the chief men of their towns But the Cardinals vigilance was the principal obstacle which rendered all their Combinations void He induced the King to send with all hast about the beginning of the yeer the Marquis de Ragny into Languedoc with certain Regiments to oppose the first commotions and to employ many persons of discretion to assure himself of the Counsels of the Chief towns and by this meanes most of them kept within their duties The Sieur de Soubize published a Manifest which founded an Allarm to all the Hugonots party and made them believe that their utter ruine was concluded on in the Kings Counsel That the losse of their Religion was inevitable if they did not defend themselves by Armes and that the raising of Fort St. Lewis built by Rochel was an assured signe of it as also those other advantages which he had taken against them He prevented them in believing his Majesties Edicts and Proclamations by that supposition which he instilled into them that the Catholiques were of opinion in most of their books That they were not obliged to keep Faith with Heretiques It 's true these reasons were deduced with such palliations that most were taken with them particularly because the Duke of Rohan clapt into some Towns certaine Gentlemen and Captains of his own Religion to encourage them and to stir up the Popular Ministers who after this looked for nothing but when to rise not considering that the insurrections which they were carried to were contrived by the Spaniards who make open profession of being their ennemies and who pretended not to make use of them but only to divert and draw off the Kings Arms from Italy Politique Observations NO one but a King ought to take up Arms As formerly among the Romans it only belonged to the Consuls who had the superintendency of State to open the two gates barred with Iron and fastned with a hundred hinges which were opened in token of war so when Caesar began the war against the Gaules it was Cato's advice to recal the Army into Italy and to leave that great Captaine to his enemies because he had attempted it without the command of the People and Senate Seeing Kings are constituted by the hand of God no one may rise against them upon any cause whatever without rendring themselves guilty of Rebellion True Religion it self is not a sufficient reason to raise a War how much lesse then may Heresie make use of it as a Pretext And those Hereticks who make profession of following the Doctrines of the Holy Writ have ill studied it if they have not observed this truth in it that one is no lesse obliged to obey Princes though Infidels then others God saith in Esay speaking of Cyrus Monarch of the Medes and Persians who had no knowledge of his holy name I have called thee though thou hast not known me I have named thee by thy name and have raised thee up to honour and power though thou hast had no knowledge of me and I will that both they of the East and West shall know that it is I who have established thee and that there is not any Governour upon the Earth that hath not received his Power from me and my hand and afterwards he addeth that he hath anointed him and placed him on his right hand that he might bring the Nations into Subjection whose presence abateth the hearts of other Kings who breaketh the Gate of Brass and bursteth the Bars of Iron to whom all things are manifest and nothing is concealed from him Thus though Nebuchadonozer was a most detestable Tyrant and the greatest Infidel of all Princes that ever were Though he had destroyed the Land which God had chosen besieged taken and pillaged the City of Jerusalem razed the Walls demolished the Houses burned the Temple prophaned the Sanctuary took and carried away the Vessels which were consecrated to Gods service killed the Kings Children with the greatest part of the Priests of the Temple and carried the reât Captive into Babylon Though hee had likewise caused his own Image to be set up and worshipped by all people as a God yet here behold the words of the Prophet Jeremy and Baruch saying to the intent to make known the honour which he had by being chosen by God to command his People God who hath created men and the beasts of the Field by his great power and stretched out Arm hath given it to whom he pleased and hath placed it in the hands of his servant Nebuchadonozer He would that all Nations should honour him and his Son submit your necks therefore to the King of Babylon's yoke and serve him and whosoever shall not submit himself to his Yoke God wil visit him with the Famine the Sword and the Pestilence Pray to God for the life of Nebuchadonozer and Balthasar his son to the end they may live as long upon the Earth as the Heavens shall indure Which being so can it be lawfull or in the power of men for any reason whatever to rise against their Kings Shall Subjects assume upon themselves Authority to give them a Law contrary to Gods command In St. Pauls time and the rest of the Apostles there was not any one King who had imbraced the true Faith yet they commanded that they should be prayed for and that they should give them all manner of Honour Subjection and Obedience and to bear themselves humbly before them for the love of God and a good Conscience Whence it is That the wisest Politicians have accompted it intollerable that Subjects should attempt to shake off the yoak of a Prince under whom God hath subjected them or to assume to themselves any power over him to whom they ought to give an accompt of their Actions Subjects have not by the Law of God any other defence then flight That is it which the Apostles have permitted to Christians and if this flight be shamefull in the Wars between Prince and Prince or Commonwealth and Commonwealth yet it is not so in regard of subjects to their Soveraign The King for many considerable Reasons causeth the City of Genoa to be assaulted THat fomentation which the Spaniards gave to the Hugonots whereby to force the King to draw off his Army from the Valtoline obliged his Majesty to do the like by him in assaulting the Common-wealth of Genoa It is true that was not the onely consideration which induced the King to commence the War but the weaknesse of those Forts in the Valtoline was the first a weaknesse worth the observation in regard there was not one Fort there excepting that of Rive which could indure any long Siege So that it is to small purpose to seize upon them unlesse their Arms who would re-take them be so strongly diverted that they may be hindred from comming to them Besides the Spaniards usurping of those Forts before they were deposited in the Popes hands was a sufficient token of his design long since concluded on in
affect his own Kindred deserveth not the affections of any others and will also give more assurance to his Government by defending him from any insurrections which might be made by them And this is the more considerable as Tacitus saith for that it is ordinary with the people to have a particular affection for the Kindred of a Prince when they shall see them hated without any just cause or reason exemplyfying the Love which the people of Rome did bear to Germanicus which increased in them by the hatred which was born to him by Tiberius and it cannot be doubted but that the particular affection with which the people love them may give them great advantages to embroyl the State and may serve for a strong prop to their revolts It cannot be avoyded but that Princes nearly related to a Soveraign must have some hand in the Government of Affairs and must partake with him in the Honours of the State how can it then be done in a good order unless they live in a fair correspondence with one another What way can a vessel goe when as they who guide it do some row towards the Poop and others towards the Prow despising the Pilots orders so that the vessel becomes exposed to be wracked And what may there be expected from a State where the Princes of the Blood Royal who have the Government of the Provinces fall off from his Majesties designs and interests engaging themselves in Factions and Parties Doth it not by this means absolutely expose the State to Civil Wars which being left at random by this disunion becomes a prey to strangers who will be sure to take advantage of it The sending of the Sieur de Blainville into England in the quality of Extraordinary Ambassadour THough the Allyance which had so lately been contracted with England seemed to be indissolvable by the confirming of it with the Mariage of the Princess yet it was not long before some grounds did arise to obstruct their good correspondency The great confidence which the Queen of England had in certain Ladies who had been a long while near and about her as also in certain Ecclesiastiques a little too inconsiderate in their zeal was in part the occasion of it for they giving her advices which were not alwaies accompanied with Prudence did clash with the King her Husbands humour and were upon the point of breeding some differences between them The King did not much wonder at it having of a long time known how little considerable womens counsels ordinarily are and how they commonly end in some broyl unless there be some one near them who may prevent it by the reputation and credit which he hath amongst them But however it did not hinder his Majesty from dispatching the Sieur de Blanville his Extraordinary Ambassador to the King of England that he might take some course before the inconsiderateness of those persons who were about the Queen had caused any more mischiefs which was the easilier to be done in regard the Queen wanted neither Respect nor Love for the King her Husband and was onely to be blamed for having relyed a little too much upon those who were given to her to be her Counsel But this was not all there was another cause of difference between the two Crowns which was this The Sieur de Soubize having fled into England and there saved himself had taken in times of Peace and against the approval too of those of Rochel a small vessel called the little Saint John at the Port of Blavet which he afterwards carried to Plymouth And not long after the English had detained and unladen another Ship at Dover called the Merchant Royal full laden with goods to the value of twelve hundred thousand Liuvers This kind of acting was as strange as unjust and a great noise it made The French Merchants not being able to get a satisfactory answer in it because the Sieur de Blainville's demands were sent to the Council of his Majesty of Great Britain seised upon some English Ships which exasperated them afresh and hindred the resolution of any thing untill the following year Politique Observation ALthough the common end of private Mariages tend to concluding of Peace amongst Families yet it is not alwaies the same thing with Princes They do never make up any Matches but on the score of Interests and if any cause of difference arise amongst them they do not at all value their Alliances but it is well known that those Wars which have been between such Princes have ever been the most bloody It was imagined that those many Contracts which had been made between the Princes of the House of Orleance and those of Burgogne would have extinguished the fire of their Quarrels but the sequel made it apparent they all served to no purpose Lewis the Moor Duke of Milan was near a kin to the Arragonois of Naples yet he undid them by his intreagues And who knoweth not that France never had such great Quarrels either with Spain or England as when they were allyed by some Mariage And indeed it ought not to seem strange for a Soveraign hath no Kinsman so nearly related to him as his State A private man may govern himself according to the Rules of Friendship but it is otherwise with a Soveraign who is obliged to preserve the Rights of his Crown against every one His reputation is of so great concern towards the good of his Affairs that he may not suffer any injury to be offered to it which he is not bound to repell by any wayes whatsoever The Treasuries are better regulated by the Cardinals care THey who have had particular knowledge of things ever since ten years last past could not sufficiently wonder at those vast charges which the State had been put to both by maintaining so many Armies together in Languedoc in Poictu in the Valtoline and Italy as also in the Match with England and defraying of Ambassadors expences together with Alliances with States considering that the Cardinal entring upon the Administration had found the Treasury not onely exhausted but likewise much indebted so that they lived upon the next years Revenues This was an effect of that great Ministers prudence who knowing how necessary it was for a State to have a good mass of Mony in reserve had quickly so setled the Treasuries that there was great plenty succeeded that former want The Secretaries of State were commanded not to seal any more Orders but by express command from the King or his Chief Ministers The Superintendants were also ordered not to authorize those which should be presented from the Secretaries of State but upon good and just consideration There were divers persons removed from Court who attended there to no intent or purpose but only had sometimes the honour to see the King Rewards were kept for those who deserved them by their services There were also new orders taken at the same time concerning the Treasuries which were so
contained the depth of his employment and it was the happier for France that he was so improvident to carry such papers about him which could only serve to cause him be taken and put to great trouble It was about the end of September that he was arrested and at first carried into Coffie The Duke of Orleans hearing of it took his part made a great noise about it and fancying to himself that the English were landed in the I le of Ree that they and the Marshal de Thoyras were close ingaged together he dispatched the Sieurs de Ville and de Leven-Court one in the neck of t'other to the Queen Mother then at Paris in his Majesty absence to demand Mountagu of her and in case she did refuse it to let him know it within foure and twenty howers time protesting withal that he well knew how to carve his own satisfaction for this injurie which he pretended had been done him because he said Mountagu had been taken in his territories He had at that time his Arms in his hand to second the English and Duke of Savoy and at the same time that he send to the Queen Mother he resolved to besiedg Coffie where Mountagu was then Prisoner as also to assault divers other Frontier Towns whilst his Majesty was busied in resisting the English But the dilligence used in removing of Mountagu from Coiffie to Paris together with the defeat given the English at Ree as shall anon be declared made him and the Duke of Savoy too change their resolutions for that they found the King in a condition able to deal with both of them at once They were likewise told that in case they would oblige his Majesty to come out of Poictou they might both of them pay the charges of his Journey So the Duke of Savoy turned his design upon Genoua which he thought to surprise by a Stratugem which had been contrived and the Duke of Lorrain was contented to be quiet upon assurance given him that Mountagu should be set at liberty soon after his Majesties return to Paris His anger was like storms which after much noise are quelled in a moment she resolved without any great intreaty to expect the Kings return to Paris whither he soon after arrived Mountaigu's Person not being so considerable as his Papers from which there had been discovered as much as was desired his Majesty brought him out of the Bastile and delivered him up unto him reserving that punishment for another time which he had resolved for the Duke of Lorrain and which he had deserved by his engaging in such intreagues In the mean time the King was very glad to see in these Papers that the Duke of Savoy knew of the English design to land in Ree that he had promised to assist them That he had perswade the Duke of Rohan to revolt that he had assisted him with succours That he had ingaged to fall upon the Dauphine with six thousand foot and twelve hundred Horse There was by them likewise discovered the design which the English had projected against Toulon for the sending certain Ships pretending to trade in the Levant and how the Duke of Savoy engaged to assist them with men and Gallies That the same Duke had a hand too in that attempt which was afterwards made against Montpelier That he had intended to have surprised Brecon and Valence and besides all this there were amongst them divers bloudy Manifests against the King his Ministers of State and the Government of his affairs Politique Observation TO be imployed without good cause for the troubling of a Forrain Princes State is a Commission as little happy as honourable If it tend to the Arming of his subjects against him It hath ever had such ill successe that one may say of him who arms them that in shaking the Pillars of the State Justice and obedience he only burries them in their own ruines If it be for the making of confederacies with neighbouring Princes to make a war upon another they last so little that there is not any hopes of more expectation from them Either of the Chiefs would have more power in the Army then his companion Then comes distruct between them no one obtains any glory which t'other doth not envy nay and hinder too if he can Great designs raised upon such weak grounds fall to ruine like structures built upon a foundation of sand War is of it self so uncertain that he who begins it is not sure to gain any thing by it A Command mis-apprehended an Order ill executed an enterprise not well timed an inconsiderate rashness and in short one poor single word may sometimes put a whole Army to the rout Besides negotiations being often considered by their Events all the blame will be assuredly laid in his dish who first perswaded to the design On the other side God favoureth Just Arms and vallour signifies nothing saith Bâllisarius without Justice so that he who ingageth any without a lawful cause may expect nothing but mis-fortune and confusion But to waht dangers doth he expose himself whilst he passeth thorough his States against whom he attempteth to make a war Not to stop him were a madness in any Prince and a greater not to punish him for his rashness But admit he escape that mis-fortune his very Commission is contemptible seeing it usually brings trouble and charge to his Country I have ever much esteemed of Phocions words in Plutarch to Leosthenes who in an Oration endeavoured to engage the Ethenians in the Lamian war after Alexanders death Thy speech quoth he is like a Cypres large and full but beareth no fruit for just thus thou makest the people conceive victories and thy words puff them up with signal advantages but indeed there is not any just ground to hope for any certain fruit from such a war tending to the States good so inconstant misfortunate and expensive are all wars whatever What did all those turbulent Souls carry away but blame and misfortune who employed their whole time provoked to it only by their particular passions any unjust reasons to raise wars amongst Princes The Count de St. Paul may serve for a notable example in this kinde After he had spent all his dayes in Broyles and turmoyles his glory vanished like smoak and at last he payd for those Treacheries by death which he had put upon Lewis the Eleventh In the same manner Savanorolla had passed for a Saint amongst the Florentines but for that seditious Spirit which animated him against the house of Medicis and excited him to make a war even against his own Cittizens but the blame he reaped by it sullyed all his glory and in my opinion whoever engageth himself in such a Commission may not expect any greater honour by it Turbulent Spirits clapt up in the Bastille THese Forrain designs were not a lone to be feared there were divers other Grandees of the Kingdom sediously disposed who had some notice of
because his Majesty was desirous to give a period unto those calamities which had brought Germany into so miserable a condition but also for the Interests of this Crown which being concern'd with those Christian Princes who are not tied to the House of Austria oblige him to hinder the Emperours becomming absolute unto which the war seemed to contribute by weakning the Princes Electors and ruining the Protestants This was the more considerable in regard his Majesty was not then in a Capacity to redresse their aggrievances by force of Arms he was likewise commanded to procure an Electoral Diet where the Electours comming to treat together would doubtlesse resolve and conclude a Peace whereas if they should manage their affairs by their Doctors who for the most part were Pensioners to the House of Austria there could be but slender hopes of a good successe His Instructions Charged him to acquaint them that he was commanded to negotiate the cessation of Arms both with the Emperour the King of Denmark and themselves and that he should effectually endeavour to accomplish it provided that they would ingage unto his Majesty by Instruments drawn up in form that they would after the King of Denmark should assent unto it procure the Emperour to do the like and that themselves would do the same on their parts and lastly that they would call an Electoral Diet where the Peace should be ratified as also a confirmation of their Alliance with France These were the Chief Points of the Sieur de Macheville Instructions in which he bestirred himself with such diligence that he prevailed upon the Princes Electors without discovering his Majesties Intentions to defer the Election of the Roman King That he perswaded them to think it improper for the Prince Elector to retier into France That he tied the Prince Elector of Treves unto his Majesties Interests by Chains of Gold and that he at last procured them to meet at Mulhausen He himself came thither and represented to them those great miseries which the war had brought upon Germany in such effectual language that they became more inclined to Peace then formerly they had been And the year following the Peace was accordingly concluded which the House of Austria would have found means to prevent had not France interposed in the business Politique Observation IT is a piece of great Prudence in a Prince to procure a Peace for his Allyes when the war is not favourable to them It cannot be doubted but that his endeavours will redound to his Honour and Glory seeing it is no small reputation to become an Arbitrator between Soveraigns for God himself who overuleth the whole World hath styled himself The God of Peace But besides this consideration those Princes who have gone by the worst in a war are mutually bound to assist him in his occasions he having preserved them from destruction withal the quality of Allie doth oblige him to become a Mediator for them it being a means proper to preserve their Union and an Act necessary for their conservation The Laws of Charity which command all Christians to lend a helping hand unto one another in dangers and necessities do more especially injoyn it unto Princes seeing their downfals cannot but carry greater consequences with them and that after many frowns of war their ruin cannot be avoided When once they are reduced to extremity it is no longer seasonable then to treat of a Peace for victory pufs up their Enemy whose insolency will hardly give way to loose the advantages he hath gotten and if he should be drawn to lay down his Arms it must be upon hard and shameful termes It is easie to conceive how dangerous it is long to expose them unto the uncertainties of war seeing that Prince who once looses either part of his reputation or forces doth for the most part undergo duly crosses and seems to have been made the laughing stock of Fortune It was not without great reason that Scipio said unto Antiochus The Majesty of a King is not so easily reduced from the height of their power to a more indifferent degree as it is precipitated from an indifferent degree unto the lowest ebb of Fortune Hereupon it was that Hannibal desired Peace of Scipio the African before the last battail which he fought in which he was overcome and that he Etolians were blamed for not accepting of it when offered unto them by the Romans after they had been often worsted by them I might hereunto add that a King who in such occasions procureth a Peace for this Allyes doth not a little serve his own Interests for that a Kings Power consisteth as much in the force of his Allyes as in that of his own subjects There is so strict an Union between the States of Allyes that no one of them can receive any considerable losse but the effects of it will soon appear in all the rest The Power of Allyes is like the strength of the Frontiers to a Kingdome and as an Enemy having once gotten the suburbs and out Quarters hath a notable advantage against the Town it self so the Allyes of a King can neither be weakned nor ruined but himself is in danger of being assaulted in his own Dominions and is rendred the lesse able to make resistance in regard his Allyes are not in a condition to relieve him It was for this cause that Thucydides said he who dis-respecteth his dangers of his Allyes is carelesse of his own safety and I conceive that a Prince who sees his Allyes groaning under the hand of War is equally bound to assist them by mediating a Peace for them least his ruin follow theirs as every man seeing his Neighbours house on fire is obliged to use his utmost endeavour to extinguish it least his own house come into the like danger The Marquis de Saint Chaumont sent to Vincent the Duke of Mantoua in quality of an Ambassodour Extraordinary AT the same time that the Sieur de Marcheville went into Germany His Majesty who thought himself equally concern'd in the Interests of his Allyes as the Affairs of his own State sent the Marquis de Saint Chaumont Extraordinary Ambassadour to the Duke of Mantoua The Duke had by letters express given his Majesty notice of his Brother Ferdinand's death and also begged his assistance to second by his name and officers as Rome the suit which he made there for dissolution of the marriage which he had lately contracted with the Princess de Bossolo who though she had charms enough to perswade him to marry her yet was too old to bear Children The King could have answered him by letters but it being necessary to look after Monsieur de Neuers his Interests who only hoped for his Majesties assistance he thought it more proper to send an Extraordinary Ambassador thither The Marquis de Saint Chaumont was chosen for this employment and commanded to signifie to the Duke how sensibly displeased his Majesty was at the late Dukes death but
was alwaies receiv'd and entertain'd at his return with honour and magnificence and when he took his last leave was presented with a Cross of Diamonds worth two thousand Crowns But his frequent Voyages made him to be more swayed with imaginary conceits then prudence in his undertaking and that after he had wasted the estate by Birth and Fortune derived to him he would have been glad to have gotten others from the bounty of his Majesty Politique Observation ALthough one Prince may have received some unkindness from another yet ought he not however to be deficient in receiving his Ambassadors with civility and honour Civility is a vertue which ought to be used every where Alexander whose example is the more considerable seeing he was alwaies esteemed for generous used it even to excess and that towards his very enemies He ought to hold a correspondence with others though he hath neither reason to love them nor to think that he is beloved by them It will not become him to seem as if he would be revenged but effectually to punish him who hath provoked him whereas at is discretion to entertain him with Civilities for the easier surprizing of him the highest testimonies of friendship which he shall render to him being the best devices he can use to give him no cause of jealousie which may induce him to stand upon his guard One of the Ancient Sages said A Prince never ought to receive the kindnesses of others but with distrust Pompey was decived by the pretenses of peace and Lepidus by an apparent Friendship as Tacitus hath observed In general it may be said that Civilities are like a winding lane which lead by a Trap door into any designed place what-ever They are alwaies seasonable and although they are not alwaies accompanied with frankness yet are they nevertheless agreeable to the Receiver and advantagious to the Giver The Wise man somtimes seemeth to be highly satisfied though he be inwardly displeased which he doth that he may the better take his time and shew his anger to the purpose for by dissembling his discontent with his enemies he is the more enabled to do them a displeasure neither ought he to shew his Teeth but when he is in a condition to bite But more especially ought he not to receive Ambassadors sent to him but with Honour and respect seeing their Quality hath alwaies made them pass for venerable in consideration of the person whom they represent Neither is the Honour done them cast away for it serves to take off from their Master's distrust who may thereby be intic'd to take less care in his affairs then otherwise he would withal it keeps his Neighbours in suspence and hinders them from associating themselves with him for most Princes are apt to divide upon the least noise of War The King sendeth the Cardinal de la Valette unto Monsieur then at Orleans HAving related the causes of the Queen-Mothers discontent and the manner of her retreat it will not be amiss to speak somthing of Monsieur's affairs of his Majesties and the Cardinal's endeavours to bring him back to the Court and of the ill Counsel which engaged him to raise a War and at last to with-draw himself out of the Kingdom Upon his Majesties return from Compeigne where he had left the Queen-Mother he resolved not to omit any opportunity which might be conducing to reconcile him unto him and to withdraw him from the Queen-Mothers intreagues and having thought nothing could be more proper to allay his Spirits which had been a little exasperated then to marry him his Majesty dispatched the Cardinal de la Valette to him then at Orleans to assure him that there was not any security or satisfaction which should be denyed him in case he would return as he was desired more particularly that he would very willingly yeild to his marriage with the Princess Maria which heretofore had been importunately entreated This Procedure was a sufficient testimony of the King's affection seeing he could not marry himself without engaging his Majesties Interests in it and that his Authority could not but receive some prejudice in case he should have any children Yet some ill Counsellors then neer him stopp'd his eyes that he might not see it The Cardinal de la Valette proposed it to him and gave him all imaginable assurances of the King's affection But he found him in a thousand jealousies which Coigneux and others had instilled into him on purpose to decline him from his Majesties Interests and to make themselves the more considerable with him For his own part he was well enough inclin'd to do what-ever could be required of him but those creatures of his had gotten such a hand over him by their tricks and devices that in a minute they unravelled what-ever the Cardinal de la Valette had with much ado wrought to any perfection They represented to him the Queen Mother's Interest and perswaded him that he was engaged in Honour to assist her in those persecutions into which the Cardinal had brought her which were Chimeras only and that it were a great dishonour for him to forsake her she having cast her self as it were into his Arms withaâ they terrified him with panique fears and protested to him that they would not assure him of his liberty if once he came within the Cardinal's reach as if the King's Arms had not been long enough to have secured him whilest he was at Orleans had he been so inclined and as if the King's word had not been an assurance ample enough Was not that only proposal of the Marriage a certain demonstration that the King had not any intent of imprisoning him unless in the fetters of Love which he thought a tye strong enough to continue him neer unto him But this too they perswaded him was a Lure to draw him to into the ginns provided for him insomuch that it was impossible to bring him back or to perswade him to have any confidence in his Majesty Thus did those Creatures of his tryumph over his goodness sacrifice his glory to their own Interests and raise themselves to that pitch of Insolence that they would build their own Fortunes upon the despisal of the Royal Authority Politique Observation AS a Wise and Loyal Counsellor is the cause of a thousand good successes so a bad one serves only to ingage his Prince in the extremity of misfortunes Princes ought especially to beware of such who make their own private interest their main business for from such they cannot expect any thing but dis-service and they are obliged to remove such from the Court seeing they themselves do but seldome take the pains to examine and discuss such affairs as are presented to them whence by the advices of such men they come to be oftentimes engaged in very dangerous designs Happy are those Princes whose Ministers chief ends are their Masters glory and this is his Majesties present happiness for they being neither passionate nor
Interests in any thing That Town is of no small consideration it having formerly given the English when and as often as they desired an uncontrouled entrance into the Kingdom and with them Monsieur held but too strict an intelligence at this very time This was a disease not to be suffered to grow any older yet the cure of it had been almost desperate to any other but the King for Calais as it is far removed from Paris so is it likewise more distant from Lorrain But his Majesty whose vigilance doth oftentimes give him great Victories did easily endure the troubles of the Journey He knew from his cradle it was not without great reason that an Emperour designing to represent upon the Reverse of a Medail the means which the Roman Republique had used in conquering the Universe contrived a Rome with wings upon its feet and hands intimating that Vigilance had made her Mistress of the world In order whereunto he never apprehended any embroyl elther within or without the Kingdom which he did not readily encounter in his own person upon the least assurance that he might take them unproprovided who had contrived any thing against his State or person and thereby overcome them with less trouble and more ease The King departed then from Saint Germain about the beginning of May and not long after came to Calais where being arrived he placed six Companies of the Regiment of Navarre in the Cittadel commanded the Sieur de Vaâance to retire himself to one of his Houses left the Sieur de Râmbures to command it until his Majesty should otherwise dispose of it and having stay'd two days he departed towards Lorrain that he might let the Duke know his proceedings had made him guilty both of Injustice and Rashness which two things he was come to chastise by the force of his Arms. Politique Observation GOd having constituted Kings as the Images of his Power doth no less require them to punish any injuries committed against their Majesty then the crimes of their Subjects To what other end is it that they have the sword of Justice intrusted with them unless it be as an assured testimony of the power they have to Right themselves for any injuries He who hath so little courage as to pass them by will soon become the object of his Neighbours scorn every one will trample on him and God himself being offended at his little care in preserving those stamps of his Majesty which he hath imprinted on his Forehead will justly permit him to be despoyled of that honour which he had bestowed upon him God hath unto private men given no other means to repel the injuries offered unto them then the Justice of their Soveraigns whom he hath commanded to right them but otherwise it is with Kings unto them he hath given power to punish those who offend them be they of what quality soever There is not a man above them who can arbitrate their differences themselves are the only Judges of their own Rights and they may lawfully take up Arms both when and as often as their Prudence and Justice shall think fit The Primum Mobile hath no dependence on any other Orb in point of his motion and Kings those primary causes of a State have no superiour authority over them to direct them in point of War It is sufficient that they against whom they take up Arms have given them cause so to do Hence it is that one of the eminent'st lights of the Church calleth that War just which is undertaken to revenge injuries And Archidamus in Thucydides saith Every War is just which is made to revenge any groundless injury Now amongst all the things which may provoke a Prince to take up Arms that of raising Forces to invade his Kingdom of violating Treaties and recommencing old Quarrels are most justifiable The Rules of Politique Justice do not only permit a War as lawful against them who come and besiege Towns and commit disorders in another State no they are not bound to sit still in expectation of that storm but it sufficeth to have only known discovered their designs and malicious intentions for otherwise it were a very great imprudence the ablest Commanders having ever concluded it better to carry a war into his Country who designeth to invade then to expect him in our own In fine The Breach of Treaties and Promises hath alwaies been accounted highly injurious unto Princes Gentlemen have their throats cut for breach of word and Princes may not put it up if it be of never so little concernment without making war upon it With the Spaniards indeed it is proverbial Wind carries Words and Feathers The wisest Politicians do tell us That to promise in a Treaty what is not intended to be performed is to scorn a Prince and Homer saith He who promiseth one thing and intendeth another ought to be reputed for an Enemy Mounsieur entreth Lorrain in Arms. THe King being at Laon was inform'd by a Courier from the Mareschal de la Force that Monsieur had pass'd by Malatour a little Village between Verdun and Mets and that his Forces were joyned with the Duke's and by another near the same time that Monsieur no sooner arrived but he began the war having cut off a Troop of Carabines sent by the Mareschal d' Effiat in peace the Duke being obliged to give his Ma Majesties Troops free passage and in fine that he was entred the Kingdom in Arms. Hereupon the King advanced in âast towards the Army which was numerous and strong the Mareschal d' Effiat being arrived from Germany and commanded the Duke de Chaune and Mareschal d' Effiat to draw together the Nobility which came to attend him upon the Frontiers To make short he came to Saint Monehoust the 15. of June ready to fall with his Army upon the Duke of Lorrain in case he offered to stir a foot or send and Forces with Monsieur into France but he was better advised as it fell out then so to do The Mareschal d' Effiat without more loss of time presented his Army before Pont-a Mousson which so terrified the Inhabitants that they opened their Garet without resistance The Duke of Lorrain was no less astonished and now beginning to foresee his ruine desired a meeting with the Mareschal d' Effiat where he accused Monsieur's arrival at Nancy protesting it was not by his procurement and telling him he would give his Majesty any satisfaction or assurance of his fidelity The Mareschal acquainted his Majesty therewith who thought it not best to pardon him a second time without some kind of revenge especially seeing there was no trust to be given to his promises after so manifest a discovery of his malice and designs against France whereupon he drew up to Vaubecourt to enter upon Lorrain In the mean time having Intelligence brought that a Regiment of the Duke's Horse commanded by the Sieur de Lenoncourt was not far from Rouuray that he might teach him
means the Soverainty to the Grisons and the absolute disposing power of the Passages to France in whose actual possession they then were that there never should any exercise of Religion be established in the Valtoline but only the Roman Catholique and Apostolique that the Valtolines might elect their own Governors and Magistrates all Catholiques either of the Grisons or the Valtolines That such elections should be confirmed by the Grisons who should not however have any power to refuse the Ratification of them That all the Forts in the Valtoline should be restored into the Popes hands to be forth with rased and demollished that the two Kings should proceed with all sincerity to settle peace between such of their Allyes as had ingaged in the wars with them and that neither of them should openly or privately give any abbetting or assistance to the continuing of the war between them without having first used all fair means and wayes for the setling of a peaceable and friendly agreement Thus were all the grounds of difference between them ended and concluded to the great Happiness of Christendom though by away in it self extravagant enough and contrarie to all usual Forms Politique Observation IN all Treaties of great Importance It is more material to adhere to the substances then the formalities of conditions Formalities are indeed necessary as means to abtain that end which is proposed and there is great reason to rest satisfied when that same end is once obtained What sence is there not to accept of that which is aymed at when occasion doeth present but to leave it off to the hazard of time and Fortune and all to finish it with certain Ceremonies which at last cast do not at all advantage the thing doing The end say the Philosophers hath this propertie That it terminateth all motion and so a stone resteth when once arrived at the center of the Earth the end which the Creator of Nature hath ascribed unto it So the Artificer when once he hath perfected his workmanship forbeareth any further labour about it and it is most certain that all causes whether natural or artificial do prefer rest before motion if it were not necessary to admit of Actions for the attaining that end whereunto it tendeth Who knoweth not that Publique peace is the end of a wise Prince and the very thing too for which he doth attempt any war and that he would never design war but only for the obtayning of a quiet sure rest The sick person would never have any recourse to the Phisitian if he had no need of putting his distempered body into a good order And what Reason could there be for continuation of the war when there is an overture offered for accepting of an honorable and advantageous peace to do so were point blanck against the prescribed rule of Justice of which both art nature giveth us examples Admit there be some formalities wanting in the Treaty they ought to be considered in the order of negotiation in the same manner as the motions of nature and as no one maketh any esteem of motion when as the pretended end is once obtained So the wisest Polititians doe lay by the considerations of all formalities when once they are arrived at that pitch which they propose to themselves The Pope is very glad of the Treaty of Peace between France and Spain AS soon as the Treaty was concluded his Majesties next care was to induce his Allyes to ratifie it The Pope was first of all acquainted with it who was overjoyed at it and openly declared to the Sieur de Bâthune that he took no notice at all of the extraordinary manner had bin use by concluding it without interesting him or letting him have a hand in it only that he might rejoyce with the more liberty to behold the two Crowns of France and Spain in Peace I shall also add that his Holiness excused himself too for the Resolution which he had taken of sending six housand men to Pepeinheim for the guarding of the Fort of Rive assuring him that he had not done it but only to vindicate the injurie which had been done him by the Spaniards who were come to that point of Boldness as to say his Holiness favoured the Grisons against the Valtolines as also in some sort to repell the injurie which had been offered to the Holy Chair when as those Forts were taken which had been guarded under his Ensignes and that he did moreover pretend by this means to get a greater power over the Spaniards that he might afterwards the more easily force them to accept of a reasonable Treaty But he was much more overjoyed at the news of the last Treaty for he heard at the same time from the Siâur de Bethune that his Master the King had also accepted of it and that the Peace was by that means absolutely concluded The sending of the Sieur de Bullion towards the Duke of Savoy to perswade him to assent to the Treaty before mentioned NOw as this Agreement was the principal thing which could be desired from his Holiness so the Sieur de Bethune satisfied him with it by representing to him with what respects the King his Master had treated him by his admitting the Forts should be restored into his Holinesses hands to be by him demolished All the Princes of Italy who were not entred into the league did testifie a great deal of joy at the news of the accomodation but it was not so with the Duke of Savoy and Common-wealth of Veniee who upon the first hear-say of it seemed to be much discontented for that the Treaty had been concluded without them though in reallity they had no reason to be troubled at the foundation of it seeing his Majesty had obtained those ends for which their Armies and Forces had been united and leagued together But in regard the form of the Treaty was contrary to that Order which was usually observed his Majesty resolved to send his Ambassadors to them to recompense by some extraordinary ãâã the default which might be omitted in prejudice of their right The ãâã de Bullion was sent towards the Duke of Savoy by reason of that credit and acquaintance which he had of a long time had with the said Duke His Instruction consisted of three particualrs The first to induce his Highness to assent unto the Treaty of Mouson and to qualifie his resentments for that it had been done without him The second was to dispose him towards a cessation of Arms with those of Genoa and to refer the business of their differences to arbitration and lastly to treat with him concerning the interests of his house and withal to proffer him his Majesties assistance to raise him to the greatest point of glory that he could aime at Upon the first of these three points the Sieur de Bullion had orders to give his Highness to understand that the manner of Sieur de Fargis his proceeding in it had deprived his
Spain Politique Observation THere may such occasions in war fall out that it may be absolutely necessary to make use of Forraign Forces and the very greatest Princes are subject hereunto because at some one time or other they may chance be so surprised that it may be impossible for their own proper Forces to repel the Enemy who assaults them But without doubt he that can make a shift without them does wisely not to make any use of them at all for relying on the Forces of strangers he doth in some sort make himself dependant on that Prince who assisteth him and also they cannot in reason be so loyal faithful and courageous in any his affairs as his own subjects Forriners fight more for gain and their own particular Interest then for any good will to him unto whom they are sent insomuch that could they find any where else more advantageous conditions though it were in the very adverse party they would make no scruple of running in unto them This hath been formerly evidenced by the Celtiberi who having bin first suborned by the Romans left the Carthagians and not long after were regained by those of Carthage and did as soon forsake the Roman Army and return to their first Masters Do not the Swisses often do the same thing Their Profession is not to fight but for mony It once fell out that Lewâs the Eleventh for some reasons of State being unable to pay them so precisely as he promised they resolved to seize on his Person and the Chief of his Court and to keep them until they had received the last penny and he fearing to fall into their hands was forced to flie for his safety The Baylif of Dion who had raised them together with some others could not escape their fury they were taken by them and could not get off until they were satisfied to the utmost farthing of their due Whereas on the other side a Princes own subjects are tyed to him by the fidelity which they owe to his Crown and though not punctually paid yet do they continue Loyal and courageous and whilst they fight for their own Interest and glory no doubt but they will shew themselves more resolute and daring then strangers who have not any of those concerns All Princes who ever obtained any signal victories have been beholding to their own native forces for them The Turkish Emperour useth no other Alexander by this means in a little while made so great a progresse in Armes as never any one did the like I suppose that it is with Armies composed of a mans own subjects as with the natural clean strength of a mans own body which is much more to be esteemed then that which is infused by art into sick persons That Prince who useth strangers cannot more fitly be compared to any thing then a man in a languishing condition whose natural heat is decayed who to warm and comfort his stomach hath recourse to spices which instead of preserving him scorch up his bloud and destroy his life for just so do strangers to him that depends on them advantage him they cannot but will it may be ruin him as before is manifested by divers pregnant Reasons Marquis Spinola his Son and the Marquis de Leganez come to see the siedge of Rochel THE same day that Don Frederich de Toledo set sail for his return came the Marquis Spinola from the low Countries and having passed by Paris where the Queen received him with great Honour arrived at the Camp before Rochel with his Son his Son-in-Law and the Marquis de Leganez Ambassador Extraordinary from Spain The Marshal de Schomberg went a League out to receive them by the Kings desire and after he was arrived the King Commanded him to be visited with great Honour His Audience was granted very shortly thereupon with all the endearments that possible could be expressed Amongst other things the King told him that he came into those parts against his Phisitians advices being not yet quite recoverd of a troublesome sickness but he was forced to it to drive out the English from his Teretories who indeed had not made any long stay That having perceived his subjects of Rochel to have been the Bringers in of the English he resolved to punish them for it and to take them by siedg in which he observed for a pattern that which was made at Breda and then he invited them to see the Works though at that time they were not quite finished The Marquis highly extolled all his Majesties Actions especially that of beating the English from Ree He told him that his Presence made his Nobility invincible and withal that indeed nothing was so glorious for a man of quality as to fight in his Princes sight That for his part it grieved him never to have had the King his Master for a witness of his Actions and that he should willingly dye to obtain that Honour After he had gone the round he went to see the Banck which he much admired and openly said that if they finished that work of shutting up the Channel and keeping the Souldiers in good order it would be impossible for the town to escape taking He well knew what place the Cardinal was in neer his Majesty and that the King had not engaged himself in this design but by his advice he observed that the admirable order kept in the siedg was an effect of his Conduct so he went to visit him with great Respects The Cardinal received him with the like they continued a long while in discourse together during which they interchangably contracted a very great friendship with each other which was the cause that afterwards meeting in Piedmont one in the behalf of France and t'other of Spain they carried on the war with courtesie and courage shewing that civilities and kindnesses might be used amongst Enemies without prejudice to their Masters Interests Politick Observation THE entertaining of strangers who passe by a Princes Court with Honour if they are considerable either in their Births or Actions doth much advantage the glory of a Prince He who would be esteemed a generous Prince as well abroad as at home is obliged to it The Honour which he doth to such Persons is a Ray of Glory which by reverberation doth reflect on himself for they who receive his kindness are bound to be the Trumpeters of his Praise Though the Romans slighted all strangers esteeming them Barbarous yet they had a Law whereby they were bound to receive them with greater Honour and respect when they came to the City of Rome And that I may a little open the quality of their reception I shall first observe that it ought to be with all kind of civility and courtesie For this vertue is a Charm so powerful and so captivating the soul That as Lewis the Eleventh said it doth sometimes of the greatest Enemies raise up the perfectest friends whence it hapned that he himself took great care and delight
