his Son Iohn III had a great many Children The Family of Valieri at Venice is as they say a Branch of the ancient Family Faliers which changed the first Letter of their Name to shew that they detested and execrated the Memory of the Doge Marin Falier who was beheaded for attempting to make himself Sovereign of the State Pomponius Flaccus that a Publick Day of Thanksgiving might be appointed for this Deliverance Lucius Publius Gallus Asinius Papius Mutilus and Lucius Apronius that an Oblation might be made to Iupiter to Mars and to Concord and that the 13th of September being the Day on which Libo kill'd himself might be observ'd as an Anniversary Festival I have given the Names and the Flattering Opinions of these Men to shew that this is no new Evil in the Common-Wealth The Senate also made a Decree to banish Astrologers and Magicians out of Italy of which number Lucius Pituanius was thrown headlong from the Tarpeian Stone Publius Martius according to the ancient Custom s Which was to whip the Criminal before his Head was cut off was executed without the Esquâ—line Gate the Consuls having first pronounced Sentence on him with sound of Trumpet XXXIII In the next Assembly of the Senate Q. Haterius who was a Consular Person and Octaviâ—s Fronto who had been Praetor spoke much against the Luxury of the City and a Decree pass'd that for the time to come none should be serv'd at their Tables in Vessels of Massy Gold nor should Men wear t A very Rich and Costly Silk much different from ours in which the Great Men of Rome so magnificent in their Habits would have thought themselves poorly clad Indian Silk Fronto went farther and mov'd that Silver Plate Furniture and the Number of Servants should be regulated by sumptuary Laws for it was yet customary for the Senators to propose any thing else which they thought for the Good of the State as well as to give their Opinion on the Matter already propos'd Gallus Asinius oppos'd this saying That the Empire being enlarg'd the Wealth of Private Persons was also proportionably Encreas'd and that this was no new thing but agreeable to the Manners of our Ancestors There was quite another manner of living in the Age of the Scipio 's than what had been in that of the Fabricii and yet both suitable to the Condition of the Common-Wealth at those several times When That was little the Romans liv'd in little Houses but after that was raised to such a pitch of Glory it was but fit that its Citizens should make a greater Figure That there is no way to determine what is Excess or Moderation in Plate Equipage and in those things which are for the conveniency of Life but from the Riches of the Possessor That the Laws had made a Distinction betwixt the Revenues of Senators and Knights not for any natural difference that was betwixt them but that those who were in the greatest Places and highest Stations might be best accommodated with every thing that might contribute to the Satisfaction of the Mind or the Health of the Body 1 It is but just that Princes who have so great Cares and such laborious Employs should have Diversions in proportion to their Toyls that there may be such a Consort betwixt the Mind and the Body that one might not be a Burthen to the other The nature of Affairs of State saith M. the Cardinal de Richelieu so much the more requires an unbending of the Mind as the weight thereof is heavier than that of all other Affairs and the strength of the Mind and the Body being limited continual labour would in a little time exhaust them It allows all sorts of honest Diversions which do not take off the Persons who make use of them from those things whereunto they ought principally to apply themselves The first Part of his Politick Testament Sect. 5 Ch. 8. But it is not with the Pleasures of Princes as with those of the Common People it is their Mind that measures them and not their Body They keep a certain Mean by the help of which the Mind grows stronger and more vigorous in not applying themselves either to any business or pleasures but such as are necessary to maintain a good Habit of Body and consequently to continue still Princes For in effect they are not so when Health fails them seeing that Affairs are not dispatch'd Audiences not given their Designs broken or suspended and every thing is at a stand upon the failure of the first Movement Whereupon follow Complaints Murmurings Change of Minds Tyranny in the Ministers and Despair in the Subjects In short nothing is wanting to a Prince who hath Health since without it there is no true Pleasure and with it any labour is supportable Cap. 1. Lib. 9. of his History And in another place he saith that it is Health that makes great Kings whereas Sickness makes Subjects of them And from this Principle he concludes that Princes ought not to have much commerce with Women the Frequency of which enervates the Vigour both of the Mind and Body and is the Cause that most of them die in the Flower of their Age Lib. 4. Cap. 2. And speaking of the Dukes of Ioyeuse and Epâ—rnon who drew Henry III. to a Soft and Voluptuous Life under a Pretence of taking care of his Health he saith That on the contrary there have never been any Princes who have liv'd longer than those who have employ'd their Minds most about the Affairs of Government lib. 12. cap. 11. Witness Charles-Emanuel l. Duke of Savoy and â—hristian IV. King of Denmark both of them the most laborious Princes of Europe and both threescore and ten years old Happy was that King of Portugal Alphonso who having spent some days successively in hunting met with Counsellors at his return who took the Liberty to tell him that at the Hour of his Death God would not require an account of him of the Beasts and Birds which he had not kill'd but of the Men whose Prayers and Complaints he should have neglected to hear * In a Spanish Treatise Entituled Audiencia de Principes Words that deserve to be Engraved on the Hearts of Princes unless they would have the Greatest Men be oppressed with a greater Weight of Cares and be expos'd to more Dangers and not be allow'd the means to sweeten their Lives and secure their Persons Gallus with these specious Colours gain'd and easie assent from Persons whose Inclinations lay the same way which however was no better than a Confession of their Vices 2 Men are always of that opinion which is most agreeable to their Manners and by this Maxim we may make a good Iudgment of their Manners by their Opinions Laâ—dibus arguitur vini vinâ—sus Homerus saith Horace Ep. lib. 1. Ep. 19. Tiberius added That this was not a time for Reformation and that if any dissolution of Manners appeared the State should not want
