like the Ninivites they replied neither of these shall be because neither shall they repent neither shall God have mercy on them And I demanding when remission of so great calamities might be expected To this they answered concerning this it shall be so as in case of a greene tree if it be cut in the midest and the part 〈◊〉 off be carried farre from the Trunke when that without any helpe shall be reannexed to the Trunke and begin to flourish and bring forth fruit then a remission of such evills may be hoped for The truth of which prophesie writes Matthew Wstminster the English soone after had experience of in this that England became the habitation of strangers and the dominion of forreiners for a little after no English man was either a Duke Bishop or Abbot upon the comming in of the Conqueror neither was there any hope of ending this misery The Conqueror comming to the Crown had some contests with this Bishop whom he would have removed from his Bishoppricke for insufficiency in point of learning but being found more able than he was reputed he held his Bishoppricke and recovered some Lands from the Archbishop of Yorke taken by the Archbishops from this See which some three or foure Archbishops before had held in Commendam with Yorke The Cathedrall of Worceter being stately built a new from the ground in his time the Monkes thereupon forsaking their old habitation built by Oswald which they pulled downe betooke themselves to this new stately building Which Wulstan seeing burst out into teares and being demanded a reason thereof by some that told him he had rather cause to rejoyce our predecessors saith he whose Monuments wee deface rather I doubt to set up the banners of our vaine-glory than to glorifie God they indeede quoth he were not acquainted with such stately buildings but every place was a Church sufficient for them to offer themselves a reasonable holy and lively sacrifice unto God we contrariwise are double diligent in laying heapes of stones so to frame a materiall Temple but are too too negligent in setting forward the building of that lively Temple the Church oâ— God In King William Rufus time this Bishop arming such an number of people as the city of Worceter could afford caused to sally out and set upon Roger Earle of Mountgomery and others who attempted to take it whom they discomfited killing and taking a number of them prisoners Maugere the 36. Bishop of Worceter was one of those foure Bishops who Anno. 1208. upon the Popes command excommunicated King Iohn and put the whole Kingdome under interdict whereupon his goods and temporalities were seised and he inforced to flie the Realme dying at last in exile at Pontiniac in â—rance during the time of this interdict the King writes Matthew Parts had most wicked Councellors Qui Regi in omnibns placere cupientes cousiliura non pro ratione sed pro voluntare dederunt who dâ—sirous to please the King in all things gave counsell not according to reason but will among these he reckons up Tres Episcopi curiales three Court Bishops to wit Philip Bishop of Durham Peter Bishop of Wincester and Iohn Bishop of Norwhich Walter de Cantelupo the 40. Bishop of Worceter as he stoutly opposed the Popes exactions in England so in the yeare 1264. he tooke great paines to worke a peace betweene the King and the Barons in whose behalfe when he had offered the King conditions as he thought most reasonable which might not be accepted he addicted himselfe unto their party exhorted them to fight valiantly in the cause and promised heaven very confidently to them that should die in defence of the same For this he was after justly excommunicated by the Popes Legate and being sicke unto death repenting much this fault of disobedience unto his Prince he humbly craved and received absolution from that excommunication whereupon ensued bloody warres and rapines soâ— as Matthew Paris writes Nec Episcopi nec ahbates nec ulli religiosi de villa in villam progredâ— potuerunt quin à vespilionibus praedaâ—ontur And concludes this yeare thus Transâ—it annus iste frugifer benè temperatus sanusâ— sed in cunctis eventibus Angliae dispendiosus propter bellum commune propter rerum coramunium privatarum flebilem direptionem Most of the succeeding Bishops of Worceter as Adam de Orleton that Arch-traytor and such like were translated to other Sees where I shall meete with them and therefore pretermiting them here I passe to those of Hereford The Bishops of Hereford Iune 16. An. 1056. Griffin King of Wales having overthrowne the forces of the Engishmen about two miles from Hereford immediatly assaulting the city tooke it slew Leovegar the Bishop and seven of the Canons there who denied him entrance into the Church and held it against him spoiled it of all the reliques and ornaments that were portable and lastly fired both Church City and all This See continued voyd foure yeares after the death of Leofuegar after which Walter Chaplaine to Queene Edith was consecrate at Rome by the Pope in the yeare 1060. his end was much more unhappy than his Predecessors He chanced to fall in love with a certaine comely woman that he met in the street A long time he contended with this vile and unseemely affection and he thought hee had quenched the same when a small occasion renewed it to his destruction having certaine linnen to cut out this woman was commended to him for a very cunning Seamster He sent for her and his old flame of filthy desire easily kindling by this little sparke he found errands to send his men out of the way while he set upon her first with words and they not prevailing by force she resisted what shee might but finding him too strong for her thrust her Sheeres into his belly and gave him his deaths wound The King being desirous it should be esteemed false forbid the report of it by a Proclamation which afterwards came to be Chronicled Raynelmus the 30 Bishop of this Diocesse received that Bishoppricke at the hands of King Henry the first who bestowed it freely on him and was invested into it as the manner of those times was by the delivery of the Ring and the Crosier Anselme then Archbishop refused to consecrate him and divers others who received their investitures in this manner from the King he was so farre from importuning him in this matter as being now perswaded this his election to be insufficient he renounced the same delivering againe unto the Kings hands the Ring Crosier that he had received Herewith the King was so offended as he had cause that presently he banished him the Realme after much ado betweene the King and Anselme a reconciliation was wrought and this man consecrated Gyles de Bruse the 30. Bishop of Hereford in the Barons warres was a great stickler wjth them against
the King of France and after slew Thomas Becket and last of all thou forsakest the Protection of Christs Faith The King was mooved with these wordâ— and sayd unto the Patriarch Though all the men of the Land were one body and spake with one mouth they durst not speake â—o me such words No wonder said the Patriarch for they love thine and not thee That is to meane they love thy goods temporall and feare the losse of promotion but they love not thy soule And when he had so said he offered his head to the King saying Doe by me right as thou didst by Thomas Becket for I had rather be slaine of thee then of the Sarasens for thou art worse then any Sarasen and they follow a prey and not a man But the King kept his patience and said I may not wend out of my Land for my owne Sonnes will arise against me when I am absent No wonder said the Patriarch for of the devill they came and to the devill they shall and so departed from the King in great ire So rudely have Prelates dealt with the greatest Princes as thus both in words and deeds to revile and contemne them as if they were their slaves to be at their command though with the hazard of their lives Crownes and Kingdomes upon every humour I now passe on to the Scottish Prelates The Bishops of Scotlands acts in this kinde TO passe from Normandy to Scotland before I enter into a Relation of any of the Scotish Prelates actions I shall inform you what Holinshed writes of King Davids erection of Bishoprickes in Scotland and his endowing of them with large temporall possessions This Church in the originall plantation of the Gospell having beene governed onely by Presbyters and wanting Bishops for some hundred of yeares following herein the custome of the Primitive Church as Iohn Fordon Iohn Major Bishop Vsher and Spelman testifie David King of Scots erected foure Bishoprickes within this Realme Rosse Brochin Dunkeld and Dublaine indowing them with rich Rents faire Lands and sundry right commodious possessions Moreover he translated the Bishops See of Murthlake unto Aberden for sundry advised considerations augmenting it with certaine revenues as he thought expedient He was admonished as the report goeth in his sleepe that he should build an Abbey for a religious Order to live in together Whereupon he sent for workemen into France and Flanders and set them in hand to build this Abbey of Canons regular as he was admonished dedicating it in the honour of a Crosse whereunto he bare speciall devotion for that very strangely it slipped into his hands on a time as he was pursuing and following of a Hart in the Chase But enough of these Monkish devises Many prudent men blame greatly the unmeasurable liberality of King David which he used towards the Church in diminishing so hugely the revenues of the Crowne being the cause that many Noble Princes his Successors have come to their finall ends for that they have beene constrained through want of treasure to maintaine their royall estates to procure the fall of sundry great Houses to possesse their Lands and livings also to raise payments and exactions of the Common people to the utter impoverishment of the Realme And sometime they have beene constrained to invade England by warres as desperate men not caring what came of their lives Other whiles they have beene enforced to stampe naughty money to the great prejudice of the Common wealth All which mischiefes have followed since the time that the Church hath beene thus enriched and the Crowne impoverished Therefore King Iames the first when he came to King Davids Sepulcher at Dunfirmling he said that he was a sore Saint for the Crowne Meaning that he left the Church over-rich and the Crowne too poore For he tooke from the Crowne as Iohn Major writeth in his Chronicles 60000. pound Scotish of yearely revenues Wherewith he endowed those Abbyes But if King David had considered how to nourish true Religion he had neither endowed Churches with such riches nor built them with such royalty for the superfluous possessions of the Church as they are now used are not onely occasion to evill Prelates to live in most insolent pompe and corrupt life but an assured Net to draw gold and silver out of Realmes Thus Holinshed of the Bishops and Bishoprickes of Scotland in generall In a Convocation at Fairefax under King Gregory Anno 875. It was decreed by the Bishops of Scotland that Ordinaries and Bishops should have authority to order all men both publike and private yea Kings themselves as well for the keeping of Faith given as to constraine them to confirme the same and to punish such as should be found in the contrary This was a high straine of insolency and treachery against the Prerogative of the King and Nobles priviledges whom these Prelates endeavoured to enthrall to their Lordly pleasures and perchance it was in affront of King Davids Law who ordained Anno 860. but 15. yeares before that Priests should attend their Cures and not intermeddle with secular businesses or keepe Horses Haukes or Hounds A very good Law had it beene as well executed Anno 1294. the Scots conspiring together against their Soveraigne Lord and King Iohn Bailiol rose up in armes against him and inclosing him in a Castle they elected to themselves twelve Peeres after the manner of France whereof the foure first were Bishops by whose will and direction all the affaires of the Kingdome should be managed And this was done in despite to disgrace the King of England who set the said Iohn over them against their wils Whereupon the King of England brought an Army towards Scotland in Lent following to represse the rash arrogancy and presumption of the Scotsâ— against their owne Father and King and miserably wasted the Country over-running it quite and making both them and their King whom he tooke Prisoner to doe homage and sweare fealâ—y and give pledges to him as Walsingham reciâ—es more at large Among these Bishops it seemes that the Bishop of â—lascow was one of the chiefe opposites against the King of Scotland and England for Anno 1298. I finde this Bishop one of the chiefe Captaines of the Rebellious Scots and leading an Army in the field which being disbanded for feare of the English forces upon promise of pardon this Bishop Ne proditionis notam incurreret lest he should incurre the brand of treason rendred himselfe to Earle Warren sent into Scotland with an Army who committed him prisoner to the Castle of Rokâ—burrow for a Rebell where he was detained William of Neubery records Thaâ— David King of Scots was divinely chastised by one Wimundus an English man of obscure parents made Bishop of the Scottish Islands who waxing proud of his Bishopricke began to attempt great matters Not content with the dignity of his Episcopall Office he did now in
the Earle to be sent backe to the Church Fulco Basset his next successor a man of a haughty stout spirit as he opposed the Popes exactions Rustands his Legate so he had many contâ—sts with King Hâ—nry the third and was the maine pillar of the Barons who reposed all his hope in him before such time he grew cold and remisse in standing for the publike liberties whereby hee much blemished his fame and incensed the Barons and people against him in so much that the King reviled him in these words that neither he nor any of his name were ever true unto him threatning to finde meanes to correct him for his obstinacy In the presence of some whom hee knew would tell the King of it he sticked not to use this bold and couragious speech unfitting a Pâ—elate My Bishopricke my Myter and Crosier the King and the Pope may take from me but my helmet and sword I hope they will not yet neither of these two could secure him from Gods stroke for he died of the Plague at London Anno 1258. Henry Sandwich Bishop of London tooke part with the Barons who rebelled against King Henry the third for which cause he was excommunicated by Ottobon the Popes Legate with other Bishops being the chiefe incendiaries in these warres of whom Matthew Westminster writes thus The high Priests that I say not the Pharises gathered a counsell together against the Lord and against his annoynted saying Ye see that we have profitted nothing if we let the King escape thus The Romans will come and take away our purses with the money let us therefore ordaine 24 Elders round about his Throne who excluding the Parthians Meedes Elamites and strangers of Rome and freeing Ierusalem from Egyptian bondage may governe and order all and singular the affaires of the Realme The Knights Barons and Prelates therefore meeting together at Oxford in the 42. yeare of King Henry the third his reigne the King and Edward his eldest sonne being present ordained by common consent that twelve men nominated by the King and twelve by the Barons and Prelates should governe the Realme to which order the King and his sonne for feare of perpetuall imprisonment assented all and singular the Prelates except Ethelmaâ— Bishop elect onely of Winchester the Kings brother tooke a corporall oath faithfully to observe this infidelity and a sentence of excommunication was denounced by all the Archbishops and Bishops of the Kingdome against the transgressors of it Moreover saith he it is not without admiration with what face these Senators that aged Bishop of Worcester and other Prelates the Fathers Iudges of mens consciences should give such free assent to take away the Kings royall power when as they had taken a corporall Oath of giving terrene honour to the said King and his Lords which they very ill observed in ordaining that they should never governeâ— but ever be governed by others After which the Lords and Knights perceiving the generall inconvenience of this Ordinance in setting up so many Kings in stead of one the Bishop of Worceter would by no means yeeld to alter it saying that this ordinance was ratefied by an Oath and that the Pope could not dispence with the Oath making conscience of this unjust Oath like Herod and of Schisme and error contrary to the Lawes and Cannons drawing many false Prophets to him to foment this his error After this the King commanded the Bishop of Hereford a great stickler against him in these rebellious courses an oppressour of his subjects apprehended imprisoned and his goods confiscatedâ— Not long after the Prelates Earles and Barons who so sediciously held their King captivated meete at London where they ordained that two Earles and one Bishop on the behalfe of the Comonalty should elect nine persons whereof three should alwayes be assisting to the King and that by the advise of those three and the other nine all things in the Kings house as well as in the Kingdome should be ordered and that the King should doe nothing without their advise at least without the consent of these three Whereupon the Earles of Lecester Worcester Glocester and the Bishop of Chechister who the day before the battell of Lewes absolved all those who fought against his Soveraigne Lord the King from all their sinnes were chosen out to be the chiefe Councellers and Captaines who eleâ—ted other nine The King for feare of perpetuall imprisonment and that they would chuse another King consented to the ordinance OMNIBVS EPISCOPIS all the Bishops Earles and Barons consenting thereunto and sealing it with their Seales The Bishops of London Winchester Worcester and other Bishops were sent to the Popes Legate Cardinall of Sabine whom they would not suffer to come into the Realme to confirme this agreement who sharply reprehended the Bishops because they consented to so great a depression of the Kings power citing them three dayes after to appeare before him at Boâ—onâ—e about the affaires of the Kingdome who neither appearing by themselves nor their Proctors the Legate thereupon suspended them excommunicated the Barons the Cinque ports the city of London and the Bishops to for hindring him from comming into England and for their default But the said Bishops and the rest not regarding this thunderbolt appealed from it to the Pope and the next generall Councell and to the Church as well Triumphant as Militant and trusting to the defence of the Martiall sword little esteemed the spirituall the Bishops presuming to be present at and to exercise divine offices notwithstanding this suspention and excommunication till Otho his comming into England who calling a Councell at Wiâ—â—minsterâ— suspended this Henry Bishop of Londonâ— Iohn Bishop of Winchester and Stephen Bishop of Chichesterâ— both from their office and Benefice who â—ostered and incouraged the part of the Kings enemies excommunicating the Bishop of Lincolne for the same cause who at last supplicated for mercy not judgement with Walter Bishop of Worcester who lying at the point of death confessed he had erred fovendâ— in fomenting and fostering the part of Simon Montford and thereupon sent Letters to the Legate desiring the benefit of absolution which he obtained and so died By which relation of Matthew Westminister seconded by the continuer of Matthew Paris and other of our Chroniclers it is most apparant that this Bishop of London and the other Prelates were the chiefe fomenters of all the warres and rebellions against the King and those that stirred up and encouraged the Barons in their unnaturall bloody wars against their Soveraigne Henry the third as Stephen Langton Archbishop of Canterbury was the principall author and contriver of those against King Iohn Anno. 1329. 1330. Richard Wentworth Bishop of London was accused by Edmond Woodstocke Earle of Kent for conspiring with him to helpe set up a new King Edward the second after his death whom Thoraas Dunhead a Fryer affirmed for cetaine by
