them less in hazard The Duke of Northumb. and others Tried The first thing that was done was the bringing the Duke of Northumberland to his Trial. The old Duke of Norfolk was made Lord High Steward the Queen thinking it fit to put the first Character of honour on him who had suffered so much for being the Head of the Popish Party And here a subtle thing was started which had been kept a great Secret hitherto It was said the Duke of Norfolk had never been truly attainted and that the Act against him was not a true Act of Parliament so that without
their disorders was the Queen's breaking her Word to them in the matters of Religion He carried Melvil to the King and in his presence gave him Instructions to go to Scotland and see what was the true cause of all these disorders and particularly how farre the Prior of St. Andrews afterwards the Earl of Murray was engaged in them and if he by secret Ways could certainly find there was nothing in it but Religion that then he should give them Assurances of the free Exercise of it and press them not to engage any further till he was returned to the French Court where he was promised to find a great Reward for so important a Service but he was not to let the Queen Regent understand his business He found upon his going into Scotland that it was even as he had formerly heard that the Queen Regent was now much hated and distasted by them but that upon an Oblivion of what was passed and the free Exercise of their Religion for the future all might be brought to peace and quiet But before he came back the King of France was dead the Constable in disgrace and the Cardinal of Lorrain governed all But is killed So he lost his Labour and Reward which he valued much less being a generous and vertuous Man than the Ruine that he saw coming on his Country The Lords that were now united against the Queen Mother came and took St. Johnstoun From thence they went to Stirling and Edinburgh and every where they pulled down Monasteries all the Country declared on their side so that the Queen Regent was forced to fly to Dumbar-Castle The Lords sent to England for Assistance which the Queen readily granted them They gave out that they desired nothing but to have the French driven out and Religion settled by a Parliament The Queen Regent seeing all the Country against her and apprehending that the Q. of England would take advantage from these Stirrs to drive her out of Scotland was content to agree to a Truce A Truce agreed to in Sc●●l●●d to summon a Parliament to meet on the 10th of January But the new King of France sent over Mr. de Croque with a high threatning Message that he would spend the whole Revenue of France rather then not be revenged on them that raised these Tumults in Scotland The Lords answered that they desired nothing but the Liberty of their Religion and that being obtained they should be in all other things his most obedient Subjects The Queen Regent having gotten about 2000 Men from France fortified Leith and in many other things broke the Truce There came over also some Doctors of the Sorbonne to dispute with the Ministers because they heard the Scotish Clergy were scarce able to defend their own Cause The Lords gathered again and seeing the Queen Regent had so often broke her Word to them they entred into Consultation to deprive her of her Regency Their Queen was not yet of Age and in her Minority they pretended that the Government of the Kingdom belonged to the States and therefore they gathered together many of her Maleadministrations for which they might the more colorably put her out of the Government The Queen Regent is deposed The things they charged on her were chiefly these That she had without Law begun a War in the Kingdom and brought in Strangers to subdue it had governed without the consent of the Nobility embased the Coin to maintain her Souldiers had put Garrisons in five Towns and had broke all Promises and Terms with them Thereupon they declared her to have fallen from her Regency and did suspend her Power till the next Parliament So now it was an irreconciliable Breach The Lords lay first at Edinburgh and from thence retired afterwards to Sterling Upon which the French came and possessed themselves of the Town and set up the Mass again in the Churches Greater Supplies came over from France under the Command of the Marquess of Elbeuf one of the Queen Regent's Brothers who though most of his Fleet were dispersed yet brought to Leith 1000 Foot so that there were now above 4000 French Souldiers in that Town But what Accession of strength soever the Queen Regent received from these she lost as much in Scotland for now almost the whole Country was united against her and the French were equally heavie to their Friends and Enemies They marched about by Sterling to waste Fife where there were some small Engagements between them and the Lords of the Congregation But the Scots The Scots implore the Q. of Englands Aid seeing they could not stand before that force that was expected from France the next Spring sent to Queen Elizabeth to desire her Aid openly for the secret Supplies of Mony and Ammunition with which she hitherto furnished them would not now serve the Turn The Counsel of England apprehended that it would draw on a War with France yet they did not fear that much for that Kingdom was falling into such Factions that they did not apprehend any great Danger from thence till their King was of Age. So the Duke of Norfolk was sent to Berwick to treat with the Lords of the Congregation who were now headed by the Duke of Chattelherhault On the 27th of February they agreed on these Conditions They were to be sure Allies to the Queen of England and to assist her both in England and Ireland as she should need their help She was now on the other hand to assist them to drive the French out of Scotland after which they were still to continue in their obedience to their Natural Queen This League was to last during their Queen's Marriage to the French King and for a Year after and they were to give the Queen of England Hostages who were to be changed every six Months This being concluded and the Hostages given the Lord Gray marched into Scotland with 2000 Horse and 6000 Foot Upon that the Lords sent and offered to the Queen Regent that if she would send away the French Forces the English should likewise be sent back and they would return to their Obedience This not being accepted they drew about Leith Leith is besieged by the English to besiege it In one Sally which the French made they were beaten back with the loss of 300 Men. This made the English more secure thinking the French would no more come out but they understanding the ill order that was kept sallied out again and killed near 500 of the English This made them more watchful for the future So the Seige being formed a Fire broke out in Leith which burnt down the greatest part of the Town the English playing all the while on them distracted them so that the Souldiers being obliged to be on the Walls the Fire was not easily quenched Hereupon the English gave the Assault and were beaten off with some loss but the Duke of Norfolk sent a supply of 2000 Men more with the
Bargain made with the Foulcare for about 60000 l. that in May and August should be payed for the defraying of it 1. That the Foulcare should put it off for 10 in the 100. 2. That I should buy 12000 Marks weight at 6 s. the ounce to be delivered at Antwerp and so conveyed over 3. I should pay 100000 Crowns for a very fair Jewel of his four Rubies marvelous big one Orient and great Diamond and one great Pearl 27. Mallet the Lady Mary's Chaplain apprehended and sent to the Tower of London 30. The Lord Marquess of Northampton appointed to go with the Order and further Commission of Treaty and that in Post having joined with him in Commission the Bishop of Ely Sir Philip Hobbey Sir William Pickering and Sir John Mason Knights and two other Lawyers Smith that was Secretary c. May. 2. There was appointed to go with my Lord Marquess the Earls of Rutland Worcester and Ormond the Lords Lisle Fitzwater and Bray Barguenny and divers other Gentlemen to the number of thirty in all 3. The Challenge at running at the Ring performed at the which first came the King sixteen Footmen and ten Horsemen in black Silk Coats pulled out with white Taffety then all the Lords having three Men likewise apparelled and all Gentlemen their Footmen in white Fustian pulled out with black Taffety The other side came all in yellow Taffety at length the yellow Band took it thrice in 120 courses and my Band touched often which was counted as nothing and took never which seemed very strange and so the Prize was of my Side lost After that Tournay followed between six of my Band and six of theirs 4. It was appointed that there should be but four Men to wait on every Earl that went with my Lord Marquess of Northampton three on every Lord two on every Knight or Gentleman Also that my Lord Marquess should in his Diet be allowed for the loss in his Exchange 5. The Muster of the Gendarmoury appointed to be the first of June if it were possible if not the 8th 6. The Testourn cried down from 12 d. to 9 d. and the Groat from 4 d. to 3 d. 9. One Stewart a Scotchman meaning to poison the young Queen of Scotland thinking thereby to get Favour here was after he had been a while in the Tower and Newgate delivered on my Frontiers at Calais to the French for to have him punished there according to his deserts 10. Divers Lords and Knights sent for to furnish the Court at the coming of the French Ambassadour that brought hither the Order of St. Michael 12. A Proclamation proclaimed to give warning to all those that keep any Farms multitudes of Sheep above the number limited in the Law viz. 2000 decayed Tenements and Towns Regratters Forestalling Men that sell dear having plenty enough and put Plough Ground to Pasture and Carriers over-Sea of Victual That if they leave not these Enormities they shall be streightly punished very shortly so that they should feel the smart of it and to command execution of Laws made for this purpose before 14. There mustered before Me an hundred Archers two Arrows apiece all of the Guard afterward shot together and they shot at an inch Board which some pierced quite and stuck in the other Board divers pierced it quite thorow with the Heads of their Arrows the Boards being very well-seasoned Timber So it was appointed there should be ordinarily 100 Archers and 100 Halbertiers either good Wrestlers or casters of the Bar or Leapers or Runners or tall Men of Personage 15. Sir Philip Hobbey departed toward France with ten Gentlemen of his own in Velvet Coats and Chains of Gold 16. Likewise did the Bishop of Ely depart with a Band of Men well furnished 20. A Proclamation made That whosoever found a Seditious Bill and did not tear and deface it should be a partaker of the Bill and punished as the Maker 21. My Lord Marquess of Northampton had Commission to deliver the Order and to treat of all things and chiefly of Marriage for Me to the Lady Elizabeth his Daughter First To have the Dote 12000 Marks a Year and the Dowry at least 800000 Crowns The Forfeiture 100000 Crowns at the most if I performed not and paying that to be delivered and that this should not impeach the former Covenants with Scotland with many other Branches 22. He departed himself in Post 24. An Earthquake was at Croidon and Blechinglee and in the most part of Surrey but no harm was done 30. Whereas before Commandment was given that 160000 l. should be Coined of three ounces in the Pound fine for discharge of Debts and to get some Treasure to be able to alter all now was it stopped saving only 80000 l. to discharge my Debts and 10000 Mark weight that the Foulcare delivered in the last Exchange at four ounces in the pound 31. The Musters defered till after Midsummer June 2. It was appointed that I should receive the Frenchmen that came hither at Westminster where was made preparation for the purpose and four garnish of new Vessels taken out of Church Stuff as Miters and Golden Missals and Primers and Crosses and Reliques of Plessay 4. Provision made in Flanders for Silver and Gold Plate and Chains to be given to these Strangers 7. A Proclamation set forth that Exchange or Re-exchange should be made under the Punishment set forth in King Henry the Seventh's Time duly to be executed 10. Monsieur Mareschal departed from the Court to Bulloigne in Post and so hither by Water in his Galleys and Foists In this Month and the Month before was great Business for the City of Parma which Duke * It should be Octavio Horatio had delivered to the French King for the Pope ascited him as holding it in capite of him whereby he could not alienate it without the Pope's Will but he came not at his Day for which cause the Pope and Imperialists raised 8000 Men and took a Castle on the same River side Also the French King sent Monsieur de Thermes who had been his General in Scotland with a great piece of his Gendarmory into Italy to help Duke Horatio Furthermore the Turks made great preparation for War which some feared would at length burst out 21. I was elected of the Company of St. Michael in France by the French King and his Order 13. Agreement made with the Scots for the Borders between the Commissioners aforesaid for both the Parties In this month Dragute a Pirat escaped Andrea Doria who had closed him in a Creek by force of his Galley-Slaves that digged another way into the Sea and took two of Andrea's Galleys that lay far into the Sea 14. Pardon given to those Irish Lords that would come in before a certain day limited by the Deputy with Advertisement to the Deputy to make sharp War with those that would resist and also should administer my Laws every-where 18. Because of my Charges in
my Grooms fell sick and died that I removed to Hampton-Court with very few with Me. The same night came the Mareschal who was saluted with all my Ships being in the Thames fifty and odd all with shot well furnished and so with the Ordnance of the Tower He was met by the Lord Clinton Lord Admiral with forty Gentlemen at Gravesend and so brought to Duresme-place 13. Because of the Infection at London he came this day to Richmond where he lay with a great Band of Gentlemen at least 400 as it was by divers esteemed where that night he hunted 14. He came to Me at Hampton-Court at nine of the Clock being met by the Duke of Somerset at the Wall-end and so coveied first to Me where after his Masters Recommendations and Letters he went to his Chamber on the Queens-side all hanged with Cloth of Arras and so was the Hall and all my Lodging He dined with Me also After Dinner being brought into an Inner-Chamber he told Me he was come not only for delivery of the Order but also for to declare the great Friendship the King his Master bore Me which he desired I would think to be such to Me as a Father beareth to his Son or Brother to Brother And although there were divers Persuasions as he thought to dissuade Me from the King his Master's Friendship and Witless Men made divers Rumours yet he trusted I would not believe them Furthermore that as good Ministers on the Frontiers do great good so ill much harm For which cause he desired no Innovation should be made on things had been so long in controversy by Hand-strokes but rather by Commissioners talk I answered him That I thanked him for his Order and also his Love c. and I would shew like Love in all Points For Rumours they were not always to be believed and that I did sometime provide for the worst but never did any harm upon their hearing For Ministers I said I would rather appease these Controversies with words than do any thing by force So after he was conveyed to Richmond again 17. He came to present the Order of Monsiegneur Michael whereafter with Ceremonies accustomed he had put on the Garments he and Monsieur Gye likewise of the Order came one at my right Hand the other at my left to the Chappel where-after the Communion celebrated each of them kissed my Cheek After that they dined with Me and talked after Dinner and saw some Pastime and so went home again 18. A Proclamation made against Regratters and Forestallers and the words of the Statute recited with the Punishment of the Offenders Also Letters were sent to all Officers and Sheriffs for the executing thereof 19. Another Proclamation made for punishment of them that would blow Rumours of abasing and enhaunsing of the Coin to make things dear withal The same night Monsieur le Mareschal St. Andre supped with Me after Supper saw a dozen Courses and after I came and made Me ready 20. The next Morning he came to Me to mine Arraying and saw my Bed-Chamber and went a hunting with Hounds and saw Me shoot and saw all my Guards shoot together He dined with Me heard Me play on the Lute Ride came to Me to my Study supped with Me and so departed to Richmond 19. The Scots sent an Ambassador hither for receiving the Treaty sealed with the Great Seal of England which was delivered him Also I sent Sir Thomas Chaloner Clerk of my Council to have the Seal of them for Confirmation of the last Treaty at Northampton 17. This day my Lord Marquess and the Commissioners coming to treat of the Marriage offered by later Instructions 600000 Crowns after 400000 l. and so departed for an hour Then seeing they could get no better came to the French Offer of 200000 Crowns half to be paid at the Marriage half six months after that Then the French agreed that her Dote should be but 10000 Marks of Lawful Money of England Thirdly It was agreed that if I died she should not have the Dote saying They did that for Friendships-sake without president 19. The Lord Marquess having received and delivered again the Treaty sealed took his leave and so did all the rest At this time was there a bickering at Parma between the French and the Papists for Monsieur de Thermes Petro Strozi and Fontivello with divers other Gentlemen to the number of thirty with 1500 Souldiers entred Parma Gonzaga with the Emperors and Popes Band lay near the Town The French made Sallies and overcame slaying the Prince of Macedonia and the Seigniour Baptista the Pope's Nephew 22. Mr. Sidney made one of the four chief Gentlemen 23. Monsieur de Mareschal came to Me declaring the King his Masters well-taking my readiness to this Treaty and also how much his Master was bent that way He presented Monsieur Bois Dolphine to be Ambassador here as my Lord Marquess the 19th day did present Mr. Pickering 26. Monsieur le Mareschal dined with Me. After Dinner saw the strength of the English Archers After he had so done at his departure I gave him a Diamond from my finger worth by estimation 150 l. both for Pains and also for my Memory Then he took his leave 27. He came to a hunting to tell me the News and shew the Letter his Master had sent him and doubtless of Monsieur Termes and Marignans Letters being Ambassador with the Emperor 28. Monsieur le Mareschal came to Dinner to Hide-Park where there was a fair House made for him and he saw the Coursing there 30. He came to the Earl of Warwick's lay there one night and was well received 29. He had his Reward being worth 3000 l. in Gold of currant Money Monsieur de Gye 1000 l. Monsieur Chenault 1000 l. Monsieur Movillier 500 l. the Secretary 500 l. and the Bishop Peregrueux 500 l. August 3. Monsieur le Mareschal departed to Bolleign and had certain of my Ships to conduct him thither 9. Four and twenty Lords of the Council met at Richmond to commune of my Sister Mary's matter who at length agreed That it was not meet to be suffered any longer making thereof an Instrument signed with their Hands and sealed to be on Record 11. The Lord Marquess with the most part of his Band came home and delivered the Treaty Sealed 12. Letters sent for Rochester Inglefield and Walgrave to come the 13th day but they came not till another Letter was sent to them the 13th day 14. My Lord Marquess's Reward was delivered at Paris worth 500 l. my Lord of Ely's 200. Mr. Hobbey's 150 the rest all about one scantling 14. Rochester c. had commandment neither to hear nor to suffer any kind of Service but the Common and Orders set forth at large by Parliament and had a Letter to my Lady's House from my Council for their Credit another to her self from me Also appointed that I should come and sit at Council when great Matters were
make a match at Shooting and so taken Nudegates was called for as from my Lord his Master and taken likewise were John Seimour and David Seimour Arundel also was taken and the Lord Gray coming out of the Country Vane upon two sendings of my Lord in the morning fled at the first sending he said My Lord was not stout and if he could get home he cared for none of them all he was so strong But after he was found by John Piers in a Stable of his Man 's at Lambeth under the Straw These went with the Duke to the Tower this Night saving Palmer Arundel and Vane who were kept in Chambers here apart 17. The Dutches Crane and his Wife with the Chamber-keeper were sent to the Tower for devising these Treasons James Wingfield also for casting of Bills seditiously also Mr. Partridge was attaqued and Sir James Holcroft 18. Mr. Banister and Mr. Vaughan were attaqued and sent to the Tower and so was Mr. Stanhope 19. Sir Thomas Palmer confessed that the Gandarms on the Muster-day should be assaulted by 2000 Footmen of Mr. Vane's and my Lord 's hundred Horse besides his Friends which stood by and the idle People which took his part If he were overthrown he would run through London and cry Liberty Liberty to raise the Apprentices and R if he could he would go to the Isle of Wight or to Pool 22. The Dowager of Scotland was by Tempest driven to Land at Portsmouth and so she sent word she would take the benefit of the safe Conduct to go by Land and to see Me. 23. She came from Portsmouth to Mr. Whites House 24. The Lords sat in the Star-Chamber and there declared the Matters and Accusations laid against the Duke meaning to stay the minds of the People 25. Certain German Princes in the beginning of this month desired Aid in Cause of Religion 400000 Dollars if they should be driven to make shift by necessity and offered the like also if I entred into any War for them whereupon I called the Lords and considered as appeareth by a Scroll in the Board at Westminster and thereupon appointed that the Secretary Petre and Sir William Cecil another Secretary should talk with the Messenger to know the matter precisely and the Names of those would enter the Confederacy 28. The Dowager came to Sir Richard Cotton's House 29. She came from Sir Richard Cotton's to the Earl of Arundel to Dinner and brought to Mr. Brown's House where met her the Gentlemen of Sussex 30. She came and was conveied by the same Gentlemen to Guilford where the Lord William Howard and the Gentlemen of Surrey met her All this month the Frenchmen continued spoiling of the Emperor's Frontiers and in a Skirmish at Ast they slew 100 Spaniards 31. A Letter directed to Sir Arthur Darcy to take the charge of the Tower and to discharge Sir John Markham upon this that without making any of the Council privy he suffered the Duke to walk abroad and certain Letters to be sent and answered between David Seimour and Mrs. Poinings with other divers Suspicions 17. There were Letters sent to all Emperors Kings Ambassadors Noblemen Men and Chief Men into Countries of the late Conspiracy 31. She came to Hampton-Court conveied by the same Lords and Gentlemen aforesaid and two miles and an half from thence in a Valley there met her the Lord Marquess of Northampton accompanied with the Earl of Wiltshire Son and Heir to the Lord High Treasurer Marquess of Winchester the Lord Fitzwater Son to the Earl of Sussex The Lord Evers the Lord Bray the Lord Robert Dudley the Lord Garet Sir Nicholas Throgmorton Sir Edward Rogers and divers other Gentlemen besides all the Gentlemen Pensioners Men of Arms and Ushers Sewers and Carvers to the number of 120 Gentlemen and so she was brought to Hampton-Court At the Gate thereof met her the Lady Marquess of Northampton the Countess of Pembrook and divers other Ladies and Gentlewomen to the number of sixty and so she was brought to her Lodging on the Queen-side which was all hanged with Arras and so was the Hall and all the other Lodgings of Mine in the House very finely dressed and for this night and the next day all was spent in Dancing and Pastime as though it were a Court and great presence of Gentlemen resorted thither 26. Letters were written for because of this Business to defer the Musters of Gendarmory till the day of December November 1. The Dowager perused the House of Hampton-Court and saw some coursing of Deer 2. She came to the Bishop's Palace at London and there she lay and all her Train lodged about her 3. The Duke of Suffolk the Earl of Warwick Wiltshire and many other Lords and Gentlemen were sent to her to welcome her and to say on My behalf That if she lacked any thing she should have it for her better Furniture and also I would willingly see her the day following The 26th of October Crane confessed the most part even as Palmer did before and more also how that the place where the Nobles should have been banqueted and their Heads striken off was the Lord Paget's House and how the Earl of Arundel knew of the Matter as well as he by Stanhop who was a Messenger between them also some part how he went to London to get Friends once in August last feigning himself sick Hammond also confessed the Watch he kept in his Chamber at Night Bren also confessed much of this matter The Lord Strange confessed how the Duke willed him to stir me to marry his third Daughter the Lady Jane and willed him to be his Spie in all Matters of my Doings and Sayings and to know when some of my Council spoke secretly with Me this he confessed of himself November 4. The Duke of Suffolk the Lord Fitzwater the Lord Bray and divers other Lords and Gentlemen accompanied with his Wife the Lady Francis the Lady Margaret the Dutchesses of Richmond and of Northumberland the Lady Jane Daughter to the Duke of Suffolk the Marquess of Northampton and Winchester the Countesses of Arundel Bedford Huntington and Rutland with 100 other Ladies and Gentlewomen went to her and brought her through London to Westminster At the Gate there received her the Duke of Northumberland Great Master and the Treasurer and Comptroller and the Earl of Pembrook with all the Sewers and Carvers and Cup-bearers to the number of thirty In the Hall I met her with all the rest of the Lords of my Council as the Lord Treasurer the Marquess of Northampton c. and from the outer-Gate up to the Presence-Chamber on both sides stood the Guard The Court the Hall and the Stairs were full of Servingmen the Presence-Chamber Great-Chamber and her Presence-Chamber of Gentlemen And so having brought her to her Chamber I retired to Mine I went to her to Dinner she dined under the same Cloth of State at my left Hand at her rereward dined my Cousin Francis and