for trying the Government of a Woman named Erato whom they soon laid aside 2 Gynecocracy is the Worst of all Governments For this Sex saith Tacitus is not only weak and voluptuous and consequently unfit for the Management of Affairs of State but besides is Cruel Untractable and desirous infinitely to extend its Power if its Ambition be not restâ—â—in'd The Prophet Isaiah Ch. 3. threatens the Iews with the Government of Children and with that of Women as with two equal Curses So that we are not to wonder if 〈◊〉 is so odious in those very 〈◊〉 where Women have right of Succession nor why divers Nations have for ever excluded them from the Throne and thus being in an unsettled and confus'd Condition 3 Anarchy is the most miserable Condition that a Kingdom oâ— a Common-Wealth can fall into and it is the only plague that can make the loss of a Female Government regreted For it is impossible for Civil 〈◊〉 to subâ—ist without a Master and without Laws And this is the râ—ason that Anarchy hath been always of short duration and rather without a Master than in Liberty they offer the Crown to exil'd Vonones 4 A State however it changes the Form of its Government sooner or later will return to that which it had in its Original The first Goverâ—ment to a Body-Politick is what the Natural Air is to a Humane body But as soon as Artabanus threatned him and it appeared that there was little reliance on the Armenians and as little expectation of assistance from the Romans who could not defend him unless they would engage in a War against the Parthians he retires to Creticus Silanus the Governor of Syria who although he had invited him set a Guard upon him as soon as he came leaving him however the Title and the State of a King 5 It is not the Royal Title or 〈◊〉 that make a King but the Authority The Majesty is in the Functions not in the Ornaments and it is 〈◊〉 this reason that the Title of 〈◊〉 dâ—d not belong to the Senate oâ— Rome although it had all the exterior Marks of it as the Rods the Purple Robe the Ivory-Chair c. but to the People in whom the Supreme Power resided Witness the Form of Words which was pronounced with a loud voice at the opening of all the Assemblies Velitis Iubeatis Quirites which is the Appellation they gave the People in their Assemblies Cabrera saith that Philip II. having marry'd Mary Queen of England and received from his Father the Renunciation of the Kingdom of Naples on the score of this Marriage took it very ill that his Father kept the Administration and the Revenues of it and the more because he was hereby King of Naples and of England only in Title and Name There were also some Englishmen who gave him no other Title but that of the Queens Husband Chap. 5 and 7. Lib. 1. of his History The Earls of Egmond and Horn having been arrested by the Duke of Alva without the privity of the Dutchess of 〈◊〉 Governess the Low-Countreys this Princess who saw that the Duke besides his large power had secret Orders which leâ—t her 〈◊〉 more than the Name of Governess desir'd leave of Philip II. to retire out of these Provinces saying that it was neither for his Service nor her Honour whom he was pleas'd to call his Sister to continue there with a Title without Authority Strada Lib. 6. of Hist. 1. Decad. How he endeavour'd to escape from this Pageant-Royalty we will relate in its proper place 6 A Prince who is dispossess'd of his Dominions doth not willingly continue in the hands of him who hath goâ— possession of them how well soever he is treated by him For this is to adorn with his presence the Conqueror's or the Usurper's Triumph Ferdinand the Catholick assigned Lands and Revenues to Boabdiles whose Kingdom of Granada he had Conquered or Usurped but this Prince soon passed into Africk For saith Mariana those who have seen themselves Kings have not constancy or paâ—ience enough to lead a Private Life Ch. 18. Book 25. of his History of Spain V. But these troubles in the East were no unwelcome News to Tiberius since they gave him a fair Pretence to draw off Germanicus from the Legions that had been accustom'd to his 1 How great soever the Fidelity of a Subject appears to be to whom an Army or a Province hath offered the Sovereignty it is prudence in a Prince under some specious pretence to remove him from this Army or Province for feaâ— lest the Infidelity of others and opportunity may at last inspire him with a desire to accept what may be again offer'd him The Mutineers of Germanicus's Legions had offer'd Germanicus their service being resolved to follow his Fortune if he would seize the Empire Ann. â— and consequently Tiberius had reason to be jealous of the Fidelity of Germanicus and of the Affection which these Legions had for him and Agâ—ippinae who was continually giving them largesse The Satisfaction which the Neapoliâ—ans had in the Goveâ—nment of Gonsalo Hernandez whom they styled by way of Eminence the Great Captain was the principal Cause of the Resolution that Ferdinand the Catholick took to make him return into Spain with hopes of being rewarded with the Office of Grand Master of the Order of St. Iamâ—s which was the highest Honour in the Kingdom command m Philip II. dealt with his Nephew Alexander Farnese almost after the same manner He sent him into France to the assistance of the League whilst his presence was absolutely necessary in the Low-Countreys where he had begun to re-establish the Royal Authority having obliged the Arch-Duke Matthias to return into Germany the Duke of Alonson into 〈◊〉 the Earl of Liecester into England and the Prince of Orange into Holland For his absence gave the Rebels new strength and was the Cause that they recovered a great part of what they had loâ—t So that Don Carlos Coloma had good reason to say that Philip II. acted herein against all the Rules of Policy Lib. 2 and 3. of his Wars of Flanders and to expose him at once to Hazards and Treachery in Provinces where he was a Stranger But the more he was hated by his Uncle and loved by the Soldiers the more he endeavoured to put an end to this War by a Decisive Battel in order to which he consider'd well with himself the Methods of Fighting and what had succeeded well or ill with him after three years War in this Country He found that the Germans were always beaten in pitch'd Battels and on even Ground that their advantages lay in Woods and Marshes in short Summers and early Winters That his Soldiers were more troubled at their long marches and the loss of their Arms than for the Wounds they had receiv'd That the Gauls were weary of furnishing Horses That his long train of Carriages was much exposed to
Vain-Glorious Bounties must be supply'd by ill practices 5 The Liberality of Princes iâ— oftner an Effect of their Vanity and of their Ambition than of their Goodness and of their Iustice. This Counterâ—eit Liberality is the Fault of all Kings who love Flatterers and our Historians have very well observ'd it in our Kings Henry II. and Henry III. who abandon'd the Government to their Minions Augustâ—s gave you Money Hortalus but without importunity and not with a Condition that he should be always giving you If Men have no reliance on themselves Industry will flag and Laziness will grow upon them and as long as they can securely depend on relief from others they will do nothing for themselves and be a constant Burthen to us 6 An able Prince ought to keep his Favours for those who do or are capable of doing service to his State Machiavel saith that he ought by Privileges and Rewards to encourage People who excell in any art and especially those who are well skill'd in Commerce to invent whatsoever may enrich his subjects Cap 21. of his Prince It hath been a saying That Princes ought not to keep Fowls which lay no Eggs. An Apothegm against Useless and Voluptuous Persons This Speech though it met with Approbation from those whose custom it was to applaud right or wrong whatsoever the Emperor said or did yet many mutter'd softly and others by their silence shew'd their dislike 7 As it is dangerous to blame Princes and shameful to flatter them when they do ill honest Men keep a Mean betwixt Complaisance and Liberty which is Silence which Tiberius perceiv'd well enough 8 When Courtiers keep Silence it is easie for the Prince to perceive that they approve not that which they durst not condemn Witness the Young Italian who going into the Chamber