unduly and against reason by the commandement of the said Lord of VVinchester and afterward in approving of the said refusall he received the said VVoodvile and cherished him against the State and worship of the King and of the said Lord of Glocester Secondly The said Lord of Winchester without the advise and assent of the said Lord of Glocester or of the Kings Councell purposed and disposed him to set hand on the Kings person and to have removed him from Eltham the place that he was in to Windsor to the intent to put him in governance as he list Thirdly that where the said Lord of Glocester to whom of all persons thaâ— should be in the Land by the way of Nature and birth it belongeth to see the governance of the Kings person informed of the said undue purpose of the said Lord of Winchester declared in the Article next above said and in setting thereof determining to have gone to Eltham unto the King to have provided as the cause required and the said Lord of Winchester untruely and against the Kings peace to the intent to trouble the said Lord of Glocester going to the Kingâ— purposing his death in case that he had gone that way set men of armes and Archers at the end of London bridge next Southwâ—rke and in forbearing of the Kings high way let draw the chaine of the stoopes there and set up pipes and hurdles in manner and former of Bulworkes and set mâ—n in cellers and windowes with Bowes and Arrowesâ— and other weapons to the intent to bring finall destruction to the said Lord of Glocesters person as well as of those that then should come with him Fourthly The said Lord of Glocester saithâ— and affirmeth that our soveraigne Lord his Brother that was King Henry the fift told him on a time when our Soveraigne Lord being Prince was lodged in the Pallace of Westminster in the great Chamber by the noyse of a Spaniell there was on a night a man spied and taken behind a carpet of the said Chamber the which man was delivered to the Earle of Arundell to be examined upon the cause of his being there at that time the which so examined at that time confessed that he was there by the stirring and procuring of the said Lord of Winchester ordained to have slaine the said Prince there in his bed wherefore the said Earle of Arundell let sacke him forthwith and drownes him in the Thames Fiftly Our Soveraigne Lord that was King Henry the fifth said unto the said Lord of Glocester that his Father King Henry the fourth livingâ— and visited then greatly with sicknesse by the hand of God the said Lord of Winchester said unto the King Henry the fifth being then Prince that the King his Father so visited with sicknesse was not personable and therefore not disposed to come in conversation and governance of the people and for so much councelled him to take the governance and Crowne of this Land upon him Such a loyall Prelate was he To these Articles the Archbishop gave in his answer in writing too tedious to recite whereupon the Lords in Parliament tooke an Oath to be indifferent umpiers betweene the Bishop and Duke and at lastâ— with much adoe made a finall accord and decree betweene them recorded at large by Hall and Holinshed wherâ—by they both were reconciled for a season But in the yeare 1427. the Bishop passing the sea into France received the habit hat and dignity of a Cardinall with all ceremonies to it appertaining which promotion the late King right deepely piercing into the unrestrainable ambitions mind of the man which even from his youth was ever wont to checke for the highest and also right well ascertained with what intollerable pride his head should soone be swollâ—n under such a hat did therefore all his life long kepe this Prelate backe from that presumptuous estate But now the King being young and the Regent his friend hee obtained his purpose to the impoverishiâ—g of the spiritualitie of this Realme For by a Bull Legantine which he purchased from Rome he gathered so much treasure that no man in manner had money but he so that hee was called the rich Cardinall of Wincester Afterwards An. 1429. the Pope unleagated him and set another in his place to his great discontent Anno. 1441. the flames of contention brake out afresh betweene the said Duke and the Cardinall for after his former reconciliation to the Duke he and the Archbishop of Yorke Iohn Kerap ceased not to doe many things without the consent of the King or Duke being during the minority of the King Governour and Protector of the Realme whereat the Duke as good cause he had was greatly offended and there upon declared to King Henry the â—ixth in writing wherein the Cardinall and the Archbishop had offended both his Majesty and the Lawes of the Realme This complaint of the Duke was contained in twentie foure Articles which chiefely rested in that the Cardinall had from time to time through his ambitious desire to surmount all other in high degree of honor sought to enrich himself to the great and notorious hinderance of the King as in defrauding him not onely of his treasure but also in doing practising things prejudiciall to his affaires in France and namely by setting at liberty the King of Scots upon so easie conditions as the Kings Majesty greatly lost therehy as in particulars thus followethâ— and out of the Dukes owne coppie regestred by Hall and Holinshed 1. These be in part the points and Articles which I Humphrey Duke of Gloster for my truth and acquitall said late I would give in writing my right doubted Lord unto your Highnes advertising your Excellence of such things as in part have bin done in your tender age in derogation of your noble estate and hurt of both your Realmes and yet be done and used dayly 2. First the Cardinall then being Bishop of Winchester him took upon the state of Cardinall which was naied and denaied him by the King of most noble memory my Lord your Father saying that he had as lefe set his Crowne beside him as to see him weare a Cardinalls Hat he being a Cardinall for he knew full well the pride and ambition that was in his person then being but a Bishop should have so greatly extolled him into more intollerable pride when that he were a Cardinall and also he though it against his freedome of the chiefe Church of this Realme which that he worshipped as duly as ever did Prince that blessed be his soule And howbeit that my said Lord your Father would have had certaine Clarkes of this Land Cardinalls and to have no Bishopricks in England yet his intent was never to doe so great dâ—rogation to the Church of Canterbury as to make them that were his suffragans to sit above their Ordinary and Metropolitan But the cause was that in generall and in all matters which might concerne the weale
dominion of England and had never peace afterwards By the same counsell in our times the Kingdome was troubled and the interdict came and finally the Kingdome was made tributary and the Prince of Provinces alas for griefe is brought under tribute to ignoble persons and warres begun and long protracted your father died like a banished man neither in peace of the Kingdome nor of minde and so by them he incurred a very perillous death By the same counsell the Castle of Bedford was detained against you where you lost much treasure and many valiant men by meanes whereof in the interim you lost Rochell to the ignominy of the whole Realme Item the now imminent perturbation perilous to the whole Kingdome comes to passe through their wicked counsell because if your people had beene handled according to Justice and the right Judgement or Law of the Landâ— this perturbation had not hapned and you should have had your lands undestroyed your treasure unexhausted Likewise we tell you in that allegiance wherby we are obliged to you that your counsell is not of peaceâ— but of trouble to the Land because they that seeke to thrive by the trouble of the Kingdome and the disinherison of others cannot doe it by its peace Item because they have your Caâ—tles and your forces in their handâ— as if you ought to distrust your owne people Item because they have your Exchequor and all the greaâ—est Wards and Escheates in their power such an expectation pleaseth and how they will answer you in the end wee beleeve you shall prove Item because by your Seale or Precept without the Seale of Peter de Rivallis scarce any great businesse is done in the Realme as if they accounted you not to be King Item because by the same counsell the naturall borne subjects of your Kingdome are expelled out of your Court whence wee have cause to be fearefull both of you and the Kingdome when as wee see you to be more in their power than they in yours as appeares by very many examples Item because they have a mayde out of Brittany and your sister under their power with many other noble girles and women who are marriageable with Wards and marriages which they give to their owne creatures and disparage Item because they confound and pervert the Law of the Land sworne and confirmed and ratified by Excommunication and Justice likewise whence it is to be feared least they be Excommunicated and you also by communicating with them Item because they keepe to no man either their promise faith or oath or writing neither feare they Excommunication whence they who have receded from the truth are desperateâ— as remaining diffident in feare Now these things we faithfully relate to you and wee counsell beseech and admonish you before God and man that you would remove such counsell from you and as it is the custome in other Kingdomes that you governe your Kingdomes by your faithfull and sworne men of your Realme Wee denounce to you in verity that unlesse you correct these things within a short time we will proceede against you and all other contradictors by Ecclesiasticall Censureâ— expecting nothing but the Consecration of our venerable Father the Elect of Canterbury These things being thus spoken the King humbly desired a short time of truce saying that hee could not so sodainely remove his counsell untill he had received an account of the treasure committed to him and so the conference was dissolved all men departing with confidence of a concord speedily to be obtained soone after the Archbishop being consecrated upon the fifth of Aprill the King with his Nobles being at Westminster the Archbishop taking all the Bishops and other Prelates that were present with him whereof this Bishop of Chester was one went to the King and shewed him their counsell touching the imminent desolation and danger of the Kingdome repeating the former inconveniences mentioned in the conference and denounced to the King expresly that unlesse hee would speedily reforme his error and make a peaceable composition with the faithfull men of his Kingdome he with all the Bishops who were present would incontinently in ipsum Regem sententiam ferre excommunicationis pronounce a sentence of Excommunication against the King himselfe and against all others contradictors of this peace and perverters of concord The King hearing this humbly answered that hee would obey their counsels in all things Whereupon a few dayes after understanding his error moved with repentance he commanded Peter Bishop of Winchester to goe to his Bishopricke to intend the cure of soules and that from thenceforth Regiis negotiiâ— nequaquam interesset hee should by no meanes intermeddle with the Kings affaires Walter de Langton Bishop of Chester lived in great authority under King Edward the first who favoured him much but his sonne Edward the second molested disgraced him all that eyer he might His Fatherdying in the North country he â—ommanded this Bishop to conduct his corps up to London and when hee had done so for reward of his paines hee caused Sir Iohn Felton Constable of the Tower to arrest him seased upon all his goods and imprisoned him first in the Tower then in the Castle of Wallingford of which imprisonment he was not released in two yeares after In his fathers life time he had often reprehended the young Prince for his insolent and dissolute behaviour which good admonitions he taking in evill part wronged and disgraced him many wayes namely one time he brakâ— downe his Parkes spoyled and drove away his deare c. The Bishop complained of this outrage unto the King his Father who being greatly displeased therewith committed the Prince his sonne for certaine dayes And this was the cause of the grudge between the yong King and him for which he sent him from Castle to Castle as Prisoner seised his Lands Tenements into his own hands gave his moveables to Pierce Gaviston and his Lord Treasurership to Walter Reignold About the same time or I thinke a little sooner to wit in the yeare 1â—01 hee was accused of certaine hainous crimes before the Pope and compelled to answer the accusation at Rome in his owne person Though the proofes brought against him were either none or very slender yet well knowing whom they had in hand Noverant ipsum prae multis bovem valde pinguem saith Matth. Westminster they were content to detaine him there so long as it forced him to spend an infinite deale of mony yet was never a whit the nearer atlast for the Pope remitted the hearing of the cause to the Archbishop oâ— Canterbury and yet reserved the determination of the â—ame unto himself at last The tempests of these troubles being over-blowne the rest of his time he lived for ought I finde quietly and being happily dismissed from the Court attended onely the government of his charge This Bishop setling his See towards his later end at Litchfield I finde no mention at all of any
the Gospell whom they burnt and put to death the story of whose persecutions he that list may reade in Master Fox his Actâ— and Monuments Edit ult vol. 2. p. 605. to 626. to which I shall referre the Reader And thus much briefely touching the disloyall seditioâ—s and Schismaticall acts of the Scottish Prelates I now proceed to those of Ireland in whom I shall be briefe The Irish Bishops IN the yeare of Grace 1197. Hamo de Waâ—is with the other Gardians of Ireland and Earle Iohns men offered some injury to Iohn Cumin Arch-bishop of Dublin whereupon the Archbishop willing rather to be banished then to suffer such great injuries to himselfe and his Church to goe unpunished excommunicated the foresayd presumers and passed a sentence of interdict against his Arch-bishopricke and departed commanding the Crosses and images of the Cathedâ—all Church to bee taken downe and hedged about with thornes that so those malefactors might be terrified and recalled from their will of preying upon the goods of the Church But they still persisting in their maligne purpose there happened a miracle not heaâ—d of in our times There was a Crucifix in the Cathedrall Church of Dublin wherein the image of Christ was more exactly carved than in all others in Ireland or elsewhere which they had in most veneration This Image being layd prostrate on the ground and hedged about with thornes on the sixt weeke fell into a trance and his face I doubt if true by the Arch-bishops or Priests Legerdemaine appeared overspread with a vehement rednesse as if it had beene in a fiery furnace and a great sweate issued out of its face and little drops fell down from its eyes as if it wept and on the sixth houre of that day blood and water issued out of its left side and on the right side of its brest which the ministers of that Church diligently gathering up sent an Ambassie after their Arch-bishop Iohn Câ—min commanding him to certifie the Pope the event hereof under the Testimony and Seales of venerable men Yet the other Bishops of Ireland albeit they had often read En tua res agitur paries cum proximus ardeâ— notwithstanding passed by the dammages and injuries which the servants of Iohn Earle of Morton had done to their fellow Bishop with closed eyes and become like rammes not having hornes they retired from the face of the pursuer But Iohn Bishop of Dublin being in Exile came to Richard the first King of England and Iohn Earle of Morton his brother but could have no justice nor restitution of the things taken from him It seemes his cause therefore was not good After which hee continued long in England leaving both his Churâ—h and Diocesse still under interdiction and the others under the sentence of Excommunication O what impiety and malice is there in Prelates who for a meere supposed injury from one or two will interdict an whole Kingdome or Diocesâ—e and