Stewardships during Leases for 21 Years Forfeits under 40 l. Receiverships Woodwardships Surveyorships c. during pleasure Instalments of days for Debts To those Gentlemen that have well-served Fee-Farms to them and their Heirs Males of their Body paying their Rent and discharging the Annuities due to all Officers touching the same Keeping of Houses and Parks ordinary Offices as Yeomen of the Crown the Houshold Offices c. June 2. Sir John Williams who was committed to the Fleet for disobeying a Commandment given to him for not paying any Pensions without not making my Council privy upon his submission was delivered out of Prison 4. Beamont Master of the Rolls did confess his Offences who in his Office of Wards had bought Land with my Mony had lent it and kept it from Me to the value of 9000 l. and above more than this twelve month and 11000 in Obligations how he being Judg in the Chancery between the Duke of Suffolk and the Lady Powis took her Tittle and went about to get it into his Hands paying a Sum of Mony and letting her have a Farm of a Manour of his and caused an Indenture to be made falsly with the old Duke's counterfeit Hand to it by which he gave these Lands to the Lady Powis and went about to make twelve Men perjured Also how he had concealed the Felony of his Man to the Sum of 200 l. which he stole from him taking the Mony into his own hand again For these Considerations he surrendered into my Hands all his Offices Lands and Goods moveable and unmoveable toward the paiment of this Debt and of the Fines due to these particular Faults by him done 6. The Lord Paget Chancellor of the Dutchy confessed how he without Commission did sell away my Lands and great Timber-Woods how he had taken great Fines of my Lands to his said particular Profit and Advantage never turning any to my Use or Commodity how he made Leases in Reversion for more than 21 Years For these Crimes and other-like recited before he surrendred his Office and submitted himself to those Fines that I or my Council would appoint to be levied of his Goods and Lands 7. Whaley Receiver of York-shire confessed how he lent my Mony upon Gain and Lucre how he paied one Years Revenue over with the Arrearages of the last how he bought mine own Land with my own Mony how in his Accompts he had made many false Suggestions how at the time of the fall of Mony he borrowed divers Sums of Mony and had allowance for it after by which he gained 500 l. at one crying down the whole Sum being 2000 l. and above For these and such-like Considerations he surrendred his Office and submitted to Fines which I or my Council should assign him to be levied of his Goods and Lands 8. The Lords of the Council sat at Guild-hall in London where in the presence of a thousand People they declared to the Mayor and Brethren their sloathfulness in suffering unreasonable prices of Things and to Craftsmen their willfulness c. telling them That if upon this Admonition they did not amend I was wholly determined to call in their Liberties as confiscate and to appoint Officers that should look to them 10. It was appointed that the Lord Gray of Wilton should be pardoned of his Offences and delivered out of the Tower Whereas Sir Philip Hobbey should have gone to Calais with Sir Richard Cotton and William Barnes Auditor it was appointed Sir Anthony St. Legier Sir Richard Cotton and Sir Thomas Mildmay should go thither carrying with them 10000 l. to be received out of the Exchequer Whereas it was agreed that there should be a Pay now made to Ireland of 5000 l. and then the Mony to be cried down it was appointed that 3000 weight which I had in the Tower should be carried thither and coined at 3 Denar fine and that incontinent the Coin should be cried down 12. Because Pirry tarried here for the Bullion William Williams Essay-Master was put in his place to view the Mines with Mr. Brabazon or him whom the Deputy should appoint 13. Banester and Crane the one for his large Confession the other because little Matter appeared against him were delivered out of the Tower 16. The Lord Paget was brought into Star-Chamber and there declared effectuously his submission by word of Mouth and delivered it in writing Beaumont who had before made his Confession in writing began to deny it again but after being called before my Council he did confess it again and there acknowledged a Fine of his Land and signed an Obligation in surrender of all his Goods 17. Monsieur de Couriers took his leave 2. The French King won the Castle of Robdemac Certain Horsemen of the Regents came and set upon the French King's Baggage and slew divers of the Carriers but at length with some loss of the Frenchmen they were compelled to retire The French King won Mount St. Ann. 4. The French King came to Deuvillars which was a strong Town and besieged it making three Breaches 12. The Town was yielded to him with the Captain He found in it 2500 Footmen 200 Horsemen 63 great Brass-pieces 300 Hagbuts of Croke much Victual and much Ammunition as he did write to his Ambassador 19. It was appointed that the Bishop of Durham's Matter should stay till the end of the Progress 20. Beaumont in the Star-Chamber confessed after a little sticking upon the Matter his Faults to which he had put to his Hand 22. It was agreed that the Bands of Men of Arms appointed to Mr. Sidney Mr. Vicechamberlain Mr. Hobbey and Mr. Sadler should not be furnished but left off 25. It was agreed that none of my Council should move Me in any Suit of Land for Forfeits above 20 l. for Reversion of Leases or other extraordinary Suits till the State of my Revenues were further known 15. The French King came to a Town standing upon the River of Mosa called Yvoire which gave him many hot Skirmishes 18. The French King began his Battery to the Walls 14. The Townsmen of Mountmedy gave a hot Skirmish to the French and slew Monsieur de Toge's Brother and many other Gentlemen of the Camp 12. The Prince of Salerno who had been with the French King to treat with him touching the Matter of Naples was dispatched in Post with this Answer That the French King would aid him with 13000 Footmen and 1500 Horsemen in the French Wages to recover and conquer the Kingdom of Naples and he should marry as some said the French King's Sister Madam Margaret The Cause why this Prince rebelled against the Emperor was partly the uncourteous handling of the Viceroy of Naples partly Ambition The Flemings made an Invasion into Champaign in so much that the Dolphin had almost been taken and the Queen lying at Chalons sent some of her Stuff toward Paris Also another Company took the Town of Guise and spoiled the Country 22. Monsieur
send a Man for the same purpose to know our further meaning in that behalf 11. Mr. Pickering declared to the French King being then at Rhemes Stuckley's Matter of Confession and the Cause of his Imprisonment Who after protestation made of his own good Meaning in the Amity and of Stuckley's Ingratitude toward him his lewdness and ill-demeanour thanked Us much for this so gentil an uttering of the Matter that we would not be led with false Bruites and Tales The Bishop Tunstal of Durham was deprived of his Bishoprick In this month Monsieur de Rue Martin Rossen and an Army of Flemings while the French had assembled his Men of War in Lorrain had sent the Constable to the Army which lay four leagues from Verdun the Duke de Guise with 7000 Men to Metz and the Mareschal St. Andrew at Verdeun razed and spoiled between the River of Some and Osse many Towns as Noyon Roy Chamy and Villages Nelle Follambray a new built House of the King 's c. insomuch that the French King sent the Admiral of France to help the Duke of Vendosme against that Army There was at this time a great Plague that reigned in sundry parts of France of which many Men died 20. A Man of the Earl of Tyrones was committed to the Tower because he had made an untrue Suggestion and Complaint against the Deputy and the whole Council of Ireland Also he had bruited certain ill Bruites in Ireland how the Duke of Northumberland and the Earl of Pembrook were fallen out and one against another in the Field 17. The Flemings and the Englishmen that took their parts assaulted by Night Hamletue the Englishmen were on the Walls and some some of the Flemings also but by the cowardise of a great part of the Flemings the Enterprize was lost and many Men slain The number of the Flemings were 4000 the number of the Men within Hambletue 400. The Captain of this Enterprise was Monsieur de Vandeville Captain of Gravelin 6. Monsieur de Boissey entred Treves with a Flemish Army to the number of 12000 Footmen and 2500 Horsemen Burgunions without any resistance because the Ensigns there left by Marquess Albert were departed and thereupon the Duke d' Alva and the Marquess of Marion marched toward Metz the Emperor himself and the Marquess Hans of Brandenburg having with him the rest of his Army the ninth day of this month departed from Landaw towards Metz. Monsieur de Boissey's Army also joined with him at a place called Swayburg or Deuxpont 23. It was agreed that because the State of Ireland could not be known without the Deputy's presence that he should in this dead time of the Year leave the governance of the Realm to the Council there for the time and bring with him the whole State of the Realm whereby such order might be taken as the superfluous Charge might be avoided and also the Realm kept in quietness and the Revenue of the Realm better and more profitably gathered 25. Whereas one George Paris an Irishman who had been a practiser between the Earl of Desmond and other Irish Lords and the French King did now being weary of that Matter practise means to come home and to have his old Lands in Ireland again His Pardon was granted him and a Letter written to him from my Council in which he was promised to be considered and holpen There fell in this month a great Contention among the Scots for the Kers slew the Lord of Balcleugh in a Fray in Edinburgh and as soon as they had done they associated to them the Lord Home and all his Kin But the Governour thereupon summoned an Army to go against them but at length because the Dowager of Scotland favoured the Kers and Homes and so did all the French Faction the French King having also sent for 5000 Scotch Footmen and 500 Horsemen for his Aid in these Wars the Governour agreed the 5000 Footmen under the leading of the Earl of Cassils and 500 Light-Horsemen of which the Kers and the Homes should be Captains and go with such haste into France that they might be in such place as the French King would appoint them to serve in by Christmass or Candlemass at the furthest And thus he trusted to be well rid of his most mortal Enemies 27. The Scots hearing that George Paris practised for Pardon committed him to Ward in Striveling-Castle 25. Monsieur de Rue having burnt in France eighteen leagues in length and three leagues in breadth having pillaged and sacked and razed the fair Towns of Noyon Roy Nelle and Chamy the King 's new House of Follambray and infinite other Villages Bullwarks and Gentlemens Houses in Champaign and Picardy returned into Flanders 23. The Emperor in his Person came to the Town of Metz with his Army which was reckoned 45000 Footmen as the Bruit went and 7000 Horsemen The Duke d' Alva with a good Band went to view the Town upon whom issued out the Souldiers of the Town and slew of his Men about 2000 and kept him play till the main force of the Camp came down which caused them to retire with loss On the French Party was the Duke of Nemours hurt on the Thigh There was in the Town as Captain the Duke of Guise and there were many other great Lords with him as the Prince of Rochsurion the Duke de Namours the Vicedam of Chartres Pierro Stozzy Monsieur Chastilion and many other Gentlemen November 5. Monsieur de Villandry returned to declare how the King his Master did again offer to deliver four Ships against which Judgment had passed He said The King would appoint Men to hear our Merchants at Paris which should be Men of the best sort He said likewise how the King his Master meant to mend the Ordinance of which Amendment he brought Articles 7. These Articles were delivered to be considered by the Secretaries 9. Certain were thought to be sought out by several Commissions viz. Whether I were justly answered of the Plate Lead Iron c. that belonged to Abbeys Whether I were justly answered the Profit of Alome Copper Fustians c. which were appointed to be sold and of such Land as the King my Father sold and such-like Articles 12. Monsieur Villandry received answer for the first Article as he did before How I meant not by taking freely so few to prejudice the rest For hearing of our Merchants Matters at Paris by an inferior Council We thought both too dilatory after these long Suits and also unreasonable because the inferior Council would undoe nothing though cause appeared which had been before judged by the higher Council And as for the New Ordinances we liked them in effect as ill as their Old and desired none other but the Old accustomed ones which have been used in France of late Time and to be yet continued between England and the Low-Country Finally We desire no more Words but Deeds 4. The Duke d'Aumail being left in
aliorum Militum detrimento in sede ejus gradui Nobilitatis apta accomoda secundum veterem modum vestes recipiet quas vulgo dicunt Anglice The Mantel the Cirtel and the Hood his vestibus indutus audiet preces divinas in sede illi constituta simul cum substituto coadjutoribus Communionem recipiens 12. Post preces absolutas recipiet hoc jusjurandum se pro viribus velle sustinere defendere omnes honores titulos querelas Dominia Regis Angliae Ordinis Praefecti velle etiam quantum in se est protegere amare colere Divini Verbi studiosos velle deponere humanas Traditiones augere Gloriam Honorem Dei. 13. Ille ordo qui institutus fuit olim de insignibus gladiis galaeis armis reponendis in cellis aut sedibus maneat in priori forma 14. Adhaec cum Dedicatio Ordinis auferatur a divo Georgio si tempus anni non sit idoneum ad multos homines cogendos ex patria accersendos praesertim vero ne ipsam dedicationem Verbis auferentes re videremur retinere idcirco statutum est caetum caelebratum fore ut olim in Anglia die Divi Georgii sic nunc primo Die Sabbati primo Die Dominico in mense Decembris nisi forte primus dies mensis Decembris sit dies Dominicus tunc autem celebrabitur primo Die Sabbati secundo die Dominico 15. Primo vero Die Sabbati Milites qui adsunt omnes autem adesse debent nisi forte habeant licitam excusationem audient preces Vespertinas institutas Autoritate Parliamenti vestibus Ordinis induti sedentes quisque in sede constituta Miles autem electus non collocatus in sede stabit directe versus eum locum ubi collocabitur 16. Die Dominico sequenti in aurora audient supradicti Milites preces qui se paratos facere possint Communionem recipient vesperi etiam audient preces vespertinas 17. Milites autem absentes tenebuntur eadem facere in suis aedibus toto hoc tempore vestibus Ordinis induti 18. Praeterea Milites qui adsunt vestibus Ordinis induti prandebunt omnes ab uno latere sedentes in eodem gradu quo collocantur Windesorae in cellis in caetum etiam intrabunt hoc die ut si quid faciendum sit perficiant 19. Cantatores Praebendarii fruentur suis possessionibus durante Vita post mortem autem eorum conferentur in Concionatores in castro Windesorae 20. Pauperes autem qui in eodem Collegio manent habebunt omnia sua pristino more loci autem conferentur in Milites vulneratos aut admodum senes viros solum privabuntur superstitiosis vanis Caeremoniis quibus uti sunt soliti ut Oratione pro defunctis c. Quemadmodum vero soliti sunt missae adesse sic jam adsint in precibus constitutis 21. Sunt autem certae summae Argenti quae solent impendi cum moriantur Milites Ordinis   l. s. d. A Rege Angliae 08 06 8 A Rege peregrino 06 13 4 A Principe 05 16 8 A Duce 05 00 0 A Marchione 03 13 0 A Comite 02 10 0 A Vice Counte 02 01 8 A Barone 01 13 4 A Milite 00 16 8 Baccalaureo Adhaec cum Milites eligantur solvendae sunt hae summae Peccuniae   l. s. d. A Rege Angliae 30 00 0 A Rege peregrino 20 00 0 A Principe 13 06 8 A Duce 10 00 0 A Marchione 08 06 8 A Comite 06 13 8 A Vice Comite 05 16 8 A Barone 05 00 0 A Milite 03 06 8 Hae praedictae summae Argenti colligantur quotannis pauperibus destribuantur ut interdum solitum est fieri 22. Rex Angliae exsolvat Pecuniam quam peregrini Principes debebunt propter articulum supradictum 23. Sed quia difficile est omnia haec sine Ministris idoneis fieri igitur constitutum est fore quatuor Ordinis hujus Ministros Cancellarius Annotator sive Register Praecessor qui nigram virgam gestabit praecipuus Rex armorum qui ab Ordine nomen obtinebit Garter 24. Sigillum Ordinis habebit ex uno latere Arma Angliae Franciae simul cum Armis Ordinis circumligata hac circumscriptione Verbum Domini manet in aeternum ex altera parte equitem sculptum ut Milites gestabunt circumligatum fascia sive Garterio 25. Hoc sigillo Cancellarius sigillabit omnia decreta licentias constitutiones literas reliqua omnia quae ad ordinem praedictum pertinent aut ullo modo debent pertinere 26. Annotator in magno Libro Annotabit Latine quibus temporibus quisque miles fuerit electus quibus mortuus quaenam sancita erant decreta quaenam dissoluta si quae erunt alia pertinentia ad Ordinem supradictum hunc autem librum relinquet in Castro Windesorae suo successori in eodem officio 27. Rex Heraoldorum insignium Garter servabit nomina cognomina arma insignia cujusque Militis electi eundem librum relinquens suo successori si quae sit ambiguitas de armis ipse dijudicabit 28. Praecessor Ordinis gestans virgam nigram praeibit ordinem ostium custodiet eandem autoritatem habebit qua antehac usus est Quod siquis Militum contumeliose graviter offenderit ejus criminis in cetu fuerit convictus Praecessor Ordinis cum Rege Heroaldorum eum exuent catena Garterio 29. Adhaec cum aliquis peregrinus Rex in Militum numerum substituatur eligatur Caeremoniis hujus Ordinis non detinebitur sed prout placuerit 30. Post electionem vero praefectus Ordinis mittet duos Milites ejusdem Ordinis qui post preces in ejus patria vulgares induent eum vestibus illis quae solent gestari viz. Anglice The Mantel the Cirtel and the Hood In collum etiam imponent catenam rosarium cum equite sculpto appendente fascia vulgo dicto Garterio 31. Postea per procuratorem in sede collocabitur nullum omnino juramentum recipiens nec preces unquam alias quam solitas audiens 32. Quod Rex Angliae possit dispensare veniam dare omittendi ullas Caeremonias si causa postulet 33. Quod hi articuli ut monumenta decreta Leges Ordinis reponentur in Collegio Windesorae omnes autem his contrariae penitus abrogabuntur FINIS A Paper concerning a Free Mart in England Number 4. The Reasons and Causes why it is now most necessary to have a Mart in England 1. BEcause our vent of Clothes might be open in all Wars 2. Because our Merchants Goods might be out of danger of Strangers without fear of arresting for every light Cause 3. Because it would much enrich the Realm for as a Market enricheth a Town so doth a Mart enrich a Realm 4. Because for at a need round Sums of Mony might be of them borrowed that haunt the
Mart. 5. Because we should have a great multitude of Ships strangers to serve in the Wars 6. Because all strangers Goods when War is made should be in our danger 7. Because we should buy all things at the first hand of Strangers whereas now the Spaniards sell to the Flemings their Wares and the Flemings to us 8. Because the Towns toward the Sea-side should be much more populous 9. Because whereas now they bring Tapestry Points Glasses and Laces they would then bring in Bullion and other substantial Merchandice to the intent to have our Cloth and our Tin 10. Because we should take from our Enemies their Power and make that they should borrow no Mony of Merchants but when we list at least no great Sum of Mony The Causes why this Time is most Commodious to erect a Mart in 1. The Wars between the French King and the Emperor and the Ships of either side maketh the Italians Genoa's Portugals and Spaniards to forbear their Trade to Antwerp 2. The Frenchmen the Stadts the Sprusses and Ships of Eastland being against the Emperor will not come neither 3. The French King invading Lorrain and fearing Flanders 4. And the Almains lying on the River of Rhene stopeth the Course of Merchants out of Italy to Antwerp and also Frankfort 5. The putting of Men of War in the Town maketh the Merchants to forbear their Traffique and to look to their Lives 6. The breach of the last Tempest is like they say to make the Channel uncertain and the Haven naught 7. The stop of the Exchange to Lions will make many Flemings Bankrupts These things will decay the Marts of Antwerp and Frankfort But these Nations cannot live without a Vent therefore they will now most willingly come hither if they had a Free Mart. 2. It were an easier matter to come to Southampton for the Spaniards Britanes Vascoins Lombards Geneoese Normands and Italians than to go to Antwerp 3. It were easier for the Merchants of the Eastland the Sprusses the Danes Swedens and Norvegians to come to Hull than to Antwerp 4. Southampton is a better Port than Antwerp 5. The Flemings have allured Men to make a Mart there with their Privileges having but very little Commodities much easier shall we do it having Cloth Tin Seacoal Lead Bellmettal and such other Commodities as few Realms Christian have the like nor they when they began had no such opportunity How the Mart will be brought to pass 1. Our Merchants are to be staied from a Mart or two under pretence that they abstain because of the Imposition 2. Then Proclamation must be made in divers places of the Realm where Merchants resort That there shall be a free Mart kept at Southampton with these Liberties and Customs 1. The time of the Mart to begin after Whitsontide and to hold on five weeks by which means it shall not let St. James's Fair at Bristol nor Bartholomew Fair at London 2. All Men coming to the Mart shall have free going and free coming without Arresting except in cases of Treason Murder or Felony 3. For the time of the Mart all sorts of Men shall pay but half the Custom they do in other places of the Realm 4. No Shipping shall be from any other place from South-Wales to Essex during that time 5. In the Shires of Hampshire Wiltshire Sussex Surrey Kent Dorsetshire That no Bargain shall be made of Wares during that time but in the Mart Town 6. A Court to correct Offenders with Liberties thereto 7. Some one Commodity must be assigned to the Mart or some one kind of Cloth 8. The Merchants of the Staple must be bargained withal and contented with some honest Offer to the intent by their Liberties they may not let the Mart. 9. Some more Liberties must be given to the Inhabitants of Southampton and if Mony may be spared some must be lent them to begin their Trade withal 10. Our Ships on the Sea must look as well as they may observing the Treaties to the safeguard of the Merchants when they come 11. If this prove well then may another be made at Hull to begin after Stowrbridg-Fair to the intent they may return before the great Ices come to their Seas The Discommodities and Let ts to the Mart to be kept in England 1. BEcause Strangers lack access hither by Land which they have at Antwerp 2. The ill-working of our Cloths which maketh them less esteemed 3. The abundance of our Cloths in Flanders will make them less sought for here 4. The Merchants have established their dwelling-places at Antwerp 5. That other Nations will stay their coming hither for a while by the Emperor's Commandment 6. The denial of the Request of the Merchants of the Stiliard will somewhat let the Mart if it be not looked to 7. The poverty and littleness of the Town of Southampton 8. The goodliness of the Rhine The Remedies and Answers thereunto To the first Point 1. At this time when the Mart should begin at Southampton the French King and the Almains shall stop the entercourse by Land so that nothing shall come that way but in great danger 2. When War shall be made against us then our Navy may defend them 3. As the Town of Southampton lacketh the Commodity of the Access of Merchandise by Land so it hath this Commodity that there can be no access of Enemies by Land which may be at Antwerp and Men think will be this Year which is a great safety to the Merchants 4. The Traffique that cometh by Land will not much diminish the Mart for it is only almost the Venetians Traffique who shall much easilier come hither by Sea than to Antwerp and with less danger of the Seas To the second Point 1. The ill-making of our Clothes will be meet to be looked on this Parliament and order thereupon to be given The Matter is come to some ripeness already the Upper House hath one Bill and the Nether House hath another in good forwardness 2. As ill as they be made the Flemings do at this time desire them wonderfully offering rather to pay the Imposition of the Emperor than to lack them To the third Point 1. It were very necessary that the Ships that shall be hereafter going were staied till the Mart were come to some ripeness 2. The Clothes hereafter might be bought up with our Mony here and conveied to Southampton to be there uttered at the Mart time and so it should help the Mart very well To the fourth Point 1. The danger of their Lives which they now fear very much will make them seek another Harbor to rest in more safely 2. They came from Bruges to Antwerp only for the English Commodities although they were setled at Bruges 3. They have a great Commodity to come to Southampton and a great fear of spoiling to drive them from Antwerp 4. The Merchants never assign to themselves such a Mansion but for more gain they will leave that and take