Provinces were like so many petty Kings The Kings family was maintained by two or three years advance of the Treasury before hand exhausted to inrich those who were factiously inclined and without any honour to the King The Allies of the Crown were left to the mercie of their enemies of whom the Kingdome stood in fear The case was now altered the Heretick faction was brought upon their knees the Princes of the blond were forced to live in obedience the Governours of Provinces durst do nothing but what was just the Treasuries were well regulated and employed for the Kings Honour and State In short the whole body of France heretofore sick and languishing began to recover strength with assurance of perfect health when as its Forraign and Domestick enemies did not at all divert the Cardinals designs All these things were so apparent that the Cimmerian darknesse could not hinder the sight of them but who knows not that the strongest reasons cannot touch them who are over-mastered with Passion as we have reason to beleeve they could not those about Monsieur seeing they were so blind in perswading him to a course so directly contrary to that which the Cardinal had projected for the establishment of the Kingdom They should have learned that as the Planets do not immit their influences here beneath without causing of great alterations in the world so neither do the Princes of the Blood ever separate themselves from their King and Country but they cause great troubles and disorders and in case there were any others in the State this were to remedy it by a worse a thing contrary to the Laws of Prudence but a thing not much by them regarded so they could but overcome their Masters spirit that they might afterwards lead him to whatever they desired Politique Observation IF Divine Providence doth not appear with more splendour in any one thing then the Government of the Universe then true it is that humane wisedom is never more admirable then in the Conduct of Kingdomes especially when they are fallen from their first height and that there is a necessity to re-establish them This re-establishment doth undeniably depend upon that particular Minister who governeth affairs next under the Authority of his Prince for he is in the State as the Sun in the World as the eye to the Body and as the Primum mobile among the Heavens Yet however two truths cannot be gain-said the first is that a State being a society of free men who not exactly following the motions which their chief minister gives them it cannot be avoided but that some disorder must follow unlesse divers others besides himself be assistant The principal causes share indeed the chief glory in producing their effects but not of being the onely producers of them and the Sun himself could not enamel the earth with the Flowers of the Spring unlesse other causes did co-operate and as no Labourer how vigilant soever can hinder the fields from producing Weeds so it is likewise impossible that a chief Minister how prudent soever should so settle a State that no disorder should appear in it seeing it is no lesse natural for people to he unruly then for the earth to bring forth weeds The second that it is a work of time to re-establish a State once fallen into confusion Nature works slowly produceth the seed out of the grain the sien from the seed the tree from the sien the flower from the tree and at last the fruit Thus likewise a Minister of State how excellent soever he be cannot reduce confusion into order but by little and little and by setting his Engines on work one after another There must needs be some time spent in inquiring into the true causes of these evils it being impossible to apply convenient remedies without discovering the original defect He had need be instructed with Prudence and experience to consider those things which have heretofore conduced to make that State flourish which he would now restore and also that which hath been glorious for other States He ought to imitate good Physitians who having observed those ill humours which cause the sicknesse use their art first to purge them out and then to bring their Patient to a good temper The principal causes of the ruine of a State are civil Wars disrespect of authority the too great Power of Princes of the Blood Strangers and Governours Factions negligence in Judges to punish publick disorders want of good Discipline among Souldiers and the oppressures of the people now what a deal of time must there be to redresse all these and establish one quite contrary It cannot be done but by time and labour nay impossible if the Kingdom be either in civil or forraign War Lastly the Minister hath need of some time to reduce the neighbour Countries into such a condition that they may not indanger his Physitians are carefull for the restoring of their Patient to perfect health that neither the ayr nor any thing about him may be offensive to him and a Prudent Minister is no lesse obliged to be carefull not onely that his neighbours may not injure him but that they may be serviceable to him He must keep a strict intelligence with his Allies not injuring them but assisting them in all occasions as the Romans did who sent their Embassadours from Town to Town to make a friendship with them and to divert them from the Carthaginians He ought to indeavour the breaking off all Leagues between forraign Princes whose strength by their uniting might become suspected whence it follows that he ought not to be over-hasty in extinguishing any Wars between them nay some he is bound to foment as Lewis the Eleventh did to divert those storms which else would have fallen upon France These are the chief means which can contribute to the establishment of a State but who seeth not that amongst a thousand different causes it is impossible totally to effect it unlesse after a long time and with extream care and diligence The Marshal de Marillac is send by the King to Monsieur THey of the Queen Mothers faction would by no means let slip Monsieur's retreat without making advantage of it They despaired of ever overcoming his Majesty considering how great an esteem be professed to have of the Cardinals services They very well knew that the Queen Mother could not countenance any one against him so powerfully as Monsieur whereupon they did their utmost to breed a good understanding between them and when his Majesty had sent divers to Monsieur they did at last work the Queen Mother to procure Marillac to be sent to him a person whom they knew to be fit for their design The Cardinal gave him his instructions as to what he should say from his Majesty which tended to remember him how really his Majesty did affect him heretofore to assure him he was not at all altered at that present That his Majesty did not complain of him for his departure
which was out of Cannon shot This struck such a dread into the Townsmen and Governour of the Place who had never seen his Majesty so bestir himself that they could not but imagine he would have taken all that pains for their sakes without punishing them with rigor in the conclusion so they presently dispatched Deputies to the King to beg 3 dayes time that they might consider and confer what they should do but his Majesty replyed that he would quarter in the Town that very day so they then presently surrendered knowing it to be Rashness to resist a Prince so couragious and one who knew so well to conduct his Army Politique Observation DElay which a man granteth to an Enemy is frequently of such consequence that a good or bad successe doth depend on it One dayes time gives the besieged leave to make such trenches as will not be regained in a whole month Henry the second for having attended thus but a very little was forced to raise the siege of Perpignan and if Pyrrhus had assaulted Sparta the same night that he sat down before it he had then taken it without difficulty which he could not the next day Memorable is that example of Peter de Medicis recorded by Guiccardine who stayed only one or two hours to let the rain passe and so came too late to Florence and found that his Enemies had but one hours notice of his arrival which gave them time enough to Arm themselves to resist him and in fine they did hinder and prevent his entrance which otherwise he had gained had it not been for that little stop It is as much follie to give time to a mans Enemies to fortifie themselves as it is discretion and advantagious to take them unprovided and before they have time to prepare themselves for a defence The taking of divers other Castels THE Castles of Clermont of Meyrac of Allinge and divers others thereabouts rendered themselves upon the first summons and all the way was open and free from Chambery to Geneve and Pont de Gresin so that his Majesty went directly by the Tarente where Prince Thomas was entrenched with about 9 or 1000 men in a place very advantagious and where a few men might stop a very great Army but he no sooner saw the Kings Forces appear but he sounded a retreat withdrawing himself from place to place from the Kings Army which followed him until he had past the ââount St. Bernard he not so much as offering to make any resistance which he might easily have done the Passages being very narrow and strait Politique Observation HE who hath at any time considered upon Mountains the impetuous course of a Torrent which running along the plain ânters with such a violence into a Valley that it carries away all the harvest roots up the trees turns topsie turvie the houses of the Villagers forceth the Country people to clime the tops of Trees drowneth all the Cattle and in a word commits a thousand ruins hath a most perfect view of what passed in the Tarente upon the comming in of his Majesties Army where ever he came they did all things whatever to obey his commands the most advantagious Stations were quite abandoned by the Soldiers whom their own very fear had routed all the Towns deserted and particularly in the City of Constance there was not one man to be found to fight withall The King makes himself Master of all Savoy AFter his Majesty had made himself Master of this Vallie he designed a Fort with 4 Bastions and certain Redouts at the foot of a Mountain which cut off all communication Between Piedmont and Savoy and hindred the march of any Forces which would passe into it It was guarded by 5 or 6000 men whom he lest there so that there was no other avenue for to be taken but that of Morienne which would be shut up by the taking of Charbonniers Accordingly his Majesty commanded the Marshal de Crequy to go and besiege it and the Marquis de Vignoles at the self same time to commence the siege of Montmelian which was as soon executed as commanded So that his Majesty being at St. Pierre D' Albiguy the Cardinal shewed him in his Tent that which never any Prince had the Honour to behold at one time Three several Sieges that of Montmelian that of Charbonniers and that of Laville from all which he might see the smoak of his Cannons Charbonniers and Laville were quickly taken and Montmelian was so blocked up that it was impossible to relieve it with any it provision of men or victuals Thus his Majesty was Master of Savoy so that the Duke himself could not make his entrance in to it by any way to regain it all the Passages being shut up Politique Observation SUch victories as these being founded upon the invincible generosity of the King assisted with the incomparable prudence of the Cardinal cannot be sufficiently admired Whence it comes that leaving the usual method of this History I shall turn the Politique Observations into Praises Is it not to be concluded that there is nothing which equalizeth his Courage and good Fortune both which conspire in emulation of one another to render him the most Illustrious and most Glorious Monarque of he whole Universe Doth not truth oblige us to acknowledge that he is both the greatest and wisest Captain that every yet was and that the Rayes of hâs Valour do obscure the light of those brave Commanders whom Antiquitie dâd so much admire In the Ages which shall succeed us his victories will be proposed as an Example to all who shall weyld the Scepter The Generousness of his Actions shall be as a looking Glasse and a School to all such as would follow his tracts The Reputation of his Arms and so many graces and admirable vertues wherewith Heaven endued him had much contributed to the conquest of all those Countries which justly belong to him if the mis-fortunes of this Kingdom and those who are of neerest relation to it had not obstructed and opposed it There was not any one Enemy who durst present himself before him with his Arms but soon carried away the Marks of his Valour And it seems that those have in particular had no other advantage admit it were in the siege of a Place where a hundred might beat a 1000 or where the quantities of their Forces did much exceed his Majesty Numbers But to add new Rayes to his Glory never durst they stay to expect him and they placed their safety in the swiftnesse of their feet and a shameful flight The King marcheth toward Lyon at the perswasion of the Queen Mother THough the happy successes of his Majesties Arms seemed to banish all cause of fear yet as Women are naturally timerous The Queen Mother was troubled with much impatiency that his Majestie should ingage himself any farther in the War particularly against the Spaniard partly for the natural inclination shee had for Spain by her
his son Selim the first but shewed such an undanted courage that he could never be perswaded to withdraw himself although the Janizaries of his Guard were corrupted and so behaved himself that what with Iris presence and what with the gravity of his words they became ashamed to forsake him or commit the treason they had resolved against him Charles the fifth did the same thing in reducing the City of Gaunt for being in Spain upon the first report of their revolt he took âet and came in great hast unto Flanders where he easily checked their rebellion and punished the chief contrivers thereof Monsieur arriveth at Bezancon from whence he writeth unto the King MOnsieur being arrived at Bezançon Boigneux was much afflicted and displeased that he had so poorly played his Cards having not so much as time to draw his forces together so that he had recourse to his usual devices and perswaded him to send a Letter unto his Majesty wherein he should lay before him the pretences which he alledged for his departure The Letter was framed by himself with a little assistance but so imprudently was it contrived that there needed no more to condemn him guilty of high Treason It was full of injurious language against the King and seemed to call him a Prince without judgement neither had he any other pretexts for his departure out of the Kingdom but only the Queen-Mothers imprisonment at Compeigne a Chimaera only and the necessity of saving himself without having no security within the Kingdom a reason altogether inconsiderable seeing he was offered any assurance whatsoever and his third was the Cardinals ill conduct whom he could no longer endure so dangerous he was unto the Kingdom which last himself would have confessed to be ridiculous had he but reflected how effectually he had serv'd the King at Re in reducing of the Hâgonot Cities in the relieving of Cazal in the taking of Savoy and Piedmont and divers other expeditions which have much added to the honour and glory of the whole Nation These were the weak pretences which Coigneux made use of to hide Monsieur's imprudence and rashness in going âorth of the Kingdom But such insolencie being insupportable and the Letter brought by the Sieur de Brianson unto his Majesty then on hunting neer Baignâux where not one of his Councel had followed him he commanded the Lievtenant of his Guards to seize on him and from thence carry him unto the Castle of Dijon that he might teach others to beware of bringing any more letters unto him which were not conformable to the respect due unto him The King likewise considering how that Princes are commonly unfortunate in seeing their best actions discommended by their Subjects instead of being honoured as so many mysteries whose causes are to them unknown published a Declaration in the Parliament of Dijon wherein he set forth the true causes of Monsieur's departure both from Orleans and then out of the Kingdom as likewise of his journey into Burgogne which are the very same formerly intimated only adding this one that his Majesty was the more oblig'd to march into that Province in respect they had ingaged the Sieur de Bellegarde in their party and had particularly prevailed with him to send the Sieur Damase unto him then at Auxârre to contradict the news he had formerly sent unto the King by the Sieur de Bââcarre of Monsieur's Designs to retire into Burgogne for he had then discovered all their intentions and their pretences were esteemed as ridiculous It was not indeed only to manifest his own actions that his Majesty made the said Declaration but likewise to proclaim the Conte de Moret the Dukes of Elboeuf Bellâgarde and Rouannes the President Coigneux the Sieur de Puy-laurens Monsigot and the Pâre de Chanteloupe guilty of high Treason every of them having been accessary unto Monsieur's departure it being his Majesties further pleasure that they should accordingly be proceeded against in case they should not within one moneth make their addresses to obtain his pardon for their offences impowering all Governours and Officers to fall upon any who should attempt to levie any Souldiers without his Commission and Authority Politique Observation IN vain were the Laws for punishment of Treason made if they be not executed upon them who persever in their offences Mercy is indeed one of the best Qualities in a King but it bringeth Kingdoms into disorder and disobedience unless it be somtimes accompanied with severity Impunity doth embolden the head of a Faction to persist in his designs when violence scapes scot-free the publike Peace runs a hazard and when a King testifieth unto them an excess of Bounty or Mercy he only reduceth himself to the extremity of being afterwards disabled to correct theâr insolencies when he most desireth it To permit a party of factious persons to save themselves by flight at least without declaring them to be what indeed they are were to be injurious unto the State and guilty in some kind of cruelty The least severity inflicted upon such men after their Designes are once perceived doth extinguish the remaining flame whereas conniving at them adds feweâ to their fire in vain it is to hope by fair means to reduce them unto their duties the ablest Politicians have thought it an improper way to work upon them seeing it makes not any impression in the minds of Grandees who are incapable of true Friendship and that the means to stop the Career of their designs is by Force and Fear Not that I would advise a Prince to drive them into desperation by being over severe for that were equally dangerous and hath been found to have carried them on to extremities but so ought he to manage his business that he strike them with Fear and make them apprehensive of his Justice Men are more easily subjugated unto such as have made themselves terrible then to such who only endeavour to be beloved and they will sooner break the bonds of Love then of Fear Benefits work less upon their Natures then Punishments If the rewarding of services be so necessary for the incouragement of Faithful and Loyal servants surely chastisement is as needful to impede the progress of such as are factiously bent by striking them with Fear To be merciful alone is to want one hand and not to let them feel the rigours of Justice who cannot be kept within the limits of their duties by clemency were to endanger the loss of the Supream Authority The Debate in the Parliament of Paris upon the Declaration against the Rebels THe Crime which they who abused Monsieur's name did commit by their boldness in writing so outragious a letter unto the King was but too to great yet as one error makes way for another so they did not sit still there but seconded it by making of parties in the Parliament of Paris to obstruct the ratification of the Declaration published at Dijon His Majesty had sent the said Declaration to
the depths of the most great and mysterious affairs But they only publish these things for a pretext of their mutiny by the example of some in the last age at Rouen and Valence O strange fury to render that a weaknesse in the most puissant King of the World which is a true effect of his wisedom when he saw in the Government of his estate that no affair whatever presents it self of which the Cardinal doth not fore-see the end consequences and causes that there is no inconveniency which he doth not remedy no danger which he doth not both prevent and secure that there is no difficulty which he finds not the means to compasse and that he never proposed any enterprise which he did not happily bring to passe Why then should not his Majesty follow his Counsels seeing his spirit is as it were forced by the solidity of his reasons to apprve them Politique Observation AS a King cannot too much confide in a Minister when he is throughly assured of his prudence and fidelity and if himself be of excellent parts he will not scruple it it being an assured signe of judgment to conform a mans actions to the counsel of wise men so he ought to trust him the more cheerfully in affairs of mean consequence when the temper of his genius assures him that he will acquit himself with honour And that is unbeseeming a great Monarch to trouble himself with trivial matters He who is not happy enough to have a Minister thus able is compelled to take the conduct upon his shoulders but surely he is much to be pityed God having not put the Crown upon the Head of Sovereigns to entertain their minds with trivial affairs Tiberius one of the greatest Monarchs that governed the Romane Empire being retired for his greater quiet into the Isle of Cherreâ writ a Letter to the Senate wherein as Tacitus observeth he complains that he was troubled with all sorts of affairs and gave them to understand that neither Aedile nor Praetor nor Consul should have any access unto him but in matters of great concernment Thus Themistocles one of the greatest Statesmen of of his time said as Plutarch acquaints us that as the Ship of Salavere which may be likened to the Bicentaure of Venice never Launched out into the Sea but for the reception of Princes or some extraordiniry occasion So the Common-wealth of Athens should not make use of him but in high and difficult matters Now as for matters of great consequence it will be his advantage to be directed by his Counsel he having often made appear that his prudence is furnished with most infallible means to bring them to an happy issue The honour which herein he doth him is so far from taking off from his own authority that on the contrary it doth rather raise his greatness and advanceth his affairs to that pitch which himself would most desire for his glory It is dangerous presumption in any Prince to be wilfully bent upon his own judgement such an one is in a Road that leads directly into ruine The necessity of counsel is not to be avoided they ought to remember that God who is solicitous to keep the greatest Monarks within the bounds of modesty and humility hath as well subjected them to the necessity of Counsel as the rest of men unto them The most Prudent are alwaies the most stayed and it is generally agreed that to be wedded to ones own opinion contrary to the sences of great men is an assured mark of want of discretion because every one is blind in his own affairs I may hereunto adde that this stayednesse is a bond which themselves impose upon their own absolute power whereby they are bond which themselves impose upon their own absolute power whereby they are preserved within the limits of their duty not suffering themselves to be transported by the impetuousnesse of their passions Nature hath not formed Princes more then other men so perfect that they should alwaies swim in the right stream and never erre unlesse they have some one who may serve them for a guide The greatest Princes are most subject to be singular in their own opinions they having more authority it being most certain that a great power doth easily transport the mind into licentiousnesse It is my opinion that no greater harm can betide them then to want some person neer them whom they respect and who may have the liberty of advising them as he shall find most expedient whose advice they may follow with a respectfull condiscention Prosecution of the Subject THese Factious persons were not backward to hit the Cardinal in the teeth with the impositions charged upon the people noâ that he was either the cause of them or that they were excessive but because they knew that this complaint was a fit Trumpet to raise sedition and such as all they who had ever raised any revolts in France had made use of True it is they were charged with some impositions but besides that they were not excessive they were absolutely necessary Never was there yet that time when the people dâd not apprehend their burthens to be extream It is a burthen to them to demand part of that for the King which they got not but with pain nor do injoy in any great plenty But it is without cause for that the impositions were necessary and there was not any mis-government in the disposal of the treasures Now that those Impositions so much cried out upon were unavoidable cannot be doubted because those Wars and Designs began after his comming to the Administration In consideration whereof those Charges imposed where absolutely necessary They were ingaged to allay the factious insolency of the Hugonots to succour Allies to suppresse the ambition of the house of Austria who after the invasion of our neighbours would assuredly have made their attempts upon this State This being so who can deny them to have been necessary which admitted the Impositions could be no lesse and I may safely add that those very factious spirits themselves were oftentimes the causes of raising the Taxes by causing more by half to be expended in the Wars of Piedmont by the delays they gave the Troops in detaining them so long besides they forced his Majesty to keep an Army a long time on foot purposely that he might watch and prevent their designs Wars and Taxes do constantly march hand in hand and the same pace poverty serving only to bring an Army into disorder if it be a fault to make the people contribute to the charge it is much more blame-worthy to see a State laid open to their enemies The peoples misery is an incommodity which is soon outworn in a good Country where a good Harvest puts them in statu quo prius but it is not the same in the advantaâes which the enemies of France are permitted to have there is need of a sufficient foundation to maintain the charge of the War I assure
had lately acquired There was not any one but this victorious Prince who had cause to except against them yet the honour he owed the King obliged him to sign them About the same time the Sieur de Varennes then near Sarbruck carried them in all diligence unto his Majesty and they were dispatched unto the persons interessed by sundry Courriers The King having received them sent the Sieur de Charnce unto the Duke of Baviers the Electors of Colâgne and Treves the heads of the League to induce them to confirm the Treaty He found them in such sensible apprehensions of the Swedish forces then ready to assault their Gates and hopelesse of repelling them and yet notwithstanding so passionately bent towards the Interests of the House of Austria that it was easie to perceive how all the Proposals of accommodation made unto the King by the Bishop of Wirtsbourg tended to no other end but to protract the proceedings of the Swidâ and in the interim to strengthen themselves and then to make use of their advantages This inclination of theirs did not much surprise him for that the Cardinal who is not ignorant of any thing and whose Soul pierceth into the very depth of affairs had cold him that he could expect no other overtures from them yet his zeal for the Churches good so animated him that he was very pressing upon them to imbrace the means necessary for a good accommodation Indeed they ought to have duly considered thereof seeing the League which united them was called Catholique and two of them were Feclesiastiques But the first Article was the stumbling block of all for they could not find in their hearts to withdraw themselves from the Emperours Interests The Sieur de Charnace represented unto the Duke of Bavies how that he professing to imbrace the Churches interests ought to prefer the preservation thereof both in his own and his Neighbour States before all other considerations whatever and that being now the thing in question he ought much sooner to sorsake the house of Austria then indanger the other Notwithstanding these reasons he could not find the least inclination in him so to do but rather on the contrary the Duke publiquely declared he could not conclude upon it in regard of the great reason the Emperor would thereby have to complain against him unto which he replied that there was not any cause to apprehend the Emperours being discontented therewith seeing every Princes proper interest is to be preferr'd before all others whatever and that the resolving on this neutrality with the King of Swede was the only visible way to preserve his State from a ruine which else was unavoidable However this discourse though grounded upon reason and piety could not prevail upon him He said as much unto the Elector of Cologne unto whom he made his next address from his Majesty neither here could he effect any thing considerable so much were they disposed to uphold the Interests of the House of Austria before those of the Church as if they had not much regarded the beholding Gods houses demolished Altars profaned Sacred things plundered Priests and Religious men despoyled provided they might not see the House of Austria abased or reduced to the necessity of being contented with those States alone which did justry belong unto them It was a bewitching blindness not to be enough admired that these two Electors by embracing the Neutrality might preserve themselves their Religion and States and yet would by refusing it expose all to assured ruine But will not every one be more surprized with astonishment when he shall understand That they despising that accomodation which his Majesty had mediated should in the end ascribe all the calamities of the German Church unto his Majesty's fault As if he who furnished them with assured means to preserve it could be blamed for their non-acceptance and ruining it For my part I must needs conclude them alone guilty of those afflictions which befel both the Church and themselves for that he who refuseth the means for obtaining any end can complain against no one but himself if he miss of his Designe In fin they desired a prolongation of the Treaty the fifteen days being expired that they might consider on some other ways of Agreement The King that he might lay the whole fault at their own doors as also that hee might not seem to decline any Proposals tending to the Churches good dispatched the Marquis de Breze a second time into Germany for that purpose But the King of Sweden having laid before him how that there was not any more likely way then that of Neutrality by them refused and that delays which was but Truth gave his Enemies opportunity to fortifie themselves against him he desired to be excused And thus their own wilful stubborness was the cause of his pursuing his conquests Politique Observation IT is in petty Princes a fault not to be pardoned if they stand off and submit not to that Conquerour who will undoubtedly be their ruine They cannot alledge any reasons to justifie themselves for that Necessity is a lawful excuse for all our actions and Justice obligeth the weaker to receive the Law from the stronger But much greater is their fault who without any detriment to themselves or Interests may by sitting still make their Peace Caesar one of the greatest Captains amongst the Ancients advised to agree upon what condition soever provided it were sure rather then to be obstinate in a War with an Enemy more potent then ones self Thus of evils the least is to be chosen neither is the Pilot to be discommended who that he may prevent an absolute shipwrack parteth with some of his Lading unto the Sea Humane hopes are deceitful so that it was the choice of a wise man rather to secure himself from an evil then to assure himself of an uncertain good it often hapneth That he who refuseth an advantage offered unto him liveth to repent his non-acceptance thereof Thus the City of Tyre was sorry but too late that they had not sooner accepted of Alexander's conditions by which they might have been exempted from the calamities of a long siege which refusing did not long after behold their beautiful Buildings ruin'd part of their inhabitants kill'd and the rest brought into captivity But it is not to be doubled that Catholique Princes are obliged to comply with a Victorious King if their continuation of the War may bring any detriment unto Religion nor can any Alliance dispence with this Law The Pagans themselves were so just in the observation thereof that they never encroached upon it And indeed what reason can be alledged to prefer any mans State before Gods And what reason is there to endure the profanation of his House who is Lord of Lords for the advancing of an earthly Princes Interests Which being so Is it not just that they acknowledge the Obligation they owe unto God by preferring Religion the only mark of our service
to be another time more wary he commanded the Comte d' Alets to draw out six hundred Horse his own Musquettiers thirty of the Cardinals Guard two hundred Musquettiers of the Regiment des Gardes all mounted upon small Naggs and to go charge them which was effected accordingly with such courage and success that two hundred and fifty were left dead on the place many wounded and taken besides five Cornets and store of Horses which afforded the Foot opportunity to march more to their ease The King's loss was not great there being only seven killed and some few hurt amongst whom the Duke d' Halvin Commander of the light Horse and the Sieur de Bouchavennes received two Pistol shots in their Arms. The Sieur de Calabre was at that time about two leagues distant raising a Troop of Dragoons for the Duke's service but he was hindred by thirty of the King 's light horse and as many of the Mareschal at Schomberg who by his Majesty's order charged them so home and so suddenly that they had not leisure to make any defence but were all brought away Prisoners The King in the interim advanced into Lorrain and took divers places one after another Bar le Duc surrendred upon the first summons Saint Mihel did the like into which place his Majesty entred in Tryumph accompanyed by the Prisoners of Rounray and his whole Army to the great astonishment of the Inhabitants who were not used to behold so great a Power He ordained the Sieur De Nesmond to take the place of Justice in the Seat of the Soveraigne Counsel of Lorrain in this City and finding the Officers refusing to take the Oath of Allegiance he prohibited them to exercise their Offices and appointed others in their stead hereby shewing unto the Duke of Lorrain that his ruine was inevitable as often as he durst attempt any thing against France or recede from his devoir In earnest I know not unto what that little Prince may be compared more fitly then unto the earth which may well fill the Ayr with exhalations and somtimes over-cast the Sun with clouds from which not long after proceed Thunders and Hail to destroy what-ever she hath of beauty and to reduce her richest Harvests unto nothing For just thus who-ever hath beheld the designes of his contrivance the preparations he hath made and his attempts ever since his first comming to the Dukedom must conclude his whole work hath been to raise storms which have in the end fallen upon his own head to his great loss and then vanished like a cloud of Thunder Politique Observation NO War is just but that which is necessary according to the opinion of the wisest Politicians So that a Prince never ought to undertake it but upon just considerations War is know to be the source of all misfortunes it filleth a State with impieties violences extortions and cruelties it destroyeth the innocent incommodateth the rich and pulleth away the bread out of the hands of the poor what reason therefore to commence it unlesse upon good ground and when necessity doth even inforce it Now of all Princes which fail of their designs in point of War none are more justly punished for their temerity then those who build designs disproportionable to their powers such Princes are easily reduced either to a necessity of seeing their Army cut in pieces or of making a Peace upon dishonourable conditions Perhaps they fancy an augmentation of credit power and glory but in conclusion they are driven to exigencies and confusions which had never befallen them bad they but prudently remembred that the Creator of the Universe hath set bounds to all Empires that he had before our births pre-ordained what condition we should here injoy that our lives and our fortunes are both limited and that notwithstanding all our care all our indeavours we cannot increase the one or protract the t'other one tittle unlesse Heaven concur to favour our attempts They find by experience that the most active and busie drive on their ends more slowly then other men that those men whose minds are taken up with continual broyls do often fall into the snare they had contrived for others and that those Princes who think to be most wise and subtle in deceiving others are commonly themselves mistaken and deluded To conclude they who are truly wise do foresee at a distance what the issue of their attempts may be and do refer the management of affairs unto their Judgement without following the impetuousness of their emotions they know that who so is master of his passions is master of his Fortune and they imitate Caesar's Prudence who never took the Field until he had taken care for four things which seem to be the true foundation of Victory The first whereof is To be fully inform'd of an Enemies Force of his Advantages and of his Wants before he encounter with him The second is To have an Army in readiness if possible before he hear of it The third is To have all Provisions both of Ammunition and Victuals in a readiness And the fourth is To have all sorts of Instruments and Warlike Engines at Command These were the things which gave Caesar the opportunity to prosecute his Conquests with success and to bring great exploits to perfection in a very small time He who would imitate his Victories ought to imitate the example of his Prudence otherwise his misfortune will be as great as were his Quondam hopes of glory The Duke of Lorrain sendeth to assure the King of his Service IN vain do the Stars endeavour to twinkle in the Sun's presence who ushered in by the morning darkens them at his only sight In vain do the great Rivers which astonish the world by the impetuousness of their waters endeavour to contest with the Ocean which forceth them to pour all their store into his Bosome as a Tribute due to his greatness And in vain doth a petty Prince make a muster of his Forces in presence of those of a great King before whom he is only esteemed as a small star which hath neither light nor luster when the Sun comes in view The Duke of Lorrain was forced to confess as much though against his Will both in consideration of the defeat of his Forces and loss of his Towns In fine he was necessitated to send the Sieur de Courtrisson to offer all sort of satisfaction unto his Majesty The King amidst the greatest Victories was ever wont to prefer peace before war yet because Infidelities are a just cause of distrust he could not believe that the Duke had any cordial intention to conclude the war his Word and Actions being disconsonant Whereupon be Proceeded on Wednesday June 23. to invest Nancy and accordingly he came with his Army two days after unto Liverdun which is only two Leagues distant from it and sent another part of his Army within half a league from it The Duke well perceived that the King was resolved in good
divers Provinces in his absence AS in times of Revolts there ought alwaies especial eye to be had upon the Insurrections which a Rebellious party may make especially in the absence of heir Soveraign His Majesty before his removal from Paris thought good to commit the Government of that place and the adjacent Provinces unto the management of some Princes of the Blood Accordingly he dispatched his letters unto Monsieur le Prince de Conde to impower him to command in Nivernois Berry Bourbon Tourain Poictou Aunis Zainctonge Haut and Basse Marcke Limosin and Auvergne to preserve them in peace and quiet which he intrusted with him especially in confidence that his loyalty and zeal for his service as also his Prudence and good Conduct would effectually cause him to be very sollicitous and diligent in preventing any troubles what ever The Letters were accompanied with an extraordinary and unlimitted power which did a little surprize some people of small understanding who think a King never ought to intrust so great a power with any Prince of the Blood But indeed it was an effect and that a very remarkable one of the Cardinal's Prudence who knew there is not any cause to fear the power of a Grandee where there is any assurance of his being discreet The Laws of Gratitude and Submission do both oblige them to oppose any thing which incroacheth upon their Kings glory and it cannot be denied but that they preserve their own in particular by preserving their Kings Authority Whilst the Duke of Montmorency was disposing all things in order for the war Monsieur marched into Albigieis and the Bishop delivered Alby into his hands He rested there some time to refresh his Army and from thence he went leaving five hundred horse behind him unto Carcassenne where he held some intelligence but having been inform'd of the Sieur Mangot Villarceaux his great care to preserve the Inhabitants in their duties he passed on Beziers and gave order for a new Fortification From thence he designed to march to Narbone and make sure of that place by the help of some Intelligence which he there had which would have been a Port at command to have received any assistance from Spain as likewise to retire unto in case of necessity But he was presently discomfited to hear that those of his party had been over pow'red by the Arch Bishop and some other of his Majesty's servants who under pretence of assisting him got into the place and so mastered it Now the King being informed of all these proceedings The Result of the States she Revolt of Cities and of the inclinations of some Lords thought his presence would be necessary about those parts The Cardinal was of the same opinion and assured his Majesty that if he would undertake the trouble of the journey all those storms would pass away in fix weeks time as it fell out accordingly Hereupon the King concluded upon the expedition and before he left Paris caused the Parliament to publish a Declaration in common form against all those who followed Monsieur or favoured his designs proclaiming them to be Rebels guilty of high Treason and Disturbers of the Publike Peace commanding all Officers to proceed against them according to the Rigour of the Law yet with so particular a testimony of affection unto Monsieur that his Majesty would not have him declared guilty but it s the Declaration published That he would totally forgive him if he acknowledged his error within six weeks after publication thereof His Majesty likewise made a Declaration sent unto the Parliament of Tholose to proclaim the Duke of Montmorency guity of high Treason degraded from all honours and dignities the Dutchy of Montmorency extinct and re-united in the Crown and all his goods confiscate enjoyning the Parliament of Tholose to make his Process and requiring all Prelats Barons Consuls and Deputies of any Cities who had assisted subscribed or assented unto the Result of the States to appear before the Parliament at Tholose or the next Presidial to their dwelling houses within fifteen days after publication thereof to dis-own their Actions and Consents and in case of non-obedience to be deemed as Rebels and Traytors degraded from all honour and dignity prohibiting the imposing of any Taxes by vertue of any order from the said States Moreover his Majesty expresly commanded the Mareschals de la Force and de Schomberg to be careful that Monsieurs levies might not draw into a Body together but that they should fall upon them upon their first appearance These things thus setled he departed from Paris the eleventh of August The very news of his march out of Paris so encouraged his Majesties servants and disheartned the Rebels that all their contrivances did forthwith begin to fall The first thing which befel them but which was a great good Fortune for France was a division between their Leaders which gave the two Mareschals a great advantage upon them The Sieur de Puy-Laurens had been accustomed to command all who came neer Monsieur and could not now well endure that the Duke of Montmorency should issue out Orders for the carrying on of the War whereupon there grew a great jealousie between them Moreover the Duke d' Elboeuf being of another quality then the Duke of Montmorency pretended to be Monsieurs Lievtenant General which however the Duke would not admit off in regard he was Governour of the Province where all the Tragedy was to be acted Hereupon it being hard to make any accommodation between them it was thought requisite to part them and to assigne every one what he should command who being thus divided by and amongst themselves were easily overcome by his Majesties Forces Politique Observation THere is not any thing which giveth more advantage against Revolts and in general all enemies then the division of their Commanders and Forces if unexpectedly they fall into this disorder fortune is to be thanked and if it be possible to contribute in the least thereunto it ought the more industriously to be attempted in regard the effect cannot but be advantagious All great Captains have been chiefly solicitous of this one thing Coriolanus warring against the Romans destroyed the possessions of all their principal men but saved those of the people that so he might provoke the one against the other Hannibal on the contrary he preserved those of Fabius but burnt all the rest The Thebans advised Mardonius to send great Presents to the most eminent of the Grecians that the rest might be jealous of it And Cleomenius the Athenian assaulting the Fraezenians cast certain darts into the City with Letters fastened to them which served to raise a sedition amongst them in the heat whereof he fell upon them and became Master of the City To prevent this disorder the wisest Politicians have ever thought it proper that there should not be several Heads of an Army of equal power unlesse every one so commanded in particular that there should be only one
unnecessary things so there is no way better to lay the foundations of it then to establish it by law It is impossible he should make War without laying extraordinary contributions on the people at least for the maintenance of an Army in that honour so long as is needfull How should the people assist him at a time of need if superfluous expences should exhaust their Wealth They may indeed be so press'd that any thing may be extracted from them but that must be by force whereby not only their ill will but a thousand imprecations folow their monies It may be objected that great men who are the most subject to these expences do not pay any tax or aid to their Soveraign But I reply that being imploi'd in the War where a great masse of money is consum'd they contribute more then the people to the publick charge and by consequence ought to live in the more order and frugality Nobility impoverished cannot serve when occasion requires but is forc'd to keep at home whereas they who perserve their wealth by the means of a well regulated expence may put himself in a equipage to appear in an Army in a quality becomming their honour Excessive expences are usually made in such commodities as come from forraign Countries nor can a Soveraign permit the use of them without enriching him from whom they are brought to the impoverishment of his own which State if it be an enemy or powerfull enough to render it self suspected it were not only to deprive his own of the means to resist him but to give new force to that Forraigner to attempt upon him In fine the necessities of man are satisfied with so little that it were very unreasonable to make vast expences upon commodities of no use and from which there is not that satisfaction to be receiv'd as in convenience Content your selves with that which is enough saith St. Austine the rest serveth only to make the life more burthensom instead of refreshing it from care and superfluous expences which are made for the obtaining of an apparent honour have very troublesom consequences A Difference between the Bishops and Religious decided by a Judgement from the Councel ALthough the Cardinal had made up by his admirabl dexterity in the foregoing yeer some differences which were mov'd between the Bishops and Religious by perswading the latter to condiscend to some Articles to which no man else could have brought them yet so it was that some troublesom spirits publish'd books some for one part and some for another The main ground of the quarrel was concerning a word which was found in some manuscripts of a Canon of the second Counsel of Orange and not in others They who were for the Religious raised this consequence from it That Confirmation was not absolutely necessary after Baptism Those on the other side unable to salve the matter maintained the contrary All that the Laws of History permit me to say is that the consequence rais'd by those for the Religious was very dangerous because it might be inferr'd that the Bishops in England might be easily pass'd by seeing all the exercises of Christianity might be practic'd there by the Catholicks excepting confirmation only The heat of this dispute did sometimes transport them beyond the bounds of Doctrine and to fall foul upon some Subjects which could not but give some advantage to Hereticks and trouble the Consciences of many tenderly affected and disturb the publick quiet The course at first taken was to prohibit the Printing of Books of this nature without leave obtain'd from the grand Chancellery but the Doctors of Divinity of Paris not satisfied therewith ordered in one of their Assemblies that the books of Pere Sirmond made to maintain that word should be re-examined so that this was the occasion of publishing without priviledge certian books repugnant to that Christian peace and charity which ought especially to be between Ecclesiasticks The King took notice thereof and not to leave it unremedied commanded Monsieur le Garde des Seaux to take care in it who order'd that the books printed and published under the name of Pere Sirmond and Petrus Aurelius the two chief of the parties should be examin'd by nine Doctors of Divinity prohibited them upon penalty of corporal punishment to determine any thing in their Assemblies concerning these books and all Book-sellers to sell them without permission under the Great Seal Some Prelates more zealous then wise in matter of the Kings priviledge complain'd of this Arrest pretending it was not the custom for Kings to intermeddle with the Doctrine of the Church but they were not long unanswer'd for Monsieur le Garde des Seaux was too well acquainted with the King his Masters power and too wel vers'd in the reading of good books to be ignorant how Kings and Emperors have alwaies taken cognisance of affairs of this nature and determin'd them in order to the good of their State and the continuation of the publick quiet The Power which Kings have in Ecclesiastical Affairs THe Power which Kings have in Ecclesiastical affairs Though God hath chiefly put the Scepter into the hands of Kings and Emperors to exercise a temporal power over their people yet custom obligeth them to know that they have no small authority in Ecclesiastical affairs There need no more ancient example then that of Constantine the first Christian Emperour Doth not every one know that he call'd himself Bishop of such things as pass'd out of the Church that writing to the Bishops he told them he took part of their ministry to be the more carefull of the Church And in fine he undertook the management thereof with so much zeal and Prudence that his actions acquir'd him the Title of Founder of Law and Religion as is to be seen in an ancient inscription It was with no little trouble and care that he quieted the Church in the time of Arius that he assembled divers Counsels upon his Doctrine and that he prohibited the reading of his books To shew that his procedure was without usurpation every one may see in History that the Popes themselves and particular Clergies likewise have from time to time made their addresses to Emperors to be by them countenanc'd in affairs which hapned unto them The Clergy and Monks of Constantinople beseech'd Theodosius and Valentinian to be solicitous of the Church and to suppress Heresies Whereupon those two Emperors commanded St. Cyril to examine the Doctrine of Nestorius The Bishops of the Counsel of Constantinople beseech'd Theodosius to confirm their Decree and Pope Bonisace acknowledg'd so great a power to the Emperor Honorius in Ecclesiastical affairs that he intreated him to make a Decree to prohibit all kind of under-hand dealing in the Election of the Popes I could easily prove this custom by the examples of suceeding Emperors but I had rather shew that our Kings have usually done the like For Clouis the first of those that imbrac'd Christianity made divers Ordinances for the ministery of the Church as he himself hath written in a Letter to the Bishops of France to be seen at this present intire and undefac'd for above eleven ages He assembled the Bishops of Orleans in a Cousel where it was prohibited to admit any of his Subjects to be Clerks without his Majesties permission and at their intreaty he confirm'd their Canons I will go a little further and say that Ecclesiastical persons being born Subjects of a Soveraign Prince their Kings have reciev'd power from God with their Crowns to determine their personal causes where the good of the State may be interessed a thing not to be doubted of that the power of judging is inseparably annex'd unto that of the Soveraignty and that he who is a Princes Subject is of necessity to submit to his Justice and that Ecclesiastiques cannot deny themselves to be Subjects seeing as hath been already said the greatest Poper themselves have not made any difficulty to put themselves in this rank as Gelasius in a Letter which he writ to the Emperor Anastasius Pelagius the first in profession of his Faith which he sent to Childebert one of our first Kings and St Gregory to the Emperor Maurice What reason can they pretend to resist it seeing Jesus Christ himself and St. Paul have acknowledg'd themselves to be subject to their power Did not Jesus Christ tell Pilate by way of acknowledging his Authority that he could have no power over him but what he receiv'd from heaven whereupon St. Austine and St. Bernard expounding those words say that Pilates sentence though very unjust was not usurp'd because he had a lawfull authority So likewise St. Paul thinking himself happy to walk in the steps of his Masters humility did not appeal from Festus his Tribunal to that of St. Peter but to that of Caesar acknowledging his power and authority of judging in that affair then in question Nor are the Disciples greater then their Masters The End of the Second Part.