wil rob God of his publicke service as they account it and meâ—s soules of all spirituall food and exercises of Religion to wrecke their malice upon an enemie or two But this hath beene their common Atheisticall practise God and men mâ—st suffer in the highest degree rather than they lose their wills or the smallest punctilio of their usurped Antichristian honour Anno. 1212. this Arch-bishop dying Henry Condies succeeded him who was called Scorch Villeyn by occasion of a certaine treacherous act of his for one day calling his Tenants before him to answere by what tenure they held of him those Tenants shewing him their Deedes and Charters he commanded their Deedes and Charters to be burned of purpose to disinherit them of their rights for which most unjust act the Freeholders ever called him Henry Scorch-Villein he was Justice of Ireland and built Dublin Castle buâ— of his preaching to build men up in grace I finde not one syllable Anno 1313. Fryer Roland Ioce Primate of Armach arrived at the Isle of Houth the morrow after the Annunciation of the bleâ—sed Virgin Mary and rising in the night by stealth tooke up his Crosier and advanced it as â—arre as the Priory of Gâ—ace Dieu whom there encountred certaine of the Arch bishop of Dublins servants Iohn Leekes was then Arch-bishop of this See debasing and putting downe that Crosier and the Primate himselfe oâ— Armach they chased with disgrace and confusion out of Lemâ—ter Anno. 1324. Alexander de Bickner Arch-bishop of Dublin being in England joyned with thâ— Arch-bishops and Bishops of England in rescuing Adam de Arlton Bishop of Hereford even when he was openly arraigned for high Treason against King Edward the second at the Parliament barre the highest affront that ever I read offered to publicke Justice the story whereof is formerly recited at large p. 54.55 Annoâ— 1326. he sided with the Queene and other Prelates against King Edward the second his Soveraigne to his deposall and destruction in which he was very active Anno. 1331. on the vigill of Saint Marke the Evangelist the O-Tothely came to Tavelagh and robbed this Alexander Arch-bishop of Dublin tooke away three hundred sheepe and slew Bichard White and other men of his company the retinue of the Lord Archbishop of Dublin were by a traine or ambush slaine by David O-Tothill in Culiagh Anno. 1337. whiles Iohn Charlton was Lord Justice and held a Parliament at Dublin Doctor David O-Hirraghey Arch-bishop of Armach being called to the Parliament made his provision for house-keeping in the Monastery of Saint Mary neere unto Dublin but because he would have had his Crosier carried before him he was impeached by Alexander Arch-bishop of Dublin and his Clerkes and permit him they would not Anno. 1379. The Arch-bishop of Casselâ— in Ireland came from Rome sent thither for certaine urgent causes bringing backe with him a great power of binding and loosing from the Pope when he came to London preaching to the People he denounced the King of Francâ— and as many as adhered to the Anti-Pope to be involved in the sentence of Excommunication affirming that even now it would be an acceptable time to England as well in the cause of the King of England as of the Pope to invade the Kingdome of France especially since it was probable that a King Excommunicated would not have any confidence of resisting Thus this Messenger of Peace proves a publicke Herald to proclaime warre The King of France on the other side makes Proclamation through all his Kingdome that none should obey Pope Vrban and if any did â—ee should be beheaded and all his goods should be confiscated to the Kings use after which the confederates of Pope Clement and Vrban meeting in the field above 5000. were slaine on Clements part in one battle with Bernard Decksale their Generall and many more afterwards Anno. 1420. there was a Parliament held at Dublin at which time Richard O-Hedian Bishop of
men are scantly saved at the last which with couragious faith continually wrestling and fighting with their flesh and the Devill do live in a good and a vertuous kind of life why dost thou then hope in vaine â—hat thou shalt be saved among so many jeâ—pardies among so many voluptuous plaasures What doth it profit saith Christ himselfe if hee do possesse all the World and all the Kingdomes and do cast away his owne soule But whereof or which way will some say should Kings Princes Earles Barons Knights briefely all the Nobles of the world provide for their younger children if these Bishopricks if those Cathedrall and Collegiate Churches were not And therein first we may openly see the exceedinge foolishnesse and blindnesse of all Christendome which hitherto have bought commonly of the Romanists the Benefices and Prebends founded by themselves with the blood of their Children Loe here I doe speake unto thee whosoever thou art who dost wittingly so cast away thy children If any Ploughman or Smith did wound or kill thy Sonne or did defile thy daughter or thy Sister thou wouldst for anger goe about to doe the uttermost mischiefe that thou couldst to overthrow and destroy even whole Cities whole Provinces for the revenging thereof would seeme but a small matter unto thee thou wouldst thinke in thy minde it to be so high and so hainous an offence that was done unto thee but I beseech thee here open the eyes of thy minde and looke whether there can be a more sure Homicide and murtherer of thy children any more grievous and more cruell enemie unto them than thou art thine owne selfe advancing and promoting them to a Bishopricke or thrusting them downe into such a Church as they doe call it for thou makest thy sonne a Bishop which state as it is now far away from the ministration of the word and from all godlinesse thou knowest undoubtedly to be a devillish state in which thy sonne can in no wise be saved Sith it is so that thou dost know this tell me I beseech thee whether thou dost not more sore rage and use more cruelty against him than if thou cut him into gobbets and didst throw his flesh unto dogs to be devoured if thy sonne through his owne mis-understanding ignorance or error had stumbled and falne into such a certaine kind and manner of living thou oughtst with all diligence and with all thy power to labour and goe about if there were any wisedome or any point of a Christian mind in thee to rid him out of it although thou hadst but onely one loafe of bread to live on thy selfe whereof thou shouldst be faine to give him the one halfe but here I beseech thee looke upon thy selfe somewhat more neere and more narrowly whosoever thou art which dost cast downe thy children headlong into these kindes and manners of living and consider what manner of father thou art onely to keepe thy Dominion and thy riches upright and from decay onely lest thy gold and silver should be diminished if it were divided among many heires thou dost thrust downe willingly cast headlong thy Sons and kinsmen into the deep dungeon of hell neither doth it move or stirre thee any whit to see thine owne blood supped and swallowed up in the throate of the Devill and perpetually to perish so that thou be not compelled to diminish or debate any thing of thy superfluity or any parcell of thy pompe and royalty Lo this most ungracious opinion this custome is crept in and used in many places that as oftentimes as any great mans Sonne being meete rather for any other thing than for a Bishopricke is chosen and â—lected Bishop or is brought into the Temple then with solemne pompe and a solemne company set in their array are madde cries and loud shouts as it were in a triumph then all the Halls and Courts doe sound and ring with the noise of trumps with trumpets with â—â—breâ—sâ— then are in every place lighted tapers and torches then that solemne Song Te Dewn laudamus is thundered out so that these triumphs do plainly represent unto us the image of those foolish Kings of Israel which did burne up their sonnes and daughâ—ers for a Sacrifice in the honour of the Idol Moloâ—â— and with the divers loud sounds of trumps did bring to passe that the lamentable crying ouâ— and wayling of them that were in the midst of the fire could not be heard The author of this booke hath many such like passages against Bishops And as for Cathedrall Churches hee stiles them Stewes and the Gates of hell a certaine unsatiable bottomlesse whirle poole which swallowes up the riches of Kings of Princes of Dukes of Earles of the Common people and of all the world But I passe from this old Treatise About the same time there was a Treatise expressing the causes of the Divisions betweene the Spiritualty and the Temporalty Printed Londini in aedibus Thomâ— Bartheleti prope aquagium sitis sub intersignio Lucretiae Romanae excus Cum Privilegio I shall transcribe no passages out of this Treatise but onely the Table of the Chapters at the end thereof wherein the causes of the division betweene the Spiritualty and the Temporalty are summarily expressed Chap. 1. That the Division among spirituall men themselves hath beene one cause of the Division that is now betweene the spiritualty and temporalty in this Realme Chap. 2. That the omitting of divers good lawes with certain defalts disorders in men of the Church which among others be recited and declared by John Gerson have been another occasion of this division Among these he numbers the neglect of these two Canons That Bishops should have poore apparell lodging and table and should not strive for transitory things And the Clerkes shall not take upon them the acts or procurations of spirituall men Chap. 3. That certaine Lawes made by the Church wherein it is recited Quod Laici sunt Clericis infesti That is to say That Lay men be cruell to Clerkes hath beene another cause of this division Chap. 4. That the extreme Lawes made by the Church for laying violent hands upon Clerkes have beene another cause of this Division Chap. 5. That the disordering of the generall sentence of excommunication hath beene another occasion of the said division which saith hee will never be appeâ—sed till the heads spirituall will reforme themselves and shew a fatherly affection to the people and not extend the sentence oâ— the Church upon so light causes and upon such partiality as they have done in times past Chap. 6. That another occasion of this division hath partly risen by temporall men through disordering of their Chaplaines and Chauntry Priests Chap. 7. That suits taken in the Spirituall Courts Ex officio have beene another occasion of this Division which suits together with Oathes Ex officio whereby a man shall be condemned and not know the names of them that be causes
THE ANTIPATHIE OF THE ENGLISH LORDLY PRELACIE BOTH TO REGALL MONARCHY AND CIVILL UNITY OR An Historicall collection of the severall execrable Treasons Conspiracies Rebellions Seditions State-schismes Contumacies oppressions Anti-monarchicall practices of our English Brittish French Scottish Irish Lordly Prelates against our Kings Kingdomes Laws Liberties and of the severall Warres and Civill Dissentions occasioned by them in or against our Realm in former and latter ages Together with the Judgement of our owne ancient Writers most judicious Authors touching the pretended Divine Jurisdiction the Calling Lordlinesse Temporalties Wealth Secular imployments Trayterous practises unprofitablenesse and mischievousnesse of Lordly Prelates both to King State Church with an Answer to the chiefe Objections made for the Divinity or continuance of their Lordly Function The first Part. By WILLIAM PRYNNE late and now againe an Utter-Barester of Lincolnes Inne Beware of false Prophets which come unto you in sheepes cloathing but inwardly they are ravening wolves you shall know them by their fruits Mat. 7.15 16 LONDON Printed by Authority for Michael Sparke senior An. 1641. TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE THE HIGH COVRT OF PARLIAMENT NOW Through Gods sweete Providence MOST HAPPILY ASSEMBLED Right Honourable Senators IT is a received principle in Law that there are no Accessories in Treason whence to conceale a Notorious Traytor is really to be one The consideration of the Capitalnesse of such a Concealement in these proditorious times and the discharge of my bounden Duty to my Soveraigne Lord the King this Church and Kingdome of which I am a true though unworthy member and to this Honourable Court to whose impartiall Iustice next under God I owe the fruition of my present Liberty my Native Soyle and Quondam Profession of the Law hath induced me by way of Gratitude to present your Honours with this large Discovery not of one or two but of an whole Tribe and succession of notaâ—le Arch-Traytors Rebels Conspirators and desâ—erate Enemies to our Kings Kingdomes Lawes Liberties to say nothing of our Church and Religion masked under the innocent disguise of an Episcopall whiâ—e Rotchet and the specious much abused Title of The Church which our Prelates have monopolized to themselves the better to palliate their mischievous designes and boulster out their vilâ—anies when as if we beleeve either our learned Martyr Master William Tyndall or Bishop Bilson himselfe The Church is neâ—eâ— taken in the new nor old Testament for the Bishops or Priests alone but generally for the whole Congregation of the faithfull and oft times for the people alone without the Priest or Minister which is worthy your observation and will utterly subvert one principall Pillar of our Prelates suppoâ—t I could not but conjecture that this Antipathy would be very distastfull to our Lordly Prelates the Malefactors whose long-concealed Treasons Conspiracies seditious practises it lays open to your publick view and justice so that I can expect nothing but such extreame Malignity opposition and Calumnies from them and their confederates as might in some sort have deterred me from divulging it Yet wheÌ„ I considered that the detectioÌ„ of grosse Traytors Conspirators hath bin ever reputed not only an inoffensive but acceptable and meritorious service both to Kings and States in al other persons and that I have no cause to doubt but that it will receive the selfe-same benigne interpretation in me especially from your Honours by some of whose earnâ—st desires and â—peciall approbations I committed these Historicall Colections to the Presse I could not but with all alacrity proceede on in this service for the Common good to the which I have beene the more incouraged by a Divine Providence For being a Prisoner in the Tower of London stript of my Profession and all other imployments by some Prelates undemerited malice considering with my selfe how I might there passe my solitary houres in the usefullest manner for the publicke benefit of this Church and Kingdome it pleased God among other subjects to pitch my thoughts upon a Collection of the severall Treasons Rebellions Warres Seditions and Anti-monarchicall Practises of Lordly Prelats of all Countries and ages especially of our owne English Bishops which I found scattered in Histories wherupon taking my hint from the Title of a now-non-extant Booke written by one Thomas Gybson a Physitian in King Edward the 6. his dayes stiled Proditiones Praelatorum a Conquestu seene by our laborious Iohn Bale and mentioned in his Centuries which booke it seemes the Prelates since suppressed I gathered with no facil labour the most of those Materials I here present unto your Honours and Marshalled them into distinct files with an intention to make them publick so soone as a seasonable opportunity should present it selfe But the Arch Prelate of Canterbury not long after persecuting me afresh in the Starchamâ—er without any just occasion procured me there not onely to bee most inhumanely censured but likewise to be sent thence close prisoner first to Carnarvan then to Mount-Orguile Castle in the Isle of Iersie and there cloystred up so narrowly that I could neither have the use of pen inke paper writings nor Bookes to benefit my selfe or others and withall searching both my Chamber and friends houses sundry times by his Pursevants seized on all my bookes and Papers he could meete with But these Collections escaping his clutches fell into the hands of another persecuted Gentleman who without my privity carried them beyond the Seas where they were preserved till after my late returne from Exile by the justice of this Honourable House and not many moneths since when I gave them over as lost were unexpectedly returned to my hands in safety whiles the businesse of Episcopacy was in agitation before your Eminencies which speciall Providence put me in minde of that speech of Mordeâ—ay to Ester Who knoweth whether thou art come to the Kingdome for such a time as this and made me strongly apprehend that God had restored me to Liberty and these Collections to my hands for such a time as this which blessed be our good God we now live to see wherein our domineering Prelates lewde practises and Conspiracies against our Religion Lawes Liberties Lives Soules and Estates are not onely detected but questioned and some of the Potentest and pestilentest of them charged with no lesse than High Treason and other most grosse Misdemeanors in and by your Honorable Assembly which have rendred them so generally detestable to the whole Kingdome that divers Petitions have beene presented to your Honours both by Ministers and People out of many entire Countries for their utter extirpation which long efflagitated difficult worke which your Honours have now set upon I conceive the publishing of this Antipathy will much facilitate and advance being thus specially preserved and reserved by Gods Providence for such a time as this The principall motives which originally induced me to undertake this worke were the very same which have now perswaded me to