to give full answer of denial to those Suits that be not reasonable nor convenient Also to dispatch all Matters of Justice and to send to the common Courts those Suits that be for them The Calling of Forfeits done against the Laws for punishing the Offenders and breakers of Proclamations that now stand in force The Lord Privy-Seal The Earl of Pembrook The Lord Chamberlain Sir Thomas Wroth. Sir Robert Bowes Mr. Secretary Petre. Mr. Hobbey Mr. Wotton Sir John Baker Mr. Sollicitor Mr. Gosnald These shall first see what Laws Penal and what Proclamations standing now in force are most meet to be executed and shall bring a Certificate thereof Then they shall enquire in the Countries how they are disobeyed and first shall begin with the greatest Offenders and so afterward punish the rest according to the pains set forth They shall receive also the Letters out of the Shires of Disorders there done and punish the Offenders For the State The Bishop of Canterbury The Lord Chancellor The Lord Treasurer The Duke of Northumberland The Duke of Suffolk The Lord Privy-Seal The Marquess of Northampton The Earl of Shrewsbury The Earl of Pembrook The Earl of Westmoreland The Lord Admiral The Viscount Hereford The Lord Chamberlain Mr. Vicechamberlain Mr. Treasurer and Comptroller Mr. Cecil Mr. Petre. Mr. Wotton Sir Philip Hobbey Sir Robert Bowes These to attend the Matters of the State I will sit with them once a week to hear the debating of things of most importance These Persons under-written shall look to the state of all the Courts especially of the new erected Courts as the Augmentation the First Fruits and Tythes the Wards and shall see the Revenues answered at the half Years end and shall consider with what superfluous Charges they be burdened and thereof shall make a Certificate which they shall deliver The Lord Chamberlain The Bishop of Norwich Sir Thomas Wroth. Sir Robert Bowes Sir Richard Cotton Sir Walter Mildmay Mr. Gosnald I understand it is a Member of the Commission that followeth but yet those shall do well to do it for the present because the other shall have no leasure till they have called in the Debts after which done they may sit with them Those that now be in Commission for the Debts to take Accompts of all Paiments since the 35th of the King that dead is after that they have done this Commission they are now in hand with Likewise for the Bullwarks the Lord Chamberlain Mr. Treasurer and Mr. Comptroller to be in Commission in their several Jurisdictions The rest of the Council some go home to their Countries streight after the Parliament some be sore sick that they shall not be able to attend any thing which when they come they shall be admitted of the Council Also that these Councils that sit apart Also that those of the Council that have these several Commissions Desunt quedam 15. Jan. 1552. This seems not to be the King's Hand but is interlined in many places by him Certain Articles devised and delivered by the King's Majesty for the quicker better and more orderly dispatch of Causes by his Majesty's Privy-Council Cotton Libr. Nero. C. 10. 1. HIs Majesty willeth that all Suits Petitions and common Warrants delivered to his Privy-Council be considered by them on the Mundays in the Morning and answered also on the Saturdays at Afternoon and that that day and none others be assigned to that purpose 2. That in answering of these Suits and Bills of Petition heed be taken that so many of them as pertain to any Court of his Majesty's Laws be as much as may be referred to those Courts where by order they are triable such as cannot be ended without them be with expedition determined 3. That in making of those Warrants for Mony that pass by them it be foreseen that those Warrants be not such as may already be dispatcht by Warrant dormant lest by means of such Warrants the Accompts should be uncertain 4. His Majesty's pleasure is That on the * Provided that on Sundays they be present at Common-Prayer Sundays they intend the Publick Affairs of this Realm they dispatch Answers to Letters for the good order of the Realm and make full Dispatches of all Things concluded the Week before 5. That on the Sunday Night the Secretaries or one of them shall deliver to his Majesty a Memorial of such Things as are debated to be by his Privy-Council and then his Majesty to appoint certain of them to be debated on several days viz. Munday Afternoon Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Morning 6. That on Friday at Afternoon they shall make a Collection of such things as have been done the four days past how many of those Articles they have concluded how many they debated but not ended how many the time suffered not to peruse and also the principal Reasons that moved them to conclude on such Matters as seemeth doubtful 7. That on Saturday Morning they shall present this Collection to his Majesty and know his Pleasure upon such things as they have concluded and also upon all the private Suits 8. That on Sunday Night again his Majesty having received of the Secretaries such new Matters as hath arisen upon new occasion with such Matters as his Council have left some not determined and some not debated shall appoint what Matters and on which days shall be determined the next Week following 9. That none of them depart his Court for longer than two days without there be left here at the least eight of the Council and that not without giving notice thereof to the King's Majesty 10. That they shall make no manner of Assembly or Meeting in Council without there be to the number of four at the least 11. Furthermore if they be assembled to the number of four and under the number of six then they shall reason and debate things examine all Inconveniences and Dangers and also Commodities on each side make those things plain which seem diffuse at the first opening and if they agree amongst themselves then at the next full Assembly of six they shall make a perfect conclusion and end with them 12. Also if there rise such matter of weight as it shall please the King's Majesty himself to be at the debating of then warning shall be given whereby the more may be at the debating of it 13. If such Matter shall happen to rise as shall require long debating and reasoning or e're it come to a full conclusion or end then his Majesty's Council shall not intermeddle other Causes nor fall to other Matters for that day until they have brought it to some end 14. When Matters for lack of time be only debated and yet brought to no end then it shall be noted how far and to what point the Matter is brought and which have been the principal Reasons on each side to the intent when the Matter is treated or spoken of again it may the sooner and easilier come to
Soveraign Lord King Edward the 6th by the Grace of God King of England France and Ireland Defender of the Faith and in Earth of the Church of England and also of Ireland the Supream Head And have likewise for more ample testimony of this our Opinion of and upon the Premisses put and subscribed our Names to this present Duplicate of the same here asserted in this present Act of this 6th day of the month of March accordingly Number 6. The Duke of Somerset's Commission to be Protector Ex Libro Concilii Fol. 62. EDward the 6th by the Grace of God King of England France and Ireland Defender of the Faith and of the Church of England and also of Ireland in Earth the Supream Head Whereas our Council and divers of the Nobles and Prelats of this our Realm of England considering Our young and tender Age have thought meet and expedient as well for Our Education and bringing up in Knowledg Learning and Exercises of Good and Godly Manners Vertues and Qualities meet and necessary for a Prince of Our Estate and whereby We should and may at Our full Age be the more able to minister and execute the Charge of our Kingly Estate and Office committed unto Us by the Goodness of Almighty God and left and come unto Us by right Inheritance after and by the decease of Our late Soveraign Lord and Father of most famous Memory King Henry the 8th whose Soul God pardon As also to the intent that during the time of our Minority the great and weighty Causes of our Realms and Dominions may be set forth conducted passed applied and ordered in such sort as shall be most to the Glory of God our Surety and Honour and for the Weal Benefit and Commodity of Us Our said Realms and Dominions and of all Our loving Subjects of the same have advised Us to nominate appoint and authorize some one meet and trusty Personage above all others to take the special Care and Charge of the same for Us and in our Name and Behalf without the which the things before remembred could not nor can be done so well as appertaineth We therefore using their Advices and Counsels in this behalf did heretofore assign and appoint our dear and well-beloved Uncle Edward now Duke of Somerset Governour of our Person and Protector of Our said Realms and Dominions and of our Subjects and People of the same Which thing albeit We have already declared heretofore and our Pleasure therein published by Word of our Mouth in the presence of Our said Council Nobles and Prelats of Our said Realm of England and not by any Writing set forth under Our Seal for that only purpose Yet for a more perfect and manifest knowledg and further corroboration and understanding of Our determination in that behalf and considering that no manner of Person is so meet to have and occupy the said Charge and Administration and to do Us service in the same as is Our said Uncle Edward Duke of Somerset eldest Brother to our Natural most gracious late Mother Queen Jane as well for the proximity of Blood whereby he is the more stirred to have special eye and regard to our Surety and good Education in this Our said Minority as also for the long and great experience which Our said Uncle hath had in the Life-time of Our said dear Father in the Affairs of our said Realm and Dominions both in time of Peace and War whereby he is more able to Order and Rule Our said Realms Dominions and Subjects of the same and for the special confidence and trust that We have in Our said Uncle as well with the Advice and Consent of our Council and other our Nobles and Prelats as also of divers discreet and sage Men that served Our said late Father in his Council and weighty Affairs We therefore by these Presents do not only ratify approve confirm and allow all and every thing and things whatsoever devised or set forth committed or done by Our said Uncle as Governor of our Person and Protector of our said Realms and Dominions and of the Subjects of the same sith the time he was by Us named appointed and ordained by Word Governor of our Person and Protector of Our said Realms and Dominions and of the Subjects of the same as is aforesaid or otherwise any time before sithence the death of Our said late Father But also by these Presents We for a full and perfect Declaration of the Authority of Our said Uncle given and appointed as aforesaid do nominate appoint and ordain Our said Uncle Governor of Our said Person and Protector of Our said Realms and Dominions and of the Subjects of the same until such time as We shall have by the sufferance of God accomplished the Age of eighteen Years And We also do grant to Our said Uncle by these Presents full Power and Authority from time to time until such time as We shall have accomplished the said Age of eighteen Years to do procure and execute and cause to be done procured and executed all and every such Thing and Things Act and Acts which a Governor of the King's Person of this Realm during his Minority and a Protector of his Realms Dominions and Subjects ought to do procure and execute or cause to be done procured and executed and also all and every other thing and things which to the Office of a Governor of a King of the Realm during his Minority and of a Protector of his Realms Dominions and Subjects in any wise appertaineth or belongeth Willing Authorising and Commanding Our said Uncle by these Presents to take upon him the Name Title and Authority of Governor of our Person and Protector of our Realms Dominions and Subjects and to do procure and execute and cause to be done procured and executed from time to time until We shall have accomplished the said Age of eighteen Years all and every Thing and Things Act and Acts of what Nature Quality or Effect soever they be or shall be concerning our Affairs Doings and Proceedings both Private and Publick as well in Outward and Forreign Causes and Matters as also concerning our Affairs Doings and Proceedings within Our said Realms and Dominions or in any of them or concerning any Manner Causes or Matters of any of our Subjects of the same in such like manner and form as shall be thought by his Wisdom and Discretion to be for the Honour Surety Prosperity good Order Wealth or Commodity of Us or of any of Our said Realms and Dominions or of the Subjects of any of the same And to the intent Our said Uncle should be furnished with Men qualified in Wit Knowledg and Experience for his Aid and Assistance in the managing and accomplishment of Our said Affairs We have by the Advice and Consent of Our said Uncle and others the Nobles Prelats and wise Men of Our said Realm of England chosen taken and accepted and by these Presents do chuse take accept
never defame them so much to be seen to fear it And of what strength an Act of Parliament is the Realm was taught in the case of her that we called Queen Ann where all such as spake against her in the Parliament-House although they did it by special Commandment of the King and spake that was truth yet they were fain to have a Pardon because that speaking was against an Act of Parliament Did you never know or here tell of any Man that for doing that the King our late Soveraign Lord willed devised and required to be done He that took pains and was commanded to do it was fain to sue for his Pardon and such other also as were doers in it and I could tell who it were Sure there hath been such a Case and I have been present when it hath been reasoned That the doing against an Act of Parliament excuseth not a Man even from the Case of Treason although a Man did it by the King's Commandment You can tell this to your remembrance when you think further of it and when it cometh to your remembrance you will not be best content with your self I believe to have advised me to enter the breach of an Act of Parliament without surety of Pardon although the King command it and were such indeed as it were no matter to do it at all And thus I answer the Letters with worldly civil Reasons and take your Mind and Zeal towards me to be as tender as may be and yet you see that the following of your Advice might make me lose my Bishoprick by mine own Act which I am sure you would I should keep and so would I as might stand with my Truth and Honesty and none otherwise as knoweth God who send you heartily well to fare Number 14. The Conclusion of Gardiner's Letter to the Protector against the lawfulness of the Injunctions Cotton Libr. Vesp D. 18. VVHether the King may command against the Common Law or an Act of Parliament there is never a Judg or other Man in the Realm ought to know more by experience of that the Lawyers have said than I. First My Lord Cardinal had obtained his Legacy by our late Soveraign Lord's Request at Rome yet being it was against the Laws of the Realm the Judges censured the Offence of Premunire which Matter I bore away and take it for a Law of the Realm because the Lawyers said so but my Reason digested it not The Lawyers for the confirmation of their Doings brought in a Case of my Lord Typtest an Earl he was and learned in Civil Laws who being Chancellor because in execution of the King's Commission he offended the Laws of the Realm he suffered on Tower-Hill they brought in the Examples of many Judges that had Fines set on their Heads in like case for transgression of the Laws by the King's Commandment and this I learned in this Case Since that time being of the Council when many Proclamations were devised against the Carriers out of Corn when it came to punishing the Offenders the Judges would answer it might not be by the Laws because the Act of Parliament gave liberty Wheat being under a price Whereupon at the last followed the Act of Proclamations in the passing whereof were many large words When the Bishop of Exeter and his Chancellor were by one Body brought into a Premunire I reasoned with the Lord Audley then Chancellor so far as he bad me hold my peace for fear of entring a Premunire my self But I concluded that although I must take it as of their Authority that it is Common Law yet I could not see how a Man authorised by the King as since the King's Majesty hath taken upon him the Supremacy every Bishop is that Man could fall in a Premunire I reasoned once in the Parliament House where was free Speech without danger and there the Lord Audley Chancellor then to satisfie me because I was in some secret estimation as he knew Thou art a good Fellow Bishop quoth he look the Act of the Supremacy and there the King's doings be restrained to Spiritual Jurisdiction And in an other Act No Spiritual Law shall have place contrary to a Common Law or an Act of Parliament And if this were not quoth he the Bishops would enter in with the King and by means of his Supremacy order the Law as you listed but we will provide quoth he that the Premunire shall never go off your Heads This I bare away there and held my peace Since that time in a Case of Jewels I was fain with the Emperor's Ambassador Chapinius when he was here and in the Emperor's Court also to defend and maintain by Commandment that the King's Majesty was not above his Laws and therefore the Jeweller although he had the King's Bill signed yet it would not serve because it was not obtained after the Order of the Law in which Matter I was very much troubled Even this time twelve-month when I was in Commission with my Lord great Master and the Earl of Southampton for the altering of the Court of Augmentations there was my Lord Montague and other of the King 's Learned Council of whom I learned what the King might do against an Act of Parliament and what danger it was to them that medled It is fresh in my Memory and they can tell whether I say true or no and therefore being learned in so notable Causes I wrote in your absence therein as I had learned by hearing the Common Lawyers speak whose Judgments rule these Matters howsoever my reason can digest them When I wrote thereof the Matter was so reasonable as I have been learned by the Lawyers of the Realm that I trusted my Lords would have staied till your Graces return Number 15. A Letter from the Duke of Somerset to the Lady Mary in the beginning of King Edward's Reign Madam my humble Commendations to your Grace premised THese may be to signify unto the same Cotton Libr. Faustin C. 2. that I have received your Letters of the second of this present by Jane your Servant reknowledging my self thereby much bound unto your Grace nevertheless I am very sorry to perceive that your Grace should have or conceive any sinister or wrong Opinion in me and others which were by the King your late Father and our most gracious Master put in trust as Executors of his Will albeit the truth of our doings being known to your Grace as it seemeth by your said Letter not to be I trust there shall be no such fault found in us as in the same your Grace hath alleadged and for my part I know none of us that will willingly neglect the full execution of every Jot of his said Will as far as shall and may stand with the King our Master's Honour and Surety that now is otherwise I am sure that your Grace nor none other his Faithful Subjects would have it take place not doubting but our Doings and
Proceedings therein and in all things committed to our Charge shall be such as shall be able to answer the whole World both in honour and discharge of our Consciences And where your Grace writeth that the most part of the Realm through a naughty Liberty and Presumption are now brought into such a Division as if we Executors go not about to bring them to that stay that our late Master left them they will forsake all Obedience unless they have their own Will and Phantasies and then it must follow that the King shall not be well served and that all other Realms shall have us in an Obloquy and Derision and not without just cause Madam as these words written or spoken by you soundeth not well so can I not perswade my self that they have proceeded from the sincere mind of so vertuous and so wise a Lady but rather by the setting on and procurement of some uncharitable and malicious Persons of which sort there are too many in these days the more pity but yet we must not be so simple so to weigh and regard the Sayings of ill-disposed People and the Doings of other Realms and Countries as for that Report we should neglect our Duty to God and to our Soveraign Lord and Native Country for then we might be justly called evil Servants and Masters and thanks be given unto the Lord such hath been the King's Majesty's Proceedings our young Noble Master that now is that all his faithful Subjects have more cause to render their hearty thanks for the manifold Benefits shewed unto his Grace and to his People and Realm sithence the first day of his Reign until this hour than to be offended with it and thereby rather to judg and think that God who knoweth the Hearts of all Men is contented and pleased with his Ministers who seek nothing but the true Glory of God and the Surety of the King's Person with the Quietness and Wealth of his Subjects And where your Grace writeth also That there was a Godly Order and Quietness left by the King our late Master your Graces Father in this Realm at the time of his Death and that the Spiritualty and Temporalty of the whole Realm did not only without compulsion fully assent to his Doings and Proceedings specially in Matters of Religion but also in all kind of Talk whereof as your Grace wrote ye can partly be witness your self at which your Graces Sayings I do something marvel For if it may please you to call to your remembrance what great Labours Travels and Pains his Grace had before he could reform some of those stiff-necked Romanists or Papists yea and did not they cause his Subjects Rise and Rebel against him and constrained him to take the Sword in his hand not without danger to his Person and Realm Alas why should your Grace so shortly forget that great Outrage done by those Generations of Vipers unto his Noble Person only for God's Cause Did not some of the same ill kind also I mean that Romanist Sect as well with his own Realm as without conspire oftentimes his Death which was manifestly and oftentimes proved to the confusion of some of their privy Assisters Then was it not that all the Spiritualty nor yet the Temporalty did so fully assent to his Godly Orders as your Grace writeth of Did not his Grace also depart from this Life before he had fully finished such Orders as he minded to have established to all his People if death had not prevented him Is it not most true that no kind of Religion was perfected at his Death but left all uncertain most like to have brought us in Parties and Divisions if God had not only helpt us And doth your Grace think it convenient it should so remain God forbid What regret and sorrow our late Master had the time he saw he must depart for that he knew the Religion was not established as he purposed to have done I and others can be witness and testify and what he would have done further in it if he had lived a great many know and also I can testifie And doth your Grace who is learned and should know God's Word esteem true Religion and the knowledg of the Scriptures to be new-fangledness and fantasie For the Lord's sake turn the Leaf and look the other while upon the other side I mean with another Judgment which must pass by an humble Spirit through the Peace of the Living God who of his infinite Goodness and Mercy grant unto your Grace plenty thereof to the satisfying of your Soveraign and your most noble Hearts continual desire Number 16. Certain Petitions and Requests made by the Clergie of the Lower House of the Convocation to the most Reverend Father in God the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his Grace and the residue of the Prelats of the Higher House for the furtherance of certain Articles following FIrst Ex M. S. Dr. Stillingfleet That Ecclesiastical Laws may be made and established in this Realm by thirty two Persons or so many as shall please the King's Majesty to name and appoint according to the effect of a late Statute made in 35th Year of the most noble King and of most famous Memory King Henry the 8th So that all Judges Ecclesiastical proceeding after those Laws may be without danger and peril Also that according to the Ancient Custom of this Realm and the Tenour of the King 's Writ for the summoning of the Parliament which be now and ever have been directed to the Bishops of every Diocess the Clergy of the Lower House of the Convocation may be adjoined and associate with the Lower House of the Parliament or else That all such Statutes and Ordinances as shall be made concerning all Matters of Religion and Causes Ecclesiastical may not pass without the sight and assent of the said Clergy Also that whereas by the Commandment of King Henry the 8th certain Prelats and learned Men were appointed to alter the Service in the Church and to devise other convenient and uniform Order therein Who according to the same Appointment did make certain Books as they be informed Their Request is That the said Books may be seen and perused by them for a better expedition of Divine Service to be set forth accordingly Also that Men being called to Spiritual Promotions or Benefices may have some Allowance for their necessary Living and other Charges to be sustained and born concerning the same Benefices in the first Year wherein they pay the first Fruits Whether the Clergy of the Convocation may liberally speak their Minds without danger of Statute or Law Number 17. A second Petition to the same purpose Ex M. S. Dr. Stillingfleet WHere the Clergy in this present Convocation assembled have made humble suit unto the most Reverend Father in God my Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and all the other Bishops That it may please them to be a Mean to the King's Majesty and Lord Protector 's Grace