more inviolable than the word of a Prince it were an offence to doubt of his fidelity or to desire his ratification by Oath The Genius of a Prince was heretofore held in such veneration that another swore for him now to desire that he himself should swear were to decline that respect which is due unto him However the Infidelity of some hath made it a custom that all should confirm their Treaties by Oath when they are of any great importance which Oath is the strictest tye which they can be bound in The Laws look upon it for so venerable that they never permit it to be broken what ever advantage happen by it Perjury is condemned as a double sin because it not onely violateth that Religion which is due to God who is invoked as a witness but also Faith which is the most sacred Bond of humane society Which Laws too do oblige Princes much more then other men to keep their Oaths because if they once forfeit their reputation of being faithfull they have not any thing left them which is considerable Christians ought to be most precise in this point if they would not be put to the blush at the many examples of Pagans and Infidels It is much to be lamented that most men make no difference between deceit and dissimulation that they make no bones of infringing their Oaths if they may but get any thing by it they do much rather incline to follow the opinion of Marius though discommended by all the Sages of Antiquity who thought the Art of well-lying a great piece of vertue and that it was an Index of a good Wit then that of the Common-wealth of Rome which was so religiously faithfull for their words that Ptolomey King of Egypt left his young son their tuition and protection without the least apprehension of suspition Neither was he deceived in his confidence for after they had administred his government with integrity as soon as he came of age they delivered up the Kingdome into his own hands The Renewing of the Alliance between his Majesty and the States of Holland AT the same time that the English Embassadours arrived at Compeign the Sieurs de Nortwijck de Paw d' Esten extraordinary Embassadours from the States of Hollaâd came likewise thither to desire his Majesties Assistance and the renewing of the ancient Alliance The League being ended and the enemies of their Liberties beginning to execute the designs which they had hatch'd for their ruine The King who hath never lesse inclination to assist his Allies then to keep his own People in obedience received them with all kind of favour and forthwith gave them great hopes of obtaining their desires His Majesty knew that their Protection was Honourable that there is nothing more glorious for a Soveraign then to shelter under his Power those who are oppressed that what Assistances he gives them are most assured signs of his greatnesse and generosity and withall that it was full of Justice The History of Holland had taught him that the Princes of Austria by their altering the Fundamental Laws and oppressing the publick Liberty of those Countries had thrown themselves out of that Power which they once had over them that the Hollander had reason sufficient for their Authority to shake off the yoke of their obedience by those Laws which are as ancient as the quality of the Earl of Holland An ancient saith that Power is full of equity which is imployed in defence of the weak and feeble and there is not any thing more just then to conserve to ones Allies those Liberties which belong to them time out of mind and by the Fundamental Laws of their Country This in particular was so much the more assuredly just for Princes who possesse a Country by Treaty with the People and upon Conditions cannot infringe them and not lose their Authority and especially if they break Covenants which doth absolutely discharge such Subjects from their obedience The Hollanders were acknowledged for Free and Soveraign People in the Treaty of the League made Anno 1609. by the Kings of Spain and Arch-Dukes of Flanders And in the same quality have the Kings of England Deâmark and Sweden the most part of the Hans Towns the Common-wealth of Venice and many Princes of Germany ever treated with them whence it appears a work of Justice to aid them in main taining their Franchises A work of Justice so much the more certain for that liberty hath been ever esteemed a just cause for a War every one concluding it more glorious to die then to live in servitude from which his Birth and the Priviledges of his country have exempted him Besides these important reasons the King was no lesse informed of the especial advantages which France might make by defending of them that it is above threeseore years together that they have obliged not onely this State but the most part of Europe to assist them to ballance the Power of Spain and so to find his Armies imployment in that Country that his designs elsewhere might be frustrated besides that it was now much more necessary in regard the Garisons were to be established in the Valtoline and it would concern the State to make him some diversions that might entertain his Armies elsewhere withall he found that if he did assist Holland with these succours it would ingage them to do as much for him when occasion should require it which was no inconsiderable thing as Henry the Great found by experience when he was by them assisted against those unjust oppositions which were formed by the League to thwart and cross him He himself too might fall into the same necessities seeing the prosperity of Kingdomes is like a Calm at Sea which as it is often over-blown with storms so that too is no less subject to interruption by civil or forraign Wars These reasons were indeed too too weighty to reject that people demands And his Majesty whose greatest pleasure consists in doing such things as might testifie both his Justice and Courage gave all sorts of Assurances to their Embassadours of a strong succour and thought good to make a Treaty for the renuing of the ancient Alliance His Majesty gave the Cardinal power to conclude on the Conditions with them and this great Minister who had not a little fortified his Majesty in that resolution having determined them concluded it in the moneth of June at Compeign by which he bound himself to deliver them by way of Loan three Millions and two hundred thousand Livers in three years On condition that they should re-imburse them three years after the War was ended That they should neither make Peace or League with any one what ever without his advice and interposition That if he had any occasion of Ships of War they should furnish him either for sale or hire at a reasonable Price That in case he himself were ingaged in any Wars they should repay him one half of the said
his removal was very necessary to divert those mischiefs which he did not yet suspect especially to preserve that neer friendship wherein they had alwaies lived So he had nothing to reply and his Maiesty to punish the insolence which had given so much boldness to the Collonel d' Ornano to resist his Majesties will commanded him to be made Prisoner in the Bastile and shortly after in the Castle of Caen. The displeasure which he conceived at his Imprisonment opened his eyes he lookt upon his fault with so much resentment that there was not any protestation of fidelity left unmade by him from his friends to his Majesty and finally having recourse to the Cardinals intercession that grand Minister whose Counsels are never accompanied with rigour unless when he is inforced by Justice dealt so with his Majesty that at last he procured his liberty After the Marqness de la Viville who had diverted him had been so unhappy his Majesty caused him to be brought out of Prison and beleeving his Promises restored him in his place with the Monsieur and withall gratified him with a considerable sum Whereas he instead of making any advantage of his imprisonment of his Liberty or of the Benefits which he afterwards received threw himself upon the Intregues of women and some Fantastical hair-brain'd young men who put it into his head that he was much redoubted on his Masters accompt which made him conceive so great a vanity that he boasted in many places that he would further those motions which some Grandees made to the Monsieur to carry him from the Court unless himself were made a Marshal of France The Collonel d' Ornano is made Marshal of France THE King upon advice had was counselled by people of Quality either to Arrest him or make him Marshal of France otherwise some great mishap might follow The King was inclined to chastise him not being able to indeavour or consent that any such honour should be granted to him out of fear or to hinder his doing of more villanies However his Clemency moderated his just indignation and prevailed with him to bestow upon him a Marshals Staffe to reduce him within his duty and to make him carry himself better for the future It is true the Cardinal setled and fixed him in those thoughts and withall begged him to pardon him seeing in creating him a Marshal there would be no cause of fear for that it would be as easie then as before to clap him up into the Bastile and that what punishment should be inflicted on him would appear the juster in the eyes of all the World in respect of those great favours wherewith he had been obliged so he pardoned him and made him a Marshal signalizing his Conduct by acts of mercy not less considerable then the wisdom which he had made appear in those two negotiations before mentioned Politick Observation IT is a great impudence to Court a Prince with design to prevail against his Soveraign for besides that a Soveraign grows quickly jealous if he finde any to pertake of that Honour which is due to himself alone Which one thing is the ordinary fomentation of Civil Wars Tiberius testified a great resentment for that their Chief-Priests making their prayers to the Gods for his health took the boldness to adde the name of Nero and Drusius though they were neer a kin to him and the next successours to the Empire he acquainted the Senate with it as also the Priests and briskly told them he was offended at it The same Emperour seeing the Senatours prepare great Honours for his own Mother did he not make them apprehend by a very neat discourse that those Honours which were given to Women should be moderate and that he himself too would use the same modesty in those which were offered to him When he beheld Macron the Captain of his Guards courting Caligula did he not rattle him up with high language for that he forsook the Sun setting to adore him Rising Kings are so sensible in this particular that it is not without trouble that they permit Courtship to be used to their own Children Thus though Philip of Macedon did intirely love Demetrius his son yet he was much offended when the Macedonians followed him in Troops and shewed an earnest desire to insinnuate themselves into his good favour But admit this jealousie do not spring up however such like actions ought not to be allowed seeing infallibly it will breed broyls in the State It is also true that men not being less capable to quit their wicked designs then to hatch and contrive them it were dangerous to drive things to extremity and to ruine them at the same instant they were discovered That Physician hath but a small portion of discretion who makes use of violent remedies upon the first beginning of a sicknesse without staying to expect what Nature might do of her own self and that Minister is too severe who discovering some designs against his Masters service presently destroys the Authors of it without giving time that they might repent themselves Cecinna is much blamed by Tacitus for taking a barbarous revenge upon some disorders before he had given leisure to those who were guilty to repent But on the contrary Julius Agricola is much commended in that he was most commonly satisfied with acknowledgment of a fault and did not cruelly chastise any when there was the least hopes of amendment above all a Minister is the more obliged to this moderation when he is newly admitted into affairs and it is conducing to his Masters service in regard it is a means to render himself beloved The Sun at his Rising never appears burning hot his heat is welcome and favourable and he seems like Roses and Pearl to the World and a discreet Minister conforms himself to so agreeable an example and ought to take it for granted that whatsoever favours he shall do at the beginning of his Conduct will gain him the affection of the People and in prosecution will heap up upon him as much Happinesse as Glory The Marquis of Vieville is made Prisoner at St. Germans and thence conducted to the Castle of Amboyse THose several agitations whereunto Fortune had exposed the Colonel d' Ornano which sometimes seemed to throw him headlong down and then again to raise him up to great Honours were not the onely marks of the Inconstancy which that flattering Goddess made appear during this year For after she had raised up the Marquis de la Vieville just to the Administration and to the Superintendance of the Treasuries she was pleased so to cast him down that the King caused him to be arrested at St. German en Laye about the beginning of August and sent Prisoner to the Castle of Amboyse To speak truly it was no such great cause of admiration seeing this Inconstancy seems to have chosen Princes Courts for the place to exercise her power in to have taken a great delight as it
whom assistance may be had and who if they should slip their necks out of the Collar might not do us any displeasure in it They are very necessary with the neighbouring Princes upon a place which is designed to be assaulted either in relation to Passages or in respect of having from them Ammunitions both of War and necessary victuals as there shall be occasion Hannibal knew this full well when as he was upon his expedition into Italy and made a League with the French and Spaniard he took Hostages of them and for better assurance left Garisons in many of their strong Holds The Romans did the same when they made war upon the Lacedemonians by making a League with Ptolomy King of Egypt without whose assistance that would have had somewhat to do to have passed on Besides when there is cause of suspicion of their fidelity it is necessary either to take some Persons or Places of them by way of Hostage to the end that their interest to perserve them may compel them to continue firm in their first resolutions If many of our Kings who have made expedition into Italy had taken such a course as this were it onely in point of Passages we had not seen them exposed to so many dangers nor indeed to so many disgraces yet in case by their receding they cannot cause any great incoveniences there will not then be so absolute a necessity of such security and assurances However as it ought to be taken for granted that they will start aside in case the enemy give them satisfaction to their interests so there ought still to bee Forces ready which may clap in upon them and supply their deficiencies It is a trouble to see them break their words yet a Prince shall reap this profit from a League to make it serve to give a happy beginning to an enterprise by means of such assisting forces as may be drawn from it and by dividing expence between them which else must be undergone by one alone It will not be presently fit to defie them for that would be a means to make them take to the other part but it will be needfull to have an eye upon it and to be prepared for the worst Moreover it is profitable to make Leagues not onely with States but with Princes and their Successors and to contract them with greater certainty then Edward the fourth King of England did who having recourse to one of our Kings after he had been despoyled of his Kingdome had not other answer but that the League was made with the King of England and his State and that he being no longer King of England France could not without breaking the Laws of Alliances imploy their Arms against him who was present Master of the Crown To be short it is good to be carefull that the divers constructions which may be made may not serve for a pretext for them who would fall off There must not be so much as the least starting hole left for them to creep out or to break their words especially if they make any accompt of their reputation which is inseparable from their fidelity for without that they will perchance hardly resolve to run Counter The Marquess de Coevures takes the Field to make himself Master of the Forts in the Valtoline AT the same time that the Kings orders were delivered to the Marquess de Coevures he received a dispatch from the Sieur de Bethune which told him that he despaired of getting any reason from the enemy by those ways which he had till then tried so that now he must have recourse to Nostre Dame de Frappe Fort who as soon as he had received this piece of Rallary he resolved forthwith to take the field concluding there was no reason any longer to defer it and that if he could surprize the places unexpectedly without giving them leave to provide themselves he should strike a great stroke in the businesse without any great trouble He had long before given order to 3 Swiss and 3 Grisons Collonels to raise each of them a Regiment of a 1000 men so that he had nothing else to do but to send them word to be ready on the other side the Residents of Venice and Savoy being come to him they had agreed upon all things together The Sieur de Mesnil had order to make a Magazine of Ammunition at Zurich for the Swisses and Grisons forces and the Resident of Venice undertook that the Common-wealth should make another at Bergamo for such forces as should march into the Republick that which was most troublesome was there being a necessity of discovering the design to several persons it would be impossible to keep it from being known and to hide their intentions of the time when they would enter upon the Valtoline The Popes Nuntio called Scapy and the Marquesse d' Ogliani the Spanish Embassadour had notice of it who made strong indeavours to pervent any Levies amongst the Swisses or the marching of any Troops which the King should send but all would not serve the Levy could not be obstructed for the Cantons of Berne and Zurich where they were to be made had given too particular an assurance of it by means of the money and the promises which were made them that they should be seconded with a puissant succour against any who should attempt any thing against them upon that accompt But their Contrivances and Cabals were so powerfull that the Catholick Cantons resolved to stop their Passages upon them so the Marquesse was forced to his shifts that his Majesties Commands might not be ineffectual His remedy was to cause his Horse to march four by four that is all such as were sent him from Bresse and to secure the Canton of Bern for the conduct of Vaubecourt's Regiment seeming after he was once entred as if he would force his way either by Fair or Foul means to the Grisons It was enough that these Cantons were by several Treaties bound to open their Passages to his Majesties Forces upon so just an occasion as this was and it made no great matter whether they refused it or not seeing if they should they might be forced to it without breaking the Laws of Equity Thus he being well informed of the resolution which the Nuntio and the Marquess de Ogliani had induced them to take resolved not to demand it untill he were upon the very point of passing because they should be better advised then to deny him when they find him in a condition not to be hindred they not having the least time to prepare themselves against it All things being thus in a readinesse for the beginning of the design he sent the Sieur de Lande to Zurich to discourse with the chief of the banished Grisons and to perswade them to rise and then he commanded the Sieur de Harcourt Marshal of the Field and the Sieur du Lande to joyn with Collonel Salis to enter into the Grisons to seize
entred without any resistance but he having first given the Allarum to the Town he who commanded the Fort had the leisure to put himself into a Posture of defence and to shut the Gate but the Sieur de Soubize did not long keep the Town in his power for the Duke of Vendosm then Governour of Brittain hearing of it presently sent to all the Nobility of the Province with order to bring all the men they could every one of which came with great diligence The Duke of Vendosm comming Post found that the Sieur de Querrollin entred into the Fort with store of Souldiers Victuals and Ammunition The Duke of Rets and Brissac came at the same instant of time as also those Gentlemen who were in a condition thereabouts and the chief amongst them being in Counsel together it was concluded to build a new Fort just over against the old one with intent to batter the Ships of the Sieur de Soubize and to sink those with more ease which he should attempt to carry out of the Port as also to assault the Town in six several places The Fort was finished in a trice and a Battery presently Planted but as soon as ever the Town should have been assaulted both he and his Souldiers forsook the place Withall to bring the design to a good passe they played with their shot day and night upon the Ships where he was and the Cannon did such execution that he was forced to hoise Sail which he did by the help of a dark night and a strong wind which carried him over the Cables that were overthwart the Port though the Cannon indeed sunk the best of the Duke of Nevers Ships and forced four of the greatest on Shore at the mouth of the Port which were taken and in fine he sled towards Rochel who were not behind hand as also the whole body of the Hugonots to disown it by their Deputies and by their Declarations which they sent the King Politique Observation IT is a dangerous Deficiency in Governours of Provinces not to keep good watch and ward in times of Peace upon places of importance especially on the Sea-Coast and such States as are subject to be agitated with Civil Wars For what neglect is committed in this point doth much help and assist those who would imbroyl things and who may come by Sea upon a sudden to surprize them Holy Writ tels us That they of the Tribe of Dan being informed that the Inhabitants of Laish were secure and suspected nothing went assaulted them took their Town without resistance put them all to the Sword and burned their City Did not Francis the first upon his expedition into Italy and by the surprize of Villa Franca teach all Governours of all Places that there is no consideration whatever can exempt them from alwaies being upon their Guards and that it is without reason that they think themselves secure either by the strength of their Fortifications or by the far distance of their enemies For Prospero Collonna who commanded that Town and making merry without the least suspicion upon confidence that the King was far enough off from him was surprised by the Sieur de Palisse which he heard not of before he saw him in his Quarters It is true he himself might be excused in regard his Sentinels were taken and that some of the Inhabitants held Intelligence with the Sieur de la Palisse but however the whole misfortune was laid in his dish though he was a brave Commander yet he was much blamed it being not permitted to a man of that condition to say I did not think I was in any danger For this very reason it was that Iphicrates one of the Athenians most renowned Captains would have his Army alwaies upon their guard or in a posture to fight during times of Peace in the same manner as if in the heat of War and he answered some who misliked his curiosity that one ought alwaies to suspect who would not be surprized Indeed vigilance is one of the most necessary qualities for a Governour of a Place he ought to esteem that the honour which he hath in commanding to be but a glorious servitude That in Commanding all he is bound to watch for all that he remember Governments are called charges and that the name of Charge which he hath ought to teach him that it is a burthen committed to his Prudence and that the place which is intrusted with him is not barely recommended to him but he to the place to be guarded and conserved with his best care Anno Dom. 1625. EVERY one takes delight in the Spring time to consider the Face of the World when as the hand of God guides the Sun a little nearer to us to behold that fair Star establishing a serenity and calmnesse in the ayr before troubled with Tempests to see the Earth replenished with a thousand Ornaments of Beauty before languishing and quite decayed by the bitternesse of Winter and to view Plenty introduced in the room of Barrennesse which the Hoar Frosts and Snows had left behind them But how much more delightfull was it to look upon France presently after it had pleased his Majesty to advance the Cardinal to the Government of Affairs who like a Sun which should be the greatest instrument of his glory began to re-assume his ancieat Splendour and to dispel by little and little those causes of Civil Wars which did every year renew themselves in the State to set bounds to the ambition of strangers and to establish such an order under the Kings authority which is not onely the happiest but most Illustrious of all other Kingdomes The increase of glory which his Majesty every day gave to this Minister did serve to augment his courage and raised new lights in his Soul subtilized his Prudence and furnished him with occasions to demonstrate to the World that he was amongst those Ministers of whom History gives us such commendations to be as the Cedar amongst the Hysop He could not be enough admired seeing his whole life was nothing but a Publick imployment and who absolutely renouncing the idle voluptuousnesse of several other Favourites who seem to think on no other thing then to indulge themselves with those favours which fortune presents to them had his mind without any intermission still affixed upon high designs tending to the glory and Grandure of his Master He knew that immoderate unseasonable delights did rob Ministers of State of a thousand fair opportunities That it is impossible to serve the Publick and injoy the pleasures of this life he made open profession he had none but such as were necessary for an honest diversion and certainly if pleasures could not bewitch him interest nor profit could never Charm him or get any power over his Will Honour was the chief aim which he proposed in all his actions which he sought for in his Masters glory and he scorned all profit which did keep him off from it But that
which from the beginning gave the greatest admiration of all to his conduct was that imitating that manner of operating used by the Divinity which is invisible as his Essence There were every day wondrous effects of his Prudence brought to light before any resolutions were heard of or before any Orders taken were perceived whereas before there was not any thing concluded on which did not make more noise then the effects We shall proceed to consider the particular in the Processe of this History and I shall satisfie my self with laying down this positive ground That the King having given him the Honour of all his Trust after he had known the eminency of his Genius the wisedom of his Counsels his fidelity not to be shaken the dexteriousness of his Conduct which hath nothing parallel with it he likewise totally gave himself up to his Majesty Politique Observation A Minister is obliged in the same manner to make his Masters greatnesse and that of the State his principal aim and end he ought to remember that Kings are the lively Image of the Divinity That then Ministers are the Suns which their Kings glory doth form for the good of their People As God hath created that Star which over-rules the day to shew us here beneath one Ray of his infinite Splendour and to be the Authour of all those blessings which are communicated to us here below but ought he not to know before he attain the honour of the imployment whereunto he is arrived that private Interest which doth serve to inrich Families is the greatest enemy of State in the Soul of a Minister and that the Administration of a Kingdom ought to be done as the Tutillage of Orphans which is granted not for the profit of the Guardian but of those persons who are intrusted under his Tuition Glory is the onely thing which is permitted him to aspire to and how can he hope to atchieve that without transacting many things which may give a Reputation to his Master and his own Ministration The Cardinal d' Amboyse lost a great part of his glory in Italy by preferring his own before his Masters Interests The Reputation of a Minister cannot be eminent unlesse he be intire to the Prince whom he hath the honour to serve He who is truly generous expects no other recompence for his Actions then the honour and satisfaction to have done them Also he cannot be ignorant that Virtue doth scatter such rays as make her venerable in the sight of all men and in this consists in the height of glory Particular between the King and Cardinal for the good of the STATE MOnsieur le Cardinal knowing there was nothing more pernicious to Kingdomes then the want of Generosity in Ministers who content themselves by living in a lazy Peace in which time they give leave to strangers to increase their powers and instead of cutting off the Causes do onely skin over disorders in the State did not imagine it sufficient to keep things in their former indifferency but brought the King to apprehend great designs towards the procuring that ancient lustre once again to France which it had in the beginning of its Empire It is natural to a man to be more apprehensive of those dangers which are nearest and as it were at hand upon him then those which are further off though they be of a worse consequence and at this passe had things been a long while together Whereas the livelinesse of the Cardinals Soul which penetrates into the Ages to come presently discovered to his Majesty the dangers of this nature and made him apprehend the other the more easily in regard his Majesty was not ingaged in them but onely by the weaknesse of those who had the management of affairs He made it quickly apparent to him that they who shew themselves so over-affectionate of Peace do by little and little weaken and decay the State without being aware of it that they do mollifie the Courages of the people by a sloathfull repose who by such waies are exposed to the violences of strangers who have in the mean while exercised themselves in Arms and acquired force enough to make an attempt upon their neighbours His Prudence imitated that of a discreet Physitian who that he may perswade his Patient to take such things as may be convenient for his sicknesse discourseth to him the causes of his indisposition and then leaveth in to himself to judge if they be not proper for him Sir said he one day to his Majesty in a particular Counsel though a King who looks after nothing more then quiet hath reason to bestir himself when he finds his Ministers have brought his State into disorder because there do every day arise to him new causes of discontent yet he who seeks Glory ought not to be much troubled at it for that such disorders are the Ground-works upon which he may raise Trophies as marks of his Prudence and Generosity so your Majesty need not be at all troubled for those defects which have happened to your Estate by the faults of those whom your Majesty hath imployed who though they have been very affectionate to your service have not however had Souls high enough to second the Generosity of your intentions You may easily remedy all this according as you have designed there need only wel to know the Causes and to apply such remedies as may be agreeable and the State will soon be in safety Your Majesty may command me any thing for that I dedicate all my cares and all my indeavours to you and I cannot have any greater pleasure then to sacrifice my life to your glory And seeing you do me the honour to hear me discourse what I think to be most considerable in the State of Affairs I shall not imagine my self deceived if I shall tell you that I have observed four things which are the principal Causes of the weaknesse and disability of this State The first is Forraign and is nothing but the unbridled Ambition of the Spaniard which makes him aspire to the Monarchy of Europe and carries him on to attempts upon your neighbouring States which are as the out-skirts of the Kingdom of which too he hopes to be one day Master when he shall once have fortified himself upon the Frontiers and made it destitute of succours from its Allies The other three are Domestick and at home which serve for supports to all Rebellions and Revolts which are like a Lyon bred up in the Kingdom from whence nothing but mis-fortunes can arise The second is the excessive licenciousnesse of the Grandees who do so much detract from your greatnesse by so much as they assume to themselves more then they ought The third is the want of disciplin'd Troops who should ever be on foot to oppose any enterprizes which may be made against your Majesty or your Allies The fourth is the want of considerable Foundations in the Treasury to commence War upon occasions and to
Majesty were to be joynt Judges Nothing more could be desired But however the Legat whether it were because he was somwhat cautious or reserved or because he had not as yet any great experience in businesses of importance or whether it were by reason of his Instructions from the Pope which peradventure might be limited was very fearfull to engage himself to any thing in which he suspected he might be disclaimed and more especially seeing Count Gondamor the Spanish Ambassador then at Court declared openly that he was prohibited by his Master to meddle or make in the Treaty for that his Catholique Majesty would never treat at all untill those places were restored into his Holyness's hands The King had no great reason to be satisfied with this manner of the Legat's proceeding seeing he every day created new difficulties It was well known that the Orders which he received from the Pope was one cause of it His Holyness apprehending that in case he should consent to the delivery of the Valtoline to the Grisons the Spaniards would disable the Counsel in regard several of the Roman Clergy were of opinion that he could not with a safe conscience allow of it as also the continual suggestions of the Spaniards did mightily molest and trouble him The unexpected departure of the Cardinal Barbarini from the French Court. NOtwithstanding all this the King did him all honour caused him to dine with him sent to visit him in his lodging at Fountainbleau and made his Officers treat him with extraordinary splendour But at last they were to settle upon some resolution The King pressed him but he instead of facilitating the business stood firm to his first demands to which he was answered that his Majesty had conceded as much as could be reasonably expected so that he might not hope for any further condescending to them Whereupon the Legate on a sudden resolves to return to Rome and having publick Audience on the two and twentieth of September hee took leave of the King giving him great assurances of his Passion for the service of his Crown His Majesty likewise testified to him that he had a great kindness towards his Person a great respect for his Holiness and an extraordinary devotion for the Holy Chair And lastly told him that the Affairs which he had been treated withall were so important to the publick good that he would gladly before he had made his Final answer have assembled together the chief Officers of his Kingdom and of his Supream Courts to take their advices and that he would gladly have seen him once more to have acquainted him with their resolution It was hoped he would have expected the result of them but he departed before it was suspected and his Officers who were left behind him could give no other reason for it but that he did it to avoid the usual Complements at parting Politique Observations GOD hath established two sorts of Powers for the Government of the Universe and he hath had so great a care over mans vanity as the learned Hinomar writing to Carloman and the Bishops of France saith that to the intent hee might preserve them in obedience hee would totally separate and distinguish the Functions of their respective Authorities The Persons who have their powers are subject reciprocally each to the other Kings to Ecclesiastiques and Ecclesiastiques to Kings yet not that their Powers have a reciprocal dependance upon one another It is true the Spiritual is superior to the Temporal according to the order of dignity but not according to the rule of Subjection and Authority insomuch that who is indued with it may not despoil Soveraigns of their Temporal Power nor moderate it It is very necessary to distinguish between the Subjection of Persons and that of Powers for though Jesus Christ hath resolved that all persons of the World should be subjected to his Ministers and all his Ministers to Kings yet hee hath not ordained that these two Powers should be subject in the same manner but he hath given to them both an equal Authority to discharge their Functions without bestowing on either power to destroy the other Which being so the head of the Church may not assume to himself any other Quality with Temporal Princes but of a Mediator to end their differences He hath Power indeed over their Consciences but not over their Estates or that Authority which they have received from God for the government of them It is to no purpose for him to snatch away the Scepter out of their hands and whatever Proposal he shall make to them can be received but as Councels It is Glorious for him as we have said to accommodate differences but he may not pretend to do it by his Authority Out of zeal he is bound to fore-cast the difficulties which he may meet with in the perswading both Parties to agree to his Proposals seeing those which are commonly made to two Princes at Enmity are like a Medicine which ought to be administred to a person whose Liver is very hot but his Stomack extreamly cold and weak for the ordering of which the Physitian findeth himself much puzzeled by reason of those remedies which refresh the one are commonly stark nought for the other And thus it is seldome or never seen that those Propositions which are made by Arbitrators do please both parties The highest point of Prudence in this case is to imitate the discreet Physitian who cannot bring to passe his intent of curing his Patient but by prescribing to him such things as may comfort one and not annoy another part for thus it is unlesse those Propositions which a Mediator shall lay down bee weighed with Justice Equality and Moderation they will rather provoke then allay the angers of those Princes who are concerned in them An Assembly of the Nobles by the Kings Order upon the businesse of the Cardinal Barbarin's Legation ALthough it were not very needfull to take any further advice for a resolution to those Propositions made by the Legate so evidently dis-advantagious were they to France and her Allies yet it was not thought amiss to call a Chief Assembly where the chief Lords of the Court and the principal Officers of the Kingdome might understand the true state of the case and to prevent that the keeping of it secret might not give the Spaniard the liberty of reporting over Europe that Cardinal Barbarine had made very reasonable Proposals of Peace but that the King had absolutely refused them by which he did declare his resolution of continuing the War Which was not onely clear contrary to the Truth but against the honour was due to the Kings Justice which had ever induced him to settle Peace among his neighbours when he might do it without offence to his Reputation or the Interests of his Allies as also in regard of the great respect which he had shewed to the holy Sea upon this very occasion as also in all others which presented themselves so
their designs subsist and end in glory whereas Ambition exposeth them to misfortunes losses and utter ruin Recruits sent to the Marquis de Coeuures in the Valtoline THe Cardinal was no less careful to send supplies to the Valtoline then to Italy For besides those several French Troops which had orders to march thither those others which were raised by the Grisons and those which after much ado were sent from Venice he caused two Regiments to be advanced in the Cantons of Vry and Vndernal making it appear that nothing could over-match his Prudence for that these two Cantons are close Leagued with the Spaniards and that the Marquis d' Ogliang the Spanish Ambassador as also Scagy the Popes Nuntio had used their utmost endeavours to prevent it These Recruits arrived very seasonably for the Spaniards had but very lately before received a very great supply which gave them the means to execute an enterprise which they made under the Conduct of Papenheim upon the Terze of Sotto of the Valtoline and to make themselves Masters of those Trenches which had been committed to the custody of the Albanois and Capelets amongst whom it struck such a terrour that there was no possible means to make them stand to it and besides the Army too was at that time very much weakned The Marquis de Coeuvres who could not let them go away with this advantage unreveng'd resolved with the Council of War to retake it and on the seventeenth of October having appointed Pont de Gâdes for a Rendezvous he gave order for the Assault The Fight was stoutly begun and after two houres continuance the Intrenchments were re-taken which had been formerly lost but with greater advantage then the Enemies had when they first took them and with more honour for that they were at that time exceedingly strong After this Expedition was over the Duke of Candale received intelligence that eight hundred foot and four hundred of the Spanish party had seized upon the Fortress of Chaumont amongst the Grisons which being once known by the Marquis de Coeuvres he presently dispatched two thousand to reprise it The Duke mustered his Army the better to know his own forces and so went to invest Chaumont and the Spaniards within it made shew of defending themselves but the Duke having finished a Battery of six peeces of Cannon soon made a Breach fit for an Assault and commanded whole showres of Musquet shot to be poured in upon them who should appear to defend the Breach and also clapt two Petards against one of the Gates which forced them in peeces so that two companies of French entred the Town and compelled them within to yeeld upon composition which was that they should march away with their Arms onely and leave behind them what Ammunition they had brought into the Town So accordingly they went out and left the Town to the Duke of Candâle There remained onely Morbeignâ to take in the Valtoline and the Marquis de Cuvres had twice called a Council of War to contrive a means for the taking of it but the major part of them alledged and that very judiciously that the place was strongly scituated and very hard to be come to for any who would assault it guarded by good store of men both within and in the Country thereabouts that it was impossible to shut them up for want of Vessels upon the Lake of Come which was the way which they had all their provisions and withall they concluded it was not much material whether they had it or not seeing it did not at all help to serve the Spaniards either to shut up or open the Passes Their advice was followed and their courages submitted to the Laws of Discretion which made it appear that it was not wisdom at all time to attempt great Enterprises Others did wish that the Conquest of the Valtoline had been begunne in this place as afterwards it was done for that it is the most important of all the other places not in relation to the Passages but the securing of the Valley and to keep all the rest in their dutyes for the Allarm being once taken in the Vale there are immediately store of Forces clapt into it for the keeping of it as being the most considerable of all and that once done impossible to be taken Politique observation THE greatest Courages are bound to submit to the Laws of Prudence when there is a question in hand for the attempting of any great Enterprise Their Glory is not considered by the successes of their Victories or the taking of Towns which many times have no dependencie upon them but by their Resoluteness and Constancy which they make appear without the least dread in doing all that can be done to vanquish Impossibilities defend them from all blame when as they have done their utmost for no one can be obliged to do that which is above his power In the making of War in a Forraign Country it is needful if possible it may so be done to begin it by assaulting of the strongest place first especially if it may not otherwise be taken then by a surprise The reason is clear for what ever assault is made elswhere gives an Allarm to the whole Country so that that the Prince who stands upon his defence presently claps in both Men and Ammunition into the principal place that afterwards it will become impossible to surprize it Let us first seize on Rome said the Enemies of the Roman Empire in Herodatus which is the heart and Castle of the Empire and we shall quickly have the rest with ease The like did Caesar say that the Romans could never promise themselves any security in Gaul untill they had become Masters of Authun which was the chief City and on which the Conquest of all the rest depended And as it 's true that the chief Head of an Enterprize having once made himself Master of the City Gates may at his own pleasure enter upon the whole so it is likewise most certain that he who hath once taken the chief Fortress hath a curb on the rest so that he may do what he will himself especially if he can but so order his business that he may keep it in his power The Duke of Rohan excuseth himself from accepting of those Articles which were granted to those of his party THese were the most remarkable passages both in Italy and the Valtoline during that year but let us now return to the Affairs at home The Duke of Rohan could not be drawn to conclude a Peace without making some advantage by it so that he desired to be excused from giving his final Answer unto those Articles which the King had granted to those of his party untill he had conferred with an Assembly which he pretended to make of the high and low Languedoc insomuch that his particular Interests and private Ambition were the causes which retarded the Peace In the interim he did his very utmost to surprize