publish it First an unfeined desire to dispossesse the seduced and mis-informed judgements of Princes Nobles and others of that over-weaning opinion they have hitherto generally embraced of Lordly Prelats extraordinary fidelity sincerity Piety to Kings Kingdomes in Churâ—h and State affaires and of the necessity of their Supportation continuanâ—e both for the Security Tranquillity and felicity of all Christian Kings States Churches to all which in verity they have beene the greatest Plagues and Opposites This notable mistake proceeding either out of a meere nescience or inadvertency of the Prelates trecherous plots and turbulent Actions in all Climes and times or from the deception of this false Paradox No Bishop no King or from the immoderate panegyricall applauses of their Parasites who almost deifie them in Presse in Pulpit especially in Court Sermons and their owne selfe-commendations which are now most frequent in their writings and discourses or from their owne outward Pompe Splendor and Superficiall shewes of Sanctity and Piety backed with their sordid flattery of and temporizing with the greatest men the better to effect their owne designes will soonest and best bee rectified by this bare Historicall discovery of their Trecheries and villanies in all ages the very knowledge whereof as the Prophet Malachy and Christ informe us will make them contemptible and base before all the people and like unsavory salt fit neither for the Land nor for the Dunghill cause them to be cast out and trodâ—n under foote of men as good for nothing Secondly a sincere indeavour to the uttermost of my power to prevent those blacke imminent stormes of warre sedition schisme oppression with sâ—ndry other miseries which the desperatâ— proceedings practises and counsells of our all-swaying Prelates in my weake apprehension then threatned suddenly to bring downe upon us to the apparent danger if not ruine and desolation to our Religion Lawes Liberties King Kingdomes of which we have since had most visible reall experiments to the insupportable charge and infinite disturbance of his Majesty and the whole Realme who have cause eternally to detest our Lordly Prelacy as the very root of bitternes whence al our ancient and present calamities have issued To anticipate and redresse which sad events then and secure us against the like effects of Prelacie both now and hereafter I could not in my poore Judgement finde out any readier course within the narrow spheare of my Activity than the publication of this History of our Prelates practises and disloyalâ—y Quorum perfidiam exposuisse superaâ—se est as Saint Hierom witnesseth in a like case Thirdly to â—ase our Church State with all conscientious godly Ministers and people from the importable heavie yoakes of our Prelates tyranny under which they have miserably groaned and against which they have lamentably declaimed for many hundred yeares and could never yet bee throughly eased thereof as I have manifested by the Testimonies of our owne writers and Martyrs in the latter part of this Antipathy to accomplish which long desired and now expected worke I presume nothing can be more effectuall than such an Anatomy as this of our Prelates villanies of this nature Fourthly to further the propagation of religion the frequent and sincere preaching of the Gospell the powerfull practise of true piety the salvation of mens soules and tranquillity of our Church and State to all which I dare confidently averre our Lordly Bishops have beene greater enemies and obstacles in all ages â—hen all other professions of men whatsoever Fiftly to sâ—cure our long enjoyed oft confirmed fundamentall Lawes and the hereditary Libertieâ— both of our persons States Lives from small losse and utter subversion to all which our Prelates have commonly shewed themselves Arch-enemies endeavouring eâ—ther secretly to undermine them by treachery or openly to trample them under their poâ—tificall feete by violence of which our present timeâ— have had large experience especially in Canterburyâ— who hath oft times publikely protested in a most insolent manner that he woâ—ld breake both the Necke and back of Prohibitions so of the Common Law or else they should break his which now he findes they are like to doe And to defend our lawes and liberties against Prelaticall incroachments is one principall part of a Lawyers Profession so that in this regard this Antipathy is neither without nor besides my calling Sixtly to vindicate the sinâ—ere professors of Religion for I will be no Patron of Frantike Enthusiasts or dissembling Hypocrites in generall and my selfe in particular from the Calumnies of the Prelates and their Instruments There is nothing more frequent in late Prelaticall Factious discourses Sermons Writings then to accuse the true servants of God and most zealous Christians of Sedition Treason Rebellion Faction and Conspiracie against their Soveraignes and Superiours In this sort have they slandered our Martyrs Latymer Luther and others heretofore and many poore Christians now and this practise hath beene so common that the Century-writers observe Solemne est ut Christianis crimina seditionis laesae Majestatis a persecutoribus affingantur quibus tamen non sunt obnoxii And for my owne particular though conscious to my selfe of no seditious or disloyall Act it hath beene my unhappinesse to be not onely slandered but Censured by our Prelates as a Seditious Person for Bookes authorized by their owne Chaplainâ—s approbations and to be accused to his Majestie and proclaimed both in Print and Pulpit by Canterbury and his Agents for a Malevolent against State and Church a Traytor Rebell Factious Spirit Monster worse than any Priest or Iesuite one deserving to be forfeited to the Gallowes and as â—ad as Corah Dathan and Abiram onely for oppugning their Arminian and Popish Innovations their desperate incroachments upon his Majesties Royall Prerogative the Lawes and Subjects Liberties according to my Oath and Duty I could doe no lesse therefore for the vindication of my owne personall Innocencie which your Honours by your unanimous Votes have now abundantly cleared with the ruines of that Court which censured me the justification of all sincere Professors from these Prelaticall black Calumnies and the perpetual silencing of our Prelates slanderous Tongues Quils in this kinde then present your Honours and the world with an irrefragable Catalogue of their most horrid Treasons Rebellions and Seditions in all ages which alone out-vie all other mens whatsoever both for quality and numerosity and so returne these malicious defamations with infinite disadvantage upon their own guilty Pates Qui ut crimina in silentium mitterent sua vitam infamare conati sunt alienam cum possent ipsi ab innocentibus argui innocentes arguere studuerint mittentes ubique liter as livore dictante conscriptas as some delinquents did of old whose steps our Prelates trace These were the speciall reasons both of my compiling and publishing this Antipathy wherin your Excellencies may clearely discerne that these Exorbitances of
this peece of it may seasonably promote have induced mee to divide it into two parts the first whereof thou hast here compleate the second God willing thou shalt receive with all possible expedition In the mean season I shall desire thy favourable acceptation of this moity and of a perfect Table of the severall Chapters of the whole Treatise wherein thou maist behold the latter part in Epitome till thou enjoy it in grosse A TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS OF THE FIRST PART Chap. I. COntaining the severall Treasons Conspiracies Rebellions Seditions Contumacies and Disloyalties of the Archbishops of Canterbury against their Soveraignes Kings of England and the severall Warres Tumults and Dissentions occasioned and raised by them in or against our Realme Chap. II. Of the severall Treasons Conspiracies Rebellions Seditions State-schismes Contempts and Disloyalties of the Archbishops of Yorke against their Soveraignes and of the Warres Tumults and Civill Dissentionâ— caused by them Chap. III. Comprising the severall Treasons Conspiracies Rebellions Contumacies Disloyalties Warres Dissentions and State Schismes of the Bishops of London Winchester Durham Salisbury and Lincolne The TABLE of the Chapters of the second Part. Chap. IV. Comprising the Treasons Conspiracies Seditions Conâ—umacies and Disloyalties of the Bishops of Ely Exeter and Hereford Chap. V. Containing the Treasons Conspiracies Seditions Contumacies and Disloyalties of the Bishops of Chichester Carlile Chester and Norwich Chap. VI. Comprising the Treasons Conspiracies Seditions Contumacies and Disloyalties of the Bishops of S. Davids Landaffe Bangor Asaph Bath and Wels. Chap. VII Containing the severaâ—l Treasons Rebellions Seditions Schismes Contumacies Warres and disloyalties of the Bishops of France Normandy Scotland and Ireland with reference unto England Chap. VIII Containing certaine conclusions deduced from the premises with the judgements and râ—solutions of divers of our ancient Writers and Martyrs and some of our learnedest Bishops and Authors in Queene Elizabeths raigne touching the pretended Divine Iurisdiction of Bishops their Treasons Rebellions Temporalties large Possessions and the uselessenesse unprofitablenesse and mischievousnesse of Lordly Bishops and their government in our Church Chap. IX Comprising an answer to the principall Objections alleaged by the Prelates in defence of the Divine pretended institution and for the continuance of their Episcopacieâ— in our Church ERRATA PAge 11. l. 40. read The King thinking p. 73. l. 21. such l. 33. aâ—t au Royans Râ—y p. 78. l. â—0 faithfull p. â—25 l. 28. granted grâ—nted p. 132. l. 5. Edward deceasing p. 144. l. 1. Dâ—acanâ—s p. 147. l 9 Datary p. 150. â— l 8. Penry p. 152. l. 24. against p. 156. l. 16. Saxons p. 171. l. 11. Archiepiscopall l. 15 un intâ—rruptâ—d p. 176. l. 38 oppressions p 194 l. 13. undefiâ—ed p. 212. l. 14. they the. p. 220 l. 11. favour feare p. 234. l. 1. be appâ—ehended p. 2â—8 l. 18. this the p. â—3â— l. 6. dele a. p. 242. l. 1 dele andâ— l. 12. Edmond Edward pâ— 241 l 8. Bishop p. 260. l. 13. were where p. 261. l. 14. excellently learned p. â—62 l 37. ripped p. 284. l. 2â—â—â—ele in p. 277 l. 27.35 deluded deâ—ivered p. 280 l. 2. Cales l 25. forfeiting fortefying p. 281 l. 31. said laid 282 l. 23 wiâ—e wâ—â—e p 292. l. 23. greaâ—lyâ— p 295. l. 30. upon this p. 305 l. 20. left lift l. 28. or of p. 312. l. 40. everâ— even p. 315. l. 9. learned unlearned p. 318. l. 24. examination excommunication p. 323. l. â—9 Geofâ—yâ— Hugh p. 327. l. 17. gravissima l. 27. accuse accurse p. 331. l. 20. strangers p. 334. l. 4. from his p. 336. l. 29. imployed In the Margin p. â—35 l. 6. Beacon l. 8. vol. 3. p. â—51 l. 5. Bishop See THE PROLOGVE THere is nothing more frequent in these latter dayâ—s in the mouthes of our domineering Lordly Prelates than this triviall Paradox of Archbishop Bancroft which some would Originally father upon our late Soveraigne King James NO BISHOP NO KING as if Kings could neither bee nor continue Kings unlesse Prelates were suffered both to be and continue Lords and Princes Crownes irreparably lost if Bishops Miters were but once cast downe This absurd and groundlesse Assertion as it is evidently disproved by those many flourishing Kings and Kingdomes which have well subsisted withâ—ut Lord Bishops both before these Mushrome Lords Spirituall onely in Title but wholly Temporall in reality first sprouted up by insensible degrees in the Church of Christ so it is most infallibly convinced of notorious falshood by the multitude of those most execrable Treasons Treacheries Conspiracies Rebellions Contumacies Insurrections Seditions and Anti-Monarchiall practises of Lordly Prelates against their Soveraignes in all ages since they grew rich and potent in all Kingdomes and Churches where they have beene admitted of which there are so many presidents as would fully fraught many Folio Volumes and require another Baronius or Tostatus to digest into severall vast Tomes And I dare further adde to the immortall prayse of this loyall generation of Lordly Prelates that there is no one calling or profession of men whatsoever in the Christian World guilty of so many traiterous treacherous perfidious seditious rebellious contumacious practises and conspiracies against their lawfull Princes or that have proved such execrable firebrands of dissentions commotions bloody warres Rebellions and detestable Schismes both in Church and State as these Prelaticall Lords Yea I suppâ—se I may confidently averre without any errour or calumny that Lordly Prelates have beene the Originall Authors and contrivers of more Treasons Conspiracies Rebellions Schismes Warres and Contentions in Christian Kingdomes than all other rankes and callings of men whatsoever not severally considered but united This I could at large demonstrate by an whole Volume of examples of Popes and Lordly Prelates in forraigne parts but I neede not travell abroad since we have so many presidents at home of our owne English Lordly Prelates as may abundantly suffice to illustrate this truth the chiefest whereof I have here collected and faithfully transcribed out of the Marginall Authors quoted to every of them whose very words I onely recite for the most part but where brevity or necessitie enfoâ—ce me to use my owne expressions for methâ—d or connexion sake when the Historians either somewhat vary or are over-tedious in their relations or where one Historian relates some particulars which another omits in which case I must desire the Reader to peruse all the Authors quoted to each example lest examining onely one or two of them which record but a part and not the entire relation he should either wrong himselfe or censure me of calumnie or forgerie without just cause Neither let the Reader here expect an exact enumeration of all the Treasons Conspiracies Trecheries Rebellions Seditions Conâ—umacies Warres or State-schismes that our English Prelates have beene guilty of since they became potent Lordsâ— for many of them no doubt were so secretly contrived and carryed by them that the Historians of their â—imes could have no information of them
on Saint Stephens day by William Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the most part of the Nobility being present and swearing Fealty unto him as to their true and lawfull Soveraigne Howbeit there were diverse of the wiser sort of estates which regarding their former Oath to bee true unto the Empresse Maude could have beene contented that the Empresse should have governed till her Sonne had come to lawfull age notwithstanding they held their peace as yet and consented unto Stephen But the breach of their Oathes was worthily punished afterward insomuch that as well the Bishops as the other Nobles either dyed an evill death or were afflicted with divers kinds of calamities and mischances and that even here in this life Yet there were some of them namely the Bishop of Salisbury which protested that they were free from their Oath of Allegeance made to the sayd Empresse because that without the consent of the Lords of this Land she was marryed out of the Realme Whereas they tooke their Oath to receive her for Queene upon that condition That without their assent she should not marry with any person out of this Realme Moreover as some writers thinke the Bishops tooke it they should do God good service in providing for the wealth of the Realme and the advancement of the Church by their Perjurie For whereas the late deceased King Henry the first used himselfe not altogether for their purpose they thought That if they might set up and create a King chiefely by their especiall meanes and authority he would follow their counsell better and refoâ—me such things as they judged to be amisse So He. But this trecherous Act of them in dis-inheriting Maude wherein the Bishop of Wiâ—â—hester was a chiefe Actor yet afterwards joyned with Maude for a season and then fell off againe what Civill Warres Tumults Battailes evill effects and blood-shed it occasioned here in England to the prejudice of the whole Realme 〈◊〉 all our Chronicles and Historians in the life of King Stephen testifie at large Theobald Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his immediate Successour being summoned by the Pope to appeare at the Councell of Rhemes the King at the instigation of Henry Bishop of Winchester his Brother the Popes Legat and Arch-Bishops opposite prohibited him to passe beyond Sea to stay him at home But he thinking it safer to offend the King then the Pope resolved to goe and though all the Ports were stopped and layd for him yet over the Seas hee got The King thereupon seized all his goods and Temporalties and banished him the Realme he like a tall fellow thereupon interdicted the King with the whole Realme and taking advantage of the time which was very troublesome came home and lived in Norfolke till by the intercession of the Bishops he was restored to his Bishopricke After which growing into great favour with the King in a Convocation summoned at London 1152. the King would have constrained the Clergie to make Eustace his sonne King which they refusing and delaying to doe having a command from the Pope to the contrary pretending that his Father King Stephen was an Usurper and perjured Intruder the King and his sonne cauâ—ed the doores to bee shut upon the Clergie where they were assembled thinking by force and threatning to compell them thereto before they departed The greater number seemed to yeeld but the Arch-Bishop stealing secretly out of the place tooke his Barge and rowing downe the Thames got beyond Sea so that by this meanes the Synod was dissolved His goods hereupon were presently once more confiscate and his Temporalties seized into the Kings hands He thereupon troubled the Realme with Fire Sword and bloody Warres causing Henry Fitz-Empresse to invade the Land whose Title the Pope favoured of purpose to strengthen himselfe against King Lewis of France who had highly offended his Holinesse by casting his Bulls whereby he requireâ— the Fruites of Vacancies of Cathedrall Churches in France into the fire saying Hee had râ—ther the Popes Bulls should râ—st in the fire than his owne Soule shoâ—ld fry in Hell Thomas Becket succeeding Theobald by King Henry the seconds extraordinary favour though against the Canons he being both a souldier a Courtier and skilled onely in â—ecular affaires to require his Soveraignes extraordinary favour he first resigned his Bishopricke which hee had received from the Kings hands into the Popes in a secret manner receiving it backe againe as from him and then looked so narrowly into the Lands belonging to his See having great authority and some skill in the Law That under colour of defending the Rites of his Church hee tooke violently from every man what he listed and practising Treason secretly he required of the King the keeping of Rochester Castle and the custody of the Tower of London and called Roger Earle of Clare unto Westminster to doe his homage unto him for the Castle of Tunbridge which the Earle denyed through the setting on of the King so as he provoked many of all sorts of people every where with open mouth to exclaime against him and to make their complaints thicke and three-fold to the King betweene whom and the King there arose a great quarrell upon this occasion The Clergie by their flattery policy and Canons having exempâ—ed themselves from secular Jurisdiction and presuming upon Beckets power grew strangely impudent and disorderly insomuch that the Chiefe Justice declared in the Kings presence how that Clergie men had committed above an hundred murthers since his raigne wherewith the King highly offended he became somewhat too vehement in punishing them but the blame of the Kings over-much earnestnesse must lye on the Prelates inasmuch as they gave the cause thereof For whereas sacred Canons ordaine that Clerkes found guilty not onely of hainous and grievous sinnes but also of lesser should be degraded and thousands of such were then in the Church of England like inâ—umerable chaffe among a little good Corne yet very few such for many yeares had beene then deprived The Prelates forsooth while they bestirred themselves rather to uphold the liberties and dignities of Clerkes than to chastise and cut off their vices thought they did God and his Church good service in protecting from publicke Discipline such heinous offenders whom by duty of their places they ought to correct according to the Canon censure whereby they thrâ—ugh their impunity having liberty to doe what they listed had neither feare of God whose Judgement they thought to be a farre off neither of men in authority sith on the one side their Prelates neglected to reforme them and on the other side they were thus exempt by their order from secular Jurisdiction This being the state of the Church and Realme where in some were so injured without remedy and others so injurious without coertion as if neither sort were in condition of Subjects the king thereupon tooke speciall care of quickning the publicke Discipline and the rigour of ancient â—awes which thus lay