of Cardinal Salviati when he was in dispute with a Person who was playing at Chess with him at first â—ight gave it against him without hearing the Reasons on either side And the Cardinal asking him why he judg'd so before he knew the Fact Because said he if you were in the Right all these Gentlemen pointing to the Company â— culd have immediately given it for you whereas no body â—urst speak his Opinion â—â—â—ause you are in the Wrong and therefore after a little pause he added That he had given Hortalus such an Answer as he thought his Speech requir'd however after all if the Senate thought sit he would give his Sons two hundred great Sesterces a-piece 9 When â— Prince gives â— little and those to whom he gives are Persons of Merit or of Noble Birth it is a sign that he gives unwillingly and consequently that no more is to be expected from him There are Princes who have not resolution enough to give a Denial but who in revenge give such small Gifts that notwithstanding they give to all that beg of them pass for as Covetous and fordid Persons as if they gave nothing Such was Cardinal Henry King of Portugal The History of the Union of Portugal and Castilâ—e Lib. â— The whole Senate thank'd him only Hortalus said nothing either out of Fear or out of a Sense of his Noble Birth which he retain'd in his lowest Fortune Nor did Tiberius ever after shew him any Compassion although his Family was reduc'd to scandalous Poverty XXXIX The same year the bold attempt of one Slave if it had not been timely prevented had embroyl'd the Empire in a Civil War 1 A whole Council hath work enough to settle a State that is troubled with Civil Dissentions but there needs but one dangerous Man to disturb a State that is in Peace especially if he be one who hath nothing to lose Anthony Perez saith That the Fear which the Lion hath of the Crowing of a Cock and the Elephant to see a Mouse is an Example which reacheth Princes that the least Instruments are capable to put their Kingdoms in flames In his Aphorismâ— He was a Slave of Postâ—umus Agrippa u In the last Age one Cornelius Hock who liv'd at Rotterdam and marry'd there had the Boldness to affirm that he was the Son of Charles V. and the People began to respect him as such and to hearken to the Proposals which â—e made for the new Modelling the Common-Wealth when the Council of Holland caused him to be beheaded and quarter'd at the Hague 1583. Herâ—era's Hist. l. 12. c. 14. named Clemens who as soon as he heard that Augustus was dead laid a Design that had nothing of the Slave in it which was to rescue his Master Agrippa by Force or Stratagem from the Isle of Planasia whither he was Banish'd and to convey him to the German Army But the slowness of the Merchant Ship on which he embark'd made him too late for this Design Posthumus being kill'd before he came which however put him on a greater and more hazardous Enterprize for having stolen away the Ashes of his Master and gain'd Cosa x In Toscany near Porto-Hercole a Promontory of Etruria he conceal'd himself in desart Places till his Hair and Beard were grown long intending to Personate Agrippa being much about his Age and not unlike him y In the Year 1585. Portugal saw two Counterfeit Sebastiants one of them a Native of the Town of Alcasova and the Son of a Tile-maker the other named Matthew Alvarez a Native of the Isle of Tercera and the Son of a Stone-cutter both Hermites and drawn out of their Hermitage to be imaginary Kings of Portugal When a Report was spread through the whole Kingdom that Don Sebastian had escap'd with his Life from the Battel of Alcasar and that to do Penance for having been the Cause of the Death of so many Men which fell in that Battel he had retir'd into a Desart for seven years the Term which the Portuguese by a Ridiculous Superstition believe to be necessary for the Expiation of the Sins of a King who hath lost a Battel The Country People who saw the Austere Life which these Hermits led suspected that this might be King Sebastian Thâ— first was taken with the Imaginary Bishop of La Garde who received the Alms that were given him and had set down the Names of all those who gave to the end said he that Sebastian might recompence them when he should return to Lisbon This Bishop was hang'd and the King his Disciple sent to the Galleys that the Incredulous and the Over-credulous might have the Opportunity to see him and to undeceive themselves by seeing him for he was not at all like King Sebastian Herrera Cap. 18. Lib. 1â— of the second Part of his History As for Matthew Alvarez in the beginning he was sincere telling all those who took him for Don Sebastian because he had the Air of his Face and brown hair as he had that he was the Son of a Poor Stone-cutter but when he saw that his words were interpreted
Duke of Alva either by the Duke of Guise or by the Prince of Orangâ— and by several others but they could never make him change the Method and his Constancy in despising the Censures and the Railleries of his Enemies was the Principal Cause of his Good Fortune and his Glory For he that hath the Profit of the War saith Commines hath all the Honour of it and he ought never to run the Hazard of a Battel who can avoid it Cap. 2. Lib. 2. and c. 4. l. 4. of his Memoirs Whereâ—ore the Answer very well became the D. of Alva which he made to the Duke of Guise That he would not play a Kingdom against a Coat of Cloth of Gold l. 9 of the History of the Union of Portugal with Castille And Alexander Duke of Pâ—rmâ— answer'd a Trumpeter who offer'd him Battel from Henry IV. That it was not his Custom to fight when it pleas'd his Enemies only when he thought it fit D. Carlos Coâ—oma Lib. 3. of â—is Wars of the Low-Countries Count Peter Ernest of Mansâ—ield saying to a Trumpeter That he wonder'd that his Master who was Young and full of Vigour kept himself always close and cover'd within his Intrenchments the Trumpeter answer'd him ingeniously That Maurice did so that he might one Day become as Experienc'd a Captain as his Excellency of Mansfield Memoirs of Aubery du Maurier who understood not how to fight a Battel and who skulk'd in the lurking Holes of the Wood Hercinia until he had basely bought the Alliance of the Romans whereby he was become a Traytor to his Country and a Slave to the Roman Emperor 5 It doth not become Princes and Generals of Armies to utter reproaches against one another Those who have force in their hands ought never to use this kind of Revenge which is sit only for Women and which also more dishonours him that attacks than him that is attack'd Besides words which wound a Man's Honour are never forgiven A Lie given the Sâ—igâ—eur a Himbercourt Amâ—asâ—adoâ—â—rom the Duke of Burgundy câ—st the Constable of St. Pol afterwâ—rds his Life For this Reason saith Commines Princes and those whâ— are in great Places ought to 〈◊〉 to whom they offer such 〈◊〉 for the Greater they aâ—e the more sensible are the Affronts which they 〈◊〉 inasmuch as those who are affronted think and with reason that the Authority of the Person who affronts them casts a greater Blemish on their Honour Cap. 11. Lib. 3. of his Memoirs and therefore ought to have no more quarter given him than Varus had In the Conclusion he desir'd them to remember the many Battels they had fought by the Event of which and by the Expulsion of the Romans in the End it was sufficiently evident on whose side the Victory rested XLVII Nor was Maroboduâ—s wanting to extol himself or lessen the Enemy and taking Inguiomer by the Hand