receive their worthy Reward the which is the thing we most desire to spare as much as may be the effusion of Blood and that namely of our own Nation In York-shire a Commotion was attempted the Week last past but the Gentlemen were so soon upon them and so forwardly that it was streight suppressed and with weeping Eyes the rest upon their Knees they wholly together desired the Gentlemen to obtain their Pardons the which the King's Majesty hath so granted unto them as may stand with his Highness Honour So that for the Inner Parts thanks be to the Almighty God the Case standeth in good Points The Causes and Pretences of these Uproars and Risings are divers and uncertain and so full of variety almost in every Camp as they call them that it is hard to write what it is as ye know is like to be of People without Head and Rule and that would have that they wot not what Some crieth pluck down Inclosures and Parks some for their Commons others pretend the Religion a number would Rule another while and direct things as Gentlemen have done and indeed all have conceived a wonderful hate against Gentlemen and taketh them all as their Enemies The Ruffians among them and the Souldiers which be the chief Doers look for spoil So that it seemeth no other thing but a Plague and a Fury amongst the vilest and worst sort of Men for except only Devonshire and Cornwall and they not past two or three in all other Places not one Gentleman or Man of Reputation was ever amongst them but against their Wills and as Prisoners In Norfolk Gentlemen and all Servingmen for their sakes are as ill handled as may be but this Broil is well asswaged and in a manner at a point shortly to be fully ended with the Grace of God On the other part of the Seas we have not so good News for the French King taking now his time and occasions of this Rebellion within the Realm is come unto Bullingnois with a great number of Horse-men and Foot-men himself in Person And as we are advertised of the Letters of the 24th of this present from Ambletue or Newhaven the Almain Camp or Almain Hill a piece appertaining to the said Ambletue was that day delivered to the French by traiterous consent of the Camp their variance falling out or feigned between the Captain and the Souldiers so that they are now besieged very near and in a manner round Howbeit they write that they trust the piece it self of Newhaven will be well enough defended God assisting them who be in as good and stout a courage as any Men may be and as desirous to win Honour and give a good account of their Charge Thus we bid you heartily farewel August 24. 1549. Number 37. A Letter of Bonner 's after he was deprived An Original The first part of this Letter is the recommending the Bearer that they might find a good Marriage for him The Pears were so well accepted in every place where I had so many Thanks for my Distribution that I intend by God's Grace to send down to you your Frail again to have an eching either of more Pears or else of Puddings c. ye do know what c. doth mean by that Italian Proverb Dio me guarda da furia di villani da Conscientia di preti da chi odi due messe nel giorno da quasibuglie di medici da c. di notarii da chi jura per la Conscientia mia I do not write to Sir John Burne nor to my Lady for any thing their Conscience is not over-large and the like is in Mr. Hornvale and also my old Acquaintance John Badger But if amongst you I have no Puddings then must I say as Messer our Priest of the Hospital said to his mad Horse in our last journey to Hostia Al diavolo al diavolo aitutti diavolli Our Lord preserve you and all yours with desire to be recommended to all Festo omnium Sanctorum in the Marshalsea To my dear beloved Friend the Worshipful Richard Lechmore Your loving and assured old Acquaintance Edmond Bonner Number 38. Letters and Instructions touching Proceedings with the Emperor to Sir William Paget Knight of the Order sent to the Emperor 1549. FIrst He shall communicate his Instructions Cotton Libr. Galba B. 12. and the cause of his coming with Sir Philip Hobbey Ambassador Resident with the Emperor and accompanied with him at his access to the said Emperor shall deliver his Letters of Credit and for his Credit shall utter his Charge as followeth First He shall declare what good Will we have to the continuance of the Amity and the encrease of the same by such means as may be devised on either Party and how the Reciproque hath been promised on their behalf Item To the intent they may as well perceive our forwardness therein as also the World see the same take effect indeed he is sent to shew what We have thought upon for this purpose and also if they be of a like forwardness to hear again what they think meet in that behalf and upon this Conference either to conclude upon both Our Devices or such one of them as shall be thought best for both Parties Item We think good that the Treaty already made between the Emperor and the King's Majesty of famous memory deceased be made perpetual that is to say confirmed by the Prince and the Countries on both sides whose Commodity depend upon the same Treaty Item Before the Confirmation the Treaty to be revised by him and the Ambassador and certain other to be appointed by the Emperor to the intent it may appear whether we have both one understanding of the words of the Treatise Item Where the debating to and from of the Amity with his Ambassador here occasion hath risen to talk of Marriage between the Infant of Portugal and the Lady Mary to which thing we perceive the Emperor hath sithence been made privy and that in case the Emperor mind to treat further of that Matter he shall say he hath commission to hear and conclude thereof Item To declare the State of our Affairs in Scotland at this time and forasmuch as the Scots have been very much aided with Victuals Ammunitions and other Necessaries from his Dominions by reason whereof they are more stiff and unwilling to come to Reason the said Comptroller declaring this Consideration shall do wh●t he may to ●●ocure that not only all safe Conducts granted by the Emperor or the Regent may be cassed but also his consent that if any his Subjects traffique into Scotland being common Enemies if they be taken beyond Barwick thitherward it may be lawful for our Men to take their Goods as forfeit Item To declare our proceedings with France at this time and of our sending Commissioners upon the French Motion who shall not conclude any thing prejudicial to the Amity or Treaties already passed or now to be passed
it What say you quoth I how do you understand this Article It should seem yes quoth d' Arras but we will speak with the Emperor in it and bring you an answer The words be plain quoth I and cannot be avoided Then in the seventh Article where it is said That the Prince requiring for his Aid Mony instead of Men must if the Invasion made by the Enemy cease restore the Mony again which remaineth And afterwards says That though the Invasion cease yet if he will follow the Enemy he may use the Aid for the time appointed in the Treaty saying in generality eo casu subsidiis auxiliaribus c. I asked Whether in those general words they mean not the Mony as well as the Men Wherupon they seemed to doubt and took a Note thereof to know the Emperor's Pleasure in the same In the ninth Article where it is treated for redress of Injuries done by one Subject to the other there we fell into a brawl of half an hour upon a Question that I moved viz. When they took Justice to be denied And their Answer was That we used none at all And here at length I fell into their manner of Arresting of one whole Nation upon a Knave Mariner's Complaint And he What Thieves our Nation was upon the Sea and Lawless People and that they never proceed to such Extremities but when their Subjects had been in England and Justice was denied That hath never been seen quoth I but if any of your Subjects think himself grieved streight he runneth to Monsieur le Protecteur and he by and by setting all the King's Affairs apart must attend to the Affairs of Monsieur le Mariniure or else home runneth he with open cry That he cannot have Justice in England and you streight believe and thereupon cometh these often Blusters And do you think it reason that Monsieur G. or you should attend to every private Man's Complaint you should then have a goodly Office No you send them to the ordinary Justices and so let that take place and way as it will but you will never impeach your self more with the Matter And reason quoth he but the Cause is not alike with you in England for there quoth he all things come to the Lord Protector 's Hand there is none other Judg or Justice used or cared for in the Realm no and his Letters sometimes not esteemed and that our Subjects fear full often and therefore of force they must resort to Monsieur Protecteur And this is not true quoth I and that Monsieur Hobbey knoweth my Lord Protector nor none of the Privy-Council meddle with no private Matters whosoever it be but only meddle with Matters of State leaving all other things to the ordinary course of Justice except only many times to gratify your Ambassador and to shew himself glad to nourish the Amity he troubleth himself with the Complaints of your Subjects which by St. Mary by my advice he shall do no more seeing it is so little considered but shall refer them to the common Justice Whither is that quoth he To the Admiralty quoth I. Marry a goodly Justice quoth he for so shall the poor Man's Cause be tried before his Adversary And why not tried in our Admiralty quoth I as well as in yours Nay quoth he both be naught indeed they were very ordinary Courts at the beginning of the redress of Matters upon the Sea but now they feel the sweet of the Gain such as they care little for Justice And here as well for relief of poor Men spoiled and robbed upon the Seas as to avoid Arrests and such other troublesome Proceedings on either side we fell to devising and came to this Point If the Princes for their parts upon their advertisement to the Emperor and we to your Grace shall like it that Commission sufficient be given by the Emperor to two of his Privy-Council to hear and determine by their discretion summary de pleno all Complaints by the King's Subjects here for criminal Causes upon the Sea and the King's Majesty to do the like to two of his Privy-Council for the Complaints in like case of the Emperor's Subjects And this was all was passed in open Conference saying That in the Discourse for the Confirmation in the Treaty by the Prince and their Countries as they seemed to shew the Emperor's readiness but yet not so resolved that the Prince should confirm the Treaty and that further any other thing should be done that he might reasonably do to declare his good Will to the entertainment and augmentation of his Amity and Affection to the King's Majesty So he alleaged divers Reasons why the Emperor should not seek to his Subjects to confirm his Treaties with Forreign Princes We alleaged the Example of the King and the French King in times past and what was said in that Case at C. _____ in the presence of himself de C. _____ and Chap. _____ Whereunto he answered That the State of France was more restrained than the Emperor's and that the French King could give no piece of his Patrimony nor bind his Country without the consent of his Parliament at Paris and the three Estates but he thought the King of England to have a greater Prerogative and the Emperor he was sure had a greater Prerogative and so had all his Ancestors and therefore would be loath now to put himself so far in their danger They were he said fifteen or sixteen Parliaments and if a thing should be proposed unto them whereof they had never heard the like before they would not only muse much at the Matter but they would have also the scanning of it and what would come of it the Emperor could not tell peradventure dash the Matter and so prejudice his Prerogative with them Yet now where he and his Ancestors do and have always passed Treaties with other Princes and bind their Subjects thereby without making them privy thereto it would by this means come to pass that from henceforth their Subjects would look to be privy to every Treaty which were not convenient marry for the Prince which shall succeed to confirm the Treaty he thought the Emperor could not take it but reasonable and doubted not to bring a good Answer in the same So as we see for this Point it will come to the confirmation of the King and the Prince and upon any condition or interpretation of the Treaty to them also wherein we intend to go forwards for so our Instruction beareth us unless that before the conclusion and shutting up of the Matter we hear from your Grace to the contrary The things being thus far passed and our open Talk at a Point and they ready to depart Monsieur d' Arras taking occasion as it seemed to stay because of the Rain took me aside and asked me if I would command him any other Service I answered No Service but Friendship and the continuance of his good Will to the King's
the poor Man and his Heirs put from their Right which his Majesty wisheth to be considered And albeit he thinketh that the King your Master being under Age cannot himself by the order of the Law conclude upon any thing now in his Minority that shall be of due force and strength able to bind him and his Country when he shall come to his perfect Age. Yet taking that his Tutors being authorised thereto by the common Assent of your Parliament may go through and conclude upon these or like things in his Name his Majesty thinketh it will do well when his Subjects shall be recompenced of the Wrongs they have hitherto sustained that some order be devised for the administration of Justice hereafter in like Cases As touching the Confirmation of the Treaty considering that the same was first made between the Emperor and King Henry the Eighth and not ratified by the King your Master since his Father's Death his Majesty thinketh that he hath most cause to require the same Wherefore because as I told you even now he thinketh that these things the King himself should conclude upon during his Minority cannot be of sufficient force if his Tutors shall be by the Authority of your Parliament enabled thereto his Majesty is content the Treaty be confirmed by them in the King's Name and by the Prince of Spain in such form as shall be thought best for both Parties As to the comprehension of Bulloign ye must know that we have a Treaty with France as well as with you which the Emperor cannot without some touch of his Honour break without just Grounds And albeit his Majesty would be loath to see the King his good Brother forgoe either that Peece or any other Jot of his Right yet can he not enter this Defence unless he would break with France out of hand which in respect of his other Affairs he cannot yet do howbeit he will gladly assist his good Brother in any other thing the best he may and will not fail to shew him all the Pleasure he can with regard to his Honour but with Bulloign he cannot meddle at this time And here he staying Is this the Emperor's resolute and full Answer Monsieur d' Arras quoth I. Yea quoth he wherewith he prayeth the King his good Brother to rest satisfied and take it in good part Albeit quoth I I have no Commission to make any Reply thereto because it was not known to your Grace what the Emperor's Resolution should be yet in the way of talk I will be bold to say my mind herein We have Monsieur d' Arras quoth I always esteemed the Emperor's Friendship and desired the observation of the Treaties and the entertainment of the Amity as a thing necessary and common to both the Parties for the better establishment whereof and that now and in this time some good Fruit to the benefit of both might appear to the World to follow of the same I was sent hither which was the chiefest cause of my coming And because that the Amity between both Princes might be the firmer and that all Doubts being taken away no cause of Quarrel shall be left we thought best to put you in mind of the Confirmation and Revisitation of the Treaty to the intent that by the one the World might see an establishment of our Friendship by our deed and that by the other one of us might understand another and consider whether any thing were to be added for the Commodity of both Parties which I suppose standeth you as much upon to desire as it doth us And whereas ye say that the King's Majesty because he is under Age cannot conclude or go through with any thing that shall be of sufficient force I must needs tell you plainly That ye touch his Majesty's Honour over-near herein for we think that the Majesty of a King is of such efficacy that he hath even the same Authority and full Power at the first hour of his Birth that he hath thirty Years after And what your Laws are I know not but sure I am that by our Laws whatsoever is done by the King in his Minority or by his Ministers in his Name is of no less force and strength than if it had been done in time of his full Age and Years if once the Great Seal of his Realm have passed there is no Remedy but needs must he stand thereto Marry let the Ministers take heed what they do and look that they may be able to discharge themselves towards him of their Doings if he shall require account of them when he cometh to Age for it is they must answer him but he must needs stand to whatsoever they have counselled him to agree unto during his Minority And to prove that our Laws giveth him the same Authority now that he shall have when he cometh to his perfect Age if any Man either for instruction of Learning or any other Cause should presume to lay hands on or touch his Majesty in way of correction he should by Law be taken for a Traitor And if the Matter were as ye take it we should then be in a strange and evil case for neither might we conclude Peace League or Treaty nor make Laws or Statutes during the King's Minority that should be of sufficient force to bind him and his to the observation of the same But ye mistake the Matter much and therefore if the Emperor mind to proceed to this Confirmation he may or otherwise do as it shall please him And as touching my Case quoth I ye must understand I did not move it without some just ground for remembring that all your Commissioners and all ours being together at Vtrecht for the Esclarcisement of the Treaty although the words of the Treaty were plain enough and could receive none other interpretation than was there plainly written yet would ye needs understand the Article for common Enmity in case of Invasion after your own minds And whereas by the words of the Treaty no mention is made of any number and therefore with howsoever few in number the Invasion be made ought the Invaders to be taken for common Enemies Your Commissioners did nevertheless interpret the Matter at their pleasure and would needs prescribe a number of 8000 Men under which number of Invasion were made the Treaties in this case should not stand to any force And like-as ye put a doubt here where none was to be found so thought I ye might do in other things were they never so plain and that moved me to put this case to see whether ye understood this Point as ye ought to do after the literal sense and partly to know your minds therein because perhaps the Matter hath been already in ure This I say was the occasion why I put further this Question and not for any mistrust of the Emperor's Friendship whom I must confess we have always found our Well-willer and so we doubt not he will continue and
Duke refuse to agree hereunto we must think him to remain in his naughty and detestable determination The Protectorship and Governance of your most Royal Person was not granted him by your Father's Will but only by agreement first amongst us the Executors and after of others Those Titles and special Trust was committed to him during Your Majesty's Pleasure and upon condition he should do all things by advice of Your Council Which condition because he hath so many times broken and notwithstanding the often speaking to without all hope of amendment we think him most unworthy those Honours or Trust Other particular things too many and too long to be written to Your Majesty at this time may at our next access to Your Royal Presence be more particularly opened consulted upon and moderated for the conservation of Your Majesty's Honour Surety and good Quiet of Your Realms and Dominions as may be thought most expedient Number 44. Letters from the Lords at London to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and Sir William Paget c. MY Lords after our most hearty Commendations Ex Libro Concilii we have received your Letters by Mr. Hobbey and heard such Credence as he declared on the King's Majesty's and your behalfs unto us The Answers whereunto because they may at more length appear to you both by our Letters to the King's Majesty and by report also of the said Mr. Hobbey we forbear to repeat here again most heartily praying and requiring your Lordships and every of you and nevertheless charging and commanding you in the King's Majesty's Name to have a continual earnest watch respect and care to the surety of the King's Majesty our natural and most gracious Soveraign Lord's Person and that he be not removed from his Majesty's Castle of Windsor as you tender your Duties to Almighty God and his Majesty and as you will answer for the contrary at your uttermost perils We are moved to call earnestly upon you herein not without great cause and amongst many others we cannot but remember unto you That it appeareth very strange unto us and a great wonder unto all true Subjects that you will either assist or suffer his Majesty's most Royal Person to remain in the Guard of the Duke of Somerset's Men sequestred from his own old sworn Servants It seemeth strange that in his Majesty's own House Strangers should be armed with his Majesty's own Armour and be nearest about his Highness Person and those to whom the ordinary Charge is committed sequestred away so as they may not attend according to their sworn Duties If any ill come hereof you can consider to whom it must be imputed once the Example is very strange and perilous And now my Lords if you tender the preservation of his Majesty and the State join with us to that end we have written to the King's Majesty by which way things may soon be quietly and moderately compounded In the doing whereof we mind to do none otherwise than we would be done to and that with as much moderation and favour as honourably we may We trust none of you have just cause to note any one of us and much less all of such cruelty as you so many times make mention of One thing in your Letters we marvel much at which is that you write that you know more than we know If the Matters come to your knowledg and hidden from us be of such weight as you seem to pretend or if they touch or may touch his Majesty or the State we think you do not as you ought in that you have not disclosed the same unto us being the whole State of the Council And thus praying God to send you the Grace to do that may tend to the surety of the King's Majesty's Person and tranquility of the Realm we bid you heartily farewel c. Number 45. An Answer to the former Letter An Original Ex Libro Concilii IT may like your good Lordships with our most hearty Commendations to understand That this morning Sir Philip Hobbey hath according to the Charge given him by your Lordships presented your Letters to the King's Majesty in the presence of us and all the rest of his Majesty's good Servants here which was there read openly and also the others to them of the Chamber and of the Houshold much to their Comforts and ours also and according to the Tenours of the same we will not fail to endeavour our selves accordingly Now touching the marvel of your Lordships both of that we would suffer the Duke of Somerset's Men to guard the King's Majesty's Person and also of our often repeating this word Cruelty although we doubt not but that your Lordships have been throughly informed of our Estates here and upon what occasion the one hath been suffered and the other proceeded yet at our convening together which may be when and where pleaseth you we will and are able to make your Lordships such an account as wherewith we doubt not you will be satisfied if you think good to require it of us And for because this Bearer Master Hobbey can particularly inform your Lordships of the whole discourse of all things here we remit the report of all other things to him saving that we desire to be advertised with as much speed as you shall think good whether the King's Majesty shall come forthwith thither or remain still here and that some of your Lordships would take pains to come hither forthwith For the which purpose I the Comptroller will cause three of the best Chambers in the great Court to be hanged and made ready Thus thanking God that all things be so well acquieted we commit your Lordships to his tuition From Windsor the 10th of Octob. 1549. Your Lordships assured loving Friends T. Cant. William Paget T. Smith Number 46. Articles objected to the Duke of Somerset 1. THat he took upon him the Office of Protector upon express condition That he should do nothing in the King's Affairs but by assent of the late King's Executors or the greatest part of them 2. That contrary to this condition he did hinder Justice and subvert Laws of his own Authority as well by Letters as by other Command 3. That he caused divers Persons Arrested and Imprisoned for Treason Murder Man-slaughter and Felony to be discharged against the Laws and Statutes of the Realm 4. That he appointed Lieutenants for Armies and other Officers for the weighty Affairs of the King under his own Writing and Seal 5. That he communed with Ambassadors of other Realms alone of the weighty Matters of the Realm 6. That he would taunt and reprove divers of the King 's most honourable Councellors for declaring their Advice in the King 's weighty Affairs against his Opinion sometimes telling them that they were not worthy to sit in Council and sometimes that he ●eed not to open weighty Matters to them and that if they were not agreeable to his Opinion he would discharge them 7.