those effects to the sending of those Companies into Languedoc upon the first beginning of the year who might be in a readiness to fall on them in case they should appear insomuch that they had not the least opportunity to doe any thing and this is really the most certain preventive remedy for all Revolts But however you may behold another Reason of State which is the more considerable for that it did by little and little and without being perceived undermine the greatest prop and force of them The little Authority which the Ministers who preceded the Cardinal had caused his Majesty to take upon him and the Licentiousness which the Grandees were left at either of running into the Hugonots party or of abetting them whensoever any thing went contrary to their humours was the true cause of their greatest strength The Princes would openly levy Troops to ayd and assist the revolted and either themselves would go in to them or at least lend them monyes to make more Levyes But now the case was altered and things did not run in their former channels This Grand Minister perswaded his Majesty to make himself Master of Affairs His Majesty wanted not dayly oportunities to effect it and at last brought it to such a pass that the Princes and Grandees lived very quietly and every one of them was so well satisfied with those Favâurs which were bestowed on them that not a man of them would nourish a thought tending to dis-union or combinations Formerly the major part of them carried such a sway in matters of concern that unless every thing which they desired were granted to them they would forthwith retire in discontent to their own houses as not thinking themselves obliged to serve the King any longer But things began now to be carried in another way and they began to live after another sort and to be sensible of the obligations which lay upon them to keep themselves within the limits of Respect and Obedience They now began to perceive it was to no purpose to think to have that by a high hand which could only be granted to them by way of Gratification All the Parties and Factions which formerly were so rife began presently to fall back there having been certain people removed from the Court who made it their onely business to embroyl things and like Wasps sucked up the best of the Treasures which they employed only in the sowing of discontents amongst the Grandees who lived at the Kings costs and charges and yet did altogether rayl and quarrel with the Government The taking away of these abuses was the true cause of the Hugonots weakning who were never strong but when assisted elswhere Thus it was apparently seen that the King having overtopped them by the sage advice of the Cardinal they were afterwards compelled to live as true Subjects in the obedience which is due from that qualification Politique Obseruation AUthority is the soul of a Kingdom A State cannot but be happy when he who governeth it knows how to rule as he ought be it either in not ordaining those things which are improper or by bringing his Subjects to be obedient so that as a Physitian endeavoureth most of all to comfort his Patients heart a Ministers ought to study no one thing more then how to encrease and strengthen his Masters power and authority But if he hath once suffered himself to be dispossed of it he hath lost the Rudder by which he steered his vessel the yoke wherewith he kept the people in obedience the splendour which made him be honoured with respect How will he be afterwards able to retain his subjects in their duties seeing they will slight his Authority And how shall he be able to receive respects from them when as he is no longer Master of that which should preserve it in their souls Authority is to a Soveraign the same thing that Light is to the Sun And as that fair Star would not be respected by man without that splendid lustre which dazeleth our eyes so having once lost his light he is no longer admired or respected The Princes of the Blood divide it amongst them and make it evident that the dis-esteem and weakness whereunto he is fallen serveth for a footstool to them to advance their own power The Governours of Provinces too they take some share and thus every one acteth as best pleaseth himself every thing is attempted without controul and they do not fear to endeavour the getting of that by force which they cannot by justice The Publique Monies are turned aside the people oppressed and at last all things brought into confusion Theopompus King of the Lacedemonians answered a certain man who told him Spaâta was governed with a good Discipline because the Kings knew how to command That it was rather because the people knew how to obey But for my part I imagine that the happiness of a Kingdom proceedeth from one and t'other and that both of them are dependent on the Authority which giveth Soveraigns the Liberty of well commanding and the necessary disposition of Subjects to obey them Which if it be true of Kingdomes in general it is most assuredly so of France in particular seeing the Government of it hath been so absolutely established upon a King seeing there is not any thing more proper for the setling of any State whatsoever in its due order then to restore him the self same qualities with which he took his Birth The Cardinal is extraordinary careful to make a good understanding between the King Queen Mother Monsieur and the Princes of the Blood and others AS the Tyes of Birth are but of small force if not cherished with Affection so the Cardinal could not be satisfied with setling the King in his Authority over the Princes but took extraordinary pains to continue them in a good understanding with his Majesty The Queen Mother was the chief of all those who had the honour to be of the Royal House so he used his utmost power to tye her fast to the Kings will He did the more readily undertake this trouble because he had for several years received sundry testimonies of her favour and he would gladly have acknowledged them by his services and it sorted so happily that it may safely be said he did in it repay all her obligations a hundred times over but it was no smal matter to be brought to pass for he was to combat with the Queen Mothers inclinations the jealousies which the King had with some reason entertained against her From the time that the Queen Mother had govern'd France in the quality of Regent she had not as yet renounced the Conduct of Affairs though the care which one is bound to take for the Government of a people be accompanied with a thousand pricking vexations yet so it is that the splendour wherewith it is attended hath such powerful charms that the discreetest souls and least ambitious have much ado to defend themselves
publick That gentlenesse which is shewed to the Ring-leaders of a Conspiracy is a dangerous cruelty to the State Cato was of opinion that they who did not hinder evil-doers when they might do it by chastizing them ought themselves to be punished For that were to encourage their abettors to follow their evil examples it is true Arostole saith The subjects love is the chief foundation of Royal Authority and that they are not easily induced to love Kings unlesse upon their owne advantage And it is very necessary for them to punish the factions without which they would be hourly exposed to the dangers of civil war which are the cause of the greatest misfortunes that can afflict a State And the same Philosopher in his Morals esteemeth him uncapable to command who is never angry but affects to shew himself merciful on all occasions whatsoever To speak truth a King is bound to shew as much severity to them whom the publique Interest obligeth to be chastised as bounty to them that keep themself within their duties It is the onely means saith Tacitus in his Annals to render him as well feared by the wicked as esteemed and honoured by the good who receive no lesse satisfaction in the punishment of crimes than in the receiving of those rewards which art due to their virtue The Sentence of death passed against the Sieur de Chalais THe King comitted the tryal of Chalais rather to a Chamber of Justice than any private Court not onely because he would have it expedited it being improper to be delayed but also to keep private the names of his Confiderates and their designs which were dangerous to be published His Majesty made the Lord keeper Marillac President and appointed for Judges the Sieurs de Cusse and Brie Presidents of the Parliament of Britain The Sieurs Fonquet Marchant Chriqueville Master of Request and six Councellors of the Parliament of Britain They met several times for instruction of the Processe Chalais was often times examined and having found by discourse with several people with whom he conversed that there was full information made of all his wicked designs he confessed not onely what was conteined in Monsieurs Declaration but withal divers other things of which Lorrain accused him and which were testified by Monsieur de Bellegarde Le Sieur d'Effiat by the Maust exempt who had the charge of his person and by one of the Life-guard to all which he made no denial being brought face to face He discovered the Major part of his Associates he confessed that he would have carried Monsieur from the Court that he would have perswaded him to take up arms to hold Intelligence with the Governours and Hugonots to make himself Master of Havre Mets and diverse other places of the Kingdome and withal that being once at a Council where the grand Prior and those of his faction were present he proposed to them to take the Marshal d'Ornano out of prison to poniard the Cardinal and then to fly into Flanders thinking that this once done they might easily obtain all their desires There were several other charges produced against him and amongst others certain letters from the Sieur de Moison the Kings Resident with the Countesse of Hanault in Germany and of the Sieur de Vatembourg his Majesties Resident with the Emperour by which they gave advice of the Marshal d'Ornano's conspiracy of certain letters which Chalais had writ to the Dutchesse de Chevreuse in Biscay in which there were discourses to the Kings dishonour and also certain letters in characters to the same Lady the Declaration of Monsieur the Kings Brother and the informations of the Vice-Seneschal de Moulins These enermous crimes rendred him guilty and worthy of death in regard he was the Kings Domestique Servant and that he had the honour to be in a charge which obliged him to be alwayes near his Majesties person Justice could not save him and the several relapses which proceeded from the fiercenesse and ambition of his Spirit tied up the Kings Arms from mercy So this Chamber of Justice condemned him to be attainted and convicted decrimine lesae Majestatis and to be beheaded in the Befroy of Nantes That his head should be put upon a spear over the gate of Sanvetour that his body should be quartered into four parts and hung upon the four principal places of the City that his posterity should be ignoble and of the Yeomantry His houses raized and that for the farther discovery of all his Abettors he should be put on the Rack But the Kings clemency seconded by the affection which he alwayes had for him moderated the judgment and onely commanded his head to be cut off and that they should shew him the Rack but not torture him They who understood not that the whole Intreague was discovered or that there were sufficient poofs to convict him were astonished that he should so freely confesse those crimes whereof he was accused and withal some were so bold to report that he had confessed his crimes thus frankly upon the Cardinals suggestian and perswading him to believe that it was the onely means to obtain the Kings favour the attainment of which he gave him great cause to hope for But there need no other proof for conviction of this lye than the answer which Chalais made to the Sieurs des Cartes de Lourie Councellors of the Parliament both persons of a clear reputation and entrusted to exame him after judgment had passed upon him who having told him that a report was spread abroad that he had confessed his crimes wherewith he was charged partly through fear and partly through hope of life conjured him he being now shortly to render an account of his actions before God to discover if it were so or not or if he had impeached any one in prejudice to the truth and his conscience and had no other answer from him but that what he had said was truth excepting onely where he had in anger spoke too hardly against Madam de Chevreuse who had given him no reason for it and that he should be very wicked and sencelesse to discover so many horrible crimes to clear himself and charge innocent persons and all for the satisfaction of another mans passion This proof was so much the more certain in regard it proceeded from the last passages of his life in which he testified that he would dispose himself by a true repentance to obtain pardon from God of his faults There was hereupon great reason to admire the Kings clemency seeing that he might in justice imprison and punish diverse Grandees of the Court whom he had accused who were no small number but his Majesty in stead of Publishing their design was pleased to punish all their great faults in one man onely keeping some in prison and sending Madam de Chevreuse into Lorraine not having ground to hope that she could live in the Court and not raise new broyles Politique Observation
to lose these hopes sent amongst the Deputies the Sieur de Blancard a person of quality to procure a quick dispatch they had many fair promises made them and a confirmation of whatever had formerly been resolved on so that the Revolt was now concluded on It was so much the easier to obtain those succours for that of late England had conceived some ill designs against France It much troubled them to see the Hugonot Party and those of Rochel reduced to greater weaknesses then ever and they took so great a share in their Interest that one of the Chief Ministers of State there said in full Counsel that it was less considerable to his Majesty to lose Ireland then to suffer Rochel to be taken by the King of France Withal Buckinghams particular Spleen which carried himself and swayed most of the great ones there did not a little encrease it who were all mad to be dealing with France so much do Courtiers follow the inclinations of Favorites We have in the former year laid down the causes of his particular hatred I shall now only add the resentment which he took at his Majesties denial to let him come into France was that and only that which incensed him to that height But the Cardinal foreseeing what effects that refusal would in reason produce advised his Majesty to permit him to come to the Court assuring him that it would be easie to raise some advantages out of that earnest passion which he had to come thither and that at last he could only end as Icarus did who perished for aspiring too high Yet however the Queen Mother seconding the Kings resolution for his non-admittance she became Mistres of the Counsel which so exasperated Buckingham that he vowed shortly to come into France so well attended that they should not be able to deny him entrance Madam de Cheureuse who was discontented too and then in Lorrain did not a little blow the Coales of his passion and serve to nourish his anger but as it would have been more to his discredit then Honour to have openly declared it so he wanted some pretences to cloak it He pretended that the King of England his Master had been surety for the performance of those promises which the King and his Ministers had made to the Hugonots upon the conclusion of the Peace Now the Chancellor having told their Deputies in presence of the English Ambassadours that though the King could not be induced to assent unto the demolition of Fort Lewis yet that they might hope for it from his Bounty in Time in case they lived within the bounds of a due obedience These hopes would he needs have passe for absolute promises and for Articles agreed on with Ambassadours and in prosecution of them he would fain have it be believed that the King his Master was bound by way of caution to see the demollishing of it put in execution He had likewise the boldness to let the King know from his Master of Great Britain by his Ambassador that he was likewise ingaged to see the performance of a certain Declaration made to the Hugonots by the Earle of Holland and the Lord Charlton Extraordinary Ambassadours then at that Treaty in which they had construed the Chancellour Haligres words in that sence as was most agreeable to the Hugonots and all that they might ingage them the more unto their Interests and not want a pretence to imbroyle things when ever they had a mind to it But it was absolutely denied that the King of England did ever become engaged to see those promises made to them of Rochel performed or that he had been treated with or his Ambassadours in any sort whatever But on the contrary it was represented to them how it was not forgotten what message his Majesty then sent to the Earle of Holland and the Lord Charleton by the Duke of Cheureuse and the Bishop of Mande which was that in case they should pretend to intermeddle in the Treaty the King would not give his consent to any thing but if upon condition that the King of England would engage to assist him with a strong Fleet to compel the Rochelois if they should fall back from their duties This had been told them once and again and that plainly enough as also confirmed by Monsieur the Cardinal so that their pretences of the King of Great Britains being Pledge for Performance of those Articles granted to the Rochelois were groundless as also that frivolous pretext of making use of the Earle of Hollands and the Lord Charleâous Declaration which being a thing of their own drawing and done as best pleased themselves was of no value However it was one of the chiefest Arguments they made use of in their Declaration to justifie their Arms when they entred upon Ree And the Duke of Buckingham manifested to all people that his only design was to protect the Rochelois and reformed Churches of France though it was not unknown that his private Spleen was the true cause of his design yet he was cunning enough to dissemble it to the King of England and pretend assisting of the Rochelois and withal to assure him that the whole party of the Hugonots would revolt and upon the arrival of his Fleet put such and such Towns into his hands that he might set on foot his old pretences upon France and enter upon it with security and advantage Upon these scores the King of England laboured very industriously for the rigging out of his Fleet all April May and June not at all discovering his design though both his Majesty and the Cardinal were not so ill informed but that they perfectly knew it was prepared for France Politique Observation KIngs when they have a mind to make a war never want pretences to disguise the injustice of it however it is an absurd rashness to ingage in any without urgent necessity I like well of T. Livius Judgment who saith war is then Just when it is necessary and that Arms are never attended with Justice but when there are no other hopes but from them And who can think otherwise of it seeing war is followed by all sorts of miseries War it is which ushers in disorders and evil customes which taketh away the lives of the Innocent which bringeth the Rich into want and which generally banisheth all the pleasures of life to set up troubles and afflictions So that a man can hardly fancy any thing more to be deplored then war from whence it followeth that who so begins it without absolute necessity may be well compared to those Chymists who administer such potions to their patients that they thence suffer more griefs and pains then from their sicknesses and diseases A wise man will abstain from war saith Xenophon though he have some reason for it Craesus did ever prefer peace before war if onely for this reason because in war Fathers did burie their Children against the Laws of Nature The He Wolf is so
and whatever was strong or weak in the whole Fortification The wayes and passages of the whole Country were not omitted nor the length and largness of the Channel the places where Batteries might be raised with Forts for defence of the Port and oftentimes considering this Map with the Marshal de Schomberg and other able Ingeniers for such exploits he framed so perfect an Idea of all that could happen in the siege fore-seeing effects in their causes That he did no longer doubt of the victory And having discoursed more at large with his Majesty concerning it he told him that he could now almost assure his Majesty of a good successe in this design if it pleased God to Prosper it with his blessing as there was great reason to hope seeing he acted for the good of the Church and the glory of his own name The King was overjoyed at it and from that time forwards preparations were made in all the adjacent Provinces of warlik amunitions great store of Cannon were sent before hand towards the place that they might be in a readiness when time should serve divers means were thought on to block up the Channel and to begin with those of lesse charge to prevent greater expences in case they might do the work a private computation was made of what horse and foot would be requisite to invest the place and secure the neighbouring Isles and to be short every thing was disposed to the best advantage for the carrying on of the siedg Politique Observation HEE who shutteth his eyes at those difficulties which he shall meet with in war deceiveth himself Commonly they that do so are quickly reduced to an impossibility of executing their designs If there be any one Action which ought maturely to be deliberated in its beginning progresse and end without doubt war is chiefly the thing it being as Scipio saith absolutely important not to begin it unless Fortune presents a favourable occasion with advantage but when the means necessary for it's continuation are certain and when there is a sure way to come off with Honour Though Fortune should be crosse yet after so many considerations it can hardly end in a bad successe whereas with blinded eyes and no considerations had of the means to overcome such obstacles may arise as nothing but confusion and disorder and ruine can foâlow Tiberius is very much commended in Tacitus for having so great knowledge of his enemies Plots designs and resolutions in so much that those very subtilities which they proposed for to get a victory he made use of for their destruction And T. Livy saith of Hannibal that one of the principal causes which gave him many advantages in war was the knowing his enemies Counsels as well as he did his own resolutions A discreet Pilot foresees a storm and secureth himself neither doth a Grand Minister of State attempt any thing of concern but he foresees the difficulties which may happen in it It is for Fencers not Princes to resolve on a suddain A wise man never brings himself within danger of repentance and as he knows his designs may be countermined so he is accordingly carefull not only to provide all such means as may carry his business to a happy issue but also such remedies as may overcome any obstacles which may chance to be made in opposition of it He never lets his courage be quelled with difficulties but makes them only serve to fix his resolution the more strongly against all resistances by this means he will see all things fall out according to his own forecast and he will force Fortune her self to become favourable to him The Duke of Lorrain comes to the King at Paris to complain of his Majesties Actions towards the Bishop of Verdun and to do him Homage for the Dutchee of Bar. GReat enterprises are not to be ended in a moment so that some months had passed before the English were in a condition to make good their promise to the Rochelois during which time divers remarkable things intervened The Duke of Lorrain about the beginning of the year came to his Majesty at Paris and made great complaints of his Majesties Officers Actions against the Bishop of Verdun his Kinsman how that they had seized on all his Goods translated the charge of his Offices to other persons that they had Posted up Papers against him and had resolved to have seized on his Person if it had been in their power But as he had not to do with such Ministers who had either fear or weaknesse or knew not how or when to maintain their Masters Interests so he was quickly answered That Bishops of what condition soever being his Majesties subjects owe as much respect and obedience to him as others of his degree that when they fall off from their duties it is then the more just to punish their faults their Delinquency being an ill example to which most people are apt to follow That injoying their Temporal States onely in order to the Oath of Allegiance which they all swear to his Majesty they do most especially deserve to be deprived of them when they break their said oath That his Majesty was more especially obsigned to maintain his Right in Verdun which was a Fontier Town and in regard too that the Bishop had attempted against his Royal Authority in hindring the building of the Cittadel though it were a thing only relating to the Soverainty and in which he was not all concerned These answers were so Just and grounded upon such sollid reasons that nothing could be replied against them so the Duke had recourse to his entreaties and beseeched his Majesty for his sake to wink at with was past to order restitution of his seizures and to command the Bishop Officers to be re-established in their former charges He was very urgent in his behalf and because at the same time the Emperour having writ to his Majesty in his favour the King had returned him answer That at his desire he should willingly grant him any reasonable favour the Duke obtained his request but upon condition however That the Bishop should first send a Commission to one of his Vicars to revoke the Censures which had been given out against his Majesties Officers and them who worked on the Cittadel and that in fature he should comport himself with more respect and moderation The Duke did willingly become bound for his performance and having sent the Commission the King discharged the seizures and setled all things in their former state But notwithstanding all the Duks seeming affection forwardness in this affair yet that was not the chief end of his Journey He had been newly put into possession of the States of Lorrain and Bar by vertue of Reynard the second King of Sicilies will and by the resignment of his Father the Count of Vaudmont pretending to hold them of his Liege in his own proper name though the late Duke of Lorrain his Predecessor had and that
the intended siege of Rochel The Major part of them foresaw that in case Rochelle were taken they must then of necessity live in an exact obedience That it would carry with it an absolute ruine to all the Hugonot party and that there would be no more means left them to rise up against the Kings authority in future when they had a mind to procure any thing by force neither were they a little startled at the assurance of the design his Majesty had resolutely taken of carrying the place The Grandees have alwayes thought the encrease of the Royal Power a diminution to their own private authorities and they of France were not ignorant that in case the Hugonot party were destroyed they had then no game left to play but that of submission This induced some of the most factious to cast out such discourses as could only be deemed the Symptoms of a Revolt though as yet there had not been any apparence of a formal contrived design The King had learn't from some of the old Court that that which hindred the taking od Rochel when as Charles the ninth besieged it was only the little inclination which many of the Grandees then at the siege had that it should be taken as the Marshal de Montlue testified on the place by divers letters So that he resolved to prevent this inconveniency neither was it lesse needful to prevent the growing of this cabal least they should by joyning themselves with the Hugonots and strangers force his Majesty to draw off his Armies and to attend their motions The wise and discreet resolution which his Majestie took to give an assured remedie hereunto was to clap up in the Bastille several sedicious turbulent persons who began to speak aloud such things as neither the Laws of obedience or respect could allow of but with order that they should be well treated and want nothing it being his Majesties desire only to prevent them from doing any hurt The Marquis de Rouillat de Bounivet de Montpinson d' Oy were first of all secured and shortly after Fancan and La Milletiere with other inferiours to keep them Company which made them perceive who had the good Fortune not to be interressed in any of these Broyles that the King was no more to be dallyed with and that it would become them to live within their limits and that they could not avoyd lodging in the same place if they gave any cause of suspition by their behaviour Thus every one for love or fear was quiet and the King had the freedome to continue his preparations for the siege of Rochelle Politique Observation A King is no lesse obliged to search after those who are able to trouble the repose of his State then those who are able to serve him It is needful for him to have certain marks both for one and t'other that he may judg of either Now amongst them who are able to ingage in a Faction he ought to make little account of such who have great stirring Spirits but little Prudence for they of his Temper are usually wicked ambitious Lovers of Novelties insurrections and all sorts of intreagues Grobus would needs have us esteem Alcibiades for a person of this condition when he represented him to be as exquisite in his vices as his virtues and T. Livy puts Hannibal amongst the same number when after a recital of his vertues he addeth that his vices were full as eminent On the other side he ought to be vigilant over those who are ready to undergo any meannesses upon hopes of getting any advantage or greatnesse as Caesar did according to Dions report who condescended to bestow imbraces beneath the quality of his person on mean and base men if he found them any ways conducing to the advancing of his Power In this last age Mânsâeur ae Guise hath done the same thing in the eyes of all men but was slain at Blois in his attempt of making himself Master of the French Crown Withall he ought no lesse distrust those persons of quality who are grown poor or who have been laid by from imployments and affairs For Tacitus on the life of Ottho saith there is not any one thing which persons of Courage and Quality do suffer with more regret then that of poverty do we not read that poverty was it which gave so much boldnesse to Sylla in his attempts That Cneus Piso was ingaged in all his undertakings by his being reduced to extream necessity and of doing those things which were unworthy of his Birth Then hee ought to be no lesse watchfull of those who comporting themselves to the present times change their Fashions when they please who of Lyons turn to be Lambs and from Lambs become Lyons again and this with much facility all to make advantage of whatsoever comes uppermost to swim with the stream and to join their Interests with those onely from whom they have expectations of gain and advantage He had need be jealous of those who under pretence of their own private Affairs passe from one Country to another without any apparent reasons for it of such as onely converse with turbulent minds of such as seem to be discontented at affairs of such as are in debt or have received some distasts in their private interests I could produce examples to fortifie the reasonablenesse of all these several propositions and how that all these sorts of persons ought to be suspected if the brevity of these Maxims would give way to it But making profession of being short I shall onely for conclusion say that both Prudence and Justice oblige to make sure of such persons especially on the least occasion given to suspect that they are disposed to ingage themselves in any Intreague The least delay which shall be given them will onely fix them so much the more whereas the dispatch in securing of them rather sooner then later is a kind of Pitty for that it warranteth them from a more severe chastisement by preventing them from falling into greater Crimes Ambition Covetousnesse Revenge and Poverty meeting in a turbulent Factious Soul never let him be at rest or free from some embroyl or other if he be not curb'd in either by force or necessity And when it shall so happen that he may be of himself perswaded to keep within his duties yet it will be lesse inconvenient to make sure of him by a just rigour then to leave him in a licentiousnesse of ill-doing by too imprudent a compassion Differences between the Duke of Espernon and the Parliament of Bourdeaux reconciled by the discreet fore-sight of the Cardinal THere was about the same time ground enough to suspect lest the bitternesse which had about a year since disunited the Duke of Espernon Governour of Guyenne and the Parliament of Bourdeaux might prejudice his Majesties service in this juncture where it was needfull that all his Arms and Justice might concenter to stifle rebellion in its birth and to keep
but the Duke sent in all hast to demand it of his Holyness When the Marquis de Chaumont came thither It was not as yet arrived but hourly expected and though it was not brought but only a very few minuts before his death yet the Marquis of Strigio who knew how necessary it was for the State of affairs told the Prince de Rethelois and the Princess Maria that they must forthwith marry or else be assured never to enjoy the States of Mantua It was a business of so great importance that it would admit of no longer consultation so that it was concluded and married they were about nine in the night on Christmasse Eve the marriage was consummated and not long after the news of Duke Vincents death was brought unto them This accident was of very great concern to the Duke de Nevers Who without it might perchance never have enjoyned the Dukedom of Mantua At that present he was in France but hearing of it he took post and about the end of January came to Mantua where finding all things according to his own desire he took proffession of the State and the Marquis de Chaumont return'd back to France He passed by Thurin and used new endeavours to perswade the Duke of Savoy to an accommodation but it would not be yet he served the King in this occasion by withdrawing divers of the Nobility of Dauphine from the Duke of Savoy's Army who had ingaged themselves with him not knowing his design was upon Montferrat which the Duke hearing of was much offended and told him it would not be safe for him to stay any longer in Turin Politique Observation THat Prudence which obligeth all Soveraigns to provide against such accidents as may trouble the present State of their affairs doth equaly direct them to make sure of such remedies as may prevent the future disturbance of their Peace and quiety which cannot safely be effected without the assurance of an Hair to succeed Augustus affordeth us a memorable example in this particular who governing an Empire not Hereditary would however joyn with himself some one of his nearest kindred in the conduct of affairs to the end that ingratiating himself with the Senators Souldiers and people he might by that means seem to deserve the Soveraignity For this reason it was according as Tacitus hath well observed that he finding himself destitute of Sons and that Fortune had taken from him first Marcus Agrippa and afterwards Cajus and Lucius his Nephews advanced Tiberus who though he had a Son then grown up he caused to adopt Germanicus to the succession of the Empie and this he did as the Historian observes that the Crown might be assured upon divers supports By this means he cut off the Senators hopes of reforming the State into a Republique and from his Enemies the means of aspiring to the Crowns Adrian in the like manner seeing he had not any Sons which exposed him to the fury of some ambitious mind or other who for the Empires sake might be perswaded to attempt upon his Person adopted Antoninus and also required that Antoninus should in the like manner he having no Sons neither nominate two more successours as Dion hath observed in his life and all this was with intent that they who were to succeed in the Empire might be alwayes ready to receive it and to prevent his Enemies from attempting against his person in hopes to obtain it for themselves To how many misfortunes have they who have been defective in this Care exposed their Countries Jane the second Queen of Napels dying without nominating her successour d' Anâou whom she had once named being deceased before her left her Kingdome cruelly torn in pieces by War and him whom she least of all desired to inherit after her It is very rarely seen that a Kingdome changeth its Family without great wars and that Prince whom God hath not blessed with Children will find many attempts made upon his person whence it follows that he who would secure his Life and State from misfortunes ought betimes to appoint his successour to keep him near to him with Honour to instruct him in all affairs but not to admit him unto the partaking of the Soveraignity for that were to cure one evil by a greater seeing the ambition which usually attendeth young Princes might perchance ingage him in some ill design to be master of it before his time Cabals of the Duke de Rohan in Languedoc and the Succours wrought by means of the Duke de Soubize his brother in England for the Rochelois THE Duke de Rohan was by his brother assured of the English assistance and long before their landing in Ree he did nothing but contrive Cabals in Languedoc that he might place Consuls for his own turn in the Hugonot Towns and engage considerable persons in his private interests Presently after their landing he openly declared himself strengthned his party with Men perswaded some places to rise and sollicited others to do the like He gave them great hopes of high and mighty advantages by the inundation of strangers and he provoked them the more by insinuating into them the ruin of their Religion and divers other imaginary evils That he mââht the better strik these Panick fears into them he sent them a Manifest filled with all those specious apparencies mentioned in the beginning of this year But may it not be said that he imitated those Pirates who seeming to instruct the course which Ships ought to keep in the Sea set up Lanthorns upon the tops of Rocks to draw Pirates thither and so to wrack them For thus did he lay before the sight of them who were sufficiently enclined to âaction diverse seemingly fair reasons of the preservation of their party and Religion by which means he drew them into that revolt and engaged them in those misfortunes which have since been the cause of the ruining of their Towns and of levelling their Wals and fortifications with the ground Now that he might the more strictly bind the Hugonot towns to his designs he âound means to make an assembly in the Viâe d'Vsez where diverse of their Deputies met together and as he had no lesse eloquence then courage he perswaded them to whatever he had a mind to They approved of those succours which he had negotiated in England as just and necessary they commended his prudence and zeal and gave him a thousand thanks for it But this was not all They assured him not to enter into any Treaty of Peace with his Majesty without the King of Englands consent and his own in particular Hereupon they deputed some of the most seditious of their faction to go to the Towns of Languedoc and Guyennâ withal they writ to those of Dauphine and Vivarez to encourage them to unite with them for the good of the cause They drew up a form of oath to be sworn by the Consuls the Governours of Towns Lords and Gentlemen who would engage with
should presse his Imperial Majesty to command the Comte de Merodes to withdraw his forces from Italy and the Grisons and than he should satisfie his Majesty for that want of respect to his Embassadour The Sieur de Sabran acquitted himself very worthily of that employment he used his utmost prudence to justifie his Majesties proceedings and intentions and to convince unto the Emperour that the King his Master had not done any thing in prejudice of the Empire He further informed his Majesty that the King had not drawn his sword untill the Spaniard had besieged Cazal contrary to reason and justice and that his most Christian Majesty was bound to protect the Duke of Mantua by the Treaties of Cambray and Veroins neither did he omit any thing for the getting of satisfaction for the violences of the Count de Merodes But the Emperor being prepossessed by those of his Counsel that Embassy came to nothing and all the answer he could get was that the Duke of Mantua should be righted if his Majesty did withdraw his Army out of Italy with all that he could not but wonder that his Majesty should interest himself with the Princes under his obedience without taking notice that his most Christian Majesty was obliged by diverse treaties to succour him and that it would be a great dishonour to him if he should not now assist him considering he was more exposed to danger than ever by reason of the Emperours and Spanish Forces then in Italy and designed particularly for his ruine Politique Observation IT is an honorable employment to be the Mediator of Peace between Princes but he is more to be pittied then envied who takes that office upon him whilst their first heat is not yet over It is with such Negotiators as with Physitians and as these who are called upon the amendment of a disease aâe happier then the others so those likewise are very fortunate who are intrusted in treating a Peace between Princes when they are a little cooled and the great expences of War have discomposed them and when they are a little wearied out by continual Cares The first Emotions of anger are like clouds which obscure the light of reason and hinder the apprehension of the great benefits of Peace not permitting them to lend an eare to it Anger it self must make them feel those pains which accompany it that they may at last be sensible of the Just Cause they have to hate it and by consequence be the easilier appeased It was the continual inconvenience of War which induced Frâncis the first to have a liking to Peace Neither had Charles the fifth or Philip the second ever embraced it during the advantages which they made by the Treacheries of some French had they not been tyred out by the vast expences great cares and dangers to which a forraign War exposed them In short Princes ought never to be so ex-asperated in their differences as not to seek the good of Peace by some means of agreement by their mutual giving one another to understand their Intentions by their Ambassadors He who undertaketh to carry all things by a high hand forceth all others to flye no extremities which are accompanied with great Evils The distance which is between Princes is oftentimes the Cause of misunderstandings between them but their Ambassadors acquainting each other with the Justice of their Intentions doth not a little allay their Anger 's and dispose them to sweetness The Wise admit not of any injustice and though they are free from obedience to others yet will they be subjected to reason They know true greatness doth not so much consist in the power to do what they will as what they ought Neither do they measure their greatness by the licentiousness of satisfying their own passions but by their power to do that which is Just It is their glory to make it appear that though they can do all yet they will not act any thing but what is commendable Whence it comes that first putting themselves in the wayes of reason they do not afterwards scruple to sollicite others to do the like Thus likewise is it not an act of Lowness but of great Prudence and Civility which Princes owe to each other Prosecution of the Subject I Return to the Comte de Merodes amongst the Grisons whose actions there did not much surprise the King too well informed of all the passages in Europe to be ignorant of other Princes designs They onely obliged him to give order to the Marshal de âreqây to inform Monsieur de Savoy that it was contrary to the treaty of Suze for the execution of which he was bound by word and deed to joyne his Forces to those of his Majesty and to summon him to declare himself in this occasion The Duke of Savoy having sollicited their invasion need not have pretended time to inform himself of their design yet that was it which he fled to to hide his infidelity after the knowledge of which he promised to give his Majesty all satisfaction The Marshal de Crequy that he might put him to it indeed gave him some time which once past he pressed him for an answer which was this That the Surprisal of the Prisons passages had nothing of dependence in Monsieur de Maâtua's affair yet however if the King of Spain might be satisfied who desired the French should withdraw out of Italy as also from Suze he made no doubt but to obtain of the Emperour that he should withdraw his Forces though offended with the King for intermedling in those differences which he had with the Duke of Mantua his Vassal but did not all this while discover any thing of his own particular designs because he could indeed pretend nothing not comprised in the treaty of Suze The Marshal acquainted the King with this answer who commanded him to reply unto the Duke of Savoy that this answer of his did not at all relate to the obligation under which he was by the treaty of Suze that is of joyning his with his Majesties Forces and therefore to continue summoning him to declare himself but withal to assure him that if the Emperor should invest Monsieur de Mantua he would recal his Forces from Italy and Suze his Majesty having no other design but the hindring the invâsion of the Duke of Mantua's Estates his Ally and under his protection by the âreaty at Vârvins it being unreasonable that the Emperour should out him of those Dââ¦iâ⦠to which he was Lawful Heir and that as concerning any difference between the Dukes of Mantua and Savoy he had endeavoured to accomodate them by proposing convenient expedients between them both Nothing could be replied to so just reasons neither said he other thing to Monsieur de Crequy but that he would remain Neuter ând become a Mediatour of Peace without replying as to the obligation of the treaty at Suze and without considering how prejudicial it might be to him to sit still
a Deity They knew Heaven would be very severe in punishing those who violated it and they would not only be overwhelmed with Infamie but that it would be of ill consequence to the State considering how true it is that Justice and Fidelity are the two chief things which support the Thrones of all Kings Prosecution of the Subject I Cannot omit the great assistance which the Venetians did this year send unto the Duke of Mantua it being impossible for his Majesties whole Army to have been with him soon enough although some few Troops had already come to him The King had by his Ambassador negotiated those Succours with the Venetians upon the first discovery of the House of Austria's design Now the Venetians were the easier enclined to send these Succours it being their very great Interest to hinder the Spaniards growing power in Italy especially so neer them they having so often and so long had designs upon them Besides they well knew that they had at that present several good Towns and places which formerly belonged to the Dutchy of Milan but had been taken from it by their Common-wealth which peradventure the Spaniard might have a mind to recover from them In conclusion they send divers times Mony Victuals and some Troops unto the Duke of Mantua which did not a little help to preserve him Politique Observation THere is not any thing more dangerous then to suffer a potent Ambitious King to seize on a Neighbour Princes Country by violence seeing his conquest will only serve for a Bridge to the next Kingdome An Ambitious King is like a great River ever eating into it's Banks without regard had either to the Justice or Injustice of his designs When he hath once proposed his end he careth not by what means it is atchieved His chief care is how to make a party in his Neighbours Country how to raise a division which may open an entrance for his Ambitious designs He spareth no cost to corrupt their Officers and Ministers He is like some people in Affrick who sleep with their eyes alwayes open and as he believeth the greatest glory to consist in possessing the greatest empire so he imagineth the design of Command to be a just cause of War If his Forces be not strong enough he bloweth division amongst his Neighbours to make them revolt and maketh use of those who are credulous that he may subject their fellows to his Dominion He winks at Justice not that he may Judg with Equity but that he may not behold if possible the injustice of his own intentions In short there is not any thing which he will not do if it lead him to new conquests Which being thus who can be ignorant of the obligation which lyeth upon all Allyes to assist one another when any attempt is made upon any single Country amongst them The assistance which they lend is a security to their own States and in fighting for him they confirm their own quiet But above all they who are nearest bordering upon one another ought to be careful in this particular because they run a greater hazard When an Army is at our Gates it is little worth then to call upon a relief far from us for great Armies do not flye no they march but slowly and before they can arrive to assist us we are lost and taken He who being unable with his own strength to defend himself calleth in a friend far distant from him is like a sick person who being taken with a sodaine dangerous fit sendeth for an able Physitian to another place twenty miles distant and in the mean time before his Doctor arrives becomes incurable Antiquity hath furnished us with an admirable example of the thing in that of Sâgânte which being besieged by the Carthaginians was taken before the relief from Rome could come up to it And of later times the City of Sienna being besieged by the Imperialists was in expectation of the French assistance but to little purpose they being at too great a distance to come up to them In such occasions those Countries neerest at hand are to be employed they being in reason bound to rise in their behalf and hereupon it is that Alliances and Leagues made with them are much more advantageous then any others whatever Prosecution of the History NOtwithstanding that the Treaty of Peace and the Renewing of Alliance between France and England had been concluded in April whilst his Majesty was at Suze yet the final confirmation of it was used to be done by oath and by extraordinary Ambassadors interchangeably sent which Ceremony had been put off until his Majesties return back to Paris from his Italian-Expedition and was now performed in September at Fontain-bleau whither the Lord Esmond came from the King of Britain for that purpose The King caused him to be entertained with very great honour as had been accustomed on such occasions particularly invited him to dine with him at his own Table that day when the Ceremony was celebrated The appointed hour being come he was conducted into the Church of Bourg magnificently prepared for that purpose where the King and all the Princes of the Court wayting on him hear'd Vespers At his entrance he saluted with great respect the King and Queens after which he took his place in a Scaffold made ready for him The King made the oath in his presence and swore upon the Holy Evangelists to observe and perform all the Conditions of the Treaty which he had signed The same oath was made at London the same day with no lesse Ceremony by the King of England in the presence of the Marquis de Chasteauneuf Extraordinary Ambassador there forth at purpose Politique Observation AS Sacraments render Actions the more venerable so have all people thought it fit to confirm their Treaties therewith that Princes might be obliged the more Religiously to observe them But in all times they have been as various as Nations That which was most universally observed was to drink in the same Glasse It is true those of Thracia and Aegypt did not use the same Cup but the same Ox-horn The Jewes used to kill certain Beasts and divide their entrailes The Caldeans passed through certain Flames holding a Sword in their hand to confirm their oaths But the Ceremonies of the Arabians seem to me more extraordinary then all the rest Some eminent Person of the Treaters placed himself in the midd'st and beating his hand with a sharp stone drew bloud which was gather'd up with some part of their Cloths wherewith they besmeared seven other stones about which they stood invocating the names of Denis Vrania The Scythians mingled blond with Wine dipp'd their Arrows their Hatchet and Javelins in it with several Protestations of Fidelity and then drank it up causing the witnesses of their oath to do the same The Romans were accustomed to call their Great Priest who raised an Altar of Turf placed a Hog on it which he smit with a