neglected and thereupon would that all such of the Clergie as were deprehâ—nded in any Robbery Murther Felony burning of houses and the like should be tryed and adjuged in his temporall Courts as Lay men were Against which the Arch-Bishops resolution was That Clergie-men so offending should be tryed onely in the Spirituall Courts and by men of their owne Coat who if they were convict should at first be onely deprived of their Oâ—fice and Benefice but if they should againe be guiltie of the like they should be adjudged at the kings pleasure In this maine controversie betweene the Crowne and the Mitre the Arch-Bishop stood so peremptory on the immunities of his Clergie and See as that he challenged from theâ— Crowne to the Kings great offence the custody of Rochester Castle and other Forts which the King for securing his State had resumed into his owne hands The King finding himselfe to be hereby but a demi-king deprived of all Soveraignty over one halfe deale of his Kingdome and perceiving Beckets stiffenesse in thus contesting with his Soveraigne to be no wayes mollifiable by whatsoever his old favours or fresh perswasions notwithstanding resolved to put nothing in execution which should not first be ratified and strengthned with the consent of his Bishops Who thereupon assembling at Westminster the King tooke both offence there at the Arch-Bishops thwarting his desires and occasions to establish sundry Articles which hee called his Grandâ—athers Customes peremptorily urging Becket to yeeld thereunto without any such reservation as saving in all things his order and right of the Church wherewith hee would have limited his assent The points in those ordinances which he principally stucke at as appeares by his owne Letter to the Pope were these 1. That none should appeale to the Bishop of Rome for any cause whatsoever without the Kings license 2. That it should not be lawfull for any Arch-Bishop or Bishop to depart the Realme or repaire to the Pope upon his summons without the Kings license 3. That no Bishop should excommunicate any man holding of the King in chiefe or put any other of his Officers under interdict without the Kings license 4. That Clerkes criminous should be tryed before secular Iudges 5. That it should not be lawfull for a Bishop to punish any one for perjury or faith-breach 6. That the Laity whether the King or other should hold pleas of Churches and Tithes c. These points so neerely touched the Papall Soveraigntie and Church-liberties that the resolute Metropolitane mainely opposed his whole power against them The King being as resolute to enforce him to subscribe to them both to â—nlarge his Soveraigne authority and to exempt his estate by degrees from dependancie on any externall Government as lineally claiming from absolute Soveraigne Antecessors At last Pope Alexander very desiâ—ous to keepe the Kings love though secretly wishing well to Beckets attempts sent one Philip his Almoner to compose the controversie by whom the Pope and Cardinalls required the Arch-Bishop to promise the King to keepe his sayd Ordinances absolutely without any savings or exceptions Whereupon Becket seeing his Scrupulositie thus disapproved by his Soveraigne by all his Brethren the Biâ—hops and the Court of Rome it selfe hee rode to Woodstocke to the King and there promised that he would keepe the sayd Lawes Bâ—na fide and without male engin The King thereupon supposing now all contradictions would cease called an Assembly of the States at Claâ—endon to collect and enact those Lawes where Becket relapsing from his former promise to the King sayd He had grievously sinned in making that absolute Oath and that he would not sinne any more At which the King was so vehemently inflamed that hee threatned banishment and destruction to him and his But at last the Arch-Bishop being overcome by perswasions of divers Nobles and Bishops sware before the King Clergie and people in the word of a Priest and sincerely that he would observe the Lawes which the King intituled Avitae And all the Bishops Abbots Priors and whole Clergie with all the Earles Barons and Nobilitie did promise and sweare the â—ame faithfully and truly to observe and performe to the King and his Heires for ever But when the King not so contented would have him to subscribe and fixe his Seale to an instrument in which these Customes and Lawes were comprised as every one of the other Bishops had done bâ—fore him he once againe starting from his faith did absolutely refuse it alledging that hee did promise to doe the King some honour in word onely but not with an intent to confirme these Articles being 16. in number neither would he subscribe or seale them unlesse the Pope by his Bull did first confirme them The King hereupon sent two Embassadours to Rome to the Pope to crave his allowance of those Lawes and to pray that the Legantine power of England might bee committed to the Arch-Bishop of Yorke Becket being so farre from seeking to pacifie the Kings displeasure as dayly hee provoked him more and morâ—â— The Pope knowing the cause to bee his owne more than Beckets rejected both these suites Becket having dealt so with him beâ—ore-hand that hee would doe nothing to his prejudice and withall absolved him and the other Bishops from their Oath of Allegeance to their Prince Whereupon the King commanded Becket to bee condemned in dammages â—or a Manor which Iohn de Marshall claimed and in the Parliament of Northampton demanded an accounâ— of him of 30000. pound which came to his hand during his Chancellorship which hee excusing and refusing punctually to answer the Peeres and Bishops condemned all his movables tâ— the Kings mercy After which the Prelates â—hemselves by a joynt consent adjudged him guilty of perjury for not yeelding tempoâ—all obedience to the King according to his Oath disclaiming all obedienâ—e to him thence forward as to their Arch-Bishop Becket the next day whiles the Bishops and Peeres were consulting of some fâ—rther course with him caused to be sung before him at the Altar The Princes sit and speake against mee and the ungodly persecute me c. And forthwith taking his silver Crosier in his owne hands a thing strange and unheard of before enters armed therewith into the Kings prâ—sence though earnestly disswaded by all that wished him well Wherewith the King enraged commanded his Peeres to sit in judgement upon him as on a Traytor and perjured person and accordingly they adjudged him to be apprehended and cast in prison as such a delinquent The Earles of Cornewall and Leicester who sate as Judges citing him forthwith to heare his sentence pronounced hee immediately appealed to the See of Rome as holding them no competent Judges whâ—reupon all reviling him with the name of Traytor and perjured person he replyed That were it not for his function he would enter the Duell or Combat with them in the field to acquit himselfe from Treason and perjury and so speeding from the Court departed into Flanders disguised
under the name of Dereman in a poore Fisher-boate accompanied onely with Servitors The King thereupon seized all his Goods and Temporalties into his hands and sent Ambassadours to the Earle of Flanders the French King and the Pope praying them in no wise to suffer or softer within their dominions one that was such a notorious Traytor to him The French King thinking that this disagreement betweene the King and the Arch-Bishop would breed some stirre in England dealt with the Pope that as hee loved the Roman Church and the ayde of France so hee would support Beckets cause against the King with whom though hee had amity before yet at Beckets instigation as is probable whose whole life was nothing else but a continued act of Rebellion Treachery and Disobedience against his Soveraigne Lord he presently fell to invade the King of Englands Dominions and tooke by Assault certaine Holds of his in Normandy The Arch-Bishop also about the same time growing in great savour with the Pope whom the King by all his friends and Agents could not move to any thing against him sent out particular Excommunications against all the suffâ—agan Bishops of his Province and all such as had obeyed defended or occasioned the sayd Lawes and A vitall customes and against some of them by name which Excommunications he published at Vizely in France on Ascension day when the Church was most full of people getting into the Pulpit theâ—e and solemnely accursing them with Bell Booke and Candle threatning the like thunder-clap against his owne Royall person Whereupon the King receiving such a foile from the Pope and such an affront from the Arch-Bishop directs his Writs to the Sherifes of England commanding them to attach all such who appealed to the Court of Rome with the Fathers Mothers Brothers Sisters Nephewes and Neeces of all the Clergie that were with the Arch-Bishop and to put them under sureties as also to seize the Revenues Goods and Chattels of these Clergie-men And by other Letters to Guilbert Bishop of London he sequestred the profits and Livings which within his Diocesse did belong to any of the Clergie who were fled to Thomas and signified to his Justices by a publicke Decree that no man should bring any Letters or Commandment from Pope Alexander or Thomas Arch-Bishop of Canterbury into England containing an Indiction of the Realme upon peril to be apprehended and punished as a Traytor to the King and an enemy to the Realm And that they should safe keepe whosoever did bring any Interdict into England till the Kings pleasure were further knowne causing all the Arch-bishops goods to be confiscated and banished out of the Realme all the Arch-Bishops kindred Man Woman Child and sucking Babes forbidding hee should be any longer mentioned publikely and prayed for in the Church as Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and to vexe him the more because he knew hee was much delighted in the Monastery of Pontiniac an Abbey of Cirstercian Monkes he signified to all the Monkes of that Order in his Dominion that he would banish them every one if they would not procure the Arch-Bishop to bee thrust out of that Monastery which for feare of so great calamity to so many men of their Order was effected And because Pope Alexander Beckets surest Card was ferrited much in like sort by Fredericke Barbarossa the Emperour the King therefore determined to joyne in league with him being a prosessed enemie both to the French King and the Pope sending Ambassadors to him for that purpose which the Pope having notice of began presently to quaile promising speedily to end all Controversies betweene him and Becket to the Kings liking Whereupon at the procurement of Iohn of Oxford two Legates were sent into England to reconcile the King and Thomas but the Pope hearing when they were gone that they were resolved utterly to confound the Arch-Bishop sent Letters after them to rebate their absolute power who when they came to Thomas he absolutely refused to put their cause unto them but upon such conditions as neither they nor the King would brooke The passages betweene the King and the Pope and Becket and his Complaints to the Pope against the King too tedious to recite at large you may reade at leisure in Holinshed Vol. 3. p. 70. to 75. wherein he desires the Pope to use his rigour both against the King and the Prelates that sided with him and to constraine them to amendment After this the Pope moved the French King to mediate a Peace betweene them For which purpose both the Kings and the Arch-Bishop were brought together at Paris where suite being made to the King in his behalfe That he might returne be restored to his goods and revenues arising during his absence and likewise to the Kings favour upon his humble submission The King answered That for the rest he was contented but that he could not allow him the profits of his Arch-Bishoprick since his Banishment for that he had already given them to others yet he would give him such recompence for them as the French King or the Senate or Students of Paris should thinke meete Whereupon Becket being called for and advised by his frieuds to submit himselfe in the presence of both Kings without any more reservations he falling downe humbly upon his knees used these words My Lord and Soveraigne I doe here commit unto your owne judgement the cause and controversie betweene us so farre forth as I may saving the honour of Almighty God The King much offended with his last exception turned him about unto the French King and telling how much hee had done for the Arch-Bishop and how â—ee had used him sayd I am so well acquainted with the Trickes of this Fellow that I cannot hope for any good dealing at his hands See you not how he goeth about to delude me with this clause saving the honour of God for whatsoever shall displease him hee will by and by alleadge to be prejudiciall to the honour of Almighty God But this I will say unto you whereas there have beene Kings of England many before mee whereof some were peradventure of greater Power than I the most part farre lesse and againe many Arch-Bishops before this man holy and noâ—able men looke what duty was ever performed by the greatest Arch-Bishop that ever was to the weakest and simplest of my Predecessours let him but yeeld me that and it shall abundantly content mee Hereunto the Arch-Bishop answered cunningly and stoutly That his Predecessours who could not bring all things to passe at the first dash were content to beare with many things and that as men they fell and omitted their duty oft times that that which the Church had gotten was by the constancie of good Prelates whose example he would follow thus farre forth as though he could not augment the priviledges of the Church in his time yet he would never consent they should be diminished This answere being heard all men cryed shame of him and generally