That against Law he held a Court of Request in his House and did enforce divers to answer there for their Freehold and Goods and did determine of the same 8. That being no Officer without the advice of the Council or most part of them he did dispose Offices of the King's Gift for Mony grant Leases and Wards and Presentations of Benefices pertaining to the King gave Bishopricks and made sales of the King's Lands 9. That he commanded Alchimie and Multiplication to be practised thereby to abase the King's Coin 10. That divers times he openly said That the Nobility and Gentry were the only cause of Dearth whereupon the People rose to reform Matters of themselves 11. That against the mind of the whole Council he caused Proclamation to be made concernig Inclosures whereupon the People made divers Insurrections and destroyed many of the King's Subjects 12. That he sent forth a Commission with Articles annexed concerning Inclosures Commons High-ways Cottages and such-like Matters giving the Commissioners authority to hear and determine those causes whereby the Laws and Statutes of the Realm were subverted and much Rebellion raised 13. That he suffered Rebels to assemble and lie armed in Camp against the Nobility and Gentry of the Realm without speedy repressing of them 14. That he did comfort and encourage divers Rebels by giving them Mony and by promising them Fees Rewards and Services 15. That he caused a Proclamation to be made against Law and in favour of the Rebels that none of them should be vexed or sued by any for their Offences in their Rebellion 16. That in time of Rebellion he said That he liked well the Actions of the Rebels and that the Avarice of Gentlemen gave occasion for the People to rise and that it was better for them to die than to perish for want 17. That he said The Lords of the Parliament were loath to reform Inclosures and other things therefore the People had a good cause to reform them themselves 18. That after declaration of the Defaults of Bulloign and the Pieces there by such as did survey them he would never amend the same 19. That he would not suffer the King's Pieces of Newhaven and Blackness to be furnished with Men and Provision albeit he was advertised of the Defaults and advised thereto by the King's Council whereby the French King was emboldned to attempt upon them 20. That he would neither give Authority nor suffer Noblemen and Gentlemen to suppress Rebels in time convenient but wrote to them to speak the Rebels fair and use them gently 21. That upon the 5th of October the present Year at Hampton-Court for defence of his own private Causes he procured seditious Bills to be written in counterfeit Hands and secretly to be dispersed into divers parts of the Realm beginning thus Good People intending thereby to raise the King's Subjects to Rebellion and open War 22. That the King's Privy-Council did consult at London to come to him and move him to reform his Government but he hearing of their Assembly declared by his Letters in divers places that they were high Traitors to the King 23. That he declared untruly as well to the King as to other young Lords attending his Person That the Lords at London intended to destroy the King and desired the King never to forget but to revenge it and desired the young Lords to put the King in remembrance thereof with intent to make Sedition and Discord between the King and his Nobles 24. That at divers times and places he said The Lords of the Council at London intended to kill me but if I die the King shall die and if they famish me they shall famish him 25. That of his own head he removed the King so suddenly from Hampton-Court to Windsor without any provision there made that he was thereby not only in great fear but cast thereby into a dangerous Disease 26. That by his Letters he caused the King's People to assemble in great numbers in Armour after the manner of War to his Aid and Defence 27. That he caused his Servants and Friends at Hampton-Court and Windsor to be apparelled in the King's Armour when the King's Servants and Guards went unarmed 28. That he intended to fly to Gernsey or Wales and laid Post-horses and Men and a Boat to that purpose Number 47. A Letter written by the Council to the Bishops to assure them That the King intended to go forward in the Reformation By the KING RIght Reverend Father in God Right trusty and well-beloved Regist Cran. Fol. 56. we greet you well Whereas the Book entituled the Book of Common Prayers and Administration of the Sacraments and other Rites and Ceremonies of the Church after the use of the Church of England was agreed upon and set forth by Act of Parliament and by the same Act commanded to be used of all Persons within this our Realm Yet nevertheless we are informed that divers unquiet and evil-disposed Persons sithence the apprehension of the Duke of Somerset have noised and bruited abroad That they should have again their old Latin Service their Conjured Bread and Water with such-like vain and superfluous Ceremonies as though the setting forth of the said Book had been the only Act of the said Duke We therefore by the advice of the Body and State of our Privy-Council not only considering the said Book to be our Act and the Act of the whole State of our Realm assembled together in Parliament but also the same to be grounded upon the Holy Scripture agreeable to the Order of the Primitive Church and much to the re-edifying of our Subjects to put away all such vain expectation of having the Publick Service the Administration of the Sacraments and other Rites and Ceremonies again in the Latin Tongue which were but a preferment of Ignorance to Knowledg and Darkness to Light and a preparation to bring in Papistry and Superstition again have thought good by the advice aforesaid to require and nevertheless straitly do command and charge you That immediately upon the receipt hereof you do command the Dean and Prebendaries of your Cathedral Church the Parsons Vicar or Curat and Church-wardens of every Parish within your Diocess to bring and deliver unto you or your Deputy any of them for their Church or Parish at such convenient place as you shall appoint all Antiphonals Missals Graylles Processionals Manuels Legends Pies Portasies Journals and Ordinals after the use of Sarum Lincoln York or any other private use And all other Books of Service the keeping whereof should be a lett to the using of the said Book of Common Prayers and that you take the same Books into your hands or into the hands of your Deputy and them so to deface and abolish that they never after may serve either to any such use as they were provided for or be at any time a lett to that godly and uniform Order which by a common Consent is now set forth And if
you shall find any Person stubborn or disobedient in not bringing in the said Books according to the tenour of these our Letters that then ye commit the said Person to Ward unto such time as you have certified us of his misbehaviour And we will and command you that you also search or cause search to be made from time to time whether any Book be withdrawn or hid contrary to the tenour of these our Letters and the same Book to receive into your Hands and to use all in these our Letters we have appointed And further whereas it is come unto our knowledg that divers froward and obstinate Persons do refuse to pay towards the finding of Bread and Wine for the Holy Communion according to the Order prescribed in the said Book by reason whereof the Holy Communion is many times omitted upon the Sunday These are to will and command you to convent such obstinate Persons before you and then to admonish and command to keep the Order prescribed in the said Book and if any shall refuse so to do to punish them by Suspension Excommunication or other Censures of the Church Fail you not thus to do as you will avoid our Displeasure Westminst Decemb. 25. Regni tertio Thom. Cantuarien Rich. Chanc. Will. St. John J. Russel H. Dorset W. Northampton Number 48. Cardinal Woolsey's Letters to Rome for procuring the Popedom to himself upon Pope Adrian's death Ex MS. Col. Cor. C. Cant. MY Lord of Bath Mr. Secretary and Mr. Hannibal I commend me unto you in my right hearty manner letting you wit That by Letters lately sent unto me from you my Lord of Bath and Mr. Hannibal dated at Rome the 14th day of September Which Letters I incontinently shewed unto the King's Grace his Highness And I have been advertised to our great discomfort That the said 14th day it pleased Almighty God to call the Pope's Holiness unto his Infinite Mercy whose Soul Jesu pardon News certainly unto the King's Grace and to me right heavy and for the universal weal or quiet of Christendom whereunto his Holiness like a devout and virtuous Father of Holy Church was very studious much displeasant and contrarious Nevertheless conforming our selves to the Pleasure of Almighty God to whose Calling we all must be obedient the Mind and Intention of the King's Highness and of me both is to put some helps and furtherances as much as conveniently may be that such a Successor unto him may now by the Holy College of Cardinals be named and elected as may with God's Grace perform atchieve and fulfil the good and vertuous Purposes and Intents concerning the Pacification of Christendom whereunto our said late Holy Father as much as the brevity of the time did suffer was as it should seem minded and inclined which thing how necessary it is to the state of Christs Religion now daily more and more declining it is facil and easie to be consider'd and surely amongst other Christian Princes there is none which as ye heretofore have perfectly understood that to this purpose more dedicated themselves to give Furtherance Advice and Counsel than the Emperor and the King's Grace who as well before the time of the last Vacation as sithence by Mouth and by Letters with Report of Ambassadors and otherwise had many sundry Conferences Communications and Devices in that behalf In which it hath pleased them far above my merits or deserts of their goodness to think judg and esteem me to be meet and able for to aspire unto that Dignity persuading exhorting and desiring me that whensoever opportunity should be given I should hearken to their Advice Counsel and Opinion in that behalf and offering unto me to interpone their Authorities Helps and Furtherances therein to the uttermost In comprobation whereof albeit the Emperor now being far distant from these Parts could not nor might in so brief time give unto the King's Grace new or fresh confirmation of his Purpose Desire and Intent herein Yet nevertheless my Lady Margaret knowing the inclination of his mind in this same hath by a long discourse made unto me semblable Exhortation offering as well on the Emperor's behalf as on her own that as much shall by them be done to the furtherance thereof as may be possible Besides this both by your Letters and also by particular most loving Letters of the Cardinal 's de Medicis Sanctorum Quatuor Campegius with credence show'd unto me on their behalf by their Folks here resident I perceive their good and fast minds which they and divers other their Friends owe unto me in that matter And finally the King's Highness doth not cease by all the gracious and comfortable means possible to insist that I for manifold notable urgent and great respects in any wise shall consent that his Grace and the Emperor do set forth the thing with their best manner The Circumstances of whose most entire and most firm mind thereunto with their bounteous godly and beneficial Offers for the Weal of Christendom which his Grace maketh to me herein is too long to rehearse For which Causes albeit I know my self far unmeet and unable to so high a Dignity minding rather to live and die with his Grace in this his Realm doing Honour Service Good or Pleasure to the same than now mine old days approaching to enter into new things yet nevertheless for the great zeal and perfect mind which I have to the exaltation of the Christian Faith the honour weal and surety of the King's Grace and the Emperor and to do my Duty both to Almighty God and to the World I referring every thing to God's disposition and pleasure shall not pretermit to declare unto you such things as the King's Highness hath specially willed me to signify unto you on his Grace's behalf who most effectually willeth and desireth you to set forth the same omitting nothing that may be to the furtherance thereof as his special trust is in you First Ye shall understand that the mind and entire desire of his Highness above all earthly things is That I should attain to the said Dignity having his perfect and firm hope that of the same shall ensue and that in brief time a general and universal Repose Tranquillity and Quietness in Christendom and as great Renown Honour Profit and Reputation to this Realm as ever was besides the singular comfort and rejoice that the King's Grace with all his Friends and Subjects should take thereof who might be well assured thereby to compone and order their great Causes and Affairs to their high Benefit Commodity and most Advantage For this and other great and urgent Causes the Pleasure of his Highness is That like-as ye my Lord of Bath and Mr. Hannibal have right prudently and discreetly begun so ye all or as many of you as be present in the Court of Rome and continue your Practices Overtures Motions and Labours to bring and conduce this the King 's inward Desire to perfect end
and effect And because it is not to be doubted but that before the receipt of these my Letters ye having former Instructions shall have far entred your Devices in this Matter wherein the King's Grace trusteth ye do lose no time or opportunity that possibly may be had I shall therefore briefly and compendiously touch such this things as the King's Highness would ye should substantially note in this behalf One is That albeit ye both before and also now know the King's mind and desire herein as is aforesaid taking that for your Foundation yet nevertheless forasmuch as it appeareth by your said Letters and otherwise that the Cardinal de Medicis whose preferment if this may not be had both the King's Grace and I tendereth above all other mindeth to experiment what may be done for himself great policy and dexterity is in your Labours and Communications to be used so that ye may first by great ensearch and enquiry perfectly understand as nigh as may be the Disposition Mind Affection and Inclination as well of the said Cardinal de Medicis as of all the residue if it be possible which thing well known well ponder'd and consider'd ye shall thereby have a great light to the residue of your Business wherein always ye must so order your selves that the Matter appearing unto you much doubtful and uncertain your particular practices the desired Intent peradventure failing shall not be cause of displeasure or unkindness to be noted by any that may be elected and for your introduction herein the King's Grace sendeth unto you at this time two Commissions under his great Seal the one couch'd under general words without making mention of any particular Person and in the other his Highness hath made mention of me by special Name Besides that ye shall receive herewith two Letters from his Grace to the College of Cardinals with the Copies of the same the one in special recommendation of me and the other in favour of the Cardinal de Medicis beside such other particular Letters in my recommendation to certain Cardinals and other as by the Copies of them herewith enclosed ye shall now perceive After the receipt thereof if the Cardinals before that time shall not be entred into the Conclave ye taking your Commodity as by your Wisdom shall be thought most expedient shall deliver unto the Cardinal de Medicis the King's Letters and mine to him addressed shewing unto him with as good words and manner as ye can that for his great Virtue Wisdom Experience and other commendable Merits with the entire love and favour which the King's Grace and I bear unto him thinking and reputing him most meet and able to aspire unto the Papal Dignity before all other Ye have Commandment Commission and Instruction specially and most tenderly to recommend him unto the whole College of Cardinals having also the King 's and my Letters to them in his favour upon which Declaration ye shall perceive his Answer to be made unto you in that behalf whereupon and by knowledg of the Disposition of the Residue ye may perceive how to govern your selves in the delivery of the rest of your said Letters for in case it may evidently appear unto you that any of the Cardinals to whom the King's Letters be directed have firmly establish'd their minds upon the said Cardinal de Medices the more circumspection is to be used with any such in the delivery to him of the King's Letters and overture of the secretness of your minds touching me considering that if the King's Intent might in no wise take effect for me his Grace would before all other advance and further the said Cardinal de Medicis Nevertheless if either by his Answer to be made unto you or by other good knowledg ye shall perceive that he hath so many Enemies herein that of likelihood he cannot attain the same ye may be the more bold to feel his mind how he is inclin'd towards me saying as indeed the King's Grace hath written unto him That in case he should fail thereof the King's Highness would insist as much as to his Grace were possible for me which ye may say were in manner one thing considering that both the Cardinal de Medices and I bear one mind zeal and study to the Weal and Quiet of Christendom the Increase and Surety of Italy the Benefit and Advancement of the Emperor's and the King's Majesty's Causes and I being Pope he in a manner whom I above all Men love trust and esteem were Pope being sure to have every thing according to his mind and desire and as much Honour to be put unto him his Friends and Family as might be devised in such wise That by these and other good words and demonstrations ye may make him sure as I think he be that failing for himself he with all his Friends do their best for me and seeing no likelihood for him ye may then right-well proceed to your particular labour and practices for me delivering the King's Letters both to the College of Cardinals and to the other apart as ye shall see the case then to require and solliciting them by secret labours alleadging and declaring unto them my poor Qualities and how I having so great experience of the Causes of Christendom with the entire Favour which the Emperor and the King's Grace bear unto me the knowledg also and deep Acquaintance of other Princes and of their great Affairs the studious mind that I have ever been in both to the Surety and Weal of Italy and also to the Quiet and Tranquility of Christendom not lacking thanked be God either Substance or Liberality to look largely upon my Friends besides the sundry great Promotions which by election of me should be vacant to be disposed unto such of the said Cardinals as by their true and fast Friendship had deserved the same the loving Familiarity also which they should find in me and that of my Nature I am not in great disposed to rigour or austereness but can be contented thanked be God frankly pleasantly and courteously to participate dispose and bestow such things as I have or shall come to my disposition not having any such Faction Family or Kinsman to whom I might shew any partiality in bestowing the Promotions and Goods of the Church and which is highest to be regarded that is likely and in manner sure that by my means not only Italy shall be put in perfect surety for ever but also a final rest peace and quiet now most necessary established betwixt all Christian Princes whereupon the greatest and most notable Expedition might be made against the Infidels that hath been heard of many Years For the King's Highness in that case would be contented and hath fully promised God willing to come in Person when God shall send time unto Rome whither also I should not doubt to bring many more of the Christian Princes being determined if God should send me such Grace to expone mine own Person in
God's Quarrel by mean of which my presence many things should be stated that for Superiority and otherwise in times past hath been occasion of disagreement amongst Princes Albeit peradventure the greatest respect shall not now be had hereunto nor this be the best Elective to win the Cardinals Favour wherein you must therefore use your self by your wisdoms as you shall see the time season and care to require assuring them for the removing of the doubt in changing of the See or not speedy repair thither that after the Election once passed and notified to me I would not fail by God's Grace within three months to be in Rome there and in the parts thereabout to remain during my Life whereof ye may make faithful assurance By these and other good means and promises on the King's behalf of large Rewards which his Highness referreth to your discretion and is contented to perform that which ye do therein It is not to be doubted but that you shall obtain the Favours of many of them so as if respect may be had to the Honour of the See Apostolic and the Surety of Italy the Tranquility of Christendom the Defence of the same against the Infidels the Exaltation of the Faith the Persecution of Christ's Enemies the Increase and Weal of the College of Cardinals with their Advancement and Promotion gentle frank and liberal entertainment of them and generally to the benefit of all Holy Church The King's Grace supposeth his mind and desire herein with your good means diligence and sollicitations is not unlike to take good effect wherein for the more authority and better conducing of your purpose the pleasure of his Grace is That you join with the Emperor's Ambassadors as far as you may see and perceive them to favour this the King's Intent like-as his Grace thinketh that according to the often Conferences Communications Promises and Exhortations made by the Emperor to me in this behalf and according to my said Lady Margaret's desire or offer they have commandment to do In the politick handling of all which Matters the King's Highness putteth in you his special trust and confidence so to order your self in the Premises as you shall perceive to accord with the inward desire of his Grace and the state and disposition of the thing there for which purpose his Grace hath furnished you at this time jointly or severally with two sundry Commissions the one general for me and in my favour by the which you have ample Authority to bind and promise on the King's behalf as well gift of Promotions as also as large sums of Mony to as many and such as you shall think convenient and as sure ye may be whatsoever ye shall promise bind his Grace and do in that behalf his Highness will inviolably observe keep and perform the other special as afore Letters to the College of two effects the one for the Cardinal de Medices and the other for me with other particular Letters in my favour all which his pleasure is That you shall use in manner and form aforesaid that is to say If you shall perceive the Affair of the Cardinal de Medicis to be in such perfect train that he is like to have the same Dignity ye then proceed to that which may be his furtherance using nevertheless your particular labour for me if you think it may do good after such sort as ye shall not conceive any ingratitude or unkindness therein And if you may see that the said Cardinal de Medicis be not in such great likelihood thereof then considering that as the King's Grace and I think verily he will do his best for me ye shall effectually set forth your practices for attaining and winning as many Friends for me as possible may be delivering your Letters for the Intent as you shall see cause Wherein you being now furnished for both Purposes and also having one of the Commissions general and indifferent without any Person therein specially recommended things be to be done or omitted as you shall know to stand with the state or commodity of the Affairs there with the Ground of the King's Mind to you now declared shall be your best and perfect Instruction and as you shall do or know herein so the King's Grace desireth you often and speedily to advertise me by your Letters having no doubt but that his Highness will see your travels diligence and pains in this behalf so to be considered as you shall have cause to think the same well employed and bestowed And my Lord of Bath as you do know well because Mr. Pace at the time of the last Vacation was sent purposely from hence with Commission and Instruction for that Matter the King and I supposing that upon knowledg of this news he being at Milan would incontinently repair unto Rome hath therefore made the foresaid Commissions and also this Letter to be directed unto you jointly and severally willing you in such substantial and discreet wise to proceed in that Matter not forbearing any thing that may be to the furtherance thereof as his Grace and my special Trust is in you And thus most heartily fare you well At my Mannor of Hampton-Court the 4th day of October The rest is the Cardinal 's own Hand MY Lord of Bath the King hath willed me to write unto you That his Grace hath a marvellous Opinion of you and you knowing his mind as you do his Highness doubteth not but this Matter shall be by your Policy set forth in such wise as that the same may come to the desired effect not sparing any reasonable Offers which is a thing that amongst so many needy Persons is more regarded than per-case the Qualities of the Person ye be wise and ye wot what I mean trust your self best and be not seduced by fair words and specially of those which say what they will desire more their own preferment than mine Howbeit great dexterity is to be used and the King thinketh that all the Imperials shall be clearly with you if Faith be in the Emperor The young Men which for the most part being needy will give good ears to fair Offers which shall be undoubtedly performed the King willeth you neither to spare his Authority or his good Mony or Substance You may be assured whatsoever you promise shall be performed and our Lord send you good speed Your loving Friend T. Cardinalis Eborac Number 49. A Memorial given by the King's Majesty with the Advice of his Highness Council to the Lord Russel Lord Privy-Seal the Lord Paget of Beaudesert Sir William Petre Kt. and one of his Highness two Principal Secretaries and Sir John Mason Kt. his Majesty's Secretary for the French Tongue being sent at this present in Commission to treat and conclude upon a Peace with certain Commissioners sent from the French King at this time for the same purpose An Original EDWARD R. Cotton Libr. Caligula E. 1 FIrst As touching the Place of their Meeting