stone in their presence beseeching Jupiter to strike them in the same manner if they should break the Treaty We likewise read in the History of the Sieur de Join'eville that St. Lewis the King being at Caesarea a Knight of the House of Concy came to him and desired him for a greater assurance of his fidelity that he would be pleased that his Majesties Souldiers and his might in token of a strait alliance mingle blond with Wine and drink it one to t'other and that the King approved thereof and the same History addeth that moreover they forced a Dog to passe between their Ranks at which every one struck with his Sword saying so may he be struck that fails of his word The Monsieurs retreit into Lorain AFter the Kings return from Languedoc the Queen Mother passionately desiring that Monsieur should marry one of the Princes of Florence though he could no way resolve to love her shee being no beauty saving the Honour of her Family otherwise little recommendable suffered with great impatience that Monsieur should bear any good will unto the Princesse Marie Whereupon she was very earnest with his Majesty that he would expresly prohibite him to marry her without his Royal permission Now though the King seemed to have a good esteem of this Princesse yet however the rule which he had alwayes imposed on himself to give the Queen Mother al content obliged him to forbid and respect and obedience the other to accept of it but which such discontent it was that unable longer to stay at Court he retired into Lorain The Duke of Lorain received him with great Honour whether it were because he was bound to respect him or because himself being already discontented with France and of the Spanish faction did hope to find some occasion to satisfie his own hatred His faithful Servants indeed would gladly have diverted him from this retreat but as most great men become jealous and suspicious of them who give them not such Counsels as tend to extremity but endeavour to moderate their actions so they durst not speak their thoughts to him The most judicious among them found themselves reduced to the condition of the Romans who seeing their City on fire by Nero's command durst not endeavour to quench it lest they might anger the Emperour for that they saw several of his servants adding more fuel to the fire whereby they might please him Neither wanted there some persons about Monsieur who having no other design then to flatter him for their own ends perswaded him to such resolutions as in their own consciences they could not but condemne I may add that they endeavoured from that time more then ever to raise distrusts in him against the King and the Cardinal whereby they might possesse him with fear and they became so much the more considerable unto him in that they found means to oblige him to look upon themselves as the onely means of his safety They having been thus the principal causes of his departure deserved much more to be blamed then he did because he having once confided in them it would be an hard matter for him to defend himself from their treacheries The Queen Mother was not to be excused shee having something contributed to drive him into these extremities which could be advantagious to no one but very dangerous to France as experience hath made it appear and withal the Cabal which was then at Court having grounded all those broils which since hapned upon his departure The Cardinal foresaw the ill consequences if not remedied therefore he omitted nothing in his power which might induce his Majesty to sollicite him to return but the discontents of Grandees are like those sicknesses which must necessarily have their course and cannot be cured until the natural heat hath overpowered the maligne powers in the body so there was a necessity of expecting what time might produce that he might be perswaded to return Politique Observation PRinces of the Bloud Royal cannot possibly follow worse counsel than to withdraw themselves from the place of their birth There it is that the Center of their glory is and where they are respected with more honour than they can hope for there they onely see the King above them whereas in other Countries they are inferiour to many The Stars in the Firmanent have not any light but when they are within sight of the Sun and Princes are never so glorious as when in their Kings presence it being their greatest glory to be of his bloud they are like burning-glasses which out of the Sun are of no use Their King is as their soul and all their greatness consisteth in his Majesty and the splendor ââich they receive from him gives them so great Authority that they may upon the matter do whatsoever they desire whereas when once they go out of the limits of their own Country they change their Commands into intreaties It is onely near their King that they live in the abundance of pleasure and delight but when once they forsake him they are presently reduced to want and necessity Here they are onely restrained from being Prodigal nothing is refused them that is necessary whereas among strangers they are forced to be contented with that which at home would hardly maintain their Officers neither have they that without submission Is it not then with little reason pretended that they retire for more liberty seeing they are never so much observed as amongst strangers where every thing they do is suspected If they have any liberty it is to foment divisions in their own Country But why do they not consider that in so doing they act against themselves against their own greatnesse for that they are not at all considerable but by the Kingdom from whence they are extracted The Reasons and Causes of Monsieurs Retirement AS it is natural to seek pretences for the hiding of faults so Monsieur gave divers reasons of his departure for his own justification Those Grandees who complain of a State where they are born cannot better be compared then to those who are in a deep water where they lay hold on every thing to secure themselves from danger He first of all complained of the disorders in the State a thing usual in all those that revolt as if the true reason of their discontent were not known when the truth is nothing but their own particular interest withdraws them They who had been with him should have informed him what alterations the Cardinal had made in France since he first came to the State He found it in the most deplorable condition that could be by the ill management of certain Ministers who unable to second the Kings prudent and generous intentions had cast all things into confusion The Hugonot party was then so strong that they would shake off the yoke of obedience at their own pleasures The Princes of the Bloud would usually revolt upon the least discontents The Governours of
prudence or intelligence to discover and detect him nor force and power to punish and chastise him Prepositions of Peace made by the Nuntio Pauzirolo on the Duke of Savoy's behalf to the Cardinal Richelieu ONe other device the Duke had by which he verily imagined to surprise and allay the Vigilance Prudence of the Cardinal incausing his troops to advance together with the Artillery and Ammunition which was to send him every day new Propositions of Peace sometimes by the Nuntio Pauzirolâ who had no power to conclude any thing otherwhiles by Mazarini another Lord of his Court but never consenting to the Kings demands without which he knew his Overtures would never be admitted The King was positively desirous to have the Passages free and open for him to succour the Duke of Mantua as often as need should require and the Duke of Savoy as peremptorily denied it alledging that the Emperour never would consent that the Princes of Italy should undertake his Protection with and against the whole world and that the Spaniard never would give way that he should entertain any French Troops in his service which were however very needfull for the surety of his Estate it being impossible for him to raise a sufficient party in his own Dukedom The Cardinal long before had sounded the vanity of all these propositions which did no way prevent his care of giving all necessary Orders for the carrying on of the War never would he stop his ears to any Proposals of Peace but used his utmost indeavours to obtain such conditions as without them the King neither would or could with his honour quit his Arms. And indeed had a Peace been concluded without such terms it had been but of a short continuance for that it had onely given opportunity of time to the Spaniard and the Duke of Savoy to fortifie the Passages and render themselves Masters of the Dukedom of Mantua with the greater ease a design which France could not brook though the hindrance and prevention of it was at that time most difficult to bring to passe Politique Observation MOst certain it is that by how much a War maketh a State to be lamented by so much Peace is to be wished for and imbraced Peace is the most sweet bond of humane society the delight of nature the nurse of good Laws of Order and Policy it peopleth Desarts and maketh the Land fruitfull every one finds it the more agreeable by its being accompanied with safety and aboundance On the other side War is a fatal source of mis-fortunes the desolation of Countries the demolition of Cities the destruction of Nations and the cause of all sorts of miseries There are I must confesse two Occurrences in which War is better then Peace The first when that Peace cannot long last for who can imagine that a man would take any great care to obtain that which he doth verily conclude will be as soon lost Such was Archidanus his advice when he disswaded the Lacedemonians from making a Peace with those of Thâbes in Isocrates opinion wise Princes make a War for the procuring of more certain and established Peace to their estates and Countries and they indure without regret the troubles of a War that they may the longer enjoy the Tranquilities of a Peace and most certain it is that the Arms which are in the hands of a wise Prince do much contribute to ferment and fix it Besides the most wise men have ever preferred War before Peace on all such occasions where no accommodation could be made but to the prejudice of the Kings honour or estate Peace is not to be wished for but upon honourable conditions not onely because the Glory of a Prince is to be preferred before all things but because without this he hath but a slender assurance of any thing it being apparent that whosoever doth patch up a Peace with any confusion or disorder will quickly be the first that shall break it to recover his lost honour and reputation As you may find in T. Livius the Carthaginians did after the ratification of the Treaty upon the first War with the Romans The Revictualling of Cazal AFter all this jugling the Cardinal was forced to break with the Duke of Savoy but his Courage was still governed by his Prudence though he did not beleeve that the Kings enemies would accept of those very conditions of Peace which themselves proposed Now the reason why he would not so soon break off the Treaty was because he would cast the blame on them and their party and that the Kings Army might appear with more Justice on its side who had prosecuted their desires or Peace so long as they might with their Honours endeavour the obtaining of it moreover that by this means he might pierce into their designs as also to revictual Cazal which he could not have done should he have fallen out with the Duke as soon as there was an occasion offered for it For though the Duke had not force enough to carry away the Victory from the Kings Army he had however sufficient to hinder the transport of any releef to Cazal without which the Souldiers there could never have endured the Siege and for which Spinola had began his preparations and to skirmish with them in Piedmont and there to hold him play untill his enemies had began the Siege and fortified themselves in their Trenches which would be in a short time impregnable As soon as Cazal was thus victualled and that he was not able to procure an honourable Peace his Zeal and Courage for his Majesty was not then longer able to break the insolencies of his enemies which till then his Prudence and discretion caused him to passe by and take no notice of at all Politique Observation IT is not alwaies fit to break off a Treaty of Peace as soon as one dispairs of concluding it But I think it very expedient and a matter of great concernment to prolong it as long as honourably one may provided he get any advantage by it And as Salust in his Oration of Philippus against Lepidus hath well observed a man ought principally to have a care that in Treaties he do not testifie his desires of Peace with too great an Ardour or Affection because that were an assured sign of fear and weaknesse the knowledge of which gives a considerable advantage to ones enemies Though in a Treaty of a Peace a Prince reap no other benefit then this one to wit the sending abroad with more liberty his intelligences into his enemies Quarters under pretence of Conferences there to find out his enemies designs yet the advantage were not despicable In this Overture the Cardinal was not behind hand with them in any of these particulars for there passed not any day in which he did not send to visit the Duke of Savoy by persons both of great quality and judgement well knowing that men so qualified are capable in their negotiations not onely of knowing
and that he had also received his Majesties Expresse pleasure who would not have any thing omitted which might render him well pleased and contented Politique Observation OUr Minds having more fire then Earth in them have much a do to contain themselves in negotiations They drive on with too much vigour to the conclusion of an affair without considering what way is the most honourable or advantageous to give an end to it Something they would willingly part with that they might have a quick dispatch Strangers who know our humours and dispositions use to delay us and leave us to champ upon the Bit as they say in our heats and passions and to weary us out by length of time by which means they keep our very souls as 't were in prison amongst the intricacies of several proposals giving us both subject and scope to fret and vex our selves to increase our desires of getting quit and free from them from whence it follows that at the first Proposals they make us be they never so little agreeable it is with us as with Prisoners whose design being only how to get forth they throw themselves out at the Window if it be but open indangering the breaking of their very Necks and will not expect till the dore be unlockt that they may walk out with more Honour and Security which is a fault from whence nothing but great Inconveniences must needs flow That lively sprightfulness which is in a man should never transport him in his business beyond the Rules of Prudence or raise up in him any passions contrary to the Laws of a discreet Conduct He must be indued with an immoveable fidelity that he may mock and laugh at their artifices and with an invincible Patience to surmount all their coldnesses that he may make them despair of ever raising any advantages by their delayes The Affairs of Italy AT length the Cardinal found by experience that these fetches of the Prince of Piedmont did end in nothing but the retarding the Army which till then he had pass'd by and put up that it might be known to all Christendome that the Spaniard and the Duke of Savoy were the hinderers of the Peaces conclusion as also that he might revictual Cazal but being now satisfied that he could not longer endure it but with much dishonour and the losse of his Army he resolved to give an end to this affair to which effect he called for the Marshals of Crequy and Schomberg the Sieurs d' Auriac de Thoiras de Fenquires de Servient and d' Esmery and having made them a relation of all which had pass'd till that time both concerning the General and particular Peace he desired their advices what was proper to be done in that juncture of time The Question being the keeping of Cazal from the Enemy it was their joynt resolution that it was absolutely necessary to make sure of a Passage both for their inlet into Italy and for their retreat back again as occasion should serve Withal that to passe thither was not so difficult they being strong enough to force their way in despight of any opposition but how to make sure of a way to convey recruits of men mony victuals and other necessaries for the refreshing of the Army and to assure themselves of a safe regresse in case the Army should be worsted this was the main debates That to trust in any promises of the Duke of Savoy was absurd after he had so often played fast and loose and after he had falsified his word to their great damage already The result of all at last came to this that they were to make themselves Masters of the field and neither to leave an Enemy or a Place behind them which should be able to annoy or offend them in the least that truth and sincerity being like the soul once out of the body it never returns but by miracle so there was no colour of reason to hope it might find any place in the Duke of Savoy's brest that if they should have left his Army behind them he might with ease stop up the Passages against any recruits whatever as he had already seised on the Bridges of Alpignan and Colligny and on all the Keys upon the Doria and that there was so much the more reason to defie him because he did openly side with the Spaniards That they were no longer to defer the declaring of the War against him for that the Army did already begin to be infected with sicknesses and many Troups were forced to disband as also that they had no reason to defer the punishing of the injuries and indignities offered to the King in so often breaking his word and causing the Army to suffer so many hardships and necessities that he had thereby almost indangered the utter losse and ruin of them all That the Laws of Prudence and Policy assure us that a Prince may justly raise a War if any injury which he hath received make him take up Arms or if any just fear of imminent danger threaten him or his Armies he is obliged to provide against the worst though he be not as yet openly assaulted Now all these reasons were so strong on their parts that they could admit of no reply It was then unanimously concluded on to assault the Duke of Savoy Every thing was disposed and prepared towards the War However that all the blame and fault might light on the Duke of Savoy the Cardinal sent both once and again to him to summon him to joyne his Army with the Kings and to keep those promises which he had made to the King at Suze intending by this to take away all just occasions of complaint from his Person Cause and Army Politique Observation HOw Eminent or great soever the discretion and Judgment of a Commander is yet he ought to take advice and Counsel in such occasions And this cannot be any prejudice to the reputation of his Judgment for that Solomon the Wisest King of the whole World saith that stability resteth upon Counsel as if he would have said that no resolution carries more certainty with it then that which is grounded upon the advice and direction of other mens Judgments opinions The Excesse of Courage doth sometimes blind the souls of such as are full of Honour and Gallantries and there are not more Victories obtained by Armies then by good directions and advises It is to be doubted that those resolutions which are not well anvil'd and canvassed by deliberation will be thwarted by some mis-fortune in their Execution when as a sound discussing of them many times secures them from any attempt that Fortune can make upon them It sufficeth not to have taken good advice in the beginning because commonly none is so bad as that which never changeth So that a man cannot be too long in deliberating the doing of a thing which he would fain bring to passe provided he do not let slip the opportunity of putting it in
Wars yet they are necessary to oppose themselves against the incursion of Forrainers And a Sage Politician that he might avoid the inconveniences of civil Wars followed this example which the Cardinal hath given to all Princes and which preserved France in the happiness of a long Peace by keeping Troops still on foot who were still ready to suppresse any insurrections which might arise and not suffering them to be vanting in other Countries and amongst our Neighbours The taking of Mantua by the Imperialists PResently after the Imperialists were become Masters of the field they resolved to attaque Mantua either by surprise or an orderly siege and they address't themselves with so much the more readiness to execute their design because they knew that a great number of the Souldiers in Garrison there were much discreased in several losses which they received upon divers assaults that the Plague had killed above 25000 in 3 months Aldringuer and Galas looked out all those Places where they might make an assault which was the easier for them to do they having good intelligence in Mantua by the means of Guastale who pretended to the Dutche before the Duke of Mantua as we have declared about the latter end of the last year They understood that it might be surprised upon the Bourg side and St. George's Bridge by a Trench which was upon the Lakes side where no great Guard was kept for that the Place was thought to be ânaccessible and few there were who durst attempt it because of two Trenches made upon the Bridge and certain chains reaching to the Gate and the new Tower so that no boat could passe there for at least half a mile downwards However there they resolved to surprise it by means of certain Souldiers who were clapt in there upon the design of assaulting the Town in several places at the same time that they should enter This enterprise was accordingly executed under favour of the night about the 18 of Italy an hour before day with so much violence and courage that all the resistence which the Duke of Mantua and the Marshal d' Estrée could make and they did all that could be expected from valiant men on that occasion was to no purpose and could not defend them from being compelled to render themselves upon composition after they had behaved themselves stoutly in every place that was capable of defence Politique Observation THere are hardly any Towns which are not lyable to surprises Breda a place extreamly strong was surprised by Prince Maurice by making use of a Boatman who using to carry Turf into the Castle filled his Boat with armed Souldiers covered both above and beneath with Turfs who by this means entred upon the Castle and made themselves Masters both of it and the Town being seconded by Troops and Companies who expected to be let in Watchtendone upon the River of Niers was surprised by a Bark full of straw in which Mattheo Dulchan and 13 others were concealed and one Souldier who used to guide in the straw who being known to the Sentinel desired him to lend him his hand to help him out and so drew him into the Water giving oportunity to the rest to land undiscovered to seize on the Corps du Guard and to kill the Souldiers on the Bridge where they let in Henry de Bergue who was neer at hand to second them with 400 men Thus one might produce many the like examples it being difficult for a Town to be so fortified on all sides that it cannot be surprised in some place or other The Causes of the taking of Mantua THE losse of Mantua is principaly attributed to three causes The first was Guastale who gave Intelligence to the Imperialists from within so that they were not only well informed of that Avenue which was inaccessible to men who were not acquainted with the condition and quality of the place and what courses they ought to take to arrive there by the-Inhabitants themselves but were also seconded by some of the Inhabitants after they were once entred The Venetians bore another part of the Blame by reason of the long delayes which they used in revictualling of Mantua for the last convoy which they sent could not enter the Imperialists having stop't up the Avenues as also for that they defferred the raising of their Troups it being certain that had they made their levies and advanced at the beginning of the year they might have taken all Imperial Garisons and cut them in pieces whereas they stayed until the new German Army came and their Souldiers being al unskilful and not trained up the Wars it was not difficult for the Imperialists to defeat them to make themselves Masters of the field and to take in all the little holds thereabouts The Duke of Mantua is somewhat blamed too for not being careful enough to reinforce his Garrison with fresh supplies at the same times that the sickness decreased them whatever instances the Marshal d' Estree used to him from the King to that effect The neglect whereof was the cause that the Enemies found not men enough in the Town to oppose their fury or beat them off which doubtlesse might have been done had there been barely a thousand men in it Politique Observation IT is too great an excesse of bounty and very hurtful to a new Prince who takes possession of the Estate by some extraordinary change which may clash with the minds of the people to permit those to live in liberty under him who have pretended to the same Government and may peradventure hinder him in the enjoyment of it To do so were to leave fire amongst straw which wil soon raise great flames and he may be very sure his Country will not long continue without troubles The rules of Tyrannie oblige him to put such a one to death and declare to us that to take away his State and not his life were a cruel pitty But not regarding those the Laws of Justice which permit him to restrain him of his liberty exempt him from all blame for that his possession being just he is obliged to make use of all his Authority to preserve his State by all warrantable means and wayes whatever Besides when there is a Question of setting an Army on foot he ought not to be a little careful of preventing his Enemies and their designs We have already declared how necessary and profitable celerity and a dexterous dispatch is in warfare and no one can doubt but that it is a great piece of Prudence to fall upon our Enemies before they have assembled their forces to assault us For besides the infallibleness of a good successe the Victory doth mightly augment the courage of the Souldiers and the custome of overcoming is one of the greatest advantages which can be thought upon in all enterprises which are afterwards to be attempted Above all the keeping of necessary Souldiers in a Town which the Enemies have either invested or made their
his industry Prudence without doubt acquires great glory when it surmounts force Thucydides in his History prefers its victories before all others Prudence it self which ought to be so much more honoured as it cuts the evill in the roote and preserves an Army oft times from running the hazard of a combate weaken in such sort the Forces of an Enemy that he has not the boldnesse to dare an encounter as the Cardinal hath made appear in several occasions The Kings gives the command of his Army to the Duke de Montmorancy Marquis d' Effiat and the Marshal de la Force IT was requisite besides that to send new Troups to the Kings Army the Marshall de Marillac having show'd himself obstinate till then not to follow his Majesties commands in leading the Army of Champaigne into Italy the Cardinal thought to go himself to make them passe the Mountains and take the reins into his own hand But the great Cabals he found at Court which were capable not only to hinder the relief of Cazal but to overthrow the whole State if not dissipated constrained him to stay at Lyons with his Majesty who thought fit to send in his place the Duke of Montmorancy the Marquis of Effiat and the Marshal of la Force Those great Captains commanded the Army every one his week by turns with such Order that notwithstanding the Marquis of Effiat was above the two others one commanded the Van-Guard one week the other the Battalia the third the Rear-Guard and he who commanded the Battalia gave during his week all the general Orders necessary for the conduct of the Army The principal consideration which induced the Cardinal to propose this expedient to the King of committing the command of his Army to many Generals was the necessity of Councel and the great need which he saw there was of the advice of many persons of great understanding and experience in those affairs which should happen Now it was impossible to send them thither without command by reason that being persons of great quality they would hardly be under command in the Kings absence if they might not have Governed in their turn Not that he was ignorant that the multitude of Generals often stirs up envy among them and consequently is cause of great confusion in an Army but his incomparable Prudence who could find remedies for the most desperate maladies of the State wanted not inventions to hinder those inconveniences and this same to make them command the Army in their turn in the Van-Guard Battalia and Rear-Guard was an excellent one by reason that making them all participate of the same glory they had no occasion to envy one another Politique Observation AS there is no person goes under the notion of being excellent in any profession whatsoever if he doth not shew some effects which are not common so a Minister of State shall never passe with the reputation of being endued with an extraordinary Prudence if there be nothing singular in his conduct And he doth not set up a new Order both in Peace and in War which is evidently advantagious to the Publick The ordinary rules of War admit but of one General to command an Army because the Commonalty know not the wayes of conserving a good intelligence amongst divers to whom the charge of them is committed But this here was found to be so much the more profitable as the Counsel of several persons whose judgment and experience being as eminent as there qualities is advantagious upon all occasions Who knoweth not that a happy successe doth as often depend upon good Counsel as upon the quantities and indeed the courages of Souldiers But who is more capable of giving and resting stedfastly upon good resolutions then several great Captains the least of which is able to command an Army One only person of this temper is worth six Regiments and that expedient which happens not in the thoughts of one falls into those of another and if one misse to discover any Stratagem of the Enemy another doth not if one foreseeth any danger the other finds out a necessary remedy to prevent it It is difficult to find in any one man all the qualities necessary for the General of an Army but whoever joynes three together supplies that defect provided he keep them from dissention one perchance excels in stoutnesse and being blinded with it is by consequence fitter for execution then Counsel another is more dexterous in the Prudence of his Counsels and to invent necessary expedients but being of a colder constitution is lesse proper to be made use of when there is occasion of a sudden execution and another haply may have an admirable addresse and a winning carriage to retain the Souldiers in their Discipline and to make them live in good order so that joyning these great persons in commission together and giving them the same commands in the Army not leaving any ground of jealousie or cause of confusion there cannot follow any other then a glorious successe The Prosecution of the History EXperience hath made it appear a truth amongst these three great Captains who advanced the Kings Arms to so high a pitch of glory in Italy that the Spaniards and Germans will not easily resolve to give them a new occasion of encounter The first encounter that they had with the Enemy was upon passing the Bridge of Villane where the Duke of Savoy and the Prince of Piedmont came with 6000 foot and 200 Horse and made a most furious assault upon some Troops which remained to passe over But the successe was so disadvantageous notwithstanding the great inequality of the Forces that all the Enemies Army was either put to flight or cut in pieces The two Princes that led them sweating as was afterwards heard that they never saw any fight so well In Prosecution of this victory they maâched directly to Saluces with design to take it and to make use of it in the room of Pignerol whence the plague did hinder the drawing out of any necessary commodities The Marshal de la Force whose week it was commanded his Son with 500 Horse to go summon the Town with all sorts of civility to surrender thinking it proper so to deal with them that he might get the good will of the people of whom he intended to make use in the design which he had to raise a Magazine there Those of the Town could not imagine the Kings Army to be so neer so that they desired leave to send their Deputies to treat with the Generals which was granted to them and accordingly they were conducted where they then were But upon their return 500 choise men were clap't into it discharging both at them and ours too with such insolence that the Generals being informed of it advanced with the Army Many who made the first approches were slain and wounded But the courages of others who saw them in his condition could not endure to suffer the Kings Army to receive
they were procured and bestowed upon him as so many just recompences of his services or to ingage him to do others of more importance as the effects of a pure liberallity But after all either these indeavours these cares these services these respects or these submissions could mitigate that sharpnesse which had taken possession of her spirit They wrought for some time so much upon her reason that she kept all fair and seemed not to be displeased but assoon as she was arrived at Paris her Passion revived and to that height that she removed out of her family Madam de Combalât and Monsieur de la Meâlleray and in prosecution her passion carried her to commit and act unheard of violences upon the Kings disposition to induce him to destroy this incomparable Minister without whose Prudence France it self had been destroyed Politique Observation AS Women do not ordinarily love men though the most amiable with or by reason the only instinct of their passion making a deeper impression in their souls then the merit or worth of those whom they address themselves to love so there is no reason which is able to root out any hatred which they shall once conceive They easily passe from one extremity to another upon those Wings of Inconstancy which nature hath given them with their births and the changeableness of their humour is easily known by the pride which they take to hate such persons against whom they have once taken any impression and of which there is not any hopes to cure them by any lawfull waies The strongest reasons of truth passe in their opinions for Artifices and the most humble submissions do not at all touch their high minds and the greatest in stances make them the greater Rebels They being of the same humour with fortune who doth ordinarily bestow her favours upon those who least seek after them The constancy of the Cardinal against those who would remove him out of the Kings Favour JT cannot be denied but that the Cardinal was affected with such apparent grief on this occasion as cannot be imagined and as it is not generosity but a poorness of spirit to a shew an insensibleness on such occasions so in the Cardinals face one might see all the lively marks of displeasure It was not the apprehension of losing his fortune that did touch him for he had learnt by a long experience that the greatest happinesse of this life is not confined to the greatest honours and that those who govern an Estate are like the Celestial Bodies which receive much honour from the earth but have no rest at all so that he had most readily renounced all according as he supplicated his Majesty if his Majesty would have thought it fit who too too well knew of what concernment he was to his State It could not be that he did suspect his Majesties goodnesse or constancy to whom hee knew his fidelity was better known then to all the rest of France and of whose affection he had so many daily testimonies that he could not but without great blame have him in any doubt at all But as Innocence cannot without trouble passe for guilty so the vice of ingratitude with which the Queen Mother did strive to sully his glory made it so much the more insupportable by how much lesse he had deserved it He was not to learn that the power of Grandees was potent enough to insinuate into the peoples minds their particular thoughts for infallible truths and that she might in France and to posterity make him passe for an ungratefull servant of those favours which she had conferred upon him It was for this that he could not imagine no more then he Kings loyal servants that after he had given canse to the whole World to admire him the Artifices of some seditious spirits would be able to counterpoise his glory Ingratitude is a deficiency of that acknowledgement which one ought to have for good Offices so that who so confesseth himself to be indebted cannot be accused But surely he cannot be called ingratefull who hath no greater desires then of paying eternal service to those from whom he hath received obligations and who hath no more apparent grief then to see the malice of his enemies able to remove him from the opportunities of so doing But what appearence can there be of casting this infamous quality in his teeth who hath paid all imaginable services to his very enemies onely that he might make ' them Mediators of his Reconciliation which would inable him to imploy the rest of his life to serve her who had obliged him Can he be called ingratefull who would lose the first place of Honour in a State to preserve that which he had formerly possessed in the good opinion of his Benefactâix seeing he could not make a more perfect demonstration of his acknowledgement And now cannot the whole Court bear witnesse that all this was but one part of the care which the Cardinal took to recover some part of the honour of the Queen-Mothers good opinion He whom she made his principle accuser never durst disavow it in his writings But not welâ knowing how to describe his ingratitude he would fain make him passe for ingratefull because he did not adhere to and follow all the Queen Mothers sentiments in State affairs as if a Minister could with Justice prefer the opinion of such a person as she was before the Kings service And as if the condiscendence which he should make to the Queen Mothers will would not be one of the greatest defects in a person of his Trust It is true that her birth might oblige him to extraordinary services but they never ought to run counter to the fidelity due to his Master which commands him to passe by no occasion of preserving or augmenting his glory He is obliged to know what is due by way of recognition to those who favour him and what is due by Justice to the King his Master and never to prefer the acknowledgement of of particular kindnesses before the Interest of the State which is entrusted to his conduct He would perchance have him pass for ingrateful because he did not discover some important secrets to the Queen-Mother which was only in matters contrary to her opinion as if secrecie were not the soul of counsel as if to reveal a thing were not evidently to obstruct the execution of a Designe The sagest Polititians have said He is the wisest King who after he hath caused divers expedients to be proposed communicates his resolution of what shall be done but only to a few persons Politique Observation HAtred which hath no just foundation is so inconsiderate that it proposeth Chimeras for very plausible nay strong reasons without regarding that they will not be credited but by such spirits as she hath got the possession of when Truth doth not furnish it with solid reasons it attempteth to make pretenses pass for currant lawful causes There are no
which he had often been accused So that it was but reasonable to destroy these ungratefull wretches who would have ruined the Genius of France by accusing him of Ingratitude It is an ordinary effect of the Divine Justice to cause those evills to fall upon them which they would pull down upon him and to permit that they become really culpable of those crimes which they would falsely lay to his charge Politique Observation THere is no injury so unpardonable as ingratitude which renders men so much the more blame-worthy for that they are impeached by good Offices An infamous life hath three steps first to forget kindnesse secondly not to recompence them the third to render evil for good The first is the effect of a great neglect The second may sometimes proceed from a want of ability But the third can proceed from no other cause but a black deformed malice So though the first cannot be excused yet it may be born with The second was in so great detestation by the Egyptians that they caused such as they found culpable to be proclaimed by the City-Crier to the end that no one might afterwards do them any kindness thinking it very reasonable that he should lose all his friends who had not been carefull to retaliate like for like to him who had obliged him But the third hath alwaies been had in so great an abhomination by all men that they thought only death was fit to expiate it that the earth might quickly rot such an execrable creature as it had brought An ingratefull man is worse then a Traitor a Traitor being only to blame for having fallen back from those promises which he was tied to by his Parole But an ingrateful person is not onely deficient to what he was obliged to perform by promise but by the obligations and favours which he had received At least the most moderate of men could never indure it seeing they are like those vapours which the Sun having exhaled from the earth do indeavor to obscure his splendour They deserve to be punished especially when their treacheries are prejudicial to the good of a State as here they were when they attempted this destruction who next to the King was the greatest prop and support of the Kingdomes Felicity Is not the attempting to destroy such a Minister who is the first instrumental cause by which he hath arrived to so high an accrument of glory as striking at the very person of the King himself I should much blame that Minister who would indeavour and make use of his power to obtain a Remission for such a Crime There are some injuries which it is noble to pardon and there are others amongst which I rank this for which the Publick Interest requires vengeance Mercy is not contrary to Justice but Justice is governed by Mercy which serves forâts guide Too great Lenity breeds too great Licentiousnesse and makes both the Prince and Laws to be little esteemed of It is more noble in a King to pardon then to execute the rigour of Justice but it must be to such persons whose Imprudence may not augment their licentiousnesse of doing evil and whose Crimes arise rather from their weaknesse then from black detestable Villany A Treatise of Peace between the Emperour and Duke of Mantua DUring his Majesties sicknesse and their beginning of these Intreagues the affairs of Cazal were finished upon the Treaty aforesaid The Duke of Savoy Mazarini and Colalte received news from Germany that the Sieur de Leon who was employed by his Majesty for a Peace to the Emperour had concluded a Treaty and shourtly after the Sieur of St. Estienne brought it to Generals with Letters from the Sieur de Leons and an expresse promise from the Emperour that he would install the Duke of Mantua in his Dutchy and Marquisate of Montferrat with consent that the Town Castle and Cittadel of Cazal should be delivered into his hands This was as much as could be desired for the foundation but the circumstances how to do it were difficult it being agreed by the Treaty that the Emperour would invest the said Duke only within six weeks and that fifteen daies after he would withdraw his Arms out of Mantua and the King of Spain his from Cazal and other places of Montferrat This did much trouble the Generals because this Article did much oblige them to remain in Italy two moneths longer with the Army before the Spaniards would leave Cazal which stay they could hardly make because the Plague was very rife in the Army and they had victuals but for certain days these two reasons would infallibly force them to break up before half the time were elapsed which should they have done the Spaniards might with ease become Masters of Cazal who had not subscribed to it with their usual designs because they had liberty to hold the advantage they had got whenever the Treaty should be brought These just considerations were debated by the Generals who believed his Majesty would never ratifie it so they resolved not to regard it but to march with the Army with all speed before Cazal The Spaniards being inform'd of this resolution were so much surprized by their apprehensions of the first stock of the French who at the first onset fight like Lyons They presently sent back Mazarini who had brought them the news to assure them that they would observe the Treaty of Peace and that to put it in execution they were content to permit the importation of a whole years prouisions into the Cittadel of Cazal But the Generals having once heard that they began to be in fear concluded especially the Marshal of Schomberg that they should presently advance to Cazal thinking that their appearance only would force the Spaniards to quit the Siege forthwith without staying till the end of the two moneths which was accorded by the Treaty Politique Observation IT is very difficult to Treat a Peace which may have an assured end in a place far distant from Armies whilest they are enemies Great distance maketh many things be unknown in point of particular Circumstances and of the present State of the Armies which do many times hinder the execution of what is resolved on It is with those who transact affairs at a great distance as with Astrologers who do contemplate here below the Stars of Heaven perceiving only that which is most apparent in them without being able to observe many particular Qualities So those see nothing but the Lump of businesse and are most commonly to seek in the particular and present disposition of affairs without the exact knowledge of all which nothing can be certainly resolved on which shall surely be put in execution It is good to sound at a distance the inclination of him with whom a man doth treat but when it once comes to resolve on particular Proposals a man ought to know every particular passage if that be omitted there doth most commonly happen some one thing or another