In this Person you see said he all the Glory of the Cherusci and to whose conduct are owing all the Successes they ever had Arminius himself hath neither Prudence nor Experience and takes that Glory to himself which is not his due because he perfidiously surpriz'd three Legions and their unwary General which action cost Germany dear and turn'd to his own Dishonour seeing his Wife and Children are yet in Slavery But when Tiberius invaded us with twelve Legioâ—s I defended the Honour of Germany and made Peace on equal Terms and we have no reason to repent of what we havâ— done seeing it is now at our choice whether we will have a Lasting Peace with the Romans or begin the War again with them on even ground Besides the Encouragement of these Speeches each Army had their peculiar Reasons to animate them for the Châ—rusci and Lombards fought either for their Ancient Glory or for their New-gotten Liberty 1 In Guiccardin's Opinion there is more Courage and Fury in those who recover their Liberty than in those who defend it Lib. 18 of his History of Italy And I think it is because they who recover their Liberty have â—elt Oppression and have therefore a greater Resentment than those who having not yet lost their Liberty have not tried the Severities of Tyranny and of Slavery Thus the Lombards had a double Motive to animate them to fight that of the Common Defence and that of their Private Revenge for according to Paterculus Maroboduâ—â— was not contented with a Regal Power regulated by the Laws and Customs of the Country but would have one that was entirely Absolute and Despotick Hist. 2. Cap. 108. and the other side to enlarge their Dominions They never fought with greater Fury nor with more equal Success the right Wings of both Armies were broken and it was expected that the Fight would have been renew'd had not Maroboduus retreated to the Hills which was a sign of Consternation after which his Army being weakned by Desertion 2 The loss of a Battel saith Commines hath always a long and sad Train for him that loses it for it often happens that the Vanquish'd People entertain a contemptible Opinion of their Master fall into Mutinies and Contrivances against him make insolent Demands and desert him if they don't obtain them Cap. 2. Lib. 2. of his Memoirs And speaking of the Battel of Granson lost by the Duke of Burgundy What damage saith he receiv'd he that day for acting on his own Head and despising counsel What damage receiv'd his Family thereby and in what a Condition is it to this Day How many People became his Enemies and declar'd themselves who the Day before temporis'd with him and pretended to be his Friends Gelasius Duke of Milan who three Weeks before had sent him a solemn Embassy to make an Alliance with him against Lewis XI renounc'd this Alliance to make one with Lewis Renatus King of Sicily who design'd to make the Duke of Burgâ—ndy his Heir and who was going to put him in possession of the County of Provence dispos'd of it in favour of his Nephew Lewis XI His Sister the Dutchess of Savoy who was entirely in the Interests of the Duke and whom Lewis therefore call'd Madame de Bourgogne reconcil'd her self to him and utterly abandon'd the Duke Nuremberg Francfort and several Imperial Cities more declar'd against him and they thought that to do him all the Mischief they could was to procure their Pardons So much did the World change after this Battel he retir'd into the Country of the Marcomanni whence he sent Ambassadors to desire succours of Tiberius 3 How Haughty and Courageous soever Princes are a reverse of Fortune humbles them as well as other Men. When they are concern'd for their own Preservation or Defence their Point of Honour always gives place to their Interest Paterculus saith that Maroboduus had exalted his power to such a Degree that he was grown formidable to the Romans and that without openly attacking them he gave them sufficiently to understand that he wanted
to punish the Injuries which are done to the Memory of his Predecessors for besides that the Honour which he doth herein to them returns directly on himself it is an Example which he leaves his Successors to do the like for him after his Death but he would not have her question'd for what she had spoken against himself 2 The Lashes of Womens Tongues deserv'd to be despised rather than resented If fools have Liberty to say any thing because what they say signifies nothing it is for the Honour of Princes to let some Women eternally enjoy this Privilege And being ask'd by the Consul what should be done in case she should be convicted to have defam'd Livia he return'd no answer at that time but at the next Assembly of the Senate he said That it was his Mother's desire that none should be molested for any words spoken against her and thereby acquitted Apuleia from the Indictment of Treason He also desir'd that her Adultery might not be punish'd with the utmost rigour and obtain'd that she might according to the ancient Custom be only banish'd by her Relations 200 Miles from Rome But Manlius her Gallant was banish'd from Italy and Africk LII A Contest arose about the Election of a Praetor to succeed Vipsanius Gallus deceas'd Germanicus and Drusus for they were yet at Rome employ'd their Interest in favour of Haterius Agrippa who was a Kinsman of Germanicus's but they were oppos'd by a great Party who contended that the Competitor who had most Children ought to be prefer'd as the Law requir'd 1 In the Disposal of great Offices it is for the Interest of the Prince to prefer those Competitors who â—aeteris paribus have the more numerous Families because more persons remain thereby oblig'd to him Tiberius was well enough pleas'd to see the Senate divided betwixt his Children and the Laws 2 A new Prince I mean a Prince whose form of Government is new can't have a greater Pleasure than to see the Laws weakned which had been made in those times when the State was govern'd in the Form of a Common-Wealth Thus when the Senate was divided betwixt the ancient Laws and the Parties of Germanicus and Drusus it was insensibly sinking to that Slavery to which Tiberius design'd to bring it Observe by the way that Germanicus who was the Darling of the People and the Senate for his popular temper did not himself stick to destroy the Liberties and that if ever he had come to the Empire he might possibly have had quite different sentiments from those which he shew'd under another's Reign and it was no wonder that the Laws truckled however it was carry'd 3 In the pursuit of Offices and Honours the support of Princes is of much greater advantage than that of the Laws And it is upon this Maxim that the Cardinal de Richelieu concludes for the selling of Offices because if that be suppress'd the Disorders that will proceed from Competitions and Underhand-practices by which Offices will be obtain'd will be greater than those which arise from the Liberty of buying and Selling them because in that case all would depend on the Favour and Artifice of those who are in the greatest Credit with Kings Sect. 1. Chap. 4. of the first part of his Politick Testament but by few Voices and not without some struggle against the Laws as it us'd to be sometimes when they were in force LIII The same Year a War brake out in Africk in which one Tacfarinas a Numidian was the Leader who had formerly served as an Auxiliary in the Roman Army which having Deserted and drawn together a Company of Vagabonds and Robbers for Plunder and Rapine he afterwards form'd them