the same to be at Calais or Bulloign if it may be so brought to pass otherwise to be at such convenient Place either within our Dominion or the French or sometime in the one and sometime the other as may be best agreed upon In the appointing whereof we would no Ceremony to be so much sticked upon as the same should be any occasion of hindrance to the good success looked for at this meeting Secondly If the French Commissioners shall require Bulloign with the Members and all such Grounds and Lands as was of late conquered by our late Father of most noble memory to be restored to the French King we be pleased our said Commissioners shall on our Name agree and assent thereunto so as the said French Commissioners do and will likewise covenant and agree in the Name of the said French King to any of our Requests hereafter ensuing First Our said Commissioners shall demand in recompence for Bulloign and the Members and Grounds as aforesaid that the Treaties last made between our said Father of famous Memory and the Realm of Scotland may in all things be performed and the Person of the Young Scotch Queen delivered to us to the intent the Marriage between us and her may be performed They shall also demand that the Fortifications at Newhaven and Blackness may be utterly ruinated and no Fortifications made from hence-forth at any of those Places They shall also require the continuance of paiment of our perpetual Pension and all the Debts due unto us by force of any former Treaties before the commencement of these last Wars And this for the first degree which if it may not be obtained then for The second Degree we be pleased to accept for a Recompence if they will covenant for performance of the said Treaties with Scotland to deliver the Scotch Queen and continue from henceforth the paiment of the perpetual Pension But if that shall also be refused then for the third Degree our said Commissioners shall require the continuance of paiment of our Pension the Arrearages due by any former Treaties between our said Father and the late French King and that the Forts of Newhaven Hambletue and Blackness may be utterly ruinated and no new Fortifications commenced at any of the said Places hereafter And if this may not be obtained then for the fourth and last Degree our Pleasure is That our said Commissioners shall require the continuance of paiment of our said Pension and all such Debts as were due unto our said late Father before the commencement of his last War In the debating and discoursing whereof we will that our said Commissioners shall employ themselves to their uttermost to make as good and honourable a Bargain for us and to attain all or as much of the Premises as they may remembring unto the French Commissioners our great Charges sustained in these last Wars commenced by them contrary to the former Treaties Touching the Place Day Time and other Circumstances to be used as well in the delivery of Bulloign the Base Town the Old Man the Young Man with the Ground Territories and Members to the said Pieces or any of them belonging as also of paiment of such Sums of Mony as shall be agreed upon for the same Our said Commissioners shall by their good discretions devise with the said French Commissioners all such ways as they can or may think most for our Honour and Surety And such overtures or Discourses as shall be made by the said French Commissioners touching the Premises our said Commissioners shall advertise unto us or our Council And if any motion shall be made to have Scotland comprehended in this Peace our said Commissioners shall say That forasmuch as the Scots be common Enemies to us and the Emperor we may not assent to the comprehension of them without the Emperor's consent or at the least without such respect to our Treaties with the Emperor and his Subjects as the Amity between us requireth And therefore if the Scots will covenant to stand to our Arbitrement and Judgment for all such Matters as be in difference between the said Emperor and them we will be pleased that the Scots shall be comprehended and one such Article or of like effect made for comprehension of them as was made at the conclusion of the least Peace And if the delivery or razing of any Pieces now by us possessed in Scotland shall be required we be pleased that our said Commissioners travelling first by all ways and means they may to induce the other Commissioners to assent that all the said Pieces and the Lands by us now possessed may remain to us and our Heirs and Successors for ever shall nevertheless if that may not be received assent in the end that Borthwickeraig Lauder and Dunglass shall be restored upon a convenient Recompence in Money so as the Forts of Roxburgh and Haymouth with their Grounds adjoining may be covenanted to remain to us and our Successors for ever If the French Commissioners shall make any motion of Treaty for Marriage between us and the Lady Elizabeth eldest Daughter to the French King our said Commissioners excusing the present talk thereof in respect of our young Years and for such other Causes as they may think good shall do all that they may to cut off that Talk But if they shall be much pressed therein in respect of such Overtures as have been made already our Pleasure is that our said Commissioners shall by general words entertain the talk of that Matter and thereof and of such other Matters as shall be proponed touching the same advertise us or our Council In all the Treaty it must be remembred to reserve and have special regard to the preservation of our Treaties with the Emperor and other our Friends And if it shall seem expedient to our said Commissioners for the better expedition of our Affairs committed to their Charge that a Surceance or Abstinence of Wars be granted as well on our behalf as on the behalf of the French King we be pleased that our Right trusty and right well-beloved Cousin the Earl of Huntingdon our Lieutenant General of that side shall by the advice of our said Commissioners grant a Surceance or Abstinence for such time and in such manner and sort as by our said Commissioners shall be thought best so as the like be also granted on the behalf of the said French King Finally Our said Commissioners shall advertise us our Council attendant about our Person from time to time of their Proceedings and further do as we or our Council shall appoint them either by our Letters or the Letters of our said Council accordingly T. Cant. R. Rich Canc. W. Saint John H. Dorset W. Northampton J. Warwick Thomas Southampton Thom. Ely Cuth Duresm T. Cheyne T. Wentworth Anthony Wingfield W. Herbert T. Darcy N. Wotton J. Baker Edward North. Edward Montague Richard Southwell Number 50. Articles devised by the King's Majesty with the Advice of
plain words of Scripture overthroweth the nature of a ●acrament and hath given occasion to many Super●●itions The Body of Christ is given taken and eaten in the Supper only after an Heavenly and Spiritual Manner And the mean whereby the Body of Christ is received and eaten in the Supper is Faith but it is repugnant to the plain words of Scripture and hath given occasion to many Superstitions Since the very Being of humane Nature doth require that the Body of one and the same Man cannot be at one and the same time in many places but of necessity must be in some certain and determinate place therefore the Body of Christ cannot be present in many different places at the same time And since as the Holy Scriptures testify Christ hath been taken up into Heaven and there is to abide till the end of the World it becometh not any of the Faithful to believe or profess that there is a Real or Corporeal presence as they phrase it of the Body and Blood of Christ in the Holy Eucharist The Sacrament of the Lord's Supper was not by Christ's Ordinance reserved carried about lifted up or worshipped XXIX Of the Wicked which eat not the Body of Christ in the Lord's Supper The wicked and such as be void of a lively Faith altho they do carnally and visibly press with their Teeth as St. Augustine saith the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ yet in no wise are they partakers of Christ but rather to their condemnation do eat and drink the Sign or Sacrament of so great a thing XXX Of both Kinds The Cup of the Lord is not to be denied to the Lay-people For both the parts of the Lord's Sacrament by Christ's Ordinance and Commandment ought not to be ministred to all Christian People alike XXX Of the one Oblation of Christ finished upon the Cross The Offering of Christ once made is a perfect Redemption Propitiation and Satisfaction for all the Sins of the whole World both Original and Actual and there is none other Satisfaction for Sin but that alone Wherefore the Sacrifices of Masses in which it was commonly said That the Priests did offer Christ for the Quick and the Dead to have remission of Pain or Guilt were * blasphemous Fables and dangerous Deceits XXXI A single Life is imposed on none by the Word of God Bishops Priests and Deacons are not commanded by God's Law either to vow the estate of a single Life or to abstain from Marriage Therefore it is lawful for them as for all other Christian Men to Marry at their own discretion as they shall judg th● same to serve better to Godliness XXXII Excommunicated Persons are to be avoided That Person which by open Denunciation of the Church is rightly cut off from the Unity of the Church and Excommunicated ought to be taken of the whole Multitude of the Faithful as an Heathen and Publican until he be openly reconciled by Penance and received into the Church by a Judg that hath Authority thereunto XXXIII Of the Tradition of the Church It is not necessary that Traditions and Ceremonies be in all places one and utterly alike for at all times they have been divers and may be changed according to the diversities of Countries Times and Mens Manners so that nothing be ordained against God's Word Whosoever through his private judgment willingly and purposely doth openly break the Traditions and Ceremonies of the Church which be not repugnant to the Word of God and be ordained and reproved by common Authority ought to be rebuked openly that others may fear to do the like as he that offendeth against the common Order of the Church and hurteth the Authority of the Magistrate and woundeth the Consciences of the weak Brethren Every Particular or National Church hath Authority to ordain change or abolish Ceremonies or Rites of the Church ordained onely by Man's Authority so that all things be done to edifying XXXIV Of the Homilies The second Book of Homilies the several Titles whereof we have joined under this Article doth contain a godly and wholesome Doctrine and necessary for the Times as doth the former Book of Homilies which were set forth in the time of Edward the 6th and therefore we judg them to be read in Churches by the Ministers diligently and distinctly that they may be understood of the People The Names of the Homilies Of the Right Use of the Church Of Repairing Churches Against the Peril of Idolatry Of Good Works c. The Homilies lately delivered and commended to the Church of England by the King's Injunctions do contain a godly and wholsome Doctrine and fit to be embraced by all Men and for that cause they are diligently plainly and distinctly to be read to the People XXXV Of the Book of Common Prayer and other Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England The Book lately delivered to the Church of England by the Authority of the King and Parliament containing the manner and form of publick Prayer and the Ministration of the Sacraments The Book of Consecration of Arch-Bishops and Bishops and ordering of Priests and Deacons lately set forth in the time of King Edward the Sixth and confirmed at the same time by Authority of Parliament doth contain all things necessary to such Consecration and Ordering Neither hath it any thing that of it self is superstitious and ungodly And therefore whosoever are Consecrated and Ordered according to the Rites of that Book since the second Year of the afore-named King Edward unto this time or hereafter shall be Consecrated or Ordered according to the same Rites we decree all such to be rightly orderly and lawfully Consecrated and Ordered in the said Church of England as also the Book published by the same Authority for ordering Ministers in the Church are both of them very pious as to truth of Doctrine in nothing contrary but agreeable to the wholsome Doctrine of the Gospel which they do very much promote and illustrate And for that cause they are by all faithful Members of the Church of England but chiefly of the Ministers of the Word with all thankfulness and readiness of mind to be received approved and commended to the People of God XXXVI Of the Civil Magistrates The King of England is after Christ The Queens Majesty hath the chief Power in this Realm of England and other her Dominions unto whom the chief Government of all Estates of this Realm whether they be Ecclesiastical or Civil in all Cases doth appertain and is not nor ought to be subject to any Forreign Jurisdiction Where we attribute to the Queens Majesty the chief Government by which Titles we understand the minds of some slanderous Folks to be offended We give not to our Princess the Ministry either of God's Word or of the Sacraments the which thing the Injunctions lately set forth by Elizabeth our Queen do most plainly testifie but that only Prerogative which we see to
attendant in the House of him that shall retain them And the said Lord President and Council shall in every their General Sittings give special notice and charge That no Nobleman nor other shall retain any of the said Tenants and Farmers otherwise than is aforesaid Charging also the said Farmers and Tenants upon pain of the forfeiture of their Farms and Holds and incurring of his Majesty's further Displeasure and Indignation in no wise to agree to any such Retainers other than is before-said but wholly to depend upon his Highness and upon such as his Highness hath or shall appoint to be Officers Rulers or Directors over them And his Grace's Pleasure further is That in every such Sitting and in all other Places where the said Lord President and Council shall have any notable Assemblies before them they shall give strait Charge and Commandment to the People to conform themselves in all things to the observation of such Laws Ordinances and Determinations as be made passed and agreed upon by his Grace's Parliament touching Religion and the most Godly Service set forth in their own Mother Tongue for their Comforts And likewise to the Laws touching the abolishing of the usurped and pretended Power of the Bishop of Rome whose Abuses they shall so beat into their Heads by continual inculcation as they may smell and understand the same and may perceive the same to be declared with their Hearts and not with their Tongues only for a form And likewise they shall declare the Order and Determination taken and agreed upon for the Abrogation of certain vain Holy Days being appointed by the Bishop of Rome to blind the World and to persuade the same that they might make Saints at their pleasures and thereby through idleness do give occasion of the increase of many and great Vices and Inconveniences which Points his Majesty doth earnestly require and straitly commmand the said Lord President and Council to set forth with all dexterity and to punish extreamly for example all Offenders in the same And his Majesty willeth the said Council as he doubteth not but they will most earnestly set forth all such other Things and Matters as for the confirmation of the People in those Matters and other the King's Majesty's Proceedings and things convenient to be remembred be or shall be set forth or devised and sent unto them for that purpose Further his Highness Pleasure is That the said Lord President and Council shall from time to time make diligent inquisition of the wrongful taking in and inclosing of Commons and other Grounds and who be extream therein and in taking and exacting of unreasonable Fines and Gressomes and overing or raising of Rents and to call the Parties that have so evil used themselves therein before them and leaving all Respects and Affections apart they shall take such order for the Redresses of Enormities used in the same as the poor People be not oppressed but that they may live after their Sorts and Qualities And if it shall chance that the said Lord President and Council shall vary in Opinion either in the Law or for any Order to be taken in any Matter or Fact before them if the case be of very great Weight and Importance then the Opinion of the greater or more part of the number of Counsellors appointed to give continual attendance shall take place and determine the Doubt and if they be of like like number of Counsellors bounden to continual Attendance then that Party whereunto the Lord President shall give his Assent shall be followed and take place And if the Case and Matter be of great Importance and the Question of the Law then the Lord President and Council shall signify the Case and Matter to the Judges at Westminster who shall with diligence advertise them again of their Opinions therein And if the Matter be of great Importance and an Order to be taken upon the Fact then the said Lord President and Council attendant upon his Person upon the same whereupon they shall have knowledg again how to use themselves in that behalf And the said Lord President and Council shall take special regard upon complaint of Spoil Extortions or Oppressions to examine the same speedily that the Party grieved may have due and undelayed Remedy and Restitution And for want of Ability in the Offenders thereunto they to be punished to the Example of others And if any Man of what degree soever he be shall upon a good lawful and reasonable Cause or Matter and so appearing to the Lord President and Council by Information or otherwise demand Surety of Peace or Justice against any great Lord or Nobleman of that Country the said Lord President and Council shall in that case grant the Petition of the poorest Man against the richest or greatest Lord being of the Council or no as they should grant the same being lawfully asked against Men of the meanest sort degree and behaviour And forasmuch as it may chance the said Lord President to be sometime diseased that he shall not be able to travel for the direction of such Matters as then shall occur or to be called to the Parliament or otherwise to be imploied in the King's Majesty's Affairs or about other Business for good Reformation or Order within his Rule or for other reasonable cause by his discretion To the intent therefore that the said Council may be and remain ever full and perfect and that they may be at all times in the same one Person to direct and use all things in such and the same order sort and form as the said Lord President should and might do by virtue of the afore-said's Commissions and these Instructions his Majesty's Pleasure is That when the said Lord President shall be so diseased absent or letted as is before-said that he cannot conveniently supply his room himself that then he shall name and appoint one of the said Commissioners being appointed to give continual attendance to supply his Room for that season during his said Disease Absence or Lett and shall deliver the Signet to the Person so appointed to keep during the same time And the King's Highness during the same time giveth unto the said Person so appointed the Name of Vice-President which Name nevertheless he shall no longer continue than during the time that the said Lord President shall so be sick absent or letted as is before-said And his Majesty's Pleasure is That for the time only that any of the said Council as is before-said shall occupy the said Room and Place as a Vice-President that all the rest of the Council shall in all things use him in like sort and with like reverence as they be bound by those Injunctions to use the Lord President himself whereunto his Grace doubteth not but every of them will conform themselves accordingly And further his Majesty by these Presents giveth full Power and Authority to the said Lord President and Council That when the Condition of any Recognisance