Observation THere are four principal causes which make Kings to march out of their own Country Ambition which hath no limits makes them impatient of being confined within those of their own States and desirous to inlarge them at their neighbours expences The natural inconveniences too of their own Country may draw them out to seek a better where they might live with more ease as our first French the Vandals and Goths did Some flatter themselves in the belief that there is not at this day any lawfull Prince at all whose Estate had any other beginning and that Kings have no juster Titles then by Conquests with their Swords Lastly they go forth to revenge those injuries which are done them it being allowable to repel Force with Force and to decide their differences in the field by that power which God hath given to them They quit their Countries to assist their Allies it being not only necessary for a Prince who aims at an extraordinary pitch of Glory not to injure any person but also to defend and protect those who are joyned with him by interest alliance or kindred The Assembly at Ratisbonne ABout the same time there was held an assembly at Ratisbonne and the King of Swede understood that it was then and there resolved to make a strong resistance against the Justice of his Arms and that the Emperour had contrived a design wherein though he was much mistaken to force him out of Germany and to make him perish in the Baltique Sea not vouchsafing to treat a Peace upon those Proposals which had been sent to him only for restoring the States and Liberties to those Princes and Republiques from whom he had ravished them Resistance heightens and augments Courage and this made the Swedish King march up into the Country and resolve upon great designs which we have seen him bring to passe But first he had recourse to such Kings and States with whom he was in League About September he writ to the King desiring him by that ancient Alliance which had been between the Kings of France and Swede with mutual promises not only to preserve friendship between one another but also when occasion should serve reciprocally to assist one another to imploy the power of his Arms and Authority to defend that cause which he had then undertaken in prosecution of which he had passed the Sea and all in the behalf of those who were tied to him by kindred and allied to the Crown of France The King whose courage could not indure that any wrong should be offered to his Allies received this request so much the more favourable in respect it were as glorious a thing in him to contribute to their establishment and accordingly he gave the most advantagious answer to his Embassadours that could be expected However the Cardinal offered one thing to his Majesties consideration that it would be needfull to take care for the maintaining of Religion in preserving of States and to ingage the King of Sweden not to commit outrages against it where he found it setled His Majesty took time to deliberate and resolve on the Articles of their Treaty which being concluded and assigned about the beginning of the yeer following I shal then re-assume my discourse of it in its due order Politique Observation HAsty rashnesse in resolving upon grant affairs is as dangerous as a nimble executing of them is advantagious Prudence ought to guide both one and t'other And whatever Justice appear above-board in designs yet they are subject to have but ill successes if not commenced with mature deliberation Though the wise man resolve to do such a thing which he knows to be just yet he will take time to deliberate on the means And as the interest of Religion is very considerable so the Cardinal would not act any thing untill that were secured Whereas on the contrary rash hasty persons do greedily run unto the end which they have once concluded but never examine the ways which conduce to attain to it thus they do many times find themselves so at a losse and intangled in the executing their designs that they at last find no dore to walk out at with honour and so leave off with shame and confusion Hence it is that Demosthenes in his first Oration against Philip saith They who counsel with great hast are not the greatest Counsellours those Stomacks which make a quick digestion do not concoct so good a Chilââs as those whose heat is moderate as Physitians tell us and true it is those spirits which make their resolution with most heat and promptness do commonly came lamely of at last cast The King honoureth the Sieur de Montmorancy and Thoyras with the Staff of Marshal of France SHortly after his Majesty came to Paris well knowing that rewards of honor are not only due to those who have deserved them but withall usefull to incourage others to follow their example He resolved to honour the Sieurs de Montmorancy and Thoyras with the Staffs of Marshal of France as a mark of Valour which the former had shewed in the War of Piedmont and which the second had shewed to all Italy during the Siege of Cazal They being persons of great esteem every one commended his Majesties choice which he had made in raising them to that eminent degree of honour But the Rebellion of the one and the evil Government of the other did shortly after sully part of that glory which they had merited they shewing by their Procedures that valour and prudence do not alwaies meet in the same subject Politique Observation THe rewarding of services is so necessary for the good of a State that when it is once laid by the practice of vertue is neglected especially if it be not distinguished by marks of honour There are but a few of the same mind with the Phylosopher who said he never expected other fruit from his good deeds then the contentment to have done them and that he thought himself very happy to receive that testimony from his Conscience which she gave to him It is true a truly noble man doth not so much regard the Recompence as the Action of Vertue which render him deserving but it cannot be denied that those marks of honour do make lively and excite resolutions to noble actions The wisest Phylosophers have said that the two supporters upon which all the motions of a State depend are reward and punishment without which there were no doubt but that great disorders would soon follow and vertue become totally neglected The King Honours the Sieur de Servient with the Office of Secretary THe King who was not to seek in any thing which concerned the good of his State would now make another proof of the knowledge he had of that Prudent maxime One of the places of Secretary of State being vacant by the death of the Sieur de Beauclere his Majesty recollected in his mind the services of the Sieur de Servient the Prudence wherewith
but so full of dissimulations of which the Court is the most perfect School that great Princesses can so much the less easily defend themselves from them in regard the most part of those who come neer them do hardly ever tell them any truth at all The Cardinal indeavoureth to restore himself into the Queen-Mothers good Favour AS there never yet was any Soul more gratefull or more respectfull then the Cardinal so it cannot be expressed with what grief he indured the Queen-Mothers anger and to how many submissions he stooped that he might recover her good favour Shortly after St. Martins day she used her very utmost power over the Kings inclinations to destroy him insomuch that she would not indure to see him But he having resolved it to be his greatest Felicity next that of serving his Majesty to render all testimonies of his fidelity and of that great Passion which he had for her Glory pretermitted no invention to get the honour of seeing her Sometimes he would addresse himself to Father Suffren the guide of her Conscience and beg him with signs of extraordinary grief that he would zealously use his utmost power to procure him that satisfaction and to re-estate her mind in her first kindnesses to him which some of her Confidents had now diverted The Good Father did it so much the more readily perceiving that this bitterness of the Queen-Mother did set the whole Court into Factions that it did divide the State raised combinations and fomented parties against the King himself he represented to her that God commanded her to moderate her hatred and to behold him with respect who had done such eminent services for the King her son but it was to little purpose for he could not at all discover any disposition in her tending to follow his advices The Cardinal accepted with much affection those offers of the Cardinal Bagny his Holinesses Nuntio a Prelat not lesse recommendable for the greatnesse of his Soul then that of his dignity to attempt and indeavour with her upon the same score There could not be any thing added to that great care and prudence which he used to allay her Passion at last he obtained this advantage that she condiscended to see him and to promise him she would forget what was past The meeting was at Luxenburg Palace where the King was present But she discovering by her eyes her words and actions that there was nothing but apparencies in her reconcilement he was necessitated to make use of a more potent cause for the obtaining of that which neither the Piety of Father Suffren nor the Quality or Merit of Cardinal Bagny could attain to The King took the pains upon himself to speak to her once and again with great earnestness conjuring her to him whom she was equally obliged to as himself to acknowledge him for her most faithfull Servitor and for a Minister capable of executing several great designs of which he had already laid the ground-work He beseeched her to re-assume her former familiarities with the Cardinals to assist at Councels where of late she would no more appear and his Majesty pressed her so vigorously that she could not deny him which his Majesty had been sensible of two or three several times It is true some have been bold to say that they who nourished her mind with this sharpnesse advised her to stoop in this particular to his Majesties will that he might gain a greater power over his Soul and that she might gain a greater power over his Soul and the she might find out new occasions fit to destroy the Cardinal But for my own part I can never believe that her goodness could credit them in this point I shall only say this much indeed the Passion which she conceived against him was so violent that she could not long forbear so much did his very sight torment her and that in effect this meeting was a recommencing of it The Marshal de Schomberg interposeth THe Marshal de Schomberg whom she had heretofore much honoured with her Counsels being return'd from Piedmont imagined that he might perchance work somewhat upon her mind he resolved accordingly to assault her with all kinds of reasons and so evidently to demonstrate to her the wrong she did her self that he would force her by the consideration of her own interests to give up her self though she would not do it either for the Love or Respect which she owed the King He knew belike that interest was the breach by which all great Personages are taken He beseeched her first to consider the great benefits which she received by his Counsels and that whilest she had followed them she was becom the most glorious Princesse of the World whereas now she was in a maze by having adhered to the advices of hers and his enemies It is true Madam would he sometimes say he ever perswaded you cordially to love the King to have no other then his interests and to be inseparably united with him for that he well knew all your greatness and quiet depended upon it whereas they who now advise you put other imaginations into your Majesties head but she would not yet see to what pitch of extremity they had then brought her He entreated her to open her eyes and to recollect with a difference she found in the effects and made her apprehend and confess that she could wish for nothing which she might not make her self sure of if he did but continue in a strict union with his Majesty and the Cardinal That if she desired any authority from the King he had beseeched her to assist in the Councels only to give her all kind of respects and distinctions and had in a manner divided his power with her That if she desired Gratifications the Cardinal had never been backward to pay them unto her The great zeal which he had to serve her did even transport him to tel her that her separating her self as she did from the King would force the King to withdraw himself from her which if it should so happen she would lose all her power and the people themselves would no longer pay her their usual respects These reasons were so potent and considerable that there was nothing could be alledged against them and the Queen-Mother had accordingly believed them but that some factious spirits about her perswaded her that she should add to her authority and greatness if she could make herself Mistress of this one affair and thus they easily re-inflamed that fire which the other had taken a great deal of pains to extinguish though in never so little a manner In fine she became inflexible and those unworthy miscreants brought her to that passe that she refused his Majesty when he entreated her to pardon the Cardinal which she was so much the more obliged to have done he never having really offended her at all Politique Observation NOthing is more easily effected then to infuse violences into the minds of
their progresse The Interests of Grandees have ever been prejudicial to the publick and if a King would establish any Law to be observed in his Kingdom he ought however still to prefer the good of Subjects in it One Prince of the Blood will perchance demand Peace at a time when War is more proper and if to satisfie him in particular he shall lay down his Arms he doth an action unbeseemâng a Royal Prudence Another will desire that he would discountenance such a Minister whose Councels are however of great advantage to him and doubtlesse if he do it to satisfie his humour he should commit an injustice against his own State And what reason I pray can there be alledged why a King should upon the Capricchio of any Grandee whatever either make a dishonourable Peace which may render him dis-esteemed amongst strangers or remove from him any Minister who like a good and Propitious Planet doth by his influences cause his state to flourish establish a good Order amongst his people and render his Power considerable amongst his Neighbours Who can think it any strange thing if he prefer the good of his Kingdom before their private humours seeing his very own interests ought not to stand in competition with it No King doth ever merit the title of Just if he doth not tread under foot all his own pleasures and delights for the good and glory of his Crown He ought to remember that his Kingdom is not so much established for him as he is for his Kingdom and consequently that the good of his people ought to be dearer to him then any other consideration whatever Now if he thus ought to prefer the publike before his own private good who can blame him if he do the like in relation to the particular satisfaction of any of his own Family The very contenting of a Father ought not to be considered in this case and who so doth any thing in detriment of the Publike good to shew his Duty unto his Father rendereth himself culpable of a great injustice The Authority of Parents extendeth no farther then the house and in case they attempt to enlarge their bounds he is not bound to observe them Are not Kings the lively Images of God If so what more reasonable Rule can they propose to follow in their Government then his Conduct Now as God doth every day permit a thousand particular subjects to suffer and perish nay not exempting Kings themselves though of never so great use to their States and all this for the preservation of the world in good order So cannot any one think it unjust that they should prefer the good of their State before all other considerations what-ever And who is so ignorant as not to know that Publike good is the subject of all universal Causes The Sun Moon and Stars are perpetually sending down their lights and influences here beneath amongst us because they are necessary and conducing to the universal good notwithstanding some particular and private Subjects may suffer and be endamaged by it Now Kings are in the number of Universal Causes whence it followeth that they are obliged by the Laws of Justice still to regard the Common good which if they do not they will inevitably find great inconveniences fall upon them The King after he had given Order to Arrest the Queen-Mother returneth to Paris THat course which the King took in this particular was of all others the most moderate Not that he was ignorant of those Tyes which obliged him to deal more severely with the Qeen-Mother but his own goodness and the sweetness of the Cardinal's Counsels would not permit him to treat her after any other manner Indeed if the course he took were so moderate the execution of it was no less respectful and civil insomuch that the Queen Mother had not any just reason to complain of it The King was at that time at Compâigne and gave out that he would on the morrow go to hunt and accordingly commanded every thing to be put in order very betimes He sent for the Mareschal d' Estree and privately told him that he should keep neer to him to serve him as occasion should require as also to command such Forces as he left in Compeigne purposely to prevent any uproar which the Qeen-Mothers Officers might chance to raise and likewise to hinder any concourse of Souldiers in the Countries near adjoyning and to keep that Town in its obedience The King made himself ready for the Hunting and before he went forth called the Sieur dâ la Ville-aux Cleres and commanded him to go tell the Queen-Mother that he went without taking his leave of her because the respect and tenderderness which he had for her did hinder him from making a request unto her by word of mouth which she could not receive but with some displeasure though it were much conducing to the good of his State which was this That she would go to the Castle of Moulins a place which she her self had made choise of for her aboad after the late King's decease and there spend some time companyed with all those of her Houshold with all sort of Liberty enjoying all their goods and Revenues at any time granted to them and with all Honour due unto her Majesty To which effect he gave her the Government de Bourâonnois And then he called for the Father Suffren and gave him likewise order to acquaint the Qeen-Mother assoon as she did awake that it was not without regret that he went away without bidding her Adieu but that she should not be troubled at it his Majesty having left the Sieur de la Ville-Aux Cleres to inform her of his intentions This was the Order which was observed and after the King was gone forth of Compeigne Father Suffren was the first that carried her the news of it a person who had been an eye-witness of those many endeavours and cares the King had used to allay her spirit and who might thereupon relate those things unto her which had been intrusted with him that she might not have any just cause to complain against his Majesty Not long after the Mareschal d' Estree sent unto her to know if she would be pleased to see him which she thought fit and presently told him she did now perceive that she must be this second time a Prisoner But he having assured her that he was not left there to restrain her of her liberty but rather on the contrary to serve her and to receive the honour of her commands she became a little more appeased and about evening the Sieur de la Ville-Aux-Cleres came to request her that she would go pass away some time at her Castle of Moulins with such conditions as he was commanded to relate unto her and in the mean time the King having ended his sport went to lie at Verbrie Politique Observation QUeens are not at all exempted from those Laws which oblige the punishing of such as
their rage but a wise Prince will easily be inclined to quit his Arms when those three grand causes do cease which are the usual occasions of War The Philosophers say the effect is no longer necessary when the cause ceaseth to act which ought not only to be understood of the efficient but also of the final cause it being reasonable to abstain from such actions when the end which first stirred us up doth no longer ingage us besides he is compelled as it were to make peace abroad when any intestine War calls him to look home The discreet Physitian gives the same counsel by his example when he is much more solicitous of those evils ingendred within the body then those which only appear upon the skin Civil Wars concern the preservation of a State forraign Wars are only usefull for glory or power Now as that which is necessary is still to be preferred before that which is profitable he ought so much the sooner to recal such forces to remedy that disorder which threatens him within it being almost impossible to give order at the same time both for one and the other in fine âe ought to make peace after the obtaining those advantages which he could expect either from fortune or his own conduct The successe of War is not alwaies the same and it is difficult to make good fortune to last alwaies Victories do not alwaies depend upon Prudence Fortune hath her share in them It is not to be avoided but that after a long Calm the Vessel should meet with a Storm maugre the Prudence or the Pilot so likewise it is impossible that after divers advantages obtained in War some misfortune should not happen Hannibal was alike couragious both in Affrick and Italy yet after his return to Carthage he was no longer successefull in his Arms. This is one of the reasons which hath induced the Sages to advise great Captains to withdraw upon their advantage lest they lose the glory which they had formerly obtained What it is that makes Cazal considerable to the Spaniards THis advice were fit for the Spaniard to follow that he might stop himself in the enjoyment of those great successes which fortune hath bestowed upon them under Ferdinand Charles the Fifth and Philip the Second but their Ambition will hardly give them leave so to do They made it apparent in this particular where they shewed themselves totally averse from Peace unto which his Majesty was so easily inclined they testifying by their actions that their chief design was to hinder the Duke of Mantua's peaceable enjoyment of his States They perswaded themselves that the Court being divided by those Tares which they had sowed and which they manured with such care in the minds of the Queen-mother and Monsieur France neither would nor could long sustain the War in Italy and withall as they could not imagine but the Queen-mother would in fine attain her wil in the Cardinals destruction they concluded that that once effected Cazal would easily be reduced to their obedience which his discreet conduct kept safe from them Montferrat of which Cazal is the strongest place is a Country of small extent yet of great importance to the design which they have a long time had upon Italy Untill this present they have been forced to sit still in the out-bounds Naples and Millan and true it is this is one of the principal objects which hinders the conquest of the rest could they but once joyn their German with their Italian power they would soon be Masters of the whole therefore have they indeavoured it for so many years but without Cazal all their attempts are vain that place alone being a Bul-wark to block up the passage of any Troops which passe from Germany to Millan This is indeed that which makes Cazal so considerable the not having whereof is the more important in regard their power is bounded in at the Fort of Fuentes which being so they resolved to give their Embassador in Savoy full power to conclude any thing in his Master's behalf an artifice full of injustice but which ceased not to be very proper for their design for that he not being party to the Treaty it will still be free for him to break it by refusing to subscribe those Propositions which concerned his interest However as Princes never want pretences for the most unjust designs they would not own this Artifice and the Cloak with which they covered it was that fighting under the Emperours Colours there was no need of any one to treat in their behalfs but after all their indeavours to prevent the execution of the Treaty then concluded they made it apparent that this reason of theirs was only a pretence and that their true design was to hinder the peace that they might make new attempts upon Cazal Politique Observation THat Ambition which is sometimes favoured with good successe hath much much ado to relinquish its enterprises though unjust It is an errour to think Fortune is blind because she distributeth her favours inconsiderately and without forecast for that God himself whose eyes are clearer then the Sun is the Author of whatever befalls man-kind Well may she be painted without eyes when as she doth usually blind those whom she doth at any time oblige with the least extraordinary successe A Prince accustomed to conquer proposeth no law in prosecution of his Will though that right be inherent in God alone Little doth he consider the condition which his birth hath given him and the passion of growing great at his neighbours expence doth so transport him that he thinks he hath right enough if he have but power to conquer them he flatters himself in the belief that those Monarchies which are this day held with most justice are grounded upon no other Titles then the swords of those that first founded them The desire of Dominion which transporteth him rendreth him careless of dying the earth with blood if he may but subjugate more people to himself and of making the world groan under the violence of his arms if he may but get a new addition to his authority It makes him forget that he is a man and consequently that he is subject to the Laws of Death and equally liable with the meanest Cottager to render an account of his actions that the usurpation of anothers right shutteth the gates of heaven against him and that ambition it self is a punishment to those whom it possesseth augmenteth their inquietudes with the encrease of their powers Who knoweth not that it is not the greatness of Kingdoms which maketh Kings greatly happy that the desire of conquest is accompanyed with more pain and hazard then pleasure that those Princes who will subjugate all men are hated by all men and are oftentimes reduced to a non-plus just when they think to extend the bounds of their Empire to the utmost That it is no more just to usurp the power of a Soveraign Prince then to commit murder
hath solidly resolved and to content himself with answering moderately such objections as are made against him without receding from those fundamental propositions upon which the main chance is to be decided Irresolution is a thing extreamly dangerous in him not only because it gives great advantages to the opposite party but because it allays that vigour of spirit with which his advice ought to be accompanied and that earnestnesse which he ought to have for his Masters service not that I would have his Prudence joined with so sublime a subtilty unlesse he were indued with all those extraordinary qualities which make a man eminent for experience hath evinced unto us that they who are only crafty do commonly lose themselves in their own thoughts and follow such expedients which savour more of Chimera's and Apparencies then Truth or Solidity Such ruine affairs by their Ambition to extract the quintessence of them like those who have a long time blowed to find the quintessence of Mettals and in the end have nothing but wind for their pains Secresie is a quality the more needfull in him because a design once discovered is of no more advantage them a Mine contramined and that nakednesse doth as ill become his Soul as his Body besides as no one can keep a secret without dissimulation he ought to have a Soul strong enough and wel adjusted to disguise his designs to make shew to have other ends then those which he doth pretend though he ought not to make use of it unlesse in matters of great importance for the most part behaving himself with great freedom to beget the reputation of being sincere which will make his disguisements passe for the more currant truths by reason he useth them so seldom In fine it were to be wished that he were powerfull in discourse both for the well deducing of his reasons as also to animate them with that vigour which is necessary to get approbation and which might render them as effectual as faintnesse renders them uselesse when they are therewith accompanied A Treaty of Peace at Querasque THe Deputies were no sooner arrived but the conference began yet not untill after the order of their sitting had been concluded It was resolved that Panzirolo should sit at the end of the Table which in Italy is esteemed the most honourable place the Baron of Galas on his left hand the Marshal de Thoyras on his right hand the Sieur de Servient beneath Galas the President de Banies over against him and the Chancellour Guichardy at the lower end over against the Nuncio At first indeed and before the beginning of the Assembly there was some difference upon this score because the Baron de Galas and the Comte de la Rocque comming together to visit the Sieur de Servient the Comte de la Rocque took place of Galas for afterwards the Marshal de Thoyras and the Sieur de Servient did likewise pretend to take place of Galas they being too much concern'd in their Masers glory to indure that his Majesty should suffer any diminution which must have been if representing his person they should have given place to him of whom the Spanish Embassadour took place The Comte de la Rocque would take this advantage of Galas because he was only qualified as a Comissary pretending that Kings Embassadours took place of the Emperours Comissaries though not of his Embassadours In fine it was adjudged that for this once the Spanish Embassadours should give place to the Emperours Commissary unlesse Galas would likewise give place to the Most Christian Kings Embassadours To conclude they went publickly through the Town the Comte de la Rocque being in a Coach beneath Galas and the Sieurs de Thoyras and Servient took place next after him their priorities being thus regulated they began to confer upon the means for executing the Treaty of Peace concluded the precedent year at Ratisbone in order to that which concern'd Italy for as to the rest the Most Christian King would never ratifie it his Embassadours having gone beyond their Commissions There were two chief causes of difficulty the first in regard of the eighteen thousand Crowns rent accorded to the Duke of Savoy in Montferrat for which the Town of Trin was left him and divers other Lands and ancient Demesnes which did amount to that sum The second was about the manner of restoring the places both of Mantua and Montferrat as also Savoy and Piedmont the contests of either party were hot and nothing concluded untill the 6 day of April when it was resolved that the Duke of Savoy should content himself with fifteen thousand crowns rent in Montferrat valuing the Crown at eight Florins in consideration of the quality of those Towns and Lands which were left unto him which was concluded by the Assembly as concerning the restitution of places it was concluded that the Forts newly built should be demolished that each party should withdraw his forces and lastly that the places should be restored at the same time and that for assurance of the restitution hostages should interchangeably be given and all to be conformable as much as could be unto the Treaty at Ratisbonne neverthelesse it being apprehended that those of the House of Austria would more readily sacrifice three Hostages then relinquish the Grisons seeing the possession of them would joyn their estates in Germany with those of Millan it was concluded by a secret Article that the Towns of Suze and Avigliane should be delivered into the hands of the Swisses raised in the Cantons allied with France and Savoy to be by them kept in his Highnesse of Savoy's name untill such time as the Forts and Passages held by the Comte de Merodes in the Grisons were left free with obligation of restoring them to the Marshal de Thoyras in case the said Forts and Passages were not quitted This general Treaty being concluded there were particular indeavours used to decide the differences between the King and Duke of Savoy for the establishment of an assured Peace between their Subjects It was not long unconcluded because there was nothing of difficulty in it only the same conditions which had been agreed on the foregoing year These two Treaties being thus finished were signed to a general satisfaction of all except Monsieur de Mantua who was something troubled to pay the charge and the Comte de la Rocque who would have continued on the War upon any conditions whatever all the rest thinking that Peace was now restored unto Italy which for three years last past had been the Theatre of Sorrow Politique Observation HAppy is the Prince who after he hath seen his Country desolate by horrid and cruel Wars can at last settle it in Peace He will find this great Mistris of Arts to give being to all those exercises which had been interrupted and neglected during the troubles He will see Religion upon which as an Emperour once said dependeth all the good or bad fortune
Roche-Guyon and the Comtes de St Pol de Coussii de Brenni de Harcourt and de grand Pre. This is so usual that it will be needless to add any more The Spaniards intention to break the Peace of Querasque followed by that of Mire-Fleur ALthough all these places were restored yet the Spaniards whose Counsels are engraven in brass for the perpetuating of them could not resolve to withdraw their Forces from Italy or to send the Emperours into Germany they stayed them whiles they could in Milan and thereabouts pretending they should want part of them in their Garrisons and that they expected leave from the Legate of Ferare to transport the rest into Naples Those whom the Duke de Feria had promised to disband in July were on foot in September and this very delay caused the restitution of places to be retarded Besides the King was certainly informed that the very morning after the expediting the Investiture they had found means to wrest an act from the Emperour which they caused to be published in the Imperial Chancery by which it was nullified in case the Treaty of Ratisbon were not punctually executed although concluded in express terms that it should be given without any limitation Was not this testimony enough of their intentions to break the Treaty if they could but find any favourable opportunity seeing particularly that this Declaration was a firebrand for that it gave them the liberty of finding fault with some of the Duxe of Mantua's actions which themselves would interpret and judge to be contrary to the Treaty Neither was this the only Index of their minds the Comte de Merode who acted not but by order from Feria committed all sorts of violence in the Grisons as if he would force the King by a just resentment to make a breach moreover the Comte de la Roch letters having been taken by some thieves from his Courrier who were more careful of his money then papers left no cause of doubt to them who saw them of their intentions to foment the discontents of the Queen-mother and Monsieur to such an height as should be irreconcilable that they might be revenged on France for those advantages obtained against them They likewise raised new Troops in Milan as if they would not have any ignorant of their designs and lastly they were extreamly urgent to force the Duke of Mantua to disband an inconsiderable number of French from Casal and Mantua whom he had desired to be left there for the guard of those places and which were hardly able to secure them from a surprize whereby he might be so disabled that they might with ease over-run his Country which being so and that no one can doubt of their Designe of re commencing the War the following year what reason had his Majesty to leave Italy without full assurance of Peace and Liberty by other means then that of a Treaty Should he not have so done he had thrown away his charges in vain and the lives of so many French to no purpose This was it which obliged the King to require new assurances in the behalf of his Allies and to inform the Duke of Savoy that he himself was in no greater assurance them others considering how distrustful the Spaniards were of him and how much discontented with his late proceedings On the other side the Cardinal represented to his Majesty that Prudence obliged him not to abandon Italy in this danger and that it was needful for him to use his power with the Duke of Savoy to obtain some one of his places which might afford a free passage for his Armies into Italy if occasion should draw them thither a third time His Majesty whose judgement is equally prudent as just apprehended the importance of this advice so that soon after he sent Orders to the Sieur de Servient who was yet with the Duke of Savoy to desire him to put Pignerol Suze Avigliane or Savillan into his Majesties hands for some time that he might keep the Spaniards in aw and prevent them from making new attempts This Proposition indeed was somewhat strange but did not exasperate him as it happened for the Prudence which the Sieur de Servient used in that affair obtained his demands to his Majesties glory and the liberty of the Italian Princes he evinced unto the Duke of Savoy by so many demonstrations the designs which the Spaniards had to recommence the war the just reason he in particular had to fear their growing powerful in Italy which if once effected all he could hope for was the favour of Cyclops when he found himself obliged for the surety and defence of his estates The Sieur de Servient perceived that distrust which is natural to Princes made him loath to part with a place of importance and to intrust it in the hands of a stranger but when he recollected to his memory that franknesse wherewith his Majesty had so lately restored unto him the greatest part of his Dominions and the open profession which he made of establishing his glory by the defence of his Allies he at last brought him to resolve upon the delivery of Pignerol untill such time as the Spaniard should make apparent that they intended to leave Italy in peace This Treaty was concluded and signed at Mireâleur upon the 19 of October and presently put in execution It cannot be apprehended how unpleasant this news was to the Governour of Millan and with what resentment he complained in his Letters to the Duke of Savoy and his Highnesse was not wanting to return him an answer full of courage how he had not done any thing but what was lawfull for any Prince and that he was obliged to entrust this place in the hands of his Christian Majesty sooner then any other since his bounty had restored him to those States of which the War raised by others had despoiled him Politique Observation THat Prince cannot be thought imprudent who in making Peace foresees those dangers of War which threaten him and who for the preservation of his State in an happy tranquility deposits some Town in the hands of a Monarch whose power can secure him from all misfortunes He who assures himself of the protection of a potent King secures in it his Crown and peace to his Subjects strikes a terrour into his enemies and makes them afraid of falling on him These advantages are far greater then those which he can possibly receive from any place by him deposited whence it is great prudence to prevent the storm and imitate the wise Pilot who fearing a total shipwrack throws part of his goods into the Sea âe cannot but be commended who accommodateth his counsels to the necessity of times and he ought to think himself happy if by the losse of one Town he can secure the rest It is advantage enough for a Prince saith Augustus in Suetonius to put himself into such a condition that no one can offend him One City indeed may
those Edicts which did contribute thereunto when brought unto them but it was not so with the Messieurs of the Court of Aydes of Paris Mensieur le Comte having informed them that he was going to their Chamber from the King to do as much they fell into such disorder that they all departed thinking by this to disengage themselves from their duty of confirming them so that Monsieur de Compte comming thither found no body there This their inconsideratenesse could not be without mis-prision of the royal Authority and was looked upon as an example the more dangerous in regard Magistrates are like the Primum mobile which draw all the inferior Orbs after it so their motion might be capable of making the people mutiny and refuse succours which they owed the King and which his Majesty might lawfully demand from them to help discharge the necessities of the State as we have formerly said Justice and Prudence did both require that they should be made exemplary they were suspended from the exercise of their Offices and a Commission issued out to some of the Messieurs Masters of Requests and Counsellours of the grand Councel to do justice in their rooms and to determine those affairs which were depending before them This continued for some moneths to teach them against another time how they run into such mis-prisions of his Majesties will which made them unworthy to sit upon the Flower de Luces seeing they had been so little affectionate in contributing to the means necessary to preserve them in their beauty Politique Observation THere is no offence which Kings are more obliged to punish then those which are accompanied with dis-respect for as he who is much respected doth easily retain his Subjects in their obedience so being once fallen into disesteem his commands are little regarded The wisest Polititians have alwaies thought respect to be the greatest support of Authority The lustre of the Sun is that which causeth people to regard it with the more reverence and the authority of a Soveraign is that which doth most of all oblige his subjects to pay him respect and obedience which if violated by disrespect remaineth inconsiderable His Ordinances are laughed at his Will not regarded and attempts are often made against him I think for my part that scorn is more dangerous then hatred for peradventure a King who is hated may yet be feared and fear is of it self sufficient to keep subjects in obedience but he who is once fallen into dis-esteem is neither hated nor feared so that his affairs will soon fall into extream disorder Hatred is a frequent cause of Insurrections but dis-respect is more effectually so because it not only causeth the fear of offending to cease but adds confidence to it Now of all disrespects none is more dangerous then when Magistrates are guilty of it by withdrawing themselves from their Princes Will and Command No one will easily attempt against him whom he sees honoured by his Magistrate and on the contrary men will readily provoke him who is not regarded by them Magistrates are the more obliged to continue their respects unto Authority because their example is sufficient to hold the people in submission They ought rather to comply obediently with their Soveraigns then by denying him to show an example of Rebellion to his Subjects their resistance tends only to raise an irreparable disorder in affairs and obligeth the use of constraint for the ratifying of such Edicts which presently make the people believe them to be unjust In fine they are no less bound to render respect and obedience unto him then justice to his Subiects They flatter themselves with a dangerous vanity if they believe themselves to have been instituted to bound in his power seeing it was only to supply his presence and perform his will All their power vanisheth at his presence as that of the Stars when the Sun appeareth neither ought they to take notice of his Commands further then he gives them liberty Now that liberty which he gives them is by their humble Remonstrances to represent their grievances not absolutely to deny and that with disrespect the execution of his commands especially seeing the custome of confirming of Edicts was not introduced by necessity or for any dependance which Kings have upon Soveraign Courts but that they might be executed with more submission and to discharge them from those commands which the importunity of Courtiers might wrest from their Majesties without regard of Justice or the good of the State The Treaty of Alliance between the King and Duke of Bavaria IT behoved the King so much the more to secure himself against the Emperors Forces in regard he did at this time seem to be discontented concerning the Succours given to the German Princes and the designe of retaking Moyânvic with other lands alienated from the Bishoprick of Metz This induced the Cardinal whose eyes are alwaies open to the interests of State to represent unto the King that it were necessary to make sure of those who might any ways assist him in his enterprises against France and that there being no other persons from whom he could receive a greater support in his desire then the Duke of Bavier and the Elector of Trâves who have the principal Passes by which he must come unto us it would be very advantagious to contract an Alliance with them that they might hinder his Forces or at least that they might not joyn theirs with his The King apprehended this Counsel as an effect of his innate Prudence and this great Ministers foresight having already laid the ground-work of these Alliances his Majesty issued out Orders for the prosecution of them There was concluded by the Treaty that there should be a sincere good and constant Friendship between them and an firm and strict league offensive and defensive for eight yeers in consideration whereof the King bound himself to furnish him with nine thousand Foot two thousand Horse Cannons and Ammunitions of War fit and necessary for the defence of him and his Dominions leaving it to the Electors choice to demand of his Majesty instead of the nine thousand Foot and the rest such monies as might defray the charges The Elector of Bavier did likewise engage himself to furnish his Majesty with three thousand Foot and one thousand Horse and Ammunitions of war necessary for the defence of his Dominions in case of an Invasion with liberty for his Majesty to demand instead of the Souldiers so much money sufficient to pay them Besides they interchangeably promised not to bâaâ Arms one against the other directly or indirectly Thus was France assured on that quarter and the taking of Moyenvic might be attempted without fear or hâzard the Emperour not being able to hinder it by reason of the King of Swede's diversion without the Duke of Bavier's assistance Politique Observation DEfensive Alliances cannot but be very useful to all Princes how great soever Few can subsist by themselves and if