into a regular Body after a Military manner dividing them into Companies under their respective Colours after which he became General 1 War is the best of all Trades for those to whom Nature hath given great Courage It is the School wherein Fortune hath raised most of her greatest Favourites and whence Men born in Poverty Contempt and the most abject state of Mankind have ascended to the supreme Command of Armies and oftentimes to the Regal Power it self Francis Sforsa from the Son of a poor Shoemaker became General of an Army and his Son Duke of Milan The Constable de Lediguieres and the Mareschals de Toiras de Gassion and de Fabret who all three had no other Estate nor other maintenance but their Sword are Examples of a late Date which like the Trophees of Miltiades ought to rouze the Courage and Industry of so many poor Gentlemen who live in shameful idleness of the Musulans a Potent Nation bordering on the Desarts of Africk living without Cities or Houses who having taken arms against the Romans drew their Neighbours the Moors into the Quarrel whose General was named Mazippas betwixt whom and Tackfarinas the Army was divided The latter had the choice Troops which he arm'd after the Roman Fashion and confin'd them in a Camp to inure them to Discipline and Obedience whilst the Former with a Light-arm'd Body ravag'd the Country with Fire and Sword carrying Terror where-ever he came so that they had compell'd the Cinithii which was no contemptible Nation to enter into their League when Furius Camillus Proconsul of Africk marched against them with a single Legion and what Forces of the Roman Allies which were with him which was a very small Force in comparison of the numbers of the Numidians and Moors who were therefore so confident of the Victory that they feared nothing but that the Romans would not give them Battel but this Confidence prov'd their Ruine for Camillus having plac'd his Legion in the Middle and Light-arm'd Cohorts and two Squadrons of Horse in the Wings he receiv'd Tackfarinas so warmly that he defeated the Numidians 2 An over-confidence of Generals in their strength is oftentimes the Cause of the Defeat of their Armies As there is no little Errors in War we need not wonder that the strongest are sometimes vanquish'd Add hereto on the Occasion of this Diversion which was made betwixt Tuckfarinas and Mazippâ—â— that a single Head with ordinary Prudence makes better Officers than two brave Generals who are jealous of each other and hereby reviv'd after a long tract of time the Military Glory of the Family of the Camilli 3 It is with Families as with Cities sometimes they flourish sometimes they decline sometimes they are utterly Extinguish'd sometimes they rise again out of their Ashes after they have been whole ages buried in Obscurity and Oblivion This Vicissitude is more rare in Common-Wealths in which they more easily preserve themselves by means of Equality which covers them from Oppression whereas in Monarchyâ— a thousand of them perish under one reign when the Prince or his principal Ministers are Sanguinary or Covetous which since the famous Deliverer of Rome r It was in the Consulship of Furius Philo or Furius
his own Words Commines utterly blames the Iourney which Alphonso V. King of Portugal made into France to procure assistance against Isabella Queen of Castille and Ferdinand of Aragon her Husband who had usurp'd this Crown from his Niece For during his long stay in France which was above a Year his affairs in Castille were chang'd where the Lords of the Kingdom who were almost all of his Party before his absence made their terms with Ferdinand and Isabella being weary of expecting succours from France and his return But that which he adds shews to what Princes expose themselves who go into another's Dominions The King of Portugal 's End saith he was that he suspected that the King Lewis XI had a design to seize him and deliver him up to his Enemy the King of Castile For this reason he disguised himself a third time being resolved to go away to Rome and to retire into a Monastery For he was asham'd to return into Castille or Portugal without having done any thing in France whither he went against the Opinion of many of his Council In this Habit he was taken by one Robinet le Beuf And half a Page after This King endeavour'd to marry his Niece to the Dauphine now Charles VIII in which he could not succeed Insomuch that his coming into France was to his great Prejudice and Trouble and was the Cause that he died soon after his return into Portugal His Memoris Lib. 5. Cap. 7. Paul Piasecki speaking of the Death of Cardinal Iohn Albert Brother to Uladisâ—aus King of Poland who travelâ—'d into Italy saith That the wisest Lords of the Kingdom condemn'd this Passion for travell as a thing unbecoming and alway fatal to great Princes and especially to the Sons of Kings Proceres prudentiores talem peregrinationem Princibus majoris nominis praecipue Regum filiis indignam improbabant And in the Margent Peregrinatio filiis Regum indecora periculosa In Chronico ad annum 1634. Add hereto That for the most part Princes return dissatisfy'd with those whose Countreys they have visited because almost always part of the Honours which they pretend to are contested with them For which reason most have had recourse to the Expedient of being Incognito during their stay in Foreign Countreys or their passage through them By opening the Publick Granaries he brought down the Price of Corn did many Popular things went abroad without Guards 2 Persons placed in high stations ought never to appear in publick without the Exterior Marks of their Power for although Authority is not in the Ensigns yet they are the Ensigns which attract the Veneration of the People to the Magistrates And it was partly for this Reason that they call'd the Duties which they render'd to the Emperors at Rome purpuram adorare And Mamertinus saith That the Guards which environ good Princes are not for the Defence of their Bodies but only to give some lustre to Majesty Non custodiae corporis sunt sed quidam imperatoriae majestatis solemnis ornatus Paneg. Iuliaâ—â— It is therefore becoming Princes and Great Magistrates to support Majesty by Exteriour Splendor which makes Admiration and Respect enter by the Eyes Commines speaking of the Interview of our Lewis XI and Henry IV. King of Castile saith That the Castilians made a Iest of Lewis because he was in a mean Habit and wore a Pitiful Hat with a Leaden Image on the top of it saying That it was for Covetousness And some lines after he saith That the Burgundians contemned the little train of the Emperor Frederick III. and the sorry Cloaths of the Germans His Meâ—oirs l. 2. c. 8. An instance that Princes and consequently Magistrates also have need to go with an Equipage suitable to their Grandeur if they will be respected Pagliari saith That that which obliged Pope Gregory XIV to give the red Cap to Cardinal Monks was that during his Cardinalship he had often observed the little respect that was given and even the Indignities which were sometimes offer'd to these venerable Prelates in the throng of great Ceremonies because having black Caps they were not sufficiently distinguish'd Observation 213. And it was for the same Reason that the late King gave the Pectoral Cross to the Bishops of France who it is said are beholding to the rudeness of the Swiss for it in Sandals b The Romans wore Buskins which reach'd up to the Calf of the Leg but the Graecians wore Shoes made almost