and Blood and Country might not more weigh with some Men than Godliness and Reason but the truth is Country in this Matter whatsoever some Men do suggest unto your Grace shall not move me and that your Grace shall well perceive for I shall be as ready as any other first thence to expel some of my own Country if the Report which is made of them can be tried true And as for that your Grace saith of Flesh and Blood that is the favour or fear of Mortal Man Yea marry Sir that is a Matter of weight indeed and the truth is alas my own feebleness of that I am afraid but I beseech your Grace yet once again give me good leave wherein here I fear my own frailty to confess the Truth Before God there is no Man this day leaving the King's Majesty for the Honour only excepted whose favour or displeasure I do either seek or fear as your Grace's favour or displeasure for of God both your Grace's Authority and my bound Duty for your Grace's Benefits bind me so to do So that if the desire of any Man's favour or fear of displeasure should weigh more with me than Godliness and Reason Truly if I may be bold to say the Truth I must needs say that I am most in danger to offend herein either for desire of your Grace's favour or for fear of your Grace's displeasure And yet I shall not cease God willing daily to pray God so to stay and strengthen my frailty with holy Fear that I do not commit the thing for favour or fear of any Mortal Man whereby my Conscience may threaten me with the loss of the favour of the Living God but that it may please him of his gracious Goodness howsoever the World goes to blow this in the Ears of my Heart Deus dissipavit ossa eorum qui Hominibus placuerint And this Horrendum est incidere in manus Dei viventis And again Nolite timere eos qui occidunt corpus Wherefore I most humbly beseech your Grace for God's Love not to be offended with me for renuing of this my Suit unto your Grace which is that whereunto my Conscience cannot well agree if any such thing chance in this Visitation I may with your Grace's Favour have license either by mine absence or silence or other-like means to keep my Conscience quiet I wish your Grace in God honour and endless felicity From Pembrook-Hall in Cambridg June 1. 1549. Your Grace's humble and daily Orator Nich. Roffen Number 60. The Protector 's Answer to the former Letter Ex Chartophylac Kegio AFter our right hearty Commendations to your Lordship we have received your Letters of the first of June again replying to those which we last sent unto you And as it appeareth ye yet remaining in your former Request desires if things do occur so that according to your Conscience ye cannot do them that you might absent your self or otherwise keep silence We w●uld be loth any thing should be done by the King's Majesty's Visitors otherwise than Right and Conscience might allow and approve And Visitation is to direct things to the better not to the worse to ease Consciences not to clog them Marry we would wish that Executors thereof should not be scrupulous in Conscience otherwise than Reason would Against your Conscience it is not our will to move you as we would not gladly do or move any Man to that which is against Right and Conscience and we trust the King's Majesty hath not in this Matter And we think in this ye do much wrong and much discredit the other Visitors that ye should seem to think and suppose that they would do things against Conscience We take them to be Men of that Honour and Honesty that they will not My Lord of Canterbury hath declared unto us that this maketh partly a Conscience unto you that Divines should be diminished That can be no cause for first the same was met before in the late King's Time to unite the two Colleges together as we are sure ye have heard and Sir Edward North can tell And for that cause all such as were Students of the Law out of the new-erected Cathedral Church were disappointed of their Livings only reserved to have been in that Civil College The King's Hall being in manner all Lawyers Canonists were turned and joined to Michael-House and made a College of Divines wherewith the number of Divines was much augmented Civillians diminished Now at this present also if in all other Colleges where Lawyers be by the Statutes or the King's Injunctions ye do convert them or the more part of them to Divines ye shall rather have more Divines upon this change than ye had before The King's College should have six Lawyers Jesus College some the Queen's College and other one or two apiece And as we are informed by the late King's Injunctions every College in Cambridg one at the least all these together do make a greater in number than the Fellows of Clare-Hall be and they now made Divines and the Statutes in that reformed Divinity shall not be diminished in number of Students but encreased as appeareth although these two Colleges be so united And we are sure ye are not ignorant how necessary a Study that Study of Civil Law is to all Treaties with Forreign Princes and Strangers and how few there be at this present to do the King's Majesty's Service therein For we would the encrease of Divines as well as you Marry Necessity compelleth us also to maintain the Science and we require you my Lord to have consideration how much you do hinder the King's Majesty's Proceedings in that Visitation if now you who are one of the Visitors should thus draw back and discourage the other ye should much hinder the whole Doings and peradventure that thing known maketh the Master and Fellows of Clare-Hall to stand the more obstinate wherefore we require you to have regard of the King's Majesty's Honour and the quiet performings of that Visitation most to the Glory of God and Benefit of that University the which thing is only meant in your Instructions To the performing of that and in that manner we can be content you use your Doings as ye think best for the quieting of your Conscience Thus we bid you right-heartily farewel From Richmond the 10th of June 1549. Your loving Friend E. Somerset Number 61. A Letter of Cranmer's to King Henry the 8th concerning a further Reformation and against Sacrilege Ex Chartophylac Regio IT may please your Highness to be advertised that forasmuch as I might not tarry my self at London because I had appointed the next day after that I departed from your Majesty to be at Rochester to meet the next Morning all the Commissioners of Kent at Sittingbourn therefore the same Night that I returned from Hampton-Court to Lambeth I sent for the Bishop of Worcester incontinently and declared unto him all your Majesty's Pleasure in
King Edward the 6th by the same Act limited and appointed to remain to the Lady Mary his eldest Daughter and to the Heirs of her Body lawfully begotten And for default of such Issue the Remainder thereof to the Lady Elizabeth by the Name of the Lady Elizabeth his second Daughter and to the Heirs of her Body lawfully begotten with such Conditions as should be limited and appointed by the said late King of worthy memory King Henry the 8th our Progenitor our Great Uncle by his Letters Patents under his Great Seal or by his last Will in writing signed with his Hand And forasmuch as the said Limitation of the Imperial Crown of this Realm being limited as is afore-said to the said Lady Mary and Lady Elizabeth being illegitimate and not lawfully begotten for that the Marriage had between ●he said late King King Henry the 8th our Progenitor and Great Uncle and the Lady Katherine Mother to the said Lady Mary and also the Marriage had between the said late King King Henry the 8th our Progenitor and Great Uncle and the Lady Ann Mother to the said Lady Elizabeth were clearly and lawfully undone by Sentences of Divorce according to the Word of God and the Ecclesiastical Laws and which said several Divorcements have been severally ratified and confirmed by Authority of Parliament and especially in the 28th Year of the Reign of King Henry the 8th our said Progenitor and Great Uncle remaining in force strength and effect whereby as well the said Lady Mary as also the said Lady Elizabeth to all intents and purposes are and been clearly disabled to ask claim or challenge the said Imperial Crown or any other of the Honours Castles Manours Lordships Lands Tenements or other Hereditaments as Heir or Heirs to our said late Cousin King Edward the 6th or as Heir or Heirs to any other Person or Persons whatsoever as well for the Cause before rehearsed as also for that the said Lady Mary and Lady Elizabeth were unto our said late Cousin but of the half Blood and therefore by the Ancient Laws Statutes and Customs of this Realm be not inheritable unto our said late Cousin although they had been born in lawful Matrimony as indeed they were not as by the said Sentences of Divorce and the said Statute of the 28th Year of the Reign of King Henry the 8th our said Proge●●●or and Great Uncle plainly appeareth And forasmuch also as it is to be thought or at the least much to be doubted that if the said Lady Mary or Lady Elizabeth should hereafter have or enjoy the said Imperial Crown of this Realm and should then happen to marry with any Stranger born out of this Realm that then the said Stranger having the Government and Imperial Crown in his Hands would adhere and practise not only to bring this Noble Free Realm into the Tyranny and Servitude of the Bishops of Rome but also to have the Laws and Customs of his or their own Native Country or Countries to be practised and put in ure within this Realm rather than the Laws Statutes and Customs here of long time used whereupon the Title of Inheritance of all and singular the Subjects of this Realm do depend to the peril of Conscience and the uttersubversion of the Common-Weal of this Realm Whereupon our said late dear Cousin weighing and considering within himself which ways and means were most convenient to be had for the stay of the said Succession in the said Imperial Crown if it should please God to call our said late Cousin out of this transitory Life having no Issue of his Body And calling to his remembrance that We and the Lady Katharine and the Lady Mary our Sisters being the Daughters of the Lady Frances our natural Mother and then and yet Wife to our natural and most loving Father Henry Duke of Suffolk and the Lady Margaret Daughter of the Lady Elianor then deceased Sister to the said Lady Frances and the late Wife of our Cousin Henry Earl of Cumberland were very nigh of his Graces Blood of the part of his Fathers side our said Progenitor and great Uncle and being naturally born here within the Realm And for the very good Opinion our said late Cousin had of our said Sisters and Cousin Margarets good Education did therefore upon good deliberation and advice herein had and taken by his said Letters Patents declare order assign limit and appoint that if it should fortune himself our said late Cousin King Edward the Sixth to decease having no Issue of his Body lawfully begotten that then the said Imperial Crown of England and Ireland and the Confines of the same and his Title to the Crown of the Realm of France and all and singular Honours Castles Prerogatives Privileges Preheminencies and Authorities Jurisdictions Dominions Possessions and Hereditaments to our said late Cousin K. Edward the Sixth or to the said Imperial Crown belonging or in any wise appertaining should for lack of such Issue of his Body remain come and be to the eldest Son of the Body of the said Lady Frances lawfully begotten being born into the World in his Life-time and to the Heirs Males of the Body of such eldest Son lawfully begotten and so from Son to Son as he should be of vicinity of Birth of the Body of the said Lady Frances lawfully begotten being born into the World in our said late Cousins Life-time and to the Heirs Male of the Body of every such Son lawfully begotten And for default of such Son born into the World in his life-time of the Body of the said Lady Frances lawfully begotten and for lack of Heirs Males of every such Son lawfully begotten that then the said Imperial Crown and all and singular other the Premises should remain come and be to us by the Name of the Lady Jane eldest Daughter of the said Lady Frances and to the Heirs Males of our Body lawfully begotten and for lack of such Issue then to the Lady Katherine aforesaid our said second Sister and the Heirs Male of her Body lawfully begotten with divers other Remainders as by the same Letters Patents more plainly and at large it may and doth appear Sithence the making of our Letters Patents that is to say on Thursday which was the 6th day of this instant Month of July it hath pleased God to call unto his infinite Mercy our said most dear and entirely beloved Cousin Edward the Sixth whose Soul God pardon and forasmuch as he is now deceased having no Heirs of his Body begotten and that also there remaineth at this present time no Heirs lawfully begotten of the Body of our said Progenitor and great Uncle King Henry the Eighth And forasmuch also as the said Lady Frances our said Mother had no Issue Male begotten of her Body and born into the World in the life-time of our said Cousin King Edward the Sixth so as the said Imperial Crown and other the Premises to the same belonging or in any wise appertaining
Jurisdiction against Hereticks Schismaticks and their Fautors in as large and ample manner as they were in the first Year of King Henry the Eighth 5. And that the Premises may be the better executed by the presence of Beneficed Men in their Cures the Statutes made Anno 21. of Henry the Eighth concerning Pluralities of Benefices and Non-residence of Beneficed Men by reason whereof a larger Liberty or License is given to a great multitude of Priests and Chaplains to be absent from their Benefices with Cure than was ever permitted by the Canon Laws and all other Statutes touching the same may be repealed void and abolished and that the Bishops and other Ordinaries may call all Beneficed Men to be resident upon their Cures as before the making of that Act they might have done 6. Item That the Ordinaries do from time to time make Process for punishment of all Simoniacal Persons of whom it is thought there were never so many within this Realm And that not only the Clerks but also the Patrons and all the Mediators of such Pactions may be punish'd Wherein we think good that Order were taken that the Patrons should lose their Patronage during their natural Lives according to the Ecclesiastical Constitutions of this Realm 7. Item That the ancient Liberty Authority and Jurisdiction be restored to the Church of England according to the Article of the great Charter called Magna Charta at the least wise in such sort as it was in the first Year of Henry the Eighth and touching this Article we shall desire your Lordships to be with us most humble Suitors to the King 's and Queen's Majesty and to the Lord Legat for the remission of the importable Burdens of the First-Fruits Tenths and Subsidies In which Suit whatsoever advancement your Lordships shall think good to be offered unto their Majesties for the same we shall therein be always glad to do as shall be thought good 8. Item That no Attachment of Premunire be awarded against any Bishop or other Ordinary Ecclesiastical from henceforth in any Matter but that a Prohibition be first brought to the same and that it may please the King 's and Queen's Majesty to command the Temporal Judges of this Realm to explicate and declare plainly all and singular Articles of the Premunire and to make a certain Doctrine thereof 9. Item That the Statutes of the Provisors be not drawn by unjust Interpretation out of their proper Cases nor from the proper sense of the words of the same Statutes 10. Item That the Statute of Submission of the Clergy made Anno 25. of Henry the Eighth and all other Statutes made during the time of the late Schism in derogation of the Liberties and Jurisdictions of the Church from the first Year of King Henry the Eighth may be repealed and the Church restored in integrum 11. Item That the Statute made for finding of great Horses by Ecclesiastical Per●●ns may likewise be repealed 12. Item That Usurers may be punish'd by the Common Laws as in times past hath been used 13. Item That those which lay violent Hands upon any Priest or other Ecclesiastical Minister being in Orders may be punish'd by the Canon Laws as in times past hath been used 14. Item That all Priests Deacons and Sub-Deacons and all other having Prebends or other Ecclesiastical Promotions or Benefices from henceforth use such Priest-like Habit as the quality of his State and Benefice requireth 15. Item That Married Priests may be compelled to forsake their Women whom they took as their Wives 16. Item That an Order may be taken for the bringing up of Youth in good Learning and Vertue and that the School-Masters of this Realm may be Catholick Men and all other to be removed that are either Sacramentaries or Hereticks or otherwise notable Criminous Persons 17. Item That all exempt and peculiar Places may from henceforth be immediately under the Jurisdiction of that Arch-Bishop or Bishop and Arch-Deacon within whose several Diocess and Arch-deaconry the same are presently constitute and scituate And whereas divers Temporal Men by reason of late Purchases of certain Abbies and exempt Places have by their Letters Patents or otherwise granted unto them Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in the said Places That from henceforth the said Jurisdiction be devolv'd to the Arch-Bishop or Bishop and Arch-Deacon within whose Diocess and Arch-deaconry the same now be 18. Item Where the Mayor of London by force of a Decree made Anno of Henry the Eighth hath attributed unto him the Cognition of Causes of Tythes in London that from henceforth the same Cognition and Jurisdiction may utterly cease and be reduced immediately to the Bishop of London Ordinary there 19. Item That Tythes may be henceforth paid according to the Canon Laws 20. Item That Lands and Places impropriated to Monasteries which at the time of Dissolution and Suppression thereof were exempt from payment of Tythes may be now allotted to certain Parishes and there chargeable to pay like Tythes as other Parishoners do 21. Item That there be a streight Law made whereby the reparations of Chancels which are notoriously decay'd through the Realm may be duly repaired from time to time by such as by the Law ought to do the same and namely such as be in the King 's and Queen's Hands and that the Ordinaries may lawfully proceed in Causes of Dilapidations as well of them as of all other Parsonages Vicarages and other Ecclesiastical Benefices and Promotions 22. Item That Order be taken for the more speedy payment of Pensions to all Priests Pentionaries and that they may have the same without long Suits or Charges 23. Item That an Order be taken for payment of Personal Tythes in Cities and Towns and elsewhere as was ●sed in Anno 21. of Henry the Eighth 24. Item That such Priests as were lately married and refuse to reconcile themselves to their Order and to be restored to Ministration may have some special Animadversion whereby as Apostates they may be discern'd from other 25. Item That Religious Women which be married may be divorced 26. Item That in Divorces which are made from Bed and Board Provision may be made that the Innocent Woman may enjoy such Lands and Goods as were hers before the Marriage or that happened to come to her use at any time during the Marriage and that it may not be lawful for the Husband being for his Offence divorced from the said Woman to intermeddle himself with the said Lands or Goods unless his Wife be to him reconciled 27. Item That Wardens of Churches and Chappels may render their Accounts before the Ordinaries and may be by them compell'd to do the same 28. Item That all such Ecclesiastical Persons as lately have spoiled Cathedral Collegiat and other Churches of their own heads and temerity may be compelled to restore all and singular things so by them taken away or the true value thereof and farther to re-edify such things as by them are destroy'd and defac'd
said Realm to whose hands custody knowledg or possession any of the said Accompts Books Scroles Instruments or other Writings concerning the Premises or any part thereof did or is come giving streight charge and commandments to them and every of them to bring before you or two of you at their several appearance all and singular the said Accompts Books Writings and other the Premises whatsoever And them and every of them to charge by Oath or otherwise to make a true Certificate and Delivery of all and singular the said Premises to the hands of you or two of you commanding you or two of you to attend and execute the Premises with effect by all ways and means according to your Wisdoms and Discretions And of all and singular your doings therein Our Pleasure and Commandment is Ye shall make Certificate unto the most Reverend Father in God and our dearest Cousin Reginald Pool Lord Cardinal Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Metropolitan and Primate of England with diligence to the intent that further Order may be taken therein as shall appertain charging and commanding all and singular Justices of Peace Mayors Sheriffs Bayliffs Constables and all other Our Officers Ministers and Subjects to be aiding helping assisting and at Our Commandment in the due execution hereof as they tender Our Pleasure and will answer to the contrary at their perils In Witness whereof c. Witness the King and Queen at Greenwich the 29th day of December Per Regem Reginam Number 29. Cromwell's Commission to be Lord-Vicegerent in all Ecclesiastical Causes HEnricus Octavus Dei Gratia Angliae Franciae Rex Cotton Libr. Cleop. F. 2. Fidei Defensor Dominus Hiberniae ac in Terris Supremum totius Ecclesiae Anglicanae sub Christo Caput dilectis nobis A. B. C. D. Salutem In terris supremam Ecclesiae Anglicanae sub Christo Autoritatem etsi Regiae Nostrae dignitati ut praecellenti jam inde ab adepto primum divina disponente gratia hujus Regni nostri Angliae Sceptro jure nobis competierit nunc denuo exercere quodam modo impellimur nempe quum hi qui curam illius regimen sibi potissimum arrogabant suis potius ipsorum privatis commodis quam publicae illius saluti aut compendio consulentes eam tandem eo calamitatis tum nimia licentia in Officiis eiis commissis oscitantia tum suis malis exemplis devenire passi sunt ut non ab re metuendum sit ne illam Christus nunc suam non agnoscat sponsam Quamobrem nostrae Regiae excellentiae cui prima suprema post Deum Auctoritas in quoscunque hujus Regni nostri incolas nullo sexus aetatis ordinis aut conditionis habito discrimine sacro testante eloquio coelitus demandata est ex muneris hujusmodi debito potissimum incumbit dictam Ecclesiam vitiorum vepribus quantum cum Deo possumus purgare virtutum seminibus plantis conserere Porro cum hi qui in eadem de caeteris antehac censuram sibi vindicabant de se vero nullam a quovis mortalium haberi sustinebant tum aliis hominibus plura indies corrigenda committant tum ex eorum corruptis moribus majori prae caeteris sunt plebi offendiculo ut non immerito iidem bonorum omnium si boni malorum omnium si contra certissimi sint Authores Ab his igitur veluti fonte scaturigine ad universalem hujus Regni nostri Ecclesiae Anglicanae reformationem jure auspicandum esse duximus haud vanam spem habentes quod fonte primitus purgato purus deinde limpidus decurret rivus Caeterum quia ad singula hujus Regni nostri loca pro praemissis exequendis nos ipsi personaliter obire non valemus alios quorum Vicaria fide freti munus hujusmodi veluti per ministros exequamur qui quum vices nostras in ea parte suppleant in partem solicitudinis adstitimus vocamus Cum itaque nos alias praedilectum nobis Thomam Cromwell Secretarium nostrum primarium Rotulorum nostrorum Magistrum sive custodem Nostrum ad Causas Ecclesiasticas quascunque nostra Autoritate uti supremi capitis dictae Ecclesiae Anglicanae quomodolibet tractand seu ventiland atque ad exercend expediend exercend omnem omnimodam jurisdictionem Authoritatem sive potestatem Ecclesiasticam quae nobistanquam supremo capiti hujusmodi competit aut quovismodo competere possit aut debeat ubilibet infra Regnum nostrū Angliae loca quaecunque nobis subjecta Vicem gerentem Vicarium Generalem ac Commissarium specialem principalem cum potestate alium vel alios Commissarium sive Commissarios ad praemissa vel eorum aliqua ordinanda deputanda per alias literas nostras Patentes sigillo nostro majori communitas constituerimus deputaverimus ordinaverimus prout ex tenore literarum nostrarum hujusmodi plenius liquet Quia tamen ipse nostris totius hujus Regni nostri negotiis praepeditus existit quominus praemissa personaliter obire exequi possit Idem Thomas Cromwell Vicem gerens Vicarius generalis Officialis principalis noster hujusmodi vos A. B. C. D. prelibatos ad infra-scripta omnia singula vice nomine nostris exequenda Commissarios nostros deputaverit ordinaverit constituerit Nos igitur deputationem ordinationem constitutionem hujusmodi ratam gratam habentes ad visitandum tam in Capite quam in Membris de tam plena quam vacante quoties quando vobis opportunum visum fuerit omnes singulas Ecclesias etiam Metropoliticas Cathedrales Collegiatas Hospitalia quaeque Monasteria tam Virorum quam Mulierum Prioratas Preceptorias Dignitates Officia Domos Loca alia Ecclesiastica tam Scholaria quam Regularia exempta non exempta quaecunque infra Regnum nostrum Angliae Provincias Civitates Terras Dominia Loca nobis Subjecta ubicunque sita seu constituta cujuscunque Dignitatis Praerogativae Ordinis Regulae sive conditionis existant deque statu conditione eorundem tam in Spiritualibus quam in Temporalibus necnon vita moribus conversatione tam Praesidentium sive Praelatorum eorundem quocunque nomine dignitate etiamsi Archiepiscopali vel Episcopali praefulgeant quam aliarum personarum in eis degentium quarumcunque inquirendum inquiri faciendum Ac illos quos in ea parte curiosos vel culpabiles fore compereritis pro modo culpae hujusmodi corrigendi puniendi coercendi ac si delicti qualitas poposcerit officiis sive beneficiis suis pro tempore vel in perpetuum privandi amovendi vel ad tempus ab eisdem suspendendi fructus quoque redditus proventus Ecclesiarum Locorum hujusmodi si videbitur sequestrandos ac sub salvo tuto sequestro custodiri faciendos atque mandandō sequestrumque hujusmodi relaxandum ac computum calculum rationem de receptis