Peeâ—es of the Realme since hee proved another manner of man then hee looked to have found him the King having prepared a Royall Hoast and mighty Navie to revenge his forraine losses and wrongs on the Freâ—â—h King Hubert the Arch-Bishop who conâ—ederated with the Pope and French King against his Soveâ—aigne came with sundry others to Portesmouth to the King and â—â—â—ly forbids the King to proceed in the Voyage in trâ—th for feare hee should hinder King Philip from ayding the Pope against Otho the Emperour Whereupon the King dismâ—â—â—â—d his Forces Hubert being the instrument that so resolute Projects so inestimable Charges so necessary an Action of the Kings fell suddenly to the ground whereby besides the selfe-mischiefe which therewith fell on the King many fresh grudgings accrued unto him for suffering himselfe to bee thus violently repulsed from so behoofefull a purpose The King the next day checking himselfe for over-prizing the command of any man above the value of his Kingly Honour and Estate resolved to collect his disparkled Troupes and to put forth to Sea To which end taking order with his Nobles to follow him they gave him leave with a small company to waâ—t up and downe two dayes in expectance of their attendance till seeing them more obsequious â—o Huberâ—s command than his the Arch-Bishop also sending his inhibition after them on the Sea to stop their passage with the King hee was forced to come againe to Land The King hereupon put many of his Earles Barons Knights and Clergie-men to a grievous pecuniary Redemption for thus refusing to follow him for recovering his Inheritance The Arch Bishop though their Ring-leader might well have beene exempted from this Judgement by his passage to an higher dying the same weeke either of Griefe or of a Feaver which killed him in foure dayes But the King forthwith in person going to Canterbury seized upon all his Wealth and Possessions shewing himselfe right joyâ—ull that now hee was rid of him whom men suspected of too familiar practising with the French King saying Hee was never a King till now by reason of Huberts too presumptuous daring to crosse his Royall Resolutions as of late hee did This Hubert being Chiefe Justice and Archâ—Bishop in Richard the first his timâ— Anno 1198 the Monkes of Christsâ— Church in Canterbury exhibited this Complaint against him to Pope Innocent That their Arch-Bishop Hubert contrary to his Order and Dignity exercised the Office of High Iustice and saâ—e in Iudgement of Blood being so encumbred in Temporall matters that he could not â—ave time to discharge his Office touching Spirituall Causeâ— Whereupon the Pope sent to King Richard admonishing him not to suffer the sayd Arch Bishop to be any longer troubled with Temporall Affaires but to discharge him thereof and not to admit any Spirituall person from thenceforth unto any Temporall administration He further prohibited by vertue of their obedience all manner of Prelaâ—es and men of the Church that they should not presume rashly to take upon them any manner of Secular Function or Office Whereupon the Arch-Bishop was discharged of his Office of Chiefe Justice and Geffrey Fitz-Peter succeeded in government of the Realme in his stead Afterwards this Arch-Prelate being made Lord Chancellor of England by King Iohn Anno. 1199. and uttering some words unadvisedly that shewed how hee inwardly rejoyced at the Kings favour towards him in the gift of this Office and so gloried in the Honour whereto hee was preferred which he would never have done if he had weighed of worldly pompe as by his Profession hee ought and as one asketh the question in the same case Dic mihi nunquid Corporibus prosunt Certe nil dic Animabus Tantundem c. The Lord Bardolfe sayd unto him yet not so soâ—tly in his eare but that some over-heard it My Lord to speake and not offend you surely if you well consider the Honour and Dignity of your Calling you would not willingly yeeld to suffer this yoake of Bondage to be layd upon your shoulders For we have oftentimes heard of a Câ—ancellour made an Arch-Bishop as was Thomas Becket who upon his instalment in the Sea of Canterbury immediately resigned his Lord Chancelours Office sending his great Seale to the King then in Normandy with a Letter wherein he certified him That hee could not serve the Church and the Court both at once and that this moved him to resigne his Chancelourship as incompatible wiâ—h his Arch-Bishopricke but wee never heard of an Arch-Bishop made a Chancelour till now Such an unseemely and unlawfull thing was it then reputed for Bishops to intermeddle with Temporall Offices and Affaires which are incompatible with their Spirituall Function and are seldome managed by them but to the great oppression the ruin of the People and State Hubert being dead the Monkes of Canterbury secretly at midnight elected Reginald their Sub-prior for his Successour taking an Oath of him not to make his Election knowne to any till he came to the Popes presence whither he was advised to post with all speed The Oath hee violates as soone as ever he had crossed the Sea bearing himselfe every where as Lord Elect shewing withall the testimoniall of his Election to divers which so incensed his Brethren the Electors against him as they presently resolved to become suiters to the King â—or pardon of their fault in chusing him without his license and also that hee would permit them to make a new Election supposing the old frustrate by the Elects perjury They did so and obtained their request the rather because they made shew of readinesse in satisfying the Kings desire who wished them to elect Iohn Gray Bishop of Norwich him they sent for in all haste to Canterbuâ—y where they solâ—mnly elected him for their Arch-Bishop publishing his Election in the Church before the King and an infinite number of people placing him in the Bishops Chaire The King putting him in possession of his temporalties â—orth-with These two Elections being presented to the Pope hee adjudged them both voyd and making use of the Monkes debate â—he greater part being then at Rome some of them avouching their first Election as good others importunately seeking to have the latter confirmed he secretly practised with them and at last perswaded them to elect Stephen Langhton an English man and Cardinall of Rome of singular gifts and Learning which done the Pope with his owne hands gave him Consecration at Viturbium and well knowing how haynoâ—sly the King would take the matter he writ Letters unto him sweetned with many intreaties large praises of the new Arch-Bishop and seasoned now and then with some touches of doubtfull threatning if hee should oppose himselfe against that was then done This notwithstanding the King in great indignation as hee had just cause banished and drove out all the Monkes of Canterbury by force who were entertained in forraigne Monasteries seized upon all their goods lands and
a Councell of the Prelates together how hee might relieve the holy Church that was made subject and thrall It was consulted that the King and all other men that were Rebels should be warned and if they would not amend then the wrecke of censures of holy Church should not sleepe The holy man Edmund assented and went to the King with the other Bishops who threatned to Excommunicate him if he would not reforme the things they demanded and put away his evill Councellors The King asked avisement and he abode but all for nought Therefore the King was spared alone and all other that were Rebells were denounced accursed But thereby would they not be amended This Arch-Prelate at last being continually vexed thwarted and disgraced both by the King the Pope his Legates and others with whom he contested taking his leave of the King departed into voluntary exile and there bewailing the misery of his Country spoyled and miserably wasted by the tyranny and strange exactions of the Pope spent the rest of his time in continuall teares and through extreame griefe sorrow and fasting fell into a Consumption and dyed being afterwards canonized for a Saint by Pope Innocent the fourth Arch-Bishop Boniface his immediate successor raised many commotions and stirs both in Church and State hee was the Kings instrument for polling of England and brought him much money he was also a great warrier better skilled in Military than Church affaires Not to mention this Arch-Prelates combat with the Prior and Monkes of Saint Bartholmewes which put the whole City of London into an uproate and made much worke both at the Kings Court and at Rome Or how he procured a Grant from the Pope to receive one whole yeares profit of all Livings and Cures that should fall voyd within his Province for 7. yeares space to the value of 10000. Markesâ— At which the King at first was sore offended I shall only reciâ—e some traytorly and Anti-monarchicall constitutions made by him his fellow Prelates in a Synod held at Westminster 1270. to the great impeachment of the Kings Prerogative and affront of his Nobles Judges and Temporall Courts of Justice First they decreed That no Arch-Bishop Bishop or inferior Prelate and Clergi-man should eiâ—her by the Kings Writ or any other Noblemans or secuâ—ar Officers warrant be called to answer before any secular Court or Judge for any cause which they there determin to be meerely Ecclesiasticall Or for any extravagances and undue proceedings in their Ecclesiasticall Courts And that no Clergie-man should presume to appeare upon such Writ or summons before any temporall Judge or Court under paine of Excommunication because no Lay power hath any authority to judge the Lords Anointed whom they ought of necessity to obey And to take away so great abuses preserve the liberties of the Church we decree and ordaine say they that the sayd Archâ—bishops Bishops and other Prelates shall not appeare though they be called summoned to do it as aforesaid Yet to preserve the Kings â—onour the greatest Prelates shall goe or write to the King and shew that they cannot obey such his Royall Mandates without the perill of their Order and the subversion of their Ecclesiasticall Liberty And if the King desist not the Bp. whom it concernes shal admonish the King the second time that he looke to the salvation of his soule and altogether desist from such Mandates And if he desist not at the denuntiation of the Bishop the Arch-Bishop or else the Bishop of London as tâ—e Deane of the Bishops calling to him two or three Bishops or more whom he shall thinke meete shall goe to the King und admonish him more seriously requiring â—im to supersediate his Mandates And if the King after such exhortations and monitions shal proceed to attachments and destresses by himselfe or others then the Sheriffes and all other Baylifes who prosecute the Bishops to attach them shall by the Diocesans of the places be driven away in forme of Law by the sentence of Excommunication and interdiction The like shall be done if the Sheriffes or Bayliffes proceed to Attachments or Distresses pretending the foresayd monitions to be made to our Lord the King as afore-sayd And if the Sheriffes or Baâ—liffes shall persevere in their obstinacie the places wherein they live and the Lands they have within the Province of Canterbury shall be interdicted by the Diâ—cesans of the places at the denuntiation of the Bishop in whose Diocesse such Distresses shall be taken And if such Attachers be Clerks Beneficed they shall be suspended from their Office and if they persevere in their malice they shall be compelled to desist and give satisfaction by substracting the profits of theâ—r benefices And if they be not Beneficed in case they be presented to any Beneâ—ice they shall not be thâ—reto admitted â—or five yeares space And the Clerkes who shall dictate write or signe such Attachments or distresses or give any counsell or advice therein shall be Canonically punished and if any Clerke be suspected of the premises â—e shall not be admitted to any Ecclesiasticall Benefice untill he shall Canonically purge himselfe thereof And if our Lord the King or any other secular power competently admonished concerning this shall not revoke such distresses or Attachments the Bishop distrained shal put under Ecclesiasticall interdict the Lands Villages Townes and Castles which the King himselfe or other secular person so distrainiâ—g shall have within his Bishopricke And if the King or any other secular power contemning such penalties shall persevere in their obstinacy then the Arch-Bishop or the Bishop of London at the denunciation of the Bishop complaining calling to him two Bishops or more whom he shall thinke meete shall repaire to the King and diligently admonish and require him to supersede from the foresaid Mandates And if our Lord the King having heard these admonitions and exhortations shall proceed to Attachments or distresses by himself or others then the other two Bishops reputing this distresse as a common injury to the Church by the authority of this present Counsell shall put under Ecclesiasticall interdict all the Demisne Lands Burroughes Castles and Townes of the King himselfe or any other great man being within the Precincts of their Diocesse And if the King or other great Man shall not within 20. dayes after revoke the said Distresses or Attacâ—ments but shall for this bandy against the Church being with Pharaoh made more obdurate amidst the strokes of punishments then the Archâ—bishop shall put his whole Diocesse under inâ—erdict The same shall be done to the Castles Lands and Burroughes of great men who have Royalties within the said Province And if any Bishop shall be found negligent or remisse in the exeâ—utions of the said penalties in such cases he shall be sharpely reprehended by the Metropolitan Afâ—er which they in the same Councell decree the like Interdicts Excommunications and Proceedings against all such who shall intrude
upon the possessions of the Church against Clerkes who receive Churches by Lay-mens power against such Judges and others who shall release excommunicate persons ouâ— of prison without the Bishops consent against Lay-men who shall apprehâ—nd Clergy-men for civill crimes against such who obtaine or grant Prohibitions to their Courts against the King or his Officers who grieve or waste Churches possessions during their vacancy against Judges and other Officers who by a Quo Warranto question the Liberties which any Church or Prelaâ—e hath long time enjoyed though without any Charter against secular Judges who shall judge any Charters made to the Church voyd for uncertaineâ—y against Lords who shall endeavor to enforce Clergy men to make suit to their secular Courts contrary to the Liberties of the Church and the like In all or most of which if the King upon notice and monition conforme not to Prelates desires and stop not all proceedings and judgements in his Courts against them his Judges and Officers shall be excommunicated and their Lands together with the Kings and the whole Province of Canterbury interdicted as aforesaidâ— This Arch-Prelate and hâ—s conâ—ederates thus trampling upon the Kings Crowne Royalties Judges Courts Nobility Subjects and the Lawes of the Kingdome the King to stop their encroachments was enforced to send forth Writs of Ad jura Regia and Prohibitions to inhibit their proceedings Wherein he thus complained We aâ—e troubled not without cause and moved while we behold those who live under our Dominion and are there honored with Benefices and Rents by reason whereof they ought to assist us in the defence and tuition of the Rights of our Royall Crowne with neckes liâ—â—ed up against us endeavouring to the uttermost of their power to impugne the said Rights to the GRIEVOVS PREIVDICE AND HVRT OF OVR ROYALL DIGNITIE AND CROWNE and in contempt of us Wherefore we who by the bond of an Oath are obliged to the unwounded Observance of the Rights of our Crowne and Dignity prohibit you that you presume not to attempâ— any thing in the promises which may any way derogate from the Right of our Crowne and Dignity and if any thing in this kind haâ—h beene unduely attempted by you that you cause it to be revoked without any delay left we proceed â—o appreheâ—d you in a grievous manner as the violaters of the Rights of our Crowne and Dignity Thâ—s Boniface at last knowing himselfe very ill beloved boâ—h of the King and of all the Commons and Clergy in generall and being commanded by the King to give over his Bishopricke he thereupon â—elled his Woods let Leases forced from his Tenants and others what moneys he could possibly and having gathered great sums one way or other carryed it all with him over Sea into Savoy where he dyed Iohn Peckam the next Arch-Bishop of Canterbury but one was created Bishop of that See by the Popes meere Authority against the Monkes and Kings consents whence in his Letters to the Pope he usually stiled himselfe his creature though he made him pay foure thousand Markes for his Creation And to â—hew himselfe his creature in good earnest he upon the Popes most insolenâ— Letter to him recorded at large by Matthâ—w Parker in his life to prohibit King Edward the first from collecting the Tenths granted to him in England by the Clergy for the recovery of the Holy Land â—rom the Sarazens which the King collected by his owne Officers and laid up in such places as he thought meet without the Popes speciall license not without great sinne agâ—inst the divine Majesty and high contempt of the Apostolicke Seaâ— went to the King immediately being then in the confines of Wales and there publikely before all his Nobles by vertue of the Popes command admonished the King First within one moneths space to restore all the Monies collected and to send it to the places formerly appointed for its custody with so great promptitude of devotion as might expiate the former blot of removing it thence Secondly that he should â—or time to come wholly desist from such attempts adding that althoâ—gh the Apostolicall clemency did yet embrace him as one of her deare Sonnes yet if he should hereafter chance to be found guilty of such offences that she neither would nor yet could substract the Rod of Correction from him left by sparing man she should consent to those Divine injuries which she corrected not Thirdly that he should neither molest nor grieve any of the Keepers or Depositaries of the said Monies upon this occasion To which insolent Demands the King gave a very mild Answer This Lordly Prelate was very stately in his gesture gate words and outward â—hew he very often opposed himselfe against King Edward the first in Parliament in right of his Church denying to grant him Tenths conâ—esting with him often about certaine Liberâ—ies pertaining to the Crowne touching Church matters Anno 1279. he held a Councell at Reading wherein he enjoyned all Priests every Lords day to excommunicate among others those who impetrated Letters or Writs from any Lay Court to hinder the proceedings of the Ecclesiastickes in Causes pertaining to them by the holy Canons He held his Prebendary of Lions in France in Commendam and would not part with it by any meanes because he looked every day to be driven out of England by the King whom he stiffely opposed and resisted to his face in many things and then he should have no othâ—r home to take to Hee promptly obeyed the Popes commands against the King not to pay him any Subsidies or give him any aide without the Popes consent and oft admonishing the King before his Nobles to obey â—he Popes Mandates in derogation of his Crowne and tending to the great oppression of his Subjects Hee called another Councell aâ— Lambeth Anno 1280. in which he went about to annihilate certaine Liberties belonging to the Crowne as the taking knowledge of the Right of Patronages and the Kings Prohibitions In placitis de catallis and such like which seemed meerely to touch the Spiritualty But the King by some in that Councell withstood the Arch-Bishop openly and with menaces stayed him from concluding any thing that might prejudice his Royall Liberties and Prerogatives After which he held another Councell at Reading Anno 1290. where he and the Bishops purposed to draw the Conusans of Advowsons and Patronages of Churches belonging time out of minde to the Kings Temporall Couâ—ts to the Ecclesiasticall Consistories utterly to cut off all the Kings Prohibitions to these Courts in suites concerning Goods Chattels and Debts so that the Ecclesiasticall Judges should not from thenceforth be prohibited to proceed on in them But the King hearing of this their designe and encroachment on his Royall Crowne prohibited them to proceed therein under paine of his indignation whereupon the Councell was dissolved and the Archâ—Bishop and other Prelates frustrated of their hopes Who yet proceeding to encroach upon the Kings