like Slippers which left the upper part of the Foot uncover'd and in a Graecian Habit in imitation of Scipio who is said to have done the same in Sicily in the heat of the Carthaginian War Tiberius made some gentle Reflections on his Habit but severely reprimanded him for entring Alexandria without the Prince's Permission which was contrary to the Order of Augustus For Augustus amongst other Secrets of State had prohibited any Senators or Roman Knights that were of the Illustrious Rank to go into Aegypt without a Pass from the Emperor 3 Germanicus's intentions were good but his Imprudence brought them under suspicion His going into Aegypt without leave from Tiberius taught the Great Men of Rome to contemn the Prohibition of Augustus The opening of the Publick Granaries the affecting to go abroad without the Rods might very well appear criminal to Tiberius there being no vertues more dangerous than those which may create a Desire in an Unsteady and Changeable People to receive for their Master him who hath them for fear lest any one by making himself Master of that Province which having the Keys both of the Sea and Land c Aegypt is environ'd on the South with steep Mountains which serve for Walls and Bulwarks to it On the West and the East with Mountains and Desarts and on the North with a Sea that hath no Road nor Harbours Which makes it Inaccessible on all sides and consequently easie to defend Augustus who knew all the Conveniencies of this Province which was a Granary to Rome and all Italy would debar all the Great Men from acquaintance with it for fear lest any of them should take a Resolution to make himself Master thereof And this Vespasian did when he rebell'd against Vitellius Sciens Aegyptum plurimam esse partem imperii saith Iosephus eaque si potitus soret Vitellium dejiciendum sperabat Cogitabat etiam propugnacula sibi fore illam regionem adversus incerta fortunae nam terra difficilis accessu marique importuosa est Belli Iudaici l. 5. might be easily defended by a small Force against Numerous Armies should starve Italy 4 The Knowledge of the Situation and the Commodities of his Provinces and of the Manners of their Inhabitants is very necessary for a Prince for without this he will often be deceiv'd in the Choice of his Governors and send into a Province a Person who will raise nothing but Troubles there whereas if he had been sent into another he might
uncertainty of Sea and Tempest a For all their Corn came out of Egypt and consequently by Sea and were it not for the Plenty of the Provinces 't is not our Farms and Possessions would maintain us and our Slaves These My Lords are the Cares employ your Prince without which the Commonwealth could not subsist For the rest every Man should apply the Remedy himself let Shame amend us Necessity the Poor and Saâ—iety the Rich 5 Pleasures leave us when they entertain no longer Many Voluptuouâ— Persons become Abstemious because they want new Pleaâ—ures But if any of the Magistrates finds he has Courage and Ability enough to put a stop to this Evil I shall be glad of his Help and shall own he eases me of a great part of my Labour But if they only complain of these Faults and think to gain themselves Credit and raise me Hatred and then leave me I assure you My Lords I will not make my self Enemies to no purpose 1 There is this Difference betwixt a Prince and his Ministers The Prince should avoid all he can what may draw upon him the Hatred of the People or of the Great Mâ—n because the keeping his Authority depends upon the Affection of his Subjects On the other side his Ministers being obliged by the Duty of their Places to sacrifice their particular Interests to the Publick Good and their Master's Service are never to suppress any good Advice for fear it should make them odious to the People or to the Great Men For according to Richelieu the Probity of a Minister of State should be Proof against all Interests and so constant that neither Calumnies nor Opposition should discourage him doing well nor turn him from those Ends he has propos'd to himself for the good of the State Chap. dernier de la premiere Partie du Testament Politique Cardinal d'Ossat speaking of a Knight of Malta â—â—om whose Importunity he could not quit himself without promising tho' coldly to recommend him to Henry IV. of France for a Favour he unseasonably ask'd I repent my self says he and will another time conquer this Pâ—sillanimity without exposing again the Impertinences of such Imporâ—uners nor my own cowardly shame to reâ—use them Letter 197. and though I may have many and for the most part unjustly 2 It is common for Princes to do well and their Subjects to approach them There are scarce any Princes have Iustice done them wâ—ile they live because Men naturally hate those whose Authority they fear for the Commonwealth I desire I may not make my self more when it is neither of Advantage to you nor me LVI After these Letters were read the Aediles were discharged that Care And the Luxury in their Tables which had been very profuse from the End of the Battle at Actium till the Accession of Servius Galba to the Empire that is for about 100 Years b The Battle at Actium was in the Year of the City 724. and Gâ—lbâ— came to the Empire in the Year 822 was by Degrees left of 3 In France Excess in Entertainments begins to moderate but it is to give place to another Extravagance in their Cloaths and Furniture which is more dangerous 'T is this has so multiplied Ladies that Persons of Quality and Birth are not to be discover'd from Citizens Wives and Daughters but by their Civility and Modesty In the last Age the first Presidents de Thou and de Harlay were content to â—at upon Pewter now the meanâ—st Officers of the Revenue are served in Plate The Chancellor de Bellievre gave his Daughters only 20000 Livres now one of the King's Farmers gives his 100000. Adeo praecipiti cursu a virtute descitum ad vitiâ— transcursum The Causes of this Change were these Formerly the most considerable Families for their Birth or Riches were ruined by their Magnificence For then they were permitted to court the People their Allies and Princes and be courted by them And the more splendid any man was in his Houses Furniture and Attendants it gained him the greater Reputation and more Clients c People that made Court to Great Men for their Protection But after they began to murder one another and their Greatness was a Crime 4 Great Reputation is as dangerous as ill Reputation If it revives the Dead it often makes the Living die Princes cannot bear Merit that is too much taken notice of It is therefore a great piece of Knowledge to know how to conceal it well not only from the Prince but from the People whose Applauses are fatal others grew wisers And new Men that were oft taken into the Senate from the free Towns the Colonies and Provinces brought with them the Frugality they had been used to and though several through Fortune or Industry had great Riches in their Old Age yet they never chang'd their manner of living But Vespasian was chiefly the Occasion of this Frugal way of living who conforming himself to the ancient Economy rais'd in every Man a desire of Imitation 5 Nothing establishes Virtue more than the good Life of a Prince which is a speaking Law and prevails more than all they make If it be true that whatsoever Fault a Prince commits he oâ—â—ends more by his ill Example than the Nature of it â—is not less certain that let him make what Laws he will if he practises what he prescribes his Example will go as far to make them executed as the Penalty he lays A Prince that never Swears shall sooner suppress Swearing and Blasphemies among his People than the Security of his Magistrates against those are subject to such Impieties Chap. 1. de la second partie du Testament Politique which prevailed more than all the Laws or Fear of Punishment Unless there be a Circulation in all things that Manners change as well as Times and Seasons all things were not better formerly 6 All our Veneration is for what is past and we despise the Present for the Present Troubles and Disquiets us with Objects that displease when what is past instructs us without shewing us any thing we can repine at or that can put us into ill Humour It is certain as the Word is fram'd we should judge the same of those we admire because they were some Ages before us as we do of our Contemporaries for Vices are as old as Men. than now and our Age has set Examples worthy Praise and Imitation But let such Disputes continue between us and our Ancestors LVII Tiberius having got a Reputation for his Moderation for suppressing Informers d That would have Inform'd against their Luxuâ—y writ to the Senate to make Drusus Tribune 7 When Princâ—s have done any thing that gives them Reputation they are wont to maâ—e use of it as a Right to obtain what they desire and they generally succeed in the first Heat of popular Applause Augustus found out this Title instead of that of King
the Land and climbs up to the Tops of Mountains as if they were its proper Road and Channel XI Whether the first Inhabitants of this Island were Natives or imported Strangers is hardly to be found in this or any barbarous Nation We may conjecture at their Original by the various Fashions of their Bodies They that live in Caledonia are red Headed big Limb'd which speaks them of a German Extraction The Swarthiness of the Silures and their curled Hair would induce one to believe by their Situation over-against Spain that the Iberi had heretofore failed over and planted themselves in these parts They that are Neighbours to the French are like them either because the Qualities and Strength of their Progenitors continue in them or because in Countries bordering upon one another the same Climate createth the same Complexion But 't is generally believed the French first Peopled those Parts You may guess at their Religion by their superstitious Opinions Their Speech differs but little with equal Boldness they challenge Dangers and with equal Fear decline them when they come The British Fierceness has the Preference being not at present softned by a long and a sluggish Peace The French were formerly brave but being invaded by Sloth and Idleness they lost their Courage and their Liberty The same Fate attended the Britains heretofore The rest remain such as the French were XII Their greatest Strength lies in their Infantry Some Nations use Chariots in War the greatest Men drive them and their Dependants defend them They were formerly governed by Kings but now they are divided into Faction and Parties by some Ring-Leaders That which contributed most to our conquering these Warlike Nations was their having no Common Council seldom above two or three Cities at a time concerted Methods of repelling the Common Foe So that whilst they fought singly they were universally overcome They have a dropping and a cloudy Sky the Cold here is not sharp the Days are of a greater Length than ours the Night is clear and in the Extream Parts short so that you scarce distinguish the Beginning from the Ending of the Day They affirm if the Clouds did not interpose the Rays of the Sun would be always visible and that he does not rise and set but glide by because the Extream and Plain Parts of the Earth project a low and humble Shadow which makes Night hang hovering under the Stars and Sky The Soil will bear all sorts of Grain besides the Olive and the Vine and such as love a hotter Climate It is very fruitful and every thing springs quickly but ripens slowly which is the effect of moist Grounds and showry Heavens This Country produces Gold and Silver and other Metals which defray the Charge of their Conquest The Sea breeds Pearl not very Orient but pale and wan Some suppose it want of Skill in those that pick them up for in the Red Sea they are plucked from the Rock alive and breathing but in Britain they are gathered as they lie about in the Sea But I believe there is more want of Worth in the Pearl than Skill viz. Greediness in them who gather ' em XIII The Britains suffer patiently the Levying of Men and Money and faithfully discharge all Publick Employments imposed on them if so be they are not abused thereby which to them is intolerable being at present subdued to Obedience but not to Vassalage Iulius Caesar altho' he first made a Descent with his Army and â—righted the People with a successful Battel yet he possessed himself of nothing but the Shoar and seem'd rather to shew than deliver them to Posterity Now the Civil Wars of Rome turned the Great Mens Swords upon the Common-wealth and Britain was forgot during a long Peace Augustus but especially Tiberius termed that Oblivion State-Policy But 't is certainly known Caius had a Design to attack Britain had he not been of a Temper to resolve suddenly and as suddenly to alter his Resolution or had he not been disappointed by the bad Success his Arms had in Germany 't was Claudius who first effectually prosecuted its Conquest transporting Legions and Auxiliaries and taking Vespatian in to the Enterprize which was a Prelude to his future Greatness Now it was that Countries were reduced Kings captivated and Vespatian made known to the World XIV The first Lieutenant-General â— was Aulus Plautius the next Ostorius Scapula both great Commanders By degrees the nearest Parts were brought into the Form of a Province where a Colony of old Soldiers was planted Some Cities were bestowed on King Cogidunus who continued faithful even within our Memory according to an Ancient Practice of the Romans who made Kings the Instruments of the Peoples Slavery What others acquired Didius Gallus preserved and by erecting a few Castles farther up in the Country sought to gain the Reputation of having extended his Trust. Verantius followed Didius and died in a Year's time After that Suetonius Paullinus was very successful for two Years subduing Nations and fortifying Garisons upon Confidence of which he was resolved to make an Attempt on the Island Mona that still furnished the Rebels with fresh Supplies XV. But this turning of his Back gave the Britains a fair Opportunity whose Fear left them with the Lieutenant-General they had now leisure to consider the Mischiefs of Bondage and to compare their Miseries and be inflamed by their reflecting upon them What was the Effect of their Patienâ—e but to have heavier Burdens laid upon their Shoulders as if they were ready to bear any thing They had heretofore but one King at a time but now they had two a Lieutenant to be lavish of their Lives and a Procurator to make havock of their Fortunes Their Governour 's Discord or Concord was equally pernicious to the Subject vexed by the Soldiers and Centurions of the one and the Force and Contumely of the other nothing was exempted from their Luxury and Lust The Brave in Fight should plunder but now their Houses were become a Prey to base ignoble Cowards their Children forced away and Soldiers required of them as if they knew nothing but to die for their Country If the Britains would but Number themselves they would find how few of their Soldiers compared to them had been brought over The Germans shook off their Yoke who had not the Ocean but a River only for their Defence And that they had the juster Cause of War their Country Parents and their Wives whereas their Enemies had no pretence but Avarice and Luxury Would they but emulate their Ancestors and not be daunted at the Event of one or two Battles and consider that Men in Misery are apt to make the braver Attempts and to go on with the greater Perseverance they might make these their Enemies as hastily return as their Ancestors did their first Invader Iulius by calling away the Roman General and by detaining him and his banish'd Army in another Island they had vanquished the greatest Difficulty