wrought upon in condescending to their commands they are never at quiet but do alwaies take the liberty of making new requestâ in hopes of a like success This doth likewise much contribute to maintain them in obedience to support their quiet without which they will easily revolt it is the true beginning of the peoples happiness and cutteth up the root of their rebellions Affairs of Lorrain ABout the end of this year the King could no longer endure that the Duke of Lorrain should abuse his clemency in continuing to be the supporter of those who troubled the Kingdom They had chosen him for their Brave and an Army of twelve or fifteen thousand men which he had raised about Spring were the chief of their hopes when Mounsieur went out of the Kingdom they were so inconsiderate as to believe that these Forces entring into France would be like Rivers falling from great mountains increase as they go as if the King assisted by the sage counsels of the Cardinal were not able to ruine all their Souldiers upon their first taking the Field It was however a great satisfaction to his Majesty that he was not put to that trouble the cause was either Fortune or peradventure the Cardinals prudence which so wrought that the Emperour finding himself oppressed by the King of Swede commanded the Duke of Lorrain with his Army to assist him in his occasions so that leaving Monsieur's affairs for some moneths he addressed himself to attend the Emperour and exercise the charge of Generallissimo of his Armies but like the Grey-hound who running after two Hares takes neither he forsook Monsieur's assistance as he had promised and instead of comming to the Randezvouz assigned by the Emperour 7000 of his men disbanded and were scattered whether by a Panick fear or by some accident which so disordered them that it was impossible to rally them again It was a sensible displeasure to him to fall into this disorder after which he was forced to return to Nancy to take care of his promises made unto Monsieur and to make a recruit which the Emperour pressed him to do The Cardinal did not lose so favourable an opportunity to teach him that he did but wrong himself in provoking the King as he had done for three or four years last past by fomenting of Cabals against his Majesty It was well known that he entertained Monsieur with turbulent hopes not only of raising a potent Army in his Country but withall of bringing forces from Germany and the Low Countries sufficient to force the King himself to grant him his desires It was well known that he had exasperated those divisions in the Kings Family by particular intelligences which he maintained with several embroilers that he had received Madam du Forgis with great honour after her disgrace as his chief correspondent that there was not any forraign Prince whom he did not indeavour to make an enemy to France and if he did apprehend that any one of them were discontented that he would with him hold a particular friendship and all this without considering that building without a foundation his superstructure would soon fall to the ground and that his Majesty would effect as many generous enterprizes in his chastisement as himself had conceived imaginary signâ which were ever successelesse It was resolved that the Duke of Lorrain should be made sensible of the injury he had done himself by provoking his Majesty by his Intreagues and devices His Majest would not however demand satisfaction from him which was not conformable to justice the rule of all his actions and in this he took the sweetest course he might with justice have seized on Barr because he had neglected to pay his fealty and homage and have invaded his Countries in revenge of the injuries he had received But he contented himself with attempting to recover such places only as the said Duke and his Predecessors had against all reason usurped from the Bishopprick of Metâ in particular whiles the Kings Arms were in Italy he only seeking occasions to incense France that he might render himself the more considerable to the House of Austria induced the Emperour to make himself Master of Moyenvic and to give it him in keeping the chiefest place of the Bishopprick of Mets and the Emperour animated by the Spaniards was glad to have it and fortifie it though against reason by a meer attempt against the rights of the Crown and his Majesties reputation who was Protector thereof The Cardinal whose courage could not put up such wrongs seeing the Peace of Italy concluded and the Emperour sufficiently diverted in Germany perswaded the King to retake it with as much justice as it had with little reason been usurped from France The King who needs no additional heat to his courage when the maintaining of his glory is in question did easily resolve upon it and his Forces being come to the Frontiers of Lorrain under the Marshal de la Force defeated a Regiment of Liege commanded by Collonel Mars who had the confidence to advance into the Kingdom he sent him Order to lead them before Vic and Moyenvic Vic presently yeelded but Moyenvic did not For the Governour was in hopes of relief which made him resolve to hold out he advised Collonel Offa the Emperours Commissary with the condition of the place and the little hopes of long holding it if not relieved but he was answered that it was to him a great astonishment that the Duke of Lorrain who had promised the Emperour to relieve this place should be so carelesse of it that himself was now upon return and that to him he ought to redresse himself for relief In conclusion the Duke of Lorrain was charged by the Emperour to defend it after it had been fortifi'd at his charges and that with such passion that it was observed he caused the money for payment of the workmen to be carried in his own Coach He addressed himself to the Duke but he fearing left the storm he raised should fall upon himself durst not openly assist them but gave order to the Governour of Marsal to assist him with Men Ammunitions and Victuals yet these succours were too weak is likewise the place to resist the Kings power whereupon a parley followed and conditions were agreed on for the surrendring of the place if within six days an Army able to relieve it did not appear No Army appeared the Duke of Lorrain wanting forces but not ill will The garrison marched out making it appear that unjust usurpations are not of long continuance and serve only to expose people to the misfortunes of War when they are committed against a Prince able to carve his own satisfaction Politique Observation NO Prince whatever may usurp without injustice but for a mean Prince to attempt it relisheth of meer imprudence It was pardonable in Brennus who boldly answered the Romans that it was neither outrage nor injustice to seize the goods of another if he can
better to prevent a mortal sickness when it threatneth a State then to apply remedies just when the height of the disease threatneth a total ruine To conclude it is to no purpose to perswade them that the peoples charge in maintaining an Army out of the Kingdom is less then the inconveniences of an Intestine War The fruitfulness of a Country will afford the Inhabitants a sufficient livelyhood neither can want fall very heavie upon them notwithstanding any Taxes though great imposed upon them in case they have freedom of commerce and work But it is not so when an enemy is once entred among them for even then they are not exempted from contributing to the means of their preservation though they daylie find the enemy at their gates their Cities lost and plundered their Farms burnt their Grounds untilled and they who are never so little worth taken and forced to a ransom besides a thousand other cruelties and oppressions There need no other allegation to prove this Truth besides the People themselves who think it well enough if they may be free from Alarums and the noise of Guns and Trumpets whereas they despair if they once see the enemy at their Gates who encompasseth them with confusion maketh them fly from their own houses and who on all hands maketh them undergo a hard necessity and even depriveth them of the use of their very High-ways These reasons are so apparent that one must either be prepossessed with Passion or surprized by some sinister advice to imagine the contrary and they are so much the more considerable for France in regard the Emperour Charls the fifth discoursing with Francis the first concerning the Natures of their Subjects said That both French and Spaniard were naturally so inclin'd to murmur that they would easily be led on to rebel against their Prince if not diverted by some Forraign imployments To be brief one of the chief causes which preserveth Spain in peace is their continual employing of all able to bear Arms in Forraign attempts whereas France hath ever been engaged in Civil combustions and wars because this Crown hath no Dominions lying aloof from it unto which it might send abroad its people Which being so the best course that can be taken is to vent them in the service of our Allies so to do is to follow the example of Scipio who finding the youth of Athens could not be kept quiet in Idleness rigg'd out two Gallies and lead them to shew proofs of their courage against the Persians and of the Romans too who to divert Hannibal from coming any more into Italy resolved to invade him in Affrick The Duke of Lorrain consenteth to Monsieur's marriage with the Princess Marguerite THe Duke of Lorrain had other intention in the Treaty of Peace made with the King but to avoid the punishment due to his boldness neither did he long keep himself dis-ingaged from new Intreagues and although his Majesty thinking the best of his submissions and protestations had sent unto the King of Swede then falling upon his State to divert that storm yet could he not forbear running into fresh contrivances against the good of France In conclusion it is found that at what time he pass'd his word unto the King at Vic he at the same time brake it by his conventions at Nancy with Montecuculi who was then come thither to wait upon him and that he might not omit any manner of disloyalty he shortly after executed the pretended marriage between the Princess Marguerite his Sister and Monsieur le Duc d' Orleans whom he had drawn thereunto by a thousand tricks and deviceâ He knew that most of the children of France have occasioned such bloody wars as have terribly afflicted the State the Courage wherewith they are born not permitting them to expect the time of their commanding neither was he ignorant of Monsieur 's discontent conceived against the management of the present affairs although admir'd with astonishment by all strangers who found France daylie increasing in glory but at their cost and charges Hereupon he used his utmost skill to conclude that marriage The Princess de Falsbourg his eldest Sister was the chief Agent in it who as she had deserts enough to render her self amiable so wanted she not any art whereby to captivate the Sieur de Puy-Laurens by her attractions whom she perswaded she would marry in case he could effect the match between Monsieur and her Sister the Princess Marguerite whereby besides the honour of marrying with her he should likewise become Brother in Law to his Master He was earnestly desirous of this Alliance in regard it was very honourable and the King being childless it was taken for granted that her Sister would one day be Queen of France which could not but be a great protection to their Family who have a long while been conversant in the Customs of France The Spaniards were not behind-hand to advance this Treaty as well knowing the power of France was not to be over-mastered but by arming one party against t'other which this match would infallibly bring to pass by reason Monsieur would then be irreconcileable to the King and consequently the easilier disposed to enter into France in the head of an Army which would undoubtedly divide the Nobility and so divert his Majesty within the Kingdom that he might not possibly think of assisting the German Princes The Cardinal who suffereth not the King to be ignorant of any thing having discovered this practise forthwith acquainted his Majesty therewith who was not backward in complaining unto the Duke of Lârrain But the Duke well prepared how to make his excuses endeavoured to vindicate himself from that aspersion by solemn protestation confirm'd with deep Oaths how that he never would attempt any such thing upon which his assurances there was not any thing more provided in the Articles of the Treaty as to that affair but his Majesty verily believed him to have relinquished all those Designs Notwithstanding all this no sooner was the King departed from Mâts but he concluded the match not so much as asking his Majesty's consent and quite contrary to the positive inhibition thereof This prohibition indeed did not a little trouble him and raise suspicions in his head for that he knew no stranger had ever yet attempted to marry his relations with any Prince of the Blood of France without feeling the Force of our Kings Powers So that he proceeded herein with the moâe circumspection and left the whole management thereof unto Monsieur de Vaudemont his Father and the Princess de Falsbourg his Sister who had not either of them much to lose The Princes of the Blood may not by the Laws of France marry without the Kings approbation THe Fundamental Laws of France do not permit Princes of the Blood to marry without the King'â consent If it be demanded where that Law is to be found I must remit the Inquisitive Reader to a certain Book amongst the
into Germany for it was no small blow unto the Emperour to draw away from him the Electors of Cologne and Treves the Duke of Baviers and divers other Catholick Princes that in some sense it wee to cut off one of his Arms and assuredly to destroy a third part of his strength that in conclusion he believed his Majesty of Swede was obliged in point of discretion to permit them to sit still provided they did totally decline the Emperour's asistance with whom alone he was ingaged that hereby convincing the World he intended not the subversion of Religion a thing much taking with the people it would evidently follow that his enemies would oppose him with the lesse resolution The King of Swâden received his Majesties request made by the Marquis de Breze with a great deal of honour but being a Prince of great understanding he forthwith âounded the depth of the Catholique Princes promises and made apparent unto him that their Proposals were not real that they had possessed his Christian Majesty with false impressions that they had drawn upon themselves the evils which they indured by their own unreasonable wilfulnesse contrary to the many fair invitations sent unto them of forsaking his enemies and injoying their estates in quiet under an indifferent contribution which he expected from them He likewise declared unto him the resolutions of the League concluded in the Assemblies of Lantshud and Ingolstat which were directly repugnant to these proposals as also the Duke of Baviârs Letters who in the middest of his protestations of forbearing hostility did not however cease to raise forces fortifie Towns and send Letters of Exchange for the advancing of new Levies by all which it was evident enough that his designs tended only to linger out the time whereby he might take better aim in future The Marquesse de Breze replied unto him that in truth the evil designs of those Catholique Princes could no be executed in regard of he time pass'd especially after sight of their Letters yet it was to be hoped they would hereafter manage their affairs more advisedly if there were a Treaty concluded with them That the King his Master was far from countenancing their unjust pretences but that in case they should be reduced to reason as his Majesty well hoped and themselves had fairly promised he should then affectionately desire they might be permitted to sit still in order whereunto he requested there might be a cessation of Arms for fifteen days in which time some reasonable end might be concluded The King of Sweden promised to be willing for the Treaty in the behalf of France without which he should hardly have been perswaded to passe over the Duke of Baviers and the other Catholick Princes after those affronts received from them In fine it was no more then he might have desired he being too prudent not to observe how by granting them to become Neuters he did much weaken his enemies and how that satisfying the World he intended not an invasion of the Church the Emperours Forces would not be so zealous in his service by which means he might the easilier perfect their destruction Politique Observation IT is great Prudence in a Prince who undertaketh a War not to declare himself against Religion a thing which mightily incourageth them who defend it for that most think it glorious to spend their in the preservation thereof They are still put in mind of those Eternal heavenly rewards of which they shall becomâ partakers so that if a Crown of Laurel proposed as a reward in the Olimpique Games could produce such great passion in those who entred the Lists how much more them will the assurance of a rich Crown proposed in the Heavens animate the courages of the Souldiers They are informed how the death with which they meet is not so much a death as a happy passage from death which leadeth them from the grave to immortality from unavoidable miseries to infinite goods from tears to unspeakable joy and from a fight to triumph Thus it being natural unto man-kind to be concern'd at the apprehension of great rewards it cannot be imagined how much they add unto the courage The most fearfull are stout and bold in defence of their Religion of which the primitive times of the Church have afforded us frequent examples seeing women and children have for the conservation of their Religion tryumphed over the greatest courages of Emperours He who never thought to go out of his own house willingly taketh up Arms when the Churches Liberty is in question The Jews saith Tacitus were not much concerned to die in their wars because they believed another life And Gaesar saith The Druides of France were unconquerable in the Field because they believed the Transmigration of Souls and took it for a shame to be fearful of losing that life which should be restored unto them again What resolution then would the Catholique have amidst their belief of another everlasting and most glorious life The Valour of man doth not so much consist in his bodily strength as the resolution of his soul and in that resolution which banisheth all sence of Fear from the heart which infuseth an universal heat and leadeth men on to surmount all kind of difficulties Now who knoweth not that one Faiths chiesest effects is to replenish the soul with an heavenly fire and to infuse it with power for the destruction of what ever resisteth the glory of God No passion doth so encourage as the zeal of Realigion it rendereth men sensless in all sufferings converteth stripes into pleasures causeth labour to be delightful and maketh the most cowardly and weak to become couragious A Treaty of the Catholique Princes of Germany with the King of Swede THe King of Swede having thought fit to suffer the Catholique Princes to become Neuters and consented to a cessation for fifteen days there were Articles drawn up and those the most reasonable that could be wished they implyed 1. That the League should forsake the Emperors Alliance and Interests and relinquish all Intelligence with him 2. That they should recall their Forces from the Imperial Army 3. That the Palatinate should be restored 4. That the Duke of Baviers and the other Catholick Princes should return unto the Protestant States whatever had been taken from them since the year sixteen hundred and eighteen 5. That they should not permit the Emperour to make any Levies in their States 6. That they should deposit some places in the King of Swede's hands for their performance of the Treaty 7. That in consideration of these agreements the King of Sweden should ingage not to use any acts of Hostility against them or exact any contributions from them There could not possibly be proposed any Articles more just then these whereby to settle the Princes in neutrality for in case they ceased to assist the Emperour the King of Swede would likewise forbear drawing any advantages from them and relinquish those which his Armies
Germany to shew them that they might safely put themselvs under his protection although he wanted not Forces who were already advanced unto the Borders of their Country to secure them in a case of need and to defend them from any violences which they might apprehend from the Emperonr if the wheel of Fortune should turn about This Army consisted of about twenty four thousand men commanded joyntly by the Mareschals de la Force and d' Effiat The Elector of Treves adhering unto the Neutrality under the Kings protection it was thought requisite for his greater security that his Towns should be delivered into his Majesties power for that the Imperialists hold all for enemies who do not countenance their ambitious Designs and consequently would force the rest as they had already done part of his Towns out of his hands which if they should effect what were it but to run upon one Rock by endeavouring to avoid another He was soon perswaded of the necesity of this advice which easily induced him to admit French Garrisons into his Cities During these things the Generals of the Army press'd him to conclude the Treaty in order to his promises which he seemed but coldly to receive having already been assured from the Swedish King that for his Majesty's sake nothing should be attempted against him whilest he was under his protection They press'd him to be as good as his word telling him it was dishonourable for their Master to receive him into his protection and that others should hold his Towns from him whereupon he deposited the Castle of Hermesteine into their hands a place considerable both for its Form and Scituation which is such that it may block up the River Rhine at the foot whereof it is seated Twelve Companies of French marched into it under the command of Saludie who had long treated with the said Elector as well as the Sieur de Charnace The like he would have done with his chief City had it been within his power but the Chapter being gained by the Imperialists had forced him to quit it to the Comte d' Ysembourg who kept it with a Garrison of Spaniards sufficient for its defence The next thing he did was to deliver Philipsbourg into their hands but his Governour in stead of obeying his commands in receiving the Garrison protested he would not deliver the Places unless unto those whom the Emperour did appoint Hereupon the Spaniards apprehended the Elector being in this humour that Goblens might also be designed for his Majesty to prevent which they found means to clap a Garrison into it This place was more important then strong is scituate upon the mouth of the Rhine and Mozelle where they joyn their waters so that the Rhine only parted the French and Spaniard which had been enough to have kept them at peace had not the Elector of Treves Interests given them occasions of falling out The King was engaged to project him neither could the waters of that large River quench the heat of their Fury which egg'd them on to skirmish as often as occasion required which was the cause that they continued not long so neer together without engagements on either party and their emulation had increased had they continued their Neighbourhood any longer together The City of Treves besieged and the Arch-Bishop established by the Kings Forces THe Cardinals advices and indeavours still tended to preserve a good correspondency between the two Crowns neither was he to seek for an effectual means to continue it at this time which he did by the King of Swede's interposition who perswaded them to march forth from thence and divers other places The Design was concluded and the Marshal Horn advanced thither from Mayence with eight thousand Horse and six score Companies of Foot all well appointed The Rhinegrave had a particular Commission for the re-taking of Coblens before which he came about mid June invested the place and soon forced the Garrison to surrender upon composition which once delivered he restored unto the French having first dealt with the inhabitants to discharge the expences of the siege and his march thither The taking of this place strook such a fear and terror into the Spaniards that they resolved to quit divers others at least there needed but little perswasion to intreat their removal only they made some difficulty in relinquishing the City of Treves which they hoped to keep by the means of some new fortification they had there raised and a sufficient Garrison to defend it The Marshal d' Effiat was commanded to besiege it but whilest he was drawing his Army thither Death which excuseth neither Alexanders nor Caesars deprived him of his life at Lutzelstein but could not rob him of the glory of having served the King his Master with an extraordinary Prudence both in his Councels and Embassies with an approved integrity in the management of his Treasuries and with an illustrious courage in the command of his Armies The King received the news hereof with grief and there being no time to be lost in preventing the Spaniards fortifying themselves his Majesty soon dispatched the Marshal d'Estree into his place whose Prudence and Courage had been experimented in several occasions and had acquired him the quality of Marshal de France ever since the year 1624. He departed from Paris by Post towards the Army where he found the Vicomte de Arpajon and the Comte de la Suze Marshals de Camp who had undertaken the command of the Army since the Marshal d' Effiats death already advanced near Treves which they had summoned to deliver the garrison refused being resolved to sustain the siege and defend the place Hereupon the Vicomte de Aspajon made his approaches with the Army and gave orders to invest the place which was performed with such expedition that the inhabitants found themselves unexpectedly surrounded the very next day The Comte de Yemsbourg had not confidence enough in the strength of the place to suffer himself to be pent up in it but quartered at Grafeumacher neither had he furnished it with above eight hundred men which considering the French power he thought to augment by clapping three hundred horse and twelve hundred foot into it together with a good convoy of Ammunition In order to which he made his approaches but the Marshal d' Estree comming to the Army just as intelligence was brought of this design he took such course that they could not effect it for he no sooner received the news but he commanded the Comte de la Suze and the Vicomte de Apajon to a place by which they were of necessity to passe thither they went and perceiving the enemy sent to discover their Forces by Lievtenant Alexis and twenty light horse who advancing further then was requisite were quickly ingaged by five squadrons of horse who forced them to give ground but were not long unseconded by the Sieur de Moulinet with five and twenty Gallants by the Companies of
Luzern and Roche-Britant and in fine by that of the Cardinal led by the Marquis de Mony and Coeslin so that the skirmish became very hot and many Charges pass'd on both sides untill at last they fell to it with their Swords only so long that in conclusion the Comte de Ysembourg's horse having long sustained the French were repelled and falling in upon their own foot disordered them so that the French had the pursuit of t hem untill the night concluded the businesse and favoured the enemies retreit The Imperialists left four score Nobles forty prisoners their Convoy and two Cornets behind them which were presented unto the King by the Sieur de Chezelles Bautru After this dafeit the Marshal d' Estree looking more strictly into the siege found some things in disorder which he quickly rectified and brought all things into such method that the garrison was soon forced to surrender The Chapter were sensible of their Treason and acknowledge their lawfull Prince and thus the Town was taken by composition of which the Chevalier de Seneterre was made Governour This piece of service thus happily effected the conquest of those other places in the Spanish hands was not long in agitation the Arch-Bishop being restored to the possession of his States and Revenues by which he became sensible what a happinesse it was to injoy the protection of France which secured him from all those dangers fallen upon the rest of his neighbours Politique Observation AMongst the most heroick actions of Kings the defence of those who desire their protection is one which addeth very much to their glory and raiseth their power to an eminent greatnesse Nothing doth more liken them unto the Divinity then the defence of the weak and feeble and if in petty Princes it be a mark of weaknesse to follow the fortune of the Conquerour it cannot but be a sign of great power in a King not to deny those who sue for his protection The defending of them who request it is an act well beseeroing the Majesty of a King who as he ought not to admit any Rival in his Crown so ought he not to deny the communicating of his power unto them who flie unto him for refuge This is it which maketh a King Arbitrator of all his Neighbours affairs who gladly submit their differences unto the judgement of a Monarch who imployeth his power for the maintaining of Justice No one can be ignorant how this is it which rendreth them invincible it being most certain that who so lendeth a hand to help his friends in their necessities ingageth so many serveral defendors whenever his occsions shall require it To be able to subsist alone without the help of others is very honoursble for a King yet his glory will be imperfect if he do not imploy his power to redresse his oppressed Neighbours in their necessities Tyranny doth build its greatnesse on the usurpations of others rights whereas Justice foundeth her glory on the defending the oppressed And if a King may at any time send his forces abroad out of his own State it ought to be either in preservation of his Allies under his protection or in revenge of injuries offered unto him The Emperour endeavoureth at Rome to break the Kings Alliance with the Swede THe League between the Swede and France together with the Elector of Treves inclination made such an Alarum in the house of Austria now unable to divert the storm hanging over them that they resolved to have recourse unto Rome and there to represent the Churches grievances in such terms that they might receive the same advantages which the Spaniards heretofore did upon the like pretences The Cardinal Pasman was dispatched thither in order thereunto where being come he used is utmost endeavours to ingage the Pope in their affaris his Holinesse was press'd to make a Croisade for preservation of the German Catholicks for the suppressing of Heresie and establishing the Church in its former splendor There were divers calumnies published abroad against the Swedes the disasters of the Church and miseries of the Catholicks were aggravated unto excesse but not a word to be heard how that the Interests of the Church had not been in question but by their unjust supporting the ambitious designs of the Austrian family He indeavoured to perswade the Pope that the King of Sweden like another Attila had resolved to besiege Rome and force his Holinesse from his Seat but especially was he charged to declaim against the Alliance between the Swede and France and to solicite his Holiness to send a Legate or extraordinary Nuncio to break the knot as prejudicial to the Catholick church The Duke de Savelly his Imperial Majesties Embassadour and the Spanish Embassadour had order to second him Cardinal Borgia newly tied unto the Spanish party by the gift of the Arch-Bishoprick of Sevill did not only underhand indeavour to procure the suffrages of particular Cardinals but in the open consistory did violently exclaim in blaming the Pope for abandoning the House of Austria and in it the Church it self highly exalting the King of Spain's zeal for Religion and crying out against the cold rewarding his good intentions Now divers of the Consistory being unacquainted with the affairs of Germany and how the misfortunes befallen on some Catholique Princes was the only effect of their own faults were at first divided and the Spanish Partisans became so stout that his Hosinesse had just cause to dislike their proceedings But his Holinesse informing the Consistory with the true state of affairs made it appear unto the Cardinals that the War of Germany was a War of state not Religion and the matter was so manag'd that the house of Austria had no great cause to rejoyce The Popes answer to their party was that the Emperour had drawn upon himself those evils which he now indured that the men and monies wasted in the plundering of Italy the Sacking of Mantua and threatning of the Holy Sea would better have served to hinder the Swedes and put a stop to their conquests that the Remoustrances of his Legats and Nuntioes had been deluded Germany neglected the Swedes slighted Italy invaded and the Holy Sea forced to lay out it 's Treasure in the preservation of it self and St. Peters Patrimony that in fine his Government might possible be traduced not blamed that his indeavours already used and which he resolved to continue were capable enough to justifie his cares for the Churches good that he would willingly contribute the remainder of his power which was but small having consumed the Treasures of the Church in the War of Italy And lastly that he would gladly imploy any remedy which he should find expedient to destroy Heresie and preserve the Church and that he might unto this Temporal add a Spiritual remedy he proclaimed an universal Jubile exhorting all men to assist the Church of Germany with their Prayers The Deputies of Germany were but little comforted herewith but departed
Majesties Forces should have free passage through his Country In consideration whereof the Cardinal undertook in his Majesty's behalf to surrender the City and Castle of Bar unto the Duke as also the City and Castle of Saint Mihel Pont-a-Mousson and generally what-ever his Majesty had taken from him to with-draw his Forces from Lorrain and to protect the Person and Estates of the said Duke against all persons without exception The Cardinal perswaded his Majesty to confirm these conditions which could not be well misliked they being advantagious for the glory of France and leaving his Majesty at full liberty to go and chastise them who abusing Monsieurs name had set the Kingdom in an uproar And thus was the Treaty of Liverdun signed upon the 26. day of June This Treaty being thus concluded the King went to Pont-a-Mousson where the Cardinal de Lorrain came to meet him and to give caution for performance of his Brothers promises in order whereunto Stenay was put into the possession of the Sieur de Lambertie Jametts of the Sieur de Plessis who entred with their several Regiments into them and the King surrendred what places he had lately taken in Lorrain From thence the King went to Sechâpre whither the Duke came to wait upon him testifying himself to be sorrowful for having given his Majesty any cause of discontent and beseeching him to forget what was pass'd The King receiv'd his Highness with all demonstrations of kindness assuring him he should no more remember what was pass'd and hoping his good conduct for the future would never give him occasion to think of it hereafter The Duke was not backward to make many protestations though he little intended to perform any part of them In conclusion his Majesty returned into France and so to Paris chusing rather to follow the instigations of his goodness then of distrust which he had however cause to return Politique Observation IT is ever more commendable in a Prince to exceed rather in credulity then jealousie especially if it be not to his disadvantage whereas on the other side Distrust is praise-worthy in Treaties with a person not to be credited and where an easie Belief may breed inconveniences It is equally bad to believe no man and to believe every man and as it is prudence not to trust a man whom there is cause to suspect so it is a signe of courage not to fear where there is no cause of distrust It somtimes hapneth that confidence breaketh the courage of an enemy reduceth him to his devoir and forceth him to relinquish his Designs For as distrust doth extreamly much dis-oblige the truest friends so confidence hath such charms that it is able to captivate the most mortal enemies Mens passions are not unconquerable somtimes clemency and bounty may effect more then force and violence A soyl though bad of it self and apt to produce nothing but Thistles and Brambles yet when cultivated and manured with industry may bring forth good grain and spirits though naturally deceitful and false yet may be reformed by reason and generous dealing The Venetians did heretofore shew a notable example hereof when having taken a certain Prince of Mantua prisoner who extreamly much slighted them and had sworn their ruine they not only restored him to Liberty but withal made him General of theâr Armies and he finding himself overcome by so great a confidence layed out the utmost of his care and courage to serve them And th'Emperour Augustus by his confidence in Lucius Cinna accused for having designed to murther him so absolutely wrought upon him that he had not afterwards any person more faithful or affectionate to his service Monsieur goeth into Burgogne WE have before declared how the King being just upon his March into Lorrain Monsieur pass'd by with his Forces The sight of his Majesty's Forces hindred him from making any great stay as also from carrying the Duke of Lorrain's Troops along with him which he intended and was a thing very necessary in order to his designs because the business in Languedoc was not yet so forward as was expected From Lorrain he went into Bassigny and quartered at Andelot on the 13 of June where they who abused his favour and made use of his Name published the most seditious Libel that was ever yet heard it was fraught with infinite protestations of doing his Majesty service their usual pretexts who imbroyl the State As if to trouble the whole Kingdom to besiege Towns and Cities to oppress his Subjects to seize on the money belonging to the Exchequer to engage the Nobility in a Revolt were to do his Majesty service and all this expresly against his Majesty's command and inhibition Were not these Protestations a specious veyl wherewith Monsieurs followers endeavoured to hide the impatiency of their spirits when they saw those predictions which foretold the King's death above two years before come to nothing upon which they built all the hopes of their advancements That indeed was the true cause which induced them to spread those libellous calumnies against the Cardinal with such absurd exaggerations that they made them incredible so true it is that slanders of excess and contrary to any probable appearance make but small impressions upon them who are masters but of never so little reason Indeed who could well believe him to be a disturber of the Publike peace an enemy to the King and Royal Family as they published in their Manifest who in fifteen days time procured by his prudent conduct so many glories for France and his Majesty in Lorrain What probability was there to perswade the world that he would make himself Master of the State as they endeavoured to convince unto Monsieur who had used such great industry to cause his return into France when he first left the Kingdom and who never stirred towards Piedmont until his return was certainly concluded And in the end he forced them to dis-own that imputation by his perswading the King to shew him so much clemency and such extraordinary magnificence to oblige him to a second return What reason could they then have to take up Arms upon his accompt They had not any the least just ground for it which is evident to all the world neither were all their slanders able to sully his glory in any particular what-ever But rather on the contrary as Musk and Civet acquire a pleasant and delightful smell amidst the dunghil and Ordure by the same Anti-peristasis that fire is hottest in the coldest of Winter so all their slanders proclaimed against him serv'd only to increase the sweet odour of his Reputation which his Services and Qualities more then humane had acquired unto him That I may say somthing touching his own particular resentment it is most certain his soul was more affected with compassion for France then concern'd for his own Interests amidst all those Thunders which did not much trouble him All the vain attempts of those storms did but redouble his
at one time to be obeyed We see if it he otherwise jealousie takes place among them and every one in particular is carefull that no one obtain any advantage which may procure him greater honour then himself insomuch that they make a difficulty to support and assist one another so many men so many minds This approveth one Counsel he another and in this diversity of opinions the thing commonly is left undone Was it not to prevent this inconvenience that the Romans having two Consuls would not that both together should have the marks of Soveraign authority but that each should take his turn Did they not also Ordain that they should not both together command the Armies but each in his day And yet notwithstanding that care some divisions happened amongst them A well governed Army ought to be like the Body of Man whose Members are joyned and united to the Head by invisible Nerves and Arteries which enable him to move them according as he listeth And thus to prevent divisions it were expedient there were but one Head to command the motion of all the Forces according as he shall think fit Agesilaus King of the Lacedemonians though one of the greatest men of Antiquity yet that he might countermine Lysander and discredit his Authority abrogated his sentences and acted quite contrary to his advises And usually it happens where there are two Commanders of an Army the one thwarts the others designs then hatred envy and obstinacy âriâg all things into disorder which obstruct the carrying on of every small inconsiderable enterprize For this cause was it that Lycurgus one of the wisest Legislators among the Ancients ordained in his Laws that the Kings of Sparta in times of Peace should act joyntly with their Magistrates but in War should have Soveraign authority and that all thing should depend upon their Wills Another Commission to Monsieur le Comte de Soissons AS in times of revolt and the Soveraign's absence the insurrections which Rebels may make ought to be mistrusted his Majesty before his departure from the adjacent Provinces of Paris gave the like power to Monsieur le Comte de Soissons in Paris and the Isle of France as also over the Army in Picardy with instructions to repair thither as occasions should require By this means the Provinces thereabout remained in great quiet But that I may say somewhat concerning that Army left by his Majesty in Picardy and in that particular evince the Cardinal 's usual prudence I shal observe the advantages which might there by have been made in the present conjucture of affairs It cannot be doubted but that it was the securing of those Provinces and the awing of such factious spirits at were inclinable to foment the troubles for in case the least insurrection had been that Army had soon fallen in upon them and buried them in their own ruines Moreover it was neer about that time when the leading men of the Low-countries weary of the Spanish Tyranny insupportable to the common people layed the design of shaking off that yoke and setting their Country at liberty The had recourse unto the King to implore his protection and made divers overtures unto him to enter upon the Comtez d' Artois and Flanders which belonged to him by a just Title But his Majesty who never approveth of Revolts in other Princes Subjects more then in his own made a scruple of absolute ingaging with them or of passing his word to assist them in that design though the Spaniards being less religious in the observation of Treaties and who preserve the greatnesse of their State only by fomenting divisions among their neighbours were at that very time ingag'd to support Monsieur in his revolt and to furnish him with Forces for the over-running of Languedoc His Majesty did not totally refuse them but kept himself in a condition of sending them forces in case the Spaniard invaded France as they had promised Thus did this Army serve to keep off the Spaniards in the Bay of Languedoc from landing they mistrusting to be repayed in the Low-countries and doubting if they entred France the French would do the like to assist those Lords who were sufficiently disposed for revolt It is likewise true that it served to beget such jealousie in the Spaniards that they were forced to retain many of their Troops in the Low countries Hainaut and Artois which would have done them more service at Mastrich against the Dutch whom by this means his Majesty did equally succour as if he had sent the Marshal d'Estree with the Army in the Country of Treves according to their own desires and proposals Politique Observation THough Armies for the most part are raised to fight yet sometimes they are designed for other ends wise Princes having oftentimes obtain'd great advantages by them without striking a blow The meer jealousie which their motion may strike into an enemy obligeth him to stand upon his guard who otherwise had design'd to assault some place and in case he have assaulted it to recall some part of his Forces to prevent any attempts This effect is not of mean consequence because it divideth an enemies force and consequently rendreth him more easie to be conquered Whilest the Waters of a great River are all shut up in their own Channel their torrent is more impetuous their force the greater and who so then indeavoureth to waft over them runneth no small hazard whereas if dispersed into several Rivulets their course is more slow their depth lesse so that they are both safely and easily to be Forded Thus an enemies Army may sometimes be so strong that he is to be feared and then nothing better then to divide him and force him to separate himself by some motions which may fill him with suspicions How oft have Princes been compell'd to stay at home in their own defence by their apprehensions of an Army appearing on their own Frontiers just when they have been upon the point of invading their Neighbours Besides what Armies soever a Prince placeth on his Frontiers in times of War they alwaies give him this advantage of keeping his own Country in security either as to Forreigners who commonly make use of any pretensions about the Borders of a Country to colour their attempts or as to the discontented persons of a Kingdom who possibly may stir in their Prince's absence To preserve Peace without making war is an effect advantagious enough and indeed a cause sufficient always to keep an Army on Foot A thing in my sense of the more use in regard War ought not to be made but in order to Peace and withal it being more useful for to preserve Peace by a shew of War then by War it self that common Usher of Fire and Sword For this reason it is that a Prince ought not then to raise his Army when a Forreiner is upon the point of invading his Kingdom or when factious spirits are just ready to revolt No He ought to
of every thing which seemed necessary for the establishing a secure Peace in France every one supposed that the wings of those who favoured Monsieur's Revolt had been so clipp'd that it would be a long time ere they could flie into such disorders All good Frenchmen were touched with such joy as they who having been long weather-beaten by a Tempest at Sea do at length safely arrive unto their wished Haven But those joys were short lived the Sea being quickly covered with Fleets scouring up and down which threatned France with a furious storm The Sieur de Puy-Laurens and some others who carried any sway in Monsieur's Councels had only perswaded him to reconcile himself unto the King with design to ingage him in some new Revolt as occasion should present and in hopes to make a more advantagious use of it towards the obtaining of their pretensions then they had done in Languedoc they were not long without a pretence to palliate their intentions Monsieur de Montmorency's death should be the ground of his leaving the Kingdom They suggested to him that his intreaties having been so ineffectual and unconsidered in the saving his life who was a person of such neer concernment to him he could not think himself over secure of his own freedom in case there should be any suspicion upon him that however it was a strange affront put upon him in the sight of all Europe seeing he had not credit enough to save a Gentleman who had adventured his life and fortunes for his interests At the same time they gave out that his life had been promised unto Monsieur upon his accommodation whereas on the contrary the Sieur de Bullion and the Marquesse de Fossez did never give him any such assurance that having failed in a particular so much concerning his honour his Highnesse could not make any longer abode in France Now although all of that Cabal did jointly conclude to carry him out of the Kingdome yet they could not agree upon the place whither to carry him The Sieur de Puy-Laurens who was passionately in love with the Princesse de Phalsbourg proposed Lorrain the place where his heart was and advised him to retire thither it being a thing due to the Princesse Marguerite and there being no such powerfull invitations to carry him into any other place The rest found but little safety in Lorrain by reason of the Dukes weaknesse unable to secure their retreat or stay there but were of opinion that Monsieur should retire into Cazal where they assured themselves the Marshal de Toiras would receive his Highnesse and where he might live secure from all fear The little assurance of safety which Monsieur foresaw in Lorrain did somewhat touch him but the Sieur de Puy-Laurens insinuating to him how easily he might retire from Nancy to Bruxelles in case his Majesty should seem to incline towards any expedition against Lorrain in consideration of him and how that he would alwaies be received there his birth rendring him considerable swayed his former resolutions and made him incline to that side so powerfull was his credit with him although the rest represented to him that he would find lesse security by casting himself into the hands of the Spaniards then in any other place whatever that they might perchance entertain him with honour but that it was to be feared he would not long continue Master of his own liberty or that he might have the freedom to get off when he should most desire it The resolution of departing being concluded Monsieur went into Lorrain in November and for the more specious pretext of their relapse they presumed to write unto the King persisting to abuse his name and pen how that the preservation of Monsieur to Montmorency's life and the procuring of his liberty having induc'd him to submit to whatever his Majesty was pleas'd to impose the taking off of his head being a person so dear to him was so publique an affront and slight that he could no longer indure it and withall that it was impossible he should longer continue in France without giving cause to suspect he had made his own accommodation with other intentions then of obtaining that favour of which he was still fed with great hopes Besides that he could expect little satisfaction for his own person seeing his requests and intreaties had been so little considerable in the executing of him whose life was equally dear to him with his own and whose death he could not digest without great dishonor This was the substance of the Letter whereunto there need no other answer but that the Duke of Montmorency having been condemned by one of the most famous Parliaments of the Kingdom for a Crime which could not be let passe without punishment unlesse to the very great detriment of the State especially after himself had sent seven Couriers to assure his Majesty of his fidelity after he had conspired with Forraigners to destroy the Kingdom after he had almost totally raised one of the chiefest Provinces after he had been taken in the head of an Army with his sword died with blood in his hand actually fighting against his Majesties service after he had somented divisions in his Majesties family and committed several other enormities as hath been declared there was little reason to expect his pardon and as to the other part that it was improbable his Highnesse should consent to the Treaty made at Beziers only in order to obtain Monsieur de Montmorency's pardon when as he was absolutely forced by necessity to submit thereunto having not forces enough to defend himself Such was the reply which the King sent unto him wherein he testified to the whole World how he never offered any just cause to those of his royal blood to separate themselves from him or to be deficient in paying those respects unto which nature and his Majesties affection did not a little oblige them Politique Observation VVHatever refusal a Prince receiveth from his King yet he rendreth himself inexcusable if his Passion transport him beyond his duty He ought to recollect unto his memory how that no one in a well-govern'd State can impose the Law on his Soveraign but that every one ought to submit his own private to his Princes Will. There are in a State as in the Soul superiour and inferiour powers and as the law of Nature hath ordained the weaker faculties give way unto the stronger and more able so the Grandees of a Kingdom are obliged to stoop under the Laws of their Supream Prince and to comply with his Will without any the least contradiction What but Death can be expected from that body whose particular Members refuse to execute those Offices which are injoyned them by the Head And what can be looked for from a State where the Nobles flie out and deny obedience to the Soveraigns Decrees This were repugnant to the Order of Justice nothing but misfortunes could attend it It matters not whether they alwaies