Royalties in their Ecclesiasticall Courts Hee thereupon sent forth Writs to restraine them to this effect Rex Archiepiscopis c. The King to the Arch-Bishops Bishops Abbots Priors Deanes Arch-Deacons Chancellours Praecentors Provosts Sacrists Prebends in Cathedrall and Collegiate Churches and to all other Ecclesiasticall Persons constituted in what-ever Dignity or Office as also to publike Notaries and all others greeting It behoveth us so much the more carefully to doe our endeavour and more soliciâ—ously to extend our hand to our Royall Prerogatives lest they â—hould utterly perish or by the undue Usurpations of any be in some â—ort substracted by maintaining them as farre as we lawfully may by reducing them to their due stateâ— if any of them have beene substracted and seized on as likewise by bridling the impugners oâ— our said Royall Jurisdictions and by punishing them as it is meet according to their demerits And so much the rather by how much we are knowne to be obliged to doe it by the Bond of an Oath and behold more men from day to day to impugne the same Rights to their utmost power whereas we have recovered in our Court before us by consideration of the said Courâ— our Collation to the Prebend of S. in the Church of Saint Peters in Yorke c. And now we have understood that certaine men endeavouring with all thâ—â—r might to impugne our Royall Right and forâ—saiâ— Judgement as likewise our Collation made to our said Clerke have made and procured to be made certaine Provocations Appealeâ— Indictions Inhibitions c. by the which if they should proceed our Royall Right and foresaid Judgement and the effect of our Collation should be annulled which might many wayes generate prejudice and exheredation to us and our Crowne We desiring by all meanes we may to prevenâ— such prejudice and exheredation and to restraine the unlawfull endeavours of all the impugners of the Rights of our Crowne strictly prohibite you and every of you that you doe not by pretext of any Commission made or hereafter to be made to you or any of you presume by any Authority without our advice to attempt or by others in any soâ—â— cause to be attempted any thing which may tend to the derogation of our Royall Right or annulling of the â—oresaid Judgement rightly given or the weakening of our said Collation knowing that if you shall doe otherwise we will proceed to apprehend you in a grievous manner Tanquam violatores Iuris nostri Regii as violaters of our Royall Right By these Writs the Usurpations of this Arch Prelate and the Bishops on the Kings Royall Prerogative and Courts of Justice were somewhat restrained otherwise they had in time made themselves absolute Kings and the Kings of England meere Cyphers and onely executioners of their Papall pleasures Robert Winchelsie his Successour exceedingly opposed his Soveraigne King Edward the first Who having spent an infinite summe of Money in the Warres of Scotland summonâ—d a Parliament at Barwicke wherein when the Temporalty contributed liberally toward the charge of that Warre the Clergy alledging the Canon of the late Councell of Lyons wherein it was decreed That no Clergie-man should pay any Ayde or Subsidie to any Temporall Magistrate without the Popes licence which Canon the Arch-Bishop alledged against the Subsidie granted by the Clergy two yeares before in his absence causing them then to set it downe for a Canon afterwards to be kept inviolably refused to grant the King a Subsidy without the Popes consent and would then give no Subsidy nor supply at all to the King though at the same time they readily granted three Subsidies to the Pope towards his Warres against the French The King would not take this for payment and therefore presently tooke order That all Barnes of these undutifull rebellious Clergy-men should be locked up and by Proclamation put all the Clergy from out of his protection so that hereafter it should be lawfull for any man to sue them for any Cause but they might not commence Suite against any man holding a Parliament with his Temporall Lords and Commons onely and shutting the Bishops and Clergy out of the Parliament house This constrained some of the Clergy after much contest though animated and sollicited by the Arch-Bishop still to resist to submit to the King at last and to be content to grant him such a proportion of their goods though it were the fifth part of their Revenues as he should like of onely the Arch-Bishop the Head of this â—action continued obstinate making no other answer to the King but this Under God our universall Lord we have two other Lords a Spirituall Lord the Pope and a Temporall Lord the King and though wee be to obey both yet rather the Spirituall Lord then the Temporall When therefore he saw all the rest inclining to yeeld using no other words then this Salvet unusquisque animam suam Let every man save his owne Soule as if Rebellion against his Prince were the only meanes to save his soule and pronouncing all those excommunicated that contributed any thing to the King he rose up and suddenly departed out of the Convocation House The King for this his contumacy seized all his Lands and commanded all such Debts of his as were found in the Rolls of the Exchequer to be leâ—ed with all speed on his Goods and Cattell which he seized into his hands and made shew of great displeasure Notwithstanding shortly after being to make Warre with the French King in France hee thought good before his departure to receive this Arch-Rebell to favour againe who had caused the King to be cited up to the Court of Rome and there suspended But this grace endured not long for presently upon his returne the King laid divers high Treasons to his charge as That he had dehorted his Subjects in his absence from paying their Subâ—idies That he went about to trouble the quiet state of the Realme and to defend and succour Rebellious persons That he had conspired with divers of his Nobility to deprive him of his Kingdome though the best Prince that ever England had before to commit him to perpetuall Prison and to Crowne his Sonne Edwaâ—d King in his stead and that he was the Ring-leader and Authour of this Conspiracy The Arch-Bishop noâ— able to deny these Treasons and being suspended from his Office by the Pope till he should purge himselfe of these things he fell downe on the ground at the Kings feete craving pardon of his heynous offences with teares and howling calling the King then his Lord which he never did before neither with his month nor in his Letters Thus this proud Prelate exâ—crable both to God and man who had twice a little before prohibited the King in the Popes name to make Warre with the rebellious and treacherous Scots his Enemies who had invaded his Kingdome in his absence because the Pope had taken them into his protection who had
defiled and infected the whole Priest-hood and Clergy of England with his pride exercised an unheard of Tyranny over the people being now deprehended by the King in his wickednesse terrified and dejected with the guilt of his sinne and feare of punishment lay now prostrate on the ground before the King offered him his Pall and subâ—iâ—ted his person and goods to his mercy To whom the King gave this answer I will not punish thee my selfe leâ—t I should seeme rather to have respect to my owne Revenge though most just then to thy Order And although thou art altogether unworthy of thy Order and my Grace yet I will referre the matter to thy fellow Bishops and the Pope of Rome that thou mayest be tryed by thy Peeres lest thou shouldest thinke me an unjust Judge though the Conusans of Treason the highest Crime in a Sâ—bject belongs without doubt to my Tribunall not to theirs Moreover added the King I have knowne thy hatred and malice towards me not onely in the greatest things but even in the smallest and in matters of least moment in which by thy authority thou hast over-much abused my patience depriving my Clerkes in thy visitation notwithstanding my Letters to the contrary and their just appeales both which thou hast contemned together with my Royall Authority The Arch-Bishop troubled and confounded in minde at these things craved a Blessing from the King who replyed That his Blessing would rather become him then his the Arch Bishop The King hereupon complaines of him to the Pope That he had troubled the peaceable and safe estate of the Kingdome in his absence and stirred up the Nobles to a Rebellion and Conspiracy against him c. And notwithstanding his submission cited him to appeare at Rome banished him the Realme seized upon all his goods moveable and unmoveable forbidding all his Subjects under a great paine to foster him Yet the Monkes of Canterbury secretly harboured him for a time furnished him with necessaries and conveyed him beyond the Seas Which the King afterwards understanding seized on all their Goods and Lands banished them the Monastery turning fourescore Monkes a begging forbidding any to harbour them and kept them in that miserable estate till afterwards he was pleased upon their submission to restore them After which the Bishop of Winchester interceded to the King for this Arch Traytor calling him his Lord with which the King being greatly offended put this Bishop out of his protection and confiscated his goods because he acknowledged another then the King to be his lord even such a one who being guilty of Treason manifest contempt against the King had lost the very right of a Subject in his Kingdome While the Arch-Bishop was thus in exile before any hearing of this Cause at Rome the King deceaseth who as Holinshed writes was an earnest enemie of the high and presumptuous insolencie of Priests which he judged to proceede chiefely of too much Wealth and Riches and therefore hee devised to establish the Statute of Mortmain to be a bridle to their inordinate lusts and riotous excesse which Statute they laboured to repeale and purchase out by giving large Subsidies to that end His Sonne Edward the second succeeding him out of an over-indulgent pitty calls home this Arch-Traytor by his Letter writes to the Pope to discontinue his Fathers Suite against him and to send him over with all speed to Crowne him Who glad with the newes and unable to make haste home as was requisite by reason of his crazie body sent a Commission to the King with the names of three Bishops in it giving him liberty to elect which of the three he desired to Crowne him in his behalfe who made choyse of the Bishop of Winchester who set the Crowne on his head The King upon the Arch-Bishops returne restored him all his goods and every penny received of his Temporalties during his two yeares exile a good reward for a Traytor whereby he became the richest Arch-Bishop of many before and after him He was no sooner come home but a new danger encountred him by his owne wonted boldnesse The King by the counsell of Piers Gaveston had committed the Bishop of Coventry to Ward at York A Convocation shortly after being assembled the Arch-Bishop would not suffer any matter to be debated in the House till the Bishop were set at liberty which the King was contented to beare withall at that time This Bishop saith Matthew his Successour though he were reported to be a stout Governour of the English Church and a Defender of its Rites yet he was too excessive in this and ever opposite to the King attributing that to the Pope with whom he was most strictly linked which he derogated from the King seeking not so much the Liberties of the Realme as the encrease of the Popes power and deminishing the Kings Authority that he might transferre it to the Pope He was a great enemie to Prohibitions labouring the advancement of the Ecclesiasticall Courts Jurisdiction and the eclipsing of the Authority and Jurisdiction of the Kings Courts He was the Author of Articuli Cleri and Walter Raynolds his Successour procurer of the Kings answere to them in Parliament Which Articles though they bee commonly taken for a Statute yet in truth they are none but a meere Answere of the King in Parliament to Articles exhibited to him by the Clergie made by the advice of his Councell but not of the Commons and whole Parliament and a particular Grant of the King onely not of the Parliament as appeares by the severall Answeres to each of those Articles but especially to the last Finally he ever sided with the Pope for the Liberties of the Church and with the Barons also against the King He opposed himselfe against Piers Gaveston the Spensers and other Favouriâ—es and Corruptors of the young King very boldly and enforced Iohn Warren Earle of Surrey to forsweare the Company of a certaine beautifull Harlot with the love of whom hee was greatly bewitched And afterwards when notwithstanding his Oath he returned to her company and got Children upon her hee accused him to the Convocation both of Adultery and Perjury and aâ— last made him to leave her Hee excommunicated Walter Bishop of Coventry for revolâ—ing from him and the Clergie and adhering to Piers Gaveston who appealed unto the Pope and was by him absolved Which last Acts of his are commendable though they proceeded rather from the stournesse and haughtinesse of his Spirit then the Pietie of his Heart How ever his former are most execrable Walter Raynolds his next Successor advanced and preferred onely by King Edward the Second to that Sea when the King after the Barons Warres ended had done execution upon divers of the Noblâ—s that had rebâ—lled Adam Tarltâ—n Bishop of Hereford by the Kings direction in a Parliament holden at London Anno Dom. 1324. was apprehended and brought to the Baâ—â—â— to be arraigned for the like faults
amazed but with great eloquence he could goe about to perswade them not to imbrue their hands in the blood of their Arch-Bishop their chiefe Pastor assuring them that all the Realme would be interdicted â—or it and the fact must needes be punished first or last by the temporall Law And lastly though these failed God the just Judge would revenge it either in this or in the world to come if not both But these Varlots were so eagerly bent that the very songs of the Syrens would nothing have moved them seeing therefore nothing but death before his face with comfortable words forgiving the executioner that scarce ever requested him so to doe with a very cheerefull countenance he kneeled and yeelded himselfe to their fury once he was stricken in the necke so weakely as that notwithstanding he kneeled still upright and putting his hand up to the wound he used these words A ha it is the Hand of God Hee had not remooved his hand from the place when a second stroake cut off his fingers ends and felled him to the ground with much adoe having hacked and hewed his necke with eight blowes they got off his head upon Fryday Iune 14. 1381. All which day and a part of the next his body lay there headlesse no man daring to offer it buriall as for his head they nayled his hood upon it and so fixing it upon a pole set it on London Bridge By all which it appeares that he was very odious to the people and no other but a Traytor in their estimation William Courtney next Arch-Bishop to him in succession as he opposed the grant of a subsidy to the King whiles he was Bishop of Hereford as you heard before in the Acts of Whitlesey so in the yeare 1376. when hee was Bishop of London when King Edward the third desired a pecuniary ayd to helpe to supply his wants and defray his Warres this proud Prelate withstood these payments complaining that many injuries were done to him and to William Wickam Bishop of Winchester which put into writing he tendred to the Synod and requested that nothing might be granted to the King before he had made satisfaction to them for these injuries which the Synod assented toâ— and thereupon Wickam formerly banished by the King was restored to his Bishopricke and admitted into his Synod Hee received his Archâ—Bishopricke by provision from the Pope against the Law and made great scruple whether he might have his Crosier borne before him or whether he might marry the Queene of Boâ—omia his Sister to King Richard the second before he had received his Pall from â—he Pope which yeâ— he did at last interposing this wary Protestation that hee did it not in contempt oâ— the Court of Rome He excommunicated the Bailiffes oâ— Canterbury for pâ—nishing adultery and other crimes which were to be punished by the Prelates who neglected for to doe it After which he excommunicated one Richard Ismonger of Ailsford in Kent because he corrected criminals by Lay Authority which were to be punished by the Prelates and so violated the priviledges of the Church he humbly desired to be absolved promising by oath never hereafter to violate the Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction and that he would undergoe any punishment for his former contumacy and rashnesse that the Archâ—Bishop should impose upon him who enjoyned him this punâ—shment First that in the Market place of Westâ—alling in the greatest assembly of the people he should for three Market dayes together be stript naked and bastinadoed with clubs and after that he should undergoe the same punishment as often both at Maidstone and Canterbury and that aâ—ter his last castigation at Canterbury he should enter into the Cathedrall Church there naked and offer a Taper of five pound weight at Thomas Beckets shrine which punishment if he refused to performe he should relapse into his former state of excommunication a strange punishment for the Kings Officer to undergoe onely for executing justice upon delinquents in the Prelates defaults This Arch-Prelate so farre incensed King Richard the second that he commanded his goods and temporalties to be feased and the Bishop himselfe was glad to hide his head in secret corners with a few attendants till he had made his peace with the King In this Arch-bishops time there were great contests betweene him and his Suffraganes who opposed him in his Metropolâ—ticall visitation and in levying the taxe of foure pence the pound on the Clergy within his Province which he to their great opprâ—ssion had procured from the pope He had a great contestation with the Earle of Arundell whose servants he excommunicated for fishing in one of his Ponds in the Mannor of Southmalling in Chichester Diocesse whereupon the Earle complained to the King who hearing the cause commanded the excommunication directed to the Bishop of Chichester to be revoked In this Arch-Bishops time the Statute of Provisions and Premunire was enacted which the Pope and Prelates laboured forthwith to cause the King to repeale to which the Nobles and Commons would by no meanes consent Ann. Dom. 1387. when divers causes of high Treason were debated in Parliament the Arch-Bishop with his Suffraganes who by Law could not be present in the House in debating causes of blood departing the House made this Protestation In the Name of God Amen Whereas of right and by the custome of the Realme of England it appertaines to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury for the time being as also to his Suffragans his Brethren and fellow Bishops Abbots Priors and all other Prelates whatsoever holding of our Lord the King by Barony to be personally present in all Parliaments of the King as Peeres of the said Realme and there of the businesses of this Kingdome and other things there usually handled with the â—est of the Peeres of 〈◊〉 said Kingdome and others having right to be there present to consulâ— and handle ordaine decree and define and to doe other things which are there ready to be executed in time of Parliament in all and every of which we William Courtney Arch-Bishop of Canterbury c. for us and our Suffragans fellow Bishops and Confreers as likewise for the Abbots Priors and all Prelates aforesaid protest and every one of them here present by himselfe or his proxie publickely and expresly protesteth that we and every of us intend and intendeth will and willeth to be present in this present Parliament and others as Peeres of the said Realme after the usuall manner to consult handle ordaine decree and define and to exercise other things with others who have right to be present in the same our state and order and each of them in all things alwayes saved But because in the present Parliament some matters are handled at which by the deâ—rees of sacred Canons it is not lawfull for us or any to be any wayes personally present for those things we will and every of them protest and every of them here present