make a general Shout and at Day-break the glittering Ensigns appeared In this Conâ—lict the Britains Courage abated and the Romans returned not fighting for Safety but Glory and Honour Now the Romans were Aggressors there was a cruel Fight in the narrow Gates of the Camp 'till the Enemy was routed one part of the Army contending to bring Succour the other fighting to shew they did not want it If the Fens and the Woods had not hid them in their flight we had ended the War by gaining this Victory XXVII Upon the fighting this Battle so resolutely and the winning of it so bravely the Army grew fierce and bold presuming nothing could resist their Courage They cried out to be led into Caledonia that by a continued Series of Victories they might be brought to the utmost Limits of Britain And our late cautious and wise Counsellors began to speak big and to be very daring now the Danger was over This is the unjust Condition of War that all claim their Share in good Success but bad is imputed but to one The Britains supposing themselves defeated not by the Courage of their Adversaries but Conduct of their General who had watched his Opportunity abated nothing of their Arrogance but listed the stoutest Men they had and carried their Wives and Children to Places of the greatest Security The Cities conâ—ederated together meeting frequently and by Religious Rites and offering up Sacrifices confirmed their Association And thus both Armies parted with equal Animosity XXVIII This Summer there was a horrid but memorable Fact committed by a Troop of Vsipians raised in Germany for our Service in Britain who having slain the Centurion and some Souldiers put over their Parties and mixed with them for their Example and Government they seized three small Vessels compelling the Masters to execute their Office but only one discharging his Duty they kill'd the rest as suspected Persons It not being yet discovered they miraculously set out but by and by they were toss'd hither and thither and had several Encounters with the Britains who defended their own in which they sometimes were worsted and sometimes had the better but at laâ—t they were reduced to that Extremity that they had no Food to sustain them but the Infirm when they were spent they cast Lots who should be kill'd for the Provision of the Rest. Thus roving about Britain they lost their Ships for want of Skill to sail them and being taken for Pirates they were first intercepted by the Suevians and the Frisans and were bought and sold till at last in Traâ—fick they came on our side of the River which fully discovered the whole Adventure In the beginning of the Summer Agricola had a severe Affliction in his Family the Loss of his Son born the Year before he did not like some Great Men vent his Sorrow vain-gloriously or express his Concern in an effeminate Lamentation but made War the Diversion of his Grief XXIX Therefore sending his Fleet before which plundred many Places the Enemy was struck with a great and perplex'd Fear and making the Army ready to which he had joyned the bravest and by a long Peace well assured Britains he marched to the Hill Grampius which the Britains had possessed who were not in the least daunted with their former Defeat knowing now they had nothing to expect but Revenge or Slavery and having learned that Common Danger was to be repulsed by Concord The Cities by sending Ambassadors had united their Force and entred into a strict League of Defence Now they had an Army of about Thirty thousand fighting Men and the Youth of the Country daily came in to them with such Old Men as continued lusty and strong every one telling his old and past Exploits But Galgacus was preferr'd for his high Birth and great Virtue who made a Speech to this vast Multitude earnestly desiring Battle XXX As oâ—ten as I revolve in my Mind the Cause and Necessity of this War I am perswaded that this Day and your unanimous Agreement will be the beginning of the British Liberty We are all sensible of Slavery we have no Land or Sea left secure the Roman Fleet riding on our Coasts To take Arms and Fight as it is honourable for the Brave so it is safest for the Coward Our former Combates with the Romans were various in their Success yet we had Hopes and a Reserve still in our own Power For we the Flower of the British Nation and therefore seated in the innermost Recess never beheld the slavish Shoars nor had our Eyes violated with the Prospect of a Foreign Government For this little Corner has preserved us the small Remains of our Country and Liberty But now the Bounds of Britain are discovered and to attempt what is unknown is reputed great We have no Nation behind us but a raging Sea and sensless Rocks The Romans are in the Bowels of our Country whose Pride you vainly seek to evade by Modesty and Submission They are the Rapparees of the Universe when Lands are wanting they riâ—le the Ocean If their Enemy is rich they are covetous if poor ambitious So that neither East nor West can satisfie their unruly Passions They are the only greedy Men that with equal Avarice make Wealth and Poverty their Prey To kill plunder bear-away they call by the false Name of Empire and Desolation they term a setled Peace XXXI Nature commands us all to hold our Children and Relations dear these are pressed carried somewhere to be Slaves Our Wives and Sisters are not ravished in a hostile Manner but they are deluded and debauched under the specious Pretence of Frienpship and Hospitality Our Estates are wasted in paying Tribute our Corn in supplying the Army with Provisions Our Bodies and Hands are worn out partly by Stripes and partly by Contempt while we are set to work on Bogs and Woods They that are born Slaves are sold but once and then maintained at the Charge of the Purchasers but Britain daily buys and maintains its own Servitude As in a private Family new Servants are always a Laughing-stock to the old so in this old Family of the Universe we being newly discovered and vile are sought out for Scorn and Destruction There are no Fields no Mines no Ports for which we may be reserved to Till to Dig to Trade in The Gallantry of Subjects is very distasteful to their Lords and yet Distance and Privacy as it is most safe is more suspected Having lost all Hopes of Pardon let us act as Men that hold their Liberty as well as their Glory dear The Brigantes led by a Woman burnt their Colony and took their Forts and if Success had not made them careless had broke their Yoke We are as yet entire unsubdued born to be free and not the Vassals of proud Rome We 'll let them see at our first Meeting what Men Calidonia has reserved 'till last XXXII D' ye think the Romans Prowess in War equals their Licentiousness in