you will do me the honor to believe me This Rhetorique had been powerfull enough to have retain'd them in their devoirs had not their souls been pre-possessed by Passion that alone prevented it insomuch that most of them persevered to run on in their Rebellion Hereupon the King finding them who should have preserv'd the people in obedience both by exhortation and example to excite them to Rebellion could not put up such disorders but appointed Collectors in their several Bishopricks to receive their Revenues and to employ them in reparation of Religious Houses and Episcopal Seas and thinking it improper to intrust the care of Souls with such disloyal persoâs he procured a breviat from the Pope address'd to the Arch-Bishop of Arles the Bâshops of St. Flâur and St. Malo to draw up their process against them His Majesty might have made use of his own power and have punished them by his ordinary Justice inasmuch as it was Treason from which there is no exemption neither could it have been thought strange by themselves seeing Jesus Christ himself and the two Apostles whom we acknowledge for the chief of Ministers of the Gospel refused not to be judged by the Laiety Yet his Majesty ever a great respecter of Ecclesiastical men would not commit their judgment but unto persons of their own Coat who deposed the Bishops of Alby and Nismes only death preventing the Bishop of Vssez from receiving the like punishment the rest they restored to their Bishopricks having not evidences enough to condemn them although they might peradventure be sufficiently guilty Politique Observation ALthough Bishops by their places are raised to an high degree of honour yet they wrong themselves if they think they are exempted from their Kings Authority seeing the Popes have in their writings as Gelasius to the Emperor Anastatius Pelagius to Childebert one of our first Kings and St Gregory to the Emperor Manritius acknowledged themselves depending upon their authority It is moreover true that Bishops are more especially obliged beyond any other Subjects to live in an exemplary Loyalty and by their indeavours to preserve the people in peace Upon their promotion to that spiritual dignity the take a new Oath of Allegiance which as it were a second Chain tieth them to the yoke of obedience but admitting that were not so yet the Ministers of the Church conforming themselves to the temper of their Mother which is a spirit of peace are bound to appease and pacifie the people when they are tumultuously given and much more not to blow the Coals of their dissention Savanarola was exceedingly condemned for exasperating an insurrection in Florence against the Medicis when he publiquely preached that it was Gods Will and Pleasure to have a popular Government established to the intent the chief of the City might have no longer power to dispose of the safety of some and the Libertie of others They who are so inconsiderate as to follow such sedicious tracts do render themselves the more unworthy of their callings by how much the Church doth abhor War and Blood We should think it very strange if Heaven which was created by the eternal Providence of God to inlighten the World with its stars to produce nourishments by its influences for the preservation of all creatures to enamel the earth with all sorts of Flowers and to overspread it with a thousand kinds of Fruits should in a sudden alter its nature and only fill us with darknesse terrifie us with Thunders and load the Earth with Briars and Thorns And would it not be more wonderfull to behold the Son of God having not more strictly charged his Disciples with any one thing then to be obedient and to preserve that Peace which he had brought unto Man-kind Bishops their Successors indeavouring to their utmost to destroy and die the land with blood to divert people from their duties to arm them against their lawfull Prince and by their power of Souls to ruine that Authority which Christ their Master hath given to their Soveraigns This were absolutely repugnant to the Orders by him established and directly opposite to the Laws to them prescribed If any of them should be so forgetfull of their duties the Ministers of State are the more obliged to punish them in regard the reverence wherewith they are esteemed and the opinion which men have of their sanctity and Doctrine rendreth their example of a more dangerous consequence and their discourses more powerfull to perswade whatever they are disposed to inculcate For this very reason was it that Giles Arch-Bishop of Rheimes was deposed by Childebert that Pretextatus was deprived of the Arch-Bishoprick of Rouen In the time of Childery that Theodor lost that of Arles by the command of Clovis upon this score it was that Lewis the Debonair forced the Arch-Bishop of Milan to give an account of his disloyalties Abon Arch-Bishop of Rheims Volsphod Bishop of Cremone and Theodolph Bishop of Orleans accomplices in the Conspiracy of Bernard King of Italy Did not Hugh Capet cause Arnoul convicted of Falshood and Treason to be drawn from the Sea of Rheims It is the ancient politique custom of France a Right belonging to our Kings and which Pope Zachary himself advised Pepin to put in execution without any scruple when and so often as occasion should require And what probability I pray is there that the Bishops and Church-men of a Kingdom should have a priviledge to ingage men in Rebellion and not be punished for so doing to instill sedicious Tenents in the minds of men and that Magistrates should not call them to accompt for it or depose them from their functions after they had rendred themselves unworthy of them by their evil deportment Divers Cabals made by the Duke de Guise THe King having secured the Peace in Languedoc Monsieur le Cardinal invited him to have an eye after the establishment of it in Provence where the Duke of Guise held divers practices tending to Rebellion and which were depending upon the same design with Monsieur de Montmorency The King having been inform'd of his evill deportment for at least a year before had often moved him to surrender the Government of that Province in consideration of other recompences offered unto him and upon his refusal had commanded him to come to Court that he might fairly and handsomly dis-ingage him without taking notice of those contrivances in which he was then imbarking It having ever been the Cardinal's advice unto his Majesty not to proceed unto the extremities of rigor but when he should be as it were inforced it by the extremities of dis-obedience But the Duke of Guise kept himself in Provence being fearfull lest his actions might be a means of stopping him at Court and laying him up in a place where he could not be capable of imbroiling whereupon instead of waiting upon his Majesty he caused his Mother the Dutchesse of Guise to beg leave of his Majesty that he might passe away two
to a Forraigner were to treat them more favourably then the Princes of the royal family and withall to indanger a loss of their Soveraignty Ambition hath no bounds and a Prince who hath obtained the priviledge of some Soveraignties may be easily wrought upon at least his Successors to pretend to them without and depending upon others so that who so is peccant in this excesse of Liberality what doth he but raise a power against his own and sow the seeds of division in his Kingdom Besides States be not so much for Kings as Kings for their States they are no lesse oblig'd to preserve them in all their dependances then the State is obliged to preserve it self in the obedience they ow them from whence it is that to alienate such rights or any notable part of their Demesne is one of the causes of their deposing in those Kingdomes where it is permitted by the Fundamental Laws as is observed by all those who have written on that Subject and indeed he seemeth to be unworthy of a Crown who neglecteth to preserve it in its intire lustre How the Cardinal de Lorrain came to meet the King at Chasteauthierry where his Majesty stayed to demand Nancy in Deposite IT had been not only commendable but advantagious to Monsieur de Lorrain to have been more concern'd at the seizure at Bar and to have waited upon his Majesty to do him homage and satisfie the just discontents conceived against him by his submissions but fortune contriving to destroy him had cast her Mantle before his eyes so that the continued immoveable in his first designs Whereupon his Majesty about August found himself obliged to go to Chasteauthierry from thence to meet the Army which he had recall'd from the Country of Treves and to carry them before Nancy the better to hinder the Duke of Lorrain's Levies and in case he persisted in his late Procedures to reduce him to such a passe that he might be no more in a condition of giving any jealousie to France or interrupting the forces of its Allies Whiles his Majesty was at Chasteauthierry the Cardinal of Lorrain came to meet him and after some complements and excuses beseeched his leave to make some Propositions unto him He told him that he did much condemn his brothers actions and that he had never had any hand in them both in regard of the respect he owed his Majesty as also because be foresaw the issue could not but be disadvantagious that if his Majesty should continue in the resolution to drive this affair to the utmost he concluded his Brothers ruine inevitable and that for his own particular fortune he should seek no other refuge but that of his royal bounty beseech'd him to receive him into his protection and to permit him to retire into France His Majesty received him very favourably and told him that he should alwaies know how to distinguish betwixt his and his Brothers actions that he was sufficiently inform'd that he had no hand in his Brothers deport and that he should willingly afford him all the proofs of as hearty a good will as the interest of his affairs would permit that he assured him of his protection and that amidst his Brothers disgrace he should be sure to find all the advantage which could be justly desired from his protection The Cardinal de Lorrain would have made hereupon certain Proposals to his Majesty for the accommodation of affairs which his Majesty remitted to Monsieur the Cardinal The same day the Cardinal de Lorrain went to visit Monsieur le Cardinal assured him of Monsieurs marriage proposed to him to break it to put his sister the Princesse Marguerite into his Majesties hands and to cause the homage of the Dutchy of Bar to be payed unto his Majesty in the Dutchesse of Lorrain's name The Cardinal answered him that the King could not give ear to any proposition seeing the breach of that match was not in the power of Monsieur de Lorrain that besides his so little fidelity in observing the three Treaties lately made with him his Majesty had particular information of his evil conduct and could no longer trust him without some more potent means to oblige him to keep his word that his faltrings had three several times constrained his Majesty to raise great Armies to the great and trouble expence of his Subjects which made his Majesty resolve to put a final end to the War that there might be no more trouble in it that the Duke his Brother might not have the boldnesse to intermeddle in any factions of his State as he had formerly done even to the ingaging of Monsieur in a match which did equally offend the dignity of the Crown and Person of his Majesty being managed without his consent against the Laws of the Kingdom and to the countenancing of his invading France and that the only means which could induce his Majesty to trust the Duke his Brother was to Deposit Nancy in his hands that this was the best course he could take seeing it would preserve his Country and that Nancy it self should be assuredly restored unto him if he carried himself for the future as did become him that in case he intended fairly he need not fear any thing but if on the contrary he was resolv'd to persist in attempts against his Majesty it would be to no purpose to treat that his Majesty was positively resolved to admit of no other conditions and that Monsieur de Lorrain ought to make the lesse difficulty to consent thereunto in regard he was despoiled of all his Estates excepting Nancy it self the losse of which would be unavoidable unlesse he gave his Majesty satisfaction that this place indeed was strong but that the Duke being unable to keep the field and without Revenue his Majesty would the more easily force him to surrender it in regard he might manage the War against him at his own charges that to ground his hopes upon the alteration of times was a counsel very pernicious seeing his Majesty was young absolute in his Kingdom and that his cause being just there was reason to hope that God would continue to prosper his Armies with the like happy successe as he had hitherto done Hereupon the Cardinal of Lorrain represented to him that this condition was so hard that he could not advise his brother to accept of it but at the last extremity seeing the chance of War could not reduce him to a worse pass then to see his Captal City taken from him and forced to depend upon anothers Will That he doubted not of his Majesties intention to perform the trust of a Deposit but that the state of affairs being subject to change his enemies might by their ill Offices make his Majesty believe that he had broken the Treaty and consequently give him occasion to detain Nancy that he beseeched the Cardinal to consider what a shame it would be for his brother to deliver up one of the
good wil and as Passion rather treadeth under foot the Laws of honor and justice it will afterwards make no difficulty to break its promises if it find any overture to evade them and re-assume its lost advantage Asdrubal may serve for an example who finding himself so block'd up in Spain by Claudius Nero that he must unavoidably die with famine in his Trenches or fall under his Arms in a disadvantagious battel sent him very fair Proposals of Peace and in the interim found away to escape his hand Nero indeed angry for being thus surprized for which he had been blam'd at Rome made him afterwards suffer in the Marquisate of Ancona for his Treachery but besides that this was not without indangering his whole Army yet had it been a shame to suffer himself to be deluded by his enemy under shew of accommodation Pope Julius the Second that he might amuse Lewis the Twelfth sent his Nuncio's to Treat a Peace and conclude it that he might gain time to make a League offensive with the Venetians and King of Aragon aginst him but let us look back again into the examples of Antiquity Mark Anthony held Fraates besieged in Priaspe with full assurance of taking it in few days Fraates sent his Embassadours to him that it was thought a Peace might easily have been concluded between them Mark Anthony gave them present Audience and withall sent other Embassadour to Fraates to conclude it but Fraates continuing his Treachery made great complaints unto them of Mark Anthony and in conclusions added that as often as he should withdraw his Army from the place wherein he was incamp'd he would be content to make a Peace with him Mark Anthony hereupon presently withdrew his Forces without breaking down his Treches or carrying away his Engines of War he had not march'd far from his Camp before the Medes sallied out of Priaspe mastered it and destroyed all his Engines which he had inconsiderately left there though peradventure not without hopes that he might be there soon enough to defend them in case the Medes used any Treachery Besides part of Mark Anthony's Forces were cut off when he led them back again to the Camp so that he was forc'd to relinquish that design with shame and losse and by his example taught all Princes not to be over-credulous of an Enemies promises How the Cardinal of Lorrain came to meet his Majesty at St. Dezier and made divers Propositions which Monsieur the Cardinal refused THe Cardinal de Lorrain took his leave of the King upon the 20. of August to meet his brother and the same day his Majesty who seldom loseth any time in such enterprizes advanc'd towards Nancy but being neer St. Dezier the Cardinal returned to him and offered in the Duke of Lorrain's name to deliver the Princesse Marguerite his Sister into his hands in order to the dissolution of that marriage and to surrender La Mothe unto him one of the strongest places of his State The King carried him to St. Dezier and had two hours conference with him at which Monsieur le Cardinal Duc the Sieur de Brassac Bullion and Bouthilier were present to examine the Propositions but they were thought improper because they did not deprive the Duke of Lorrain of the power to re-assume his former designs so that his Majesty return'd him no other answer but this that he was resolv'd to have Nancy as a place without which he had no assurance for the performance of any Treaty however his Majesty knowing that the Cardinals negotiations were very frank and affectionate to procure an accommodation he testified unto him that his inter position was not only acceptable but that he had ever a regard to his particular interest notwithstanding the injuries he had receiv'd from his Brother and withall offered him all sorts of honour and imployments suitable to his quality if he thought good to reside in France After this he returned to the Duke his brother to acquaint him with the Kings resolution and having told him what extraordinary testimonies of favour and good will he had receiv'd from his Majesty the Duke at last resolved to surrender his Estates into the Kings hands hoping by this means to evade the effects of his Majesties just displeasure yet took assurance from the Cardinal his brother to restore them unto him He discoursed of it with the Cardinal who having assured him that he would therein do whatever could be desired he beseeched him to return to the King to tell him that seeing he was so unfortunate that his Majesty could not beleeve his promises he had resolv'd to put his estates into his Brother the Cardinals hands and that he hop'd his Majesty considering his deportment whould the more readily consent thereunto because then there was no cause of fear and that he could not receive a greater satisfaction from him then to see him reduc'd to the quality of a private person by devesting himself from that of a Soveraign The Cardinal de Lorrain return'd to his Majesty at Pont au Mousson upon the 28. of the same moneth and proposed this to him renewing his promised of delivering the Princesse Marguerite into his hands and so to indeavour the dissolution of that marriage The King desir'd him to treat with Monsieur the Cardinal relying upon this grand Minister whom he knew to employ most of his time in examination of what might be granted and in prevention of such inconveniences as might probably arise from their Propositions The Cardinal de Lorrain went to meet him and made the same Proposition unto him and withall told him that to give him the greater assurance of his fidelity and of his positive intention to keep his word he beseeched him to give him Made de Combalet his Neece in marriage and to procure the Kings consent unto it professing that he desired it with a great deal of affection as a most certian gage of his good will and a powerfull means to preserve him in his Majesties favour and protested totally to imbrace his counsels and to have no other will then his whereby he might absolutely root out all subject of division between France and Lorrain Monsieur the Cardinal replied unto him that as for matter of the surrender of the States of Lorrain he beleeved the King would not divert his brother from it seeing his particular actions gave sufficient ground to beleeve his behaviour toward France would be such as would give his Majesty all kind of satisfaction but that this was not to cure the disease because M. de Lorrain might repent of his surrender and return into his states either by open force or under-hand dealing and that then the whole businesse were to be begun again wherefore it were necessary to find out another expedient and that the Deposite of Nancy was the only secure way which could be taken This was sufficient to let him know that it was mistrusted lest there were some collusion between them but
that he might not exasperate him and preserve him affectionate to the accommodation whereby some advantage might be made upon the conclusion he would not harp any more upon that string As to his demand of Madam de Combalet he told him that he took it for a very great honour and did not reject it but that he thought it improper to treat of it at that time to avoid the report of having ingag'd his Majesty to come into Lorrain with a great Army for his private ends and intreated him not to insert this affair with the publick though for his part he was not waies averse from it These words of agreement were only an effect of his Purdence which advised him not to estrange this Cardinals good will but to preserve it to be made use of as occasion should require for discoursing to the chief Ministers concerning this Proposition he told them that neither the present nor the future age should have cause to believe that he had mingle his own interests in this affair where his only end was the Kings service and the good of the State that heretofore the Cardinal de Amboise had made Lewis the Twelfth undertake a War in Italy only upon an ambitious design of being Pope but that for his part he should alwaies shun the blame of managing the affairs of State by his own particular Interest and as to that which concern'd the Princesse Marguerite he assured him that the King would willingly accept thereof any that the executing of it would give a great stroke to a conclusion seeing she might much dispose his Majesty to relinquish somewhat of his resolution because he could not but receive her as a pledge of Monsieur de Lorrain's good inclination to be at peace with his Majesty but he told him that his Majesty beleeved it was not in their power for that he was inform'd of what had past The Cardinal de Lorrain made himself ingnorant and assured the Cardinal she was in a place where they could dispose of her but that only served to make the Cardinal distrust his intentions who knoweth that in matters of Treaty an enemies actions are more to be regarded them his words After this they brake up their conference departed each from other and the next morning the Cardinal de Lorrain took his leave of the King That a wise Minister ought to foresee the inconveniences of all Propositions made to him in Treaties It is the property of a wise Minister to foresee the inconveniences of such Propositions as are made in Treaties to surprize him and to be carefull that an enemy who hath not been able to get any advantage by War should not gain it by an accommodation It is to this end that many have thought Prudence to be more necessary for him then valour because the occasions of fighting are but seldom in War whereas Propositions of Peace are daily made which if he should admit of to his Masters detriment would be no lesse prejudicial to him then a defeat To speak truth this vertue is as needfull for him as Art for a Work-man and as the ignorant Workman doth only spoil that substance which he pretendeth to form so the imprudent Minister ruineth the affairs of a State if he accept of injurious conditions for want of fore-seeing the consequences Prudence it is which causeth him to know the means by which he may attain his proposed end preventeth his being deceived serveth to regulate his counsels guideth his actions maketh him speak in agreeable terms conducteth all his motions teacheth him what to do in all Occurrences maketh him clear sighted amidst the Artifices of his enemies and giveth him addresse to obtain whatever he desires The Philosopher saith it is a virtue proper to him that governeth not that it is unnecessary for private persons but because it is so highly necessary for Kings and Ministers that without it they are no more able to govern a State than a Pilot to guide his Vessel without Steer and Rudder He who is Master of it doth easily master all others in matters of negotiation and if his birth hath not made him a Soveraign yet doth it afford him the means to work Soveraigns to what he pleaseth so saith the wise man in his Proverbs The pleasure of a King dependeth upon the Prudence of his servant To make a right use of this vertue he ought advisedly to consider the parts which are proposed to him and to bring them to the Touch-stone of those maximes which he hath laid down for the ground of the Treaty To this end the wise Minister often retires in private as knowing that then he hath full liberty to discusse the Propositions made unto him and is at leisure to consider them a thing saith Periander able to overcome all things He is not ignorant that who so taketh resolutions without due consideration is like those liquorish men who charging their stomacks over hastily do repent it as soon as they rise from the Table wherefore he taketh great care to weigh the Propositions made to him he applieth the Hypothesis to the Thesis particular affairs to general maximes he recollecteth the Experience of things past proportioneth the means to the end observeth if by granting any thing it may not serve the enemy to obtain his pretences examineth what assurance he shall find of performance and generally all other circumstances And lastly being thus secure from all surprizes he is not only in a condition of being not cheated but in a way of obtaining whatever he desireth The King besiegeth Nancy and presseth hard upon the Duke of Lorrain DUring the Cardinal de Lorrains journying too and fro and the divers Propositions of Peace by him made his Majesties Army was not idle The King gave Order to his Commanders that they should seize upon all principal places he summoned in person the Towns of St. Michael and Ponto au Mousson which presently surrendred Espinal surrendred to the Marshal de la Force Charmes to the Comte de la Suze and Luneville to the Marquesse de Sourdis besides these Halon du Chastel and the Castles de Conde la Chausset Trognon Malatour Pargny and Boucouville received the Garisons sent to them so that his Majesty had no sooner entred into the Country but he became Master of the Field but that which was most of all was his Majesty having cause his Army to come to him from the Country of Treves under the command of the Marquesse de St. Chaumond and ordered divers other Troops to draw thither which so invested the City of Nancy that nothing could get in or out without a good passe-port The Regiment de Florinville designing to get in by night was led by M. de Lorrains Huntsmen though Woods and by unknown waies yet they could not carry it so secretly but some French discovered them which strook them into such fear that flying back again through the same Woods they totally routed themselves On the other
would give Monsieur any counsel âending to peace or sweetness knowing most assuredly that he oftentimes egg'd him on to such discourses as offended the King and the Cardinal even to threaten him as is well known to those who treated with him To say the truth if there was no great trust to be repos'd in Chanteloup considering the extremities into which he had run and the inalterable resolution wherein he had fixed the Queen-Mother not to forsake him surely there was not much more confidence to be put in Puy-Laurens upon the score of his inclination and for fear lest he might once again make use of Monsieurs person to raise another civil War in France or lest he might a fourth time carry him out of France upon the least cause of mistrust There was the less reason to trust him because his Soul was possess'd by Ambition a Passion which imboldneth men to undertake any thing and Monsieur honoured him with such extraordinary favour as impower'd him to carry him where he pleas'd so that thus to recall Monsieur with one from whose presence he would never be perswaded to depart were to raise a fire in the bosom of France which was at that time the more heedfully to be preserved in a strict union in regard Forraigners had raised great advantages from the divisions by them fomented in the royal family In short what likelihood was there to permit him to continue neer Monsieur unlesse he changed his procedure and humour so long as he had the boldness to treat with the King in that manner as he did rejecting the conditions upon which his Majesty desired Monsieur should return and proposing others as if he had treated between Soveraign and Soveraign presuming to drive on his own interests instead of casting himself at his Majesties feet whom he had so highly offended Surely this could not have been done without a great blemish to the Kings honour by discovering so much weaknesse in the sight of all Europe as to be compell'd to receive the Law from a Subject who deserv'd rather to be punish'd by the rigours of his justice The common people who had not insight enough to dive into these consequences seem'd to wonder that Monsieur and the Queen-Mothers accommodation could not be ended after so many journies to and fro but all wise men well satisfi'd with the reasons of it could not sufficiently admire the Kings Prudence in making use of that authority which the Laws give all Soveraigns over their Parents when the interest of their State is in question and in not precipitating their return which considering the ill inclination of those whom they honoured with their confidence could only serve to trouble the Kingdom and hinder the prosecution of the Lorrain expedition That it is great discretion not to precipitate accommodations where there is any danger in the State IT is great wisedom not to hasten any Treaty wherein there may be any danger to the State It is most certain in general that precipitation is an enemy to wise counsels that instead of ending affairs it imbroileth them and that it hath alwaies been receiv'd for an ill servant because being blind and without foresight it seldom makes any Treaties which are not disadvantagious but most particularly true it is in such Treaties as are concluded where the parties are not well dispos'd to keep a Peace though they seem very plausible at first sight yet are they seldom of long continuance by reason of the sharpnes remaining in their minds when they are concluded which coming to increase by some new discontents division presently re-assumeth her first place and thus instead of any satisfaction from it there oftentimes arise more causes of repentance In effect they ought to be the further from ending affairs because the easinesse of concluding them hath often begotten more distrusts among great men than if there had been great difficulties in the making their peace Hatred doth easily revive among Princes and they sooner forget any thing then injuries they pretend to have received which though for some time they dissemble yet are they never deficient to testifie their resentments when they find opportunity proper for it There were heretofore divers accommodations made between Lewis the Eleventh and Charls Duc de Borgogne which seemed to settle their States in peace but as they were oftentimes made more by necessity on the Dukes part which rather forc'd him then inclin'd him to live in friendship with the King the main business was still to be begun anew nor was any thing but death able to give a period to their divisions How often hath the house of Orleans and Bourgogne been reconcil'd yet alwaies to little purpose because the Princes not laying by the hatred which was between them did presently fly out again upon the least cause of suspicion Henry the Third wrought nothing upon the Duke of Guise by pardoning him for he forbore not to prosecute the enterprizes which his Ambition suggested They who are little acquainted in State-affairs are not very solicitous of the great trouble which is in making Peace between Princes but think that it is enough so they are made friends yet it may so fall out that great inconveniences may arise from want of care when civil Wars break out again which they re-ingaging in may indanger the whole State at least afford Forraigners great advantages It is much better that Grandees should continue out of the Kingdom in discord and impotency that in the Court or in some Province where they might easily raise Cabals and insurrections I think that rash considerations may not more fitly be compar'd to any thing then to too quick a digestion which as Physicians say replenisheth the body with many crudities the cause of divers diseases and it often happens that such considerations like jealousies and new differences serve only to sow the seeds of civil Wars so that better it is to defer the resolution of them for some time than to precipitate them into a short continuance and a production of new broils Differences between the Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux and the Duc de Espernon ABout the end of this year there happened great disputes between Messieur Henry de Sourdis Arch-Bishop of Bourdeaux and the Duc de Espernon Governour of Guyenne The Arch Bishop whose Genius is capable of all kind of imployments had charge during the siege of Rochel of some men of War in this Province by a particular Commission exempted from all other dependances and the Duke who was of an humour never to let feathers be pluck'd out of his wings did not a little resent it though for the present he dissembled it expecting an opportunity to shew it with the more advantage which did not so soon offer it self the Arch Bishop being imployed at Court and at Poiton in his Majesties service but as he had no lesse memory then courage he preserv'd the memory of it untill the latter end of this year at which time the
any alone be able to defend themselves from their enemies it cannot be without danger and somtimes loss to their Countries whereas if they unite themselves with others that are powerful no one will think of invading them Though the Head be the noblest Members of the Body yet it standeth in need of those others and God who hath crowned the greatest Monarchs hath so established them that they have all occasion to make use of one another This may be said in general of the advantage of Defensive Alliances but it is more particularly advantagious to have recourse unto them when a Neighbour Prince is so successeful in Arms that he begins to be terrible On such occasions it is great prudence to contract alliances with those which may joyn their Forces as is usual amongst such Princes whose Powers are indifferent to follow the Fortune of the Conquerors because contracting an Alliance with such they not only augment their own Power but weaken that of their enemy and make him incapable of further mischief It is great prudence in him who hath one enemy to take a care that he hath not two for their power being united will be more terrible Thus the Comte de Chaâolois son to Philip Duke de Burgogne was very sollicitous to contract an Alliance with Charls Duke of Normandy only brother to Lewis 11. knowing that by this means the King will be weakned one third and the less able to hurt him His Majesty sendeth Ambassadors to the King of Morocco THe Cardinal was not satisfied with the bare contributing to render his Majesty the most renowned Prince in Europe by land but endeavoured to make him likewise the most powerful by Sea by causing divers Ships to be rig'd out and taking care to furnish them with able Seamen In order hereunto the Sieurs de Moleres de Razilly and de Chaalar were sent to the King of Morocco that an Alliance might be contracted with him and a safe Commerce obtained upon the Coasts of Barbary He had before by under-hand Treaties so disposed of affairs that they were well received The Commander de Razilly was Admiral of the Squadron and the Sieur de Chaalar Vice-Admiral At âheir landing they were receiv'd by two Alcaides and two Companies of Souldiers The King gave them present audience and with as much honour as they could wish so venerable was his Majesties Name amongst Strangers Their first demand was in the behalf of an hundred and fourscore French slaves who were in his Dominions whose liberty was presently granted the King of Morocco not taking any thing for their ransom to testifie how much he esteemed his Majesty It is true indeed he accepted a Present of Stuffs worth an hundred thousand Livres which the King sent to him âet his Proveydor would not receive them but on condition that his Majesty would accept of such Horses as the King his Master would send unto him to testifie the desire he had to hold a good Correspondency with him The next thing under consideration was the articles of alliance for securing the French upon their Coasts and safe passage into his Countries which was presently accorded the substance of it was thus that all French which should enter into his Ports with his Most Christian Majesties Pass should not in future be made slaves nor be compelled to pay above the Tavaly or tenth of their goods according to their usual custome that for the better continuing their correspondence Ambassadors should be interchangeably sent and that all Religious persons might live in the King of Morocco's States but on condition not to exercise their Functions unless only to the French The Treaty was signed and the Sieur de Razilly presently established three Consuls at Morocco Male and Saphy In fine The French had full Liberty to Trade in any Commodities of that Country Politique Observation IF Commerce in general brings riches to a Kingdom without doubt that of the Sea is more considerable the gains being greater and more just That of the Land how advantagious soever seldom yeilds above 15. or 20. per Cent. and many times is forced to such things as savour of Usury whereas the Sea doth oftentimes yeild Cent per Cent and somtimes more and that without giving the least cause of complaint Commerce at Sea is that which hath made small States very considerable and great States vastly rich and abounding with all sorts of commodities There is another reason which rendreth it the more important and that is Princes being bound to make themselves powerful as well by Sea as by Land which double Power is the highest pitch of their greatness for it renders them the more redoubted It is in vain to drive a commerce by Sea unless a provision of Ships be made to secure them otherwise their riches will be exposed as a prey to Pirats and is Prince who maketh himself powerful on this Element is the more feared by his Neighbours in regard he may make his attempts upon them both by Sea and Land in case they should presume to offend him Cosmo de Medicis first Duke of Tuscany and the ablest Politician of his time said That a Soveraign can never gain an high repute unless he joyn both those Powers together which are to a State as the Arms to the Body This Sea Power is that which makes England considerable were they but deprived of it they would soon grow weak and poor but maintaining that Power as they do in a good equipage by a long tract of time they want nothing but are capable of undertaking great expeditions Hath not this enabled the Hollanders though their Common-wealth may be reduced to a small number of men to sustain the whole power of Spain What makes Gânoa so rich but this power by Sea And what but this makes the great Duke of Tuscany one of the richest Princes in Italy Thus we see all our Neighbours have been sollicitous to establish commerce by Sea in their Territories and we know that our late King Henry le grand whose Prudence was no less advantagious to this Kingdom then his Courage was extreamly desirous to settle it in France after he allayed those storms of Civil War to which end he gave order unto the President Janin when he was treating with the Hollanders to learn of them what was necessary in that particular The Establishment of a Chamber of Justice in Paris AFter those great difficulties which the Parliament of Paris had raised against the proclaiming of his Majesties Declaration against such as had carried Monsieur out of the Kingdom his Majesty finding it necessary to proceed in the Instruction of their Processe and to chastise those who were found guilty was not willing to let it fall into their cognizance He well knew that Kings ought not to expose their authority to be dis-respected as his would have been if the Parliament instead of punishing offenders should neglect to prosecute them as was much to be feared they would Those
reasons which gave the cause of that suspicion were their apparent discontent because Pollette was not restored with such conditions as they desired and because their authority came short of being parallel with his Majesty's and besides the correspondencies which several of Monsieur's and the Queen-Mothers Officers had amongst them It was likewise considered that divers affairs of concernment came to be divulged from their manner of proceedings it being impossible to keep a secret among so great a multitude Whereupon his Majesty resolved to establish a Chamber of Justice composed of persons equally considerable for their ability and integrity who should have full power to judge seeing it was likewise requisite to commissionate some Judges extraordinary for the chastizing of divers Clippers and Counterfeiters of money of which there were store in the Nation the toleration of which did much endamage Trade so that both Commissions were given to the same Judges The King to carry on the businesse with the more sweetnesse was pleased out of his Prudence and usual Goodnesse to elect most part of the Judges out of the Parliament and to appoint their meeting in the Palace the common Seat of Justice But the Parliament little considering this grace raised new difficulties against the confirmation of the Letters of Establishment which obliged his Majesty to remove the Chamber unto the Arsenal and to compose it of two Counsellors of State six Masters of Requests and six Counsellors of the grand Counsel all chosen for their extraordinary merit who began to sit the tenth day of August Politique Observation THe King is the Head of Justice and may commit the administration of it to whom he will The Sea distributeth her waters as she pleaseth by subterranean passages unto all Fountains neither bath any thing right to controul her distribution the Sun that inexhaustible source of all worldly light communicateth splendor unto the Stars as God hath ordained neither can any of them complain of receiving lesse then others So a King whom God hath endued with Soveraign Authority to distribute Justice to his people may commit the charge of it to such as he thinks fit and that with such power and extent as he judgeth proper for the good of his State usually he intrusts this power with Parliaments but they ought to remember that he who hath given them this Authority may likewise take it from them may bound it or give it to others as he pleaseth The Authority of a Senate which is in Common-wealths or Free Cities cannot be altered by any Princes because it partakes of Authority with them and is established to confine their Prudence But it is not so with Parliaments Monarchies where the Magâstrates have no other glory but that of being Ministers to execute Justice in their Master's behalf they are like Clouds raised by the Sun from the Earth which are by him refined to represent his Image not that he deprives himself of the power of raising others to whom he may impart the same favours Thus is their power a Twig sprung from the Royal Authority without depriving its Root of the power to produce others of the same quality Judgement given against several Persons THis Chamber of Justice being thus established they began to act with as much zeal as integrity to the punishment of the Coyners and those who had brought the State into trouble Divers of either sort were exemplarily punished and amongst the factious Senelles and du Val were for ever condemned to the Gallies the Duke Rouannez the Marquis de la Viâville and the Marquis de Fargis were beheaded in Effigie the rest were remitted till the next year Now as he who condemneth the Body confiscateth the Goods so those of the condemned did undoubtedly belong to the King whereupon that it might be accordingly adjudged his Majesty being at Troyes established a Chamber of Domain composed of Counsellors of State and Masters of Request to attend the Court who declared the goods of the Comte and Comtess de Moret the Dukes d' Elboeuf de Bellegarde and de Rouannez the Marquis de Boissy de la Viâville and de Sourdeac and of the President le Coigneux to be confiscate and forfeited to the Crown In fine they who had any Governments or Offices were deprived of them the Government of Picardy was taken away from Monsieur d' Elboeuf and bestowed on the Duke de Cheâreuse that of Burgogne was taken from the Duke de Bellegarde and Monsieur âe Prince appointed in his place the King's Lievtenance which the Marquis de la Vieville had in Champagne was granted to the Sieur de Senneterre as the charge of President was taken from Coigneux and conferred on the Sieur de Lamognon and so of divers others Now that which did more particularly oblige his Majesty to drive things to this height of finishing the Process of these factious persons and of confiscating their Goods and Offices was a discovery of their designs to attempt the surprizal of divers places in the Kingdom They had gained the Marquis de Valençay who promised them Calais La Louviere was employed to work upon the Marquis Moncavrel and to perswade him to do the like with Ardres The Captain du Val was hanged for having attempted to surprize the Citadel of Verdune Threescore thousand Crowns were given in Monsieur's name to the Duke of Bouillon that he would raise a party in Sedan one of the Ports of the Kingdom and that he would let in Forreigners that way when thereunto desired There were likewise divers Gentlemen seized upon raising of Forces in several parts of the Kingdom and it was not unknown how they had induced the Queen-Mother and Monsieur to send persons of Quality into Spain England and Holland and to all Neighbour Princes to procure what Souldiers they could for him What reason was there longer to let these attempts against the State go unpunished Such a patience had been unjust That difficulty which the Parliament of Paris made to confirm his Majesty's Ordinance which commanded to execute after six moneths the confiscation of such as were guilty of high Treason who had been condemned by Out-lawry in regard of an ancient Ordinance might have seemed just enough in regard of those who are guilty of mean crimes but surely not in the behalf of Traytors such as these were who had made Divisions in his Majesties Family who had attempted against his Authority who had endeavoured to surprize divers places who had raised Souldiers in divers parts of the Kingdom who had published a thousand aspersions to eclipse his Majesty's glory What reason I say could there be that such men as these should longer continue unpunished by confiscating their Offices and Goods seeing their absence would not admit the punishment of their persons And hereupon it was that his Majesty commanded his Ordinance to be proclaimed and the Parliament accordingly obeyed it Politique Observation AMongst the divers Powers of Soveraigns that of making Laws is