done for them before when the Commons in this Parliament required that all such Lands and revenues which sometime belonged to the Crowne and had beene given away by the King or by his predecessors King Edward or King Richard should be restored againe to the Kings use unto which request the Arch-Bishop and other the Prelaâ—es would in no wise consent Thus by this Arch-Bishop Arundel that Petition of the Commons the â—pirituall Temporalities came to naught Afterwards in an other Parliament Anno 1410. the Commons of the â—ower House exhibited a Bill to the King and Lords of the Upper House containing in effect as followeth To the most excellent Lord our King and to all the Nobles in this present Parliament assembled your faithfull Commons doe â—umbly signifie that our Soveraigne Lord the King might have of the Temporall possessâ—ons Lands and Tenements which are lewdly spent consumed and wasted by the Bishops Abbots and Priors within this Realme so much in value as would suffice to finde and sustaine an 150. Earles 1500. Knights 6200. Esquires and 100. Hospitals more than now be which is more largely and particularly related in Fabian The King as some write mis-liked the motion and therefore commanded that from thenceforth they should not presume to study about any such matters Another thing the Commons then sued to have granted to them but could not obtaine That Clerkes convict should noâ— thenceforth bee delivered to Bishops Prisons Moreover they demanded to have the Statâ—te either revoked or qualified which had beene enacted without their consent in the Second yeare of this Kings raigne against such as were reputed to be Heretickes or Lollards But the King seemed so highly to favour the Clergie that the Commons were answered plainely that they should not come by their purpose but rather that the said statute should be made more rigorous and sharpe for the punishment of such persons and all this by meanes of this bloodly Arch-Bishop Arundel of whom we have heard sufficient Henry Chichely being elected Arch Bishop by the Monks of Canterbury with the Kings consent immediaâ—ly after Arundels death hee refused to accept of this their Legall election and against the expresse Statutes of the Realme touching Provisions and Premuniâ—es accepted of the See onely by Collaâ—ion from Pope Iohn the 23. in affront both of the King and those Lawes which the Pope endeavored in vaine to get repealed and therefore opposed in point of practise all that he might reserving by a Decree of the Councell of Constance all vacancie to his own dispoâ—all bestowing all the Bishoprickes of England as soon as they were voyd at his own pleasure by the Arch-Bishops connivence in affront of the Lawes and the Kings royall Edicts This Arch-Prelate published throughout his Province Pope Martins Bulls for the extirpation of the Wicklevists and Hussites by force of armes and promised the same Indulgences to those who should take up the Crossado and warre against them as those enjoyed who went to the holy Land to fight against the Sarecens For which good service the same yeare Anno 1429. he received the Title of the Cardinall Presbyter of S. Eusebiusâ—rom â—rom Pope Martin the 5. who also created him his Legate here in England without the Kings privity and contrary to Law But to colour the businesse lest he should seeme to receive that power Legatine without the Kings permission and Licence against the Lawes and Customes of the Realme one Richard Condray was made the Kings procurer that hee might appeale to the next generall Councell from all injuries grievances and prejudices offered or to be offered by the Pope or Court of Rome to the King and the Kingdome Thereâ—ore as soon as it was known that the Arch-Bishop had received this Legatin power without the Kings privity or licence Condray made this appeale to Humfrey Duke of Gloster Lord Protector and others oâ— the Kings privie Councell in writing In which he expressed that no Legate of the Sea Apostolicke ought to come into the Kingdome of the King of England or other his Lands or Dominions but at the vocation petition requisition or intreaty oâ— the King of England for the time being the Roman Pontifex tolerating and consenting thereto as well tacitely as expresly in which appeale notwithstanding if the sayd Arch Bishop not as a Legate but as a Cardinall would say open or propound any thing from the Pope to the King it might be lawfull for him to doe it In which the King would so farre assiâ—t as he mighâ— doe it by the Lawes and Priviledges of his royall Crowne and of his famous Kingdome of England The appeale being read the Arch-Bishop in the presence of the Prelates and Nobles there present confessed and protested That it was not nor is nor should be his intention by his entring into England nor by any things done or to be done by him spoken or to be spoken for to exercise the Legatine power which hee had undertaken without the Kings permission or to derogate in any thing from the rights priviledges liberties or customes of the King or Kingdome or tâ— contradict â—hem but to preserve defend maintaine and roborate all and every of them By this device he deluded both the King Counsell and Lawes how well hee kept this his protestation his subsequent Acts will evidence For immediately after hee made a Synodicall Constitution That no married man or Lay man should exercise any Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction or be Iudge or Register in any Ecclesiasticall Court in causes of correction of the soule under paine of incurring the greater excommunication ipso facto if they offered to intermeddle in any of the premises contâ—aâ—y to the Councels prohibition which further makes voyd all citations processe and Acts whatsoever had and made by Laymen in the Cases aforesayd and suspends all Ordinaries from the exercise of Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction and ingresse into the Church who should grant any married or Lay man power to exercise any Ecclesiasticall Office or authority under them What the true intent of this Arch-Prelates Constitution was and how farre this Decree intrenched upon the Kings Prerogative Royall appeares by the Statute of 37. H. 8. c. 17. made purposely to repeale this Constitution which I shall here insert In most humble wise shew and declare unto your highnesse your most faithfull humble and obedient Subjects the Lords Spirituall and Temporall aud the Commons of this present Parliament assembled that whereas your Majesty is and hath alwayes justly beene by the Word of God supreame head in Earth of the Church of England and hath full power and authority to correct punish and represse all manner of Heresies errours vices abuses Idolatries hypocrisies and Superstitionsâ— springen and growing within the same and to exercise all manner of Iurisdictions commonly called Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction Neverthelesse the Arch-Bishop of Rome and his adherents minding utterly as much as in him lay to abolish obâ—cure
and delete such power given by God to the Princes of the earth whereby they might gather and get to themselves the government and rule of the world have in their Councells and Synods Provinciall made ordained and established and decreed divers ordinances and constitutions that no Lay or marryed man should or might exercise or occupie any Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall nor should be any Judge or Registerâ— in any Court commâ—nly called Ecclesiasticall Courâ— lest their â—alse and usurped power which they pretended and went about to have in Christs Church should decay waxe vile and of no reputation as by the sayd Councels and Constitutions Provinciall appeareth which standing and remaining in their effect not abolished by your Graces Lawes did seeme to appeare to make greatly for the sayd usurped power of the sayd Bishop of Rome and to be directly repugnant to your Majesties Title of supreame head of the Church and prerogative Royall your Grace being a Lay-man and albeit the sayd Decrees Ordinances and Constitutions by a Statute made the 25â— yeare of your most noble raigne be utterly abolished frustrate and of none effect yet because the contrary thereunto is not used nor put in practise by â—he Arch-Bishops Bishops Deanes and other Ecclesiasticall persons who have no manner of Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall but by under and from your royall Majesty it addeth or aâ— the least may give occasion to some evill disposed persoâ—s to thinke and little to regard the proceeding and censures Ecclesiasticall made by your Highnesse and your Vice-gerent Officialls Commissaries Judges and Visitatorsâ— being also Lay and married men to be of little or none effect or force whereby the people gathereth heart and presumption to doe evill and not to have such reverence to your most godly injunctions and proceedings as becommeth them But forasmuch as your Majesty is the onely and undoubtedly supreame head of the Church of England and also of Ireland to whom by Scripture all authority and power is wholly given to heare and determine all causes Ecclesiasticall and to correct all vice and sinne whatsoever and to all such persons as your Majesty shall appoint thereunto that in consideration thereof as well for the instruction of ignorant persons as also to avoyd the occaâ—ion of the opinion aforesayd and setting forth of your prerogative royall and supremacy It may therefore please your Highnesse that it may bee ordained and enacted by authority of this present Parliament that all and singular aswell Lay as those that be married now or hereafter shall be married being Doctors of the Civill Law lawfully create and made in any University which shall be made ordained constituted and deputed to bee any Chancellour Vicar Generall Commissary Officiall Scribe or Register by your Majesty or any of your Heires or Successours to anyâ— Arch-Bishop Bishop Arch-Deacon or other person whatsoever having authority under your Majesty your Heires and Successours to make any Chancellour Vicar Generall Commissary Offâ—ciall or Register may lawfâ—lly execute and exercise all mannâ—r of Jurisdiction commonly called Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction and all Censures and Corrections appertaining oâ— any wise belonging unto the same albeit such person or persons be Lay married or unmarried so that they be Doctors of the Civill Law as is aforesayd any Law Constitution or Ordinance to the contrary notwiâ—hstanding By this Act it is apparent that the end of the former Constitution was trecherously to undermine and abolish the Kings Prerogative Royall in causes Ecclesiasticall and to make the Pope and our Prelates absolute Monarches and our Kings meere Cyphers to execute their Mandates when by the expresse words of this Law with that of 1. Ed. 6. c. 2.26 H. 8. c. 1.1 Eliz. c. â— 5 Eliz. c. 1.8 Eliz. c. 1. and 1. and 2. Phil. and Mâ—ry c. 8. it is most clearely resolved that our Arch-Bishops and Bishops have no manner of Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall over other Ministers by any divine right as they now vainely if not trayterously pretâ—nd but by from and under our Kings in whose name and right and under whose Seale alone all their Ecclesiasticall processe ought to issue as hath beene elsewhere plentifully manifested it being no lesse than a Premunire by the Statute of 1. Edw. 6. c. 2. â—or any Bishops or Ecclesiasticall Judges to issue out processes in their owne names and under their owne Seales as now our Prelates doe This Law of Premunire was such a curbe to our usurping Prelates that this Arch Prelate Chichely in the last Synod hee held Anno. 1439. without delay or difficulty granted King Henry the sixt a Tenth and promised him large supplyes from the Clergie in all things if he would abrogate those hard Lawes of Premunire where-with the Clergie were very falsely accused and oft taken and ensuared as in unjust sâ—ares whereas in truth those Lawes were the principall safety both of King and people to preserve and free them from the unjust incroachments of Popes and Prelates upon their Liberties Lawes and Estates which made the Pope and them so frequently to sollicite their repeale And by his countenance William Lindwood collected and set out the Provinciall Constitutions of the Arch-Prelates of Canterbury in their Synods in affront of the Kings prerogative Royall and the Lawes of the Realme dedicating them to this Arch-Prelate and entreating him to put them in due Execution being neglected and quite disregarded formerly both by Prelates Judges and people as he complaines in his Epistle Dedicatory to him In briefe when in the Parliament held at London Anno 1414. under King Henry the fifth the Commons reviewed their former Petition in Parliament made to King Henry the fourth but foure yeares before to seize the Bishops and Abbots Temporalities shewing how many Earles Knights and Esquires they would maintaine The Bishops and Abbots whom it touched very neare much â—earingâ— the issueâ— determined to assay all wayes to put by and overthrow this Bill and minding rather to bow than breake they first agreed to offer the King a great summe of money to stay this new moven Demand The cause of this offer seemed to some of the wise Prelates neither decent nor convenient for they well â—oresaw and perfectly knew that if the Commons perceived that they by rewards or by offer of money would resist their request and petition that they stirred and moved with a fury would not onely raile and despise them as corrupters of Princes and enemies of the Publickeâ—Wealth but would so cry and call on the King and the â—emporall Lords that they were like to lose both worke and oyle cost and lining Wherefore they determined to cast all chances which might serve their purpose and in speciall to replenish the Kings braine with some pleasant study so as that hee should neither phantasie nor regard the serious Petition of the importunate Commons Wherefore on a day when the King was present in Parliament this Henry Chichely Arch-Bishop of Canterbury after low
Obeysance made to the King made a publicke Oration in Parliament beâ—ore the King and Peeres wherein hee shewed the Kings undoubted Title to sundry Provinces and the whole Realme of France with the injustice and nullity of the Salicke Law the onely Obstacle to his Title stirring up the King and Nobles by force of Armes to regaine the same and withall declared that his loving Clergie and subjects of the spiritualty to shew their willingnesse and desire to ayde his Majesty for the recovery of his ancient Right and true Inheritance had in their Convocation granted to his Highnesse such a Summe of money as by Spirituall Persons never was to any Pâ—ince thorough the whole Christian World before those times given or advanced By which device seconded by the Duke of Exeâ—er he diverted and shifted off the Petition of the Commons and engaged the King and Kingdome in a long bloody and costly Warre The King himselfe professing on his death Bed that before the beginning of the same Warres hee was fully perswaded by men both Wise Pious and of great holinesse of life that in prosecuting his just Title he might ought both begin the same Warres and follow them till he brought them to an end justly and rightly and that without all danger of Gods displeasure or perill of soule Such an incendiary of war was this Arch-Embassadour of peace that should be Iohn Stafford preferred to the Bishopricke of Bath and Wells by provision from Pope Martin the fifth contrary to the Lawes enacted against Provisions from Rome immediately after Chichelyes death was in farther affront of the sayd Lawes promoted to the See of Canterbury by Pope Eugenius that prohibited usurpation of Papall Provisions deâ—ended by so many Lawes and Statutes being no whit abated through the Popes industry and the Prelates Treachery and ambition who would rather incurre the danger of these Lawes and dis-savour of their Princes