moreover We will and Command all and singular Justices of Peace Mayors Sheriffs Bailiffs Constables and all other our Officers Ministers and faithful Subjects to be aiding helping and assisting to you at your commandment in the due execution hereof as they tender Our Pleasure and will answer to the Costs at their utmost Perils And We Will and Grant That these Our Letters Patents shall be a sufficient Warrant and Discharge for you and any of you against Us Our Heirs and Successors and all and every other Person or Persons whatsoever they be of for or concerning the Premises or any parcel thereof or for the execution of this Our Commission or any part thereof In Witness whereof We have caused these Our Letters to be made Patents and to continue and endure for one whole Year next coming after the Date hereof Witness our Self at Wistminster the 8th day of February the third and fourth Years of Our Reign Number 33. A Letter writ by the Council expressing their Jealousies of the Lady Elizabeth An Original Cotton Libr. Titus B. 2. Mr. Pope after our very hearty Commendations ye shall understand That amongst divers other devilish Practices attempted from time to time by Dudly Aston and other Traitors in France for the disturbance of the Quiet of the Realm they have now lately sent over one Cleyberdo who if I the Lord Chancellor be not deceived in the Man was whilst I was President in Wales indicted of a Burglary and should have been if he had not escaped by the means of certain his Complices who took him from the Sheriffs Man as well for the said Burglary as for divers other notable Robberies and other Offences made sure enough from attempting this Enterprize now This Man being sent by the foresaid Traitors into the extream parts of Essex and Suffolk where naming himself to be Earl of Devonshire he hath by spreading abroad of slanderous Letters Proclamations abused the Lady Elizabeth's Graces Name pronouncing thereby as much as in him lay to stir the King 's and Queen's Majesties Subjects in those parts to Rebellion as by the Copies of the said Letters and Proclamations which we send unto you herewith may at better length appear unto you And albeit the People there have shewed themselves so true and obedient Subjects as immediately upon the understanding of this Enterprize they did of themselves and without any Commandment apprehend as many of the Attempters of this devilish Practice as they could come by whereby their good-will and truth to the King and Queen's Majesties doth well appear Yet because this Matter is spread already abroad and that peradventure many Constructions and Discourses will be made thereof we have thought meet to signify the whole Circumstances of the Cause unto you to be by you opened unto the Lady Elizabeth's Grace at such time as ye shall think convenient to the end it may appear unto her how little these Men stick by falshood and untruth to compass their Purpose not letting for that intent to abuse the Name of her Grace or any others which their Devises nevertheless are God be thanked by his Goodness discovered from time to time to their Majesties preservance and confusion of their Enemies And so bid you heartily well to fare From Eltham the 30th of July 1556. Your Loving Friends Nichol. Eborac Canc. Arundel Thomas Ely R. Rochester Henry Jernegam Number 34. A Letter from Sir Edward Carne concerning the suspension of Cardinal Pool's Legatine Power An Original PLeaseth it your most Excellent Majesties Ex Chartophylac Regio according as I advertised your Highness in my Letters of the 8th of this So I have informed all the Cardinals that be here of the Congregation of the Inquisition as the most Reverend Lord Cardinal Morone advised me informing them of the good Proceedings and Reformations made by the most Reverend Lord Cardinal's Grace there as well in Clero as in Populo not only in things pertaining ad cultum Dei but also in other pertaining to the Common-Weal of Christ's Church in such sort as Christ's Religion doth so prosper there that there is good hope all things should come to their perfection in time And for that purpose his Grace had called there a Synod of the Clergy of the Realm where many good Ordinances for the maintenance of the Premises been past already and many ready in hand for to pass and not fully ended nor perfected which should be staid in case the Legacy should be there-hence revoked which might turn to the great danger and dammage of many in that your Majesty's Realm in case due Reformation throughout and perfectly were not made Therefore I desired them that when the Matter were moved amongst them so to weigh it as such a good beginning that through your Majesty's Goodness hath been there be not brought by their doings here into no worse terms then your Majesties with no little pain hath always travelled to bring it unto Adding besides divers Cases that daily might fall which could not be holpen without the Authority of this See And that Men newly reduced to the Unity of the Church would rather stand in their naughty Doings whose Examples might be noisome to many than repair hither for any help But having the Legate there would gladly seek help at his hands being present amongst them And likewise for reduction of your Majesty's Realm of Ireland to the Unity of the Church which whether it were past or no I doubted and ended throughly And if it were yet were it most expedient that there should be Reformation as well in Clero as in Populo which could not well be in case the Legacy continue not there This is the effect of the Points that I informed them upon who all thought it most expedient that the Legacy should continue there and would not fail to stay as much as might lie in them for these Considerations above rehearsed and thought being of such importance that if my Lord's Grace were not there already it were most expedient that he should be sent thither rather than to be revoked and hereof as well Cardinal Morone as all the other would needs I should move his Holiness Whereupon the 12th of this I went to the Pope himself upon pretence to give him thanks for the Provision of the Church of Chichester and of the most gracious and honourable Report that he made in the Consistory the same time of your Highness my Soveraign Lady the Queen where his Holiness declared so much Goodness and Vertue of your Majesty that he and this See could not he said shew so much favour to any of yours as the same required As undoubtedly as far as I could hear he doth whensoever he hath occasion to speak of your Majesty so reverently as more could not be who prevented me and said that he was glad that I was come unto him and trusted that God had sent me thither for there had been with him the day before
Hostages though that Assurance might be good to preserve her from Violence in Scotland yet it may be doubted how the same will be sufficient to keep her from escaping or governing a-again seeing for her part she will make little Conscience of the Hostages if she may prevail and the punishing of the Hostages will be a small satisfaction to the Queen's Majesty for the Troubles that may ensue And for the doubt of her escape or of Rebellion within this Realm it may be said That if she should not be well guarded but should be left open to practise then her Escape and the other Perils might be doubted of but if the Queen's Majesty hold a stricter hand over her and put her under the Care of a fast and circumspect Man all practice shall be cut from her and the Queen's Majesty free from that Peril And more safe it is for the Queen to keep the Bridle in her own Hand to restrain the Scottish Queen than in returning her home to commit that trust to others which by Death composition or abusing of one Person may be disappointed And if she should by any means recover her Estate the doubt of Rebellion there is not taken away but rather to be feared if she have ability to her Will And if she find strength by her own or Forreign Friends she is not far off to give Aid upon a main Land to such as will stir for her which so long as she is here they will forbear lest it might bring most Peril to her self being in the Queen's Hands The like respect no Doubt will move Forreign Princes to become Requesters and no Threatners for her delivery And where it is said That the Queen's Majesty cannot be quiet so long as she is here but it may breed danger to her Majesty's Health That is a Matter greatly to be weighed for it were better to adventure all than her Majesty should inwardly conceive any thing to the danger of her Health But as that is only known to such as have more inward Acquaintance with her Majesty's disposition than is fit for some other to have So again it is to be thought that her Majesty being wise if the Perils like to follow in returning her Home were laid before her and if she find them greater than the other she will be induced easily to change her Opinion and thereby may follow to her Majesty's great satisfaction and quietness Cautions if she be retained To remove her somewhat nearer the Court at the least within one days Journey of London whereby it shall be the more easie to understand of her Doings To deliver her in custody to such as be thought most sound in Religion and most void of practice To diminish her number being now about forty Persons to the one half to make thereby the Queen's Charges the less and to give her the fewer means of Intelligence To cut from her all Access Letters and Messages other than such as he that shall have the Charge shall think fit To signify to all Princes the occasion of this streight Guard upon her to be her late practice with the Duke of Norfolk which hath given the Queen cause to doubt further assuring them that she shall be used honourably but kept safely from troubling the Queen's Majesty or this State That she be retained here until the Estate of Scotland be more setled and the Estate of other Countries now in garboil be quieted the Issue whereof is like to be seen in a Year or two Number 12. A Letter written by the Earl of Leicester to the Earl of Sussex concerning the Queen of Scots taken from the first Draught of it written with his own hand MY good Lord I received your Letter in the answer of mine Ex M. SS Nob. D. Evelyn and though I have not written sooner again to your Lordship both according to your desire and the necessity of our Cases at this time yet I doubt not but you are fully advertised of her Majesty's Pleasure otherwise For my own part I am glad your Lordship hath prospered so well in your Journey and have Answered in all Points the good Opinion conceived of you And touching her Majesty's further Resolution for these Causes my Lord I assure you I know not well what to write First I see her Majesty willing and desirous as Reason is to work her own Security and the quietness of her State during her time which I trust in God shall be far longer than we shall live to see end of And herein my Lord there be sundry Minds and among our selves I must confess to your Lordship we are not fully agreed which way is best to take And to your Lordship I know I may be bold beside the Friendship I owe you the Place you hold presently doth require all the understanding that may be to the furtherance of her Majesty's good Estate wherefore I shall be the bolder even to let you know as much as I do and how we rest among us Your Lordship doth consider for the State of Scotland her Majesty hath those two Persons being divided to deal with the Queen of Scotland lately by her Subjects deprived and the young King her Son Crown'd and set up in her Place Her Majesty of these two is to chuse and of necessity must chuse which of them she will allow and accept as the Person sufficient to hold the principal Place And here groweth the Question in our Council to her Majesty Which of these two are most fit for her to maintain and join in Amity with To be plain with your Lordship The most in number do altogether conceive her Majesty's best and surest way is to maintain and continue the young King in this his Estate and thereby to make her whole Party in Scotland which by the setling of him with the cause of Religion is thought most easiest most safest and most probable for the perpetual quieting and benefit to her own Estate and great assurance made of such a Party and so small Charges thereby as her Majesty may make account to have the like Authority and assured Amity in Scotland as heretofore she had in the time of the late Regent The Reasons against the other are these shortly The Title that the Queen claimeth to this Crown The overthrow of Religion in that Country The impossibility of any assurance for the observing of any Pact or Agreement made between our Soveraign and her These be Causes your Lordship sees sufficient to dissuade all Men from the contrary Opinion And yet my Lord it cannot be denied upon indifferent looking into the Matter on both sides but the clearest is full enough of Difficulties And then my Lord is the Matter disputable and yet I think verily not for Argument-sake but even for Duty and Conscience-sake to find out Truth and safest means for our Soveraign's best doing And thus we differ The first you have heard touching the young King On the other side this it
King Henry at his Death but two Years before Ibid. 5. He says On the 27th of February two days before the King was crowned the Protector persuaded the King to create many new Peers who were all Hereticks except Dudley Earl of Warwick Our Author by this shew of exactness would persuade the Reader that he had considered Dates and the smallest particulars with the care that became an Historian But he little thought that any would come after him and examine what he said By this Account the King must have been crowned the first of March but it was done Feb. 20. and the Peers were created on the 16th of February four days before They were not all Hereticks for he forgot that Wriothesley was at the same time made Earl of Southampton which he afterwards insinuates was done upon another account But all those Creations were in persuance of King Henry's Designs and in obedience to his latter Will Ibid. 6. He says They forced Wriothesley to resign his Office and turned both him and the Earl of Arundel out of the Council because they were Catholicks Wriothesley was turned out upon no account of Religion but for putting the Great Seal to a Commission that was against Law according to the Opinion which the Judges declared under their hands without any Warrant from the Council himself acknowledging the justice of the Sentence The Earl of Arundel was not turned out of the Council on the contrary in the Patent by which the Protector held his Office that passed after the Chancellor was removed he is named to be one of the Privy Council 7. He says Pag. 179. The Protector would needs force all the Clergy to submit in every thing to the King's Orders and sets down the Form in which the King writ to Arch-Bishop Cranmer In this nothing was done but what was begun by King Henry and to which all the Clergy even his beloved Bonner not excepted had formerly submitted So this was no new thing set up by the Protector it being only the renewing the Bishops Patents in the new King's Name And this was no part of the Reformation for it was done only to awe the Popish Bishops but was soon after laid aside What he sets down as a Letter of King Edward's to Cranmer is the Preamble of the Patent he took out So little did this Writer know the things that truly make to the advantage to the Cause which he designed to assert 8. He says The New Protector among the first things he did Pag. 180. restrained all Preaching and silenced all the Bishops and Pastors so that none were licensed to preach but the Lutherans and Zuinglians The first Injunctions set out in the King's Name required all Bishops to preach at least four times a Year in their Diocesses and to keep Learned Chaplains who might be able to preach and should be often much employed in it And thus Matters stood the first Year of this Reign In the beginning of the second Year upon complaints made of the rashness of some Preachers a Proclamation was put out that none should preach without a License from the King or the Arch-Bishops or the Bishop of the Diocess except Incumbents in their own Parishes Afterwards there was for some little time a total prohibition of Preaching but that was to last for a short while till the Book of Common Prayer which was then a preparing should be finished This was equally made on both hands for the Prohibition was universal without exception so falsly has our Author stated this Matter which one would think he ignorantly drew from what Queen Mary did applying it to this Reign for she upon her coming to the Crown did prohibit all Preaching excepting only such as were licensed to it by Gardiner under the Great Seal 9. He says Latimer was turned out of the Bishoprick of Worcester Pag. 181. by King Henry upon suspicion of Heresy Latimer did freely resign his Bishoprick upon the passing of the Act of the six Articles with which he could not comply with a good Conscience 10. He says The Protector put Cox and Cheek about the King Pag. 182. that they might corrupt his Mind with Heretical Doctrines These were put about him three Years before by King Henry's Order as that young King himself informs us in his Journal Pag. 184. 11. He says The Heads of the Colleges were turned out and the Catholick Doctors were forbid to preach I do not find one Head of a College in either University was turned out for though they generally loved the Old Superstition yet they loved their Places much better And indeed the whole Clergy did so readily conform themselves to every Change that was made that it was not easy to find Colours for turning out Bonner and Gardiner All Preachers had the liberty of their own Pulpits except for a very little while Ibid. 12. He says They decried the School Divinity and the Works of Lombard Aquinas and Scotus and so threw all Learning out of the Schools They could not do that more than Sir Thomas More Erasmus and other Popish Writers had done before them who had expressed their scorn of that way of Treating Divine Matters so copiously that it was no wonder it was much despised Those Writers had by a set of dark and barbarous Maxims and Terms so intangled all the Articles of Faith and imposed by the World on an appearance of saying somewhat when really they said nothing and pretending to explain Religion they had so exposed it that their way of Divinity was become equally nauseous and ridiculous Pag. 186. 13. He says Bucer and Peter Martyr being brought out of Germany did corrupt the Universities and entertained the Youth with Discourses of Predestination Reprobation and a fatal necessity of things This was so far from being much taught that on the contrary in one of the Articles of Religion the curious Enquiries into those abstruse Points was by Publick Authority forbid Bucer and Martyr read for most part in the Chairs upon the Mass and the other Corruptions of the Popish Worship They also declared St. Austin's Doctrine about Grace but I do not find they ever medled with Reprobation Pag. 190. 14. After a long Invective which is to pass as a piece of his Wit and Poetry he says Bucer was inclined to become a Jew and was descended from Jewish Parents and that the Lord Paget had heard him say That the Corporal Presence was so clear in the Scripture that no Man could deny it who believed the Gospel but for his part he did not believe all that was said in the New Testament concerning our Saviour This is as sutable to our Author's Honesty as can be Bucer was never accused of this by any of his Enemies as long as he lived No Man in that Age writ with a greater sense of the Kingdom of Christ than he did And for the Story of the Lord Paget we have nothing
It was long argued at first and at the passing the Bill it was again argued but at last the Commons agreed to it The Preamble of it is a long Accusation of the Duke of Somerset for involving the King in Wars wasting his Treasure engaging him in much Debt embasing the Coin and having given occasion to a most terrible Rebellion In fine considering the great Debt the King was left in by his Father the loss he put himself to in the reforming the Coin and they finding his temper to be set wholly on the good of his Subjects and not on enriching himself therefore they give him two Tenths and two Fifteenths with one Subsidy for two years Whether the debate in the House of Commons was against the Subsidies in this Act or against the Preamble cannot be certainly known but it is probable the Debate at the engrossing the Bill was about the Preamble which the Duke of Northumberland and his Party were the more earnestly set on to let the King see how acceptable they were and how hateful the Duke of Somerset had been The Clergy did also for an expression of their affection and duty give the King six Shillings in the Pound of their Benefices There was also a Bill sent down from the Lords That none might hold any Spiritual Promotion unless he were either Priest or Deacon But after the third reading it was cast out The reason of it was because many Noblemen and Gentlemens Sons had Prebends given them on this pretence that they intended to fit themselves by Study for entring into Orders but they kept these and never advanced in their Studies upon which the Bishops prevailed to have the Bill agreed to by the Lords but could carry it no further Another Act passed for the suppressing the Bishoprick of Duresme The Bishoprick of Duresme suppressed and two new ones appon ed. which is so strangely mis-represented by those who never read more than the Title of it that I shall therefore give a more full account of it It is set forth in the Preamble That that Bishoprick being then void of a Prelate so that the Gift thereof was in the Kings pleasure and the compass of it being so large extending to so many Shires so far distant that it could not be sufficiently served by one Bishop and since the King according to his godly disposition was desirous to have Gods Holy Word preached in these Parts which were wild and barbarous for lack of good Preaching and good Learning therefore he intended to have two Bishopricks for that Diocess the one at Duresme which should have 2000 Marks Revenue and another at Newcastle which should have 1000 Marks Revenue and also to Found a Cathedral Church at Newcastle with a Deanry and Chapter out of the Revenues of the Bishoprick therefore the Bishoprick of Duresme is utterly extinguished and dissolved and Authority is given for Letters Patents to erect the two new Bishopricks together with the Deanry and Chapter at Newcastle with a Proviso that the Rights of the Deanry Chapter and Cathedral of Duresme should suffer nothing by this Act. When this Bill is considered that dissolution that was designed by it will not appear to be so sacrilegious a thing as some Writers have represented it For whosoever understands the value of old Rents especially such as these were near the Marches of an Enemy where the Service of the Tenants in the War made their Lands be set at very low rates will know that 3000 Marks of Rent being reserved besides the endowing of the Cathedral which could hardly be done under another thousand Marks there could not be so great a Prey of that Bishoprick as has been imagined Ridley as himself writes in one of his Letters was named to be Bishop of Duresme being one of the Natives of that Country but the thing never took effect For in May and no sooner was the Temporalty of the Bishoprick turned into a County-Palatine and given to the Duke of Northumberland But the Kings sickness and soon after his death made that and all the rest of these designs prove abortive How Tonstall was deprived I cannot understand It was for misprision of Treason and done by Secular Men. For Cranmer refused to meddle in it I have seen the Commission given by Queen Mary to some Delegates to examine it in which it is said That the Sentence was given only by Lay-men and that Tonstal being kept Prisoner long in the Tower was brought to his Trial in which he had neither Counsel assigned him nor convenient time given him for clearing himself and that after divers Protestations they had notwithstanding his Appeal deprived him of his Bishoprick He was not only turned out but kept Prisoner till Queen Mary set him at liberty At the end of this Parliament the King granted a free Pardon concerning which this is only remarkable That whereas it goes for a Maxime that the Acts of Pardon must be passed without changing any thing in them the Commons when they sent up this Act of Pardon to the Lords desired that some words might be amended in it but it is not clear what was done for that same day the Acts were passed and the Parliament was dissolved In it the Duke of Northumberland had carried this Point That the Nation made a publick Declaration of their dislike of the Duke of Somersets Proceedings which was the more necessary because the King had let fall words concerning his death by which he seemed to reflect on it with some concern and look'd on it as Northumberlands deed But the Act had passed with such difficulty that either the Duke did not think the Parliament well enough disposed for him or else he resolved totally to vary from the Measures of the Duke of Somerset who continued the same Parliament long whereas this that was opened on the first was dissolved on the last day of March. A Visitation for the Plate in the Churches Visitors were soon after appointed to examine what Church-plate Jewels and other Furniture was in all Cathedrals and Churches and to compare their account with the Inventories made in former Visitations and to see what was embezeled and how it was done And because the King was resolved to have Churches and Chappels furnished with that that was comely and convenient for the Administration of the Sacraments they were to give one or two Chalices of Silver or more to every Church Chappel or Cathedral as their discretions should direct them and to distribute comely Furniture for the Communion-Table and for Surplices and to sell the rest of the Linen and give it to the Poor and to sell Copes and Altar-Cloaths and deliver all the rest of the Plate and Jewels to the Kings Treasurer Sir Edm. Pecham This is spitefully urged by one of our Writers who would have his Reader infer from it that the King was ill principled as to the matters of the Church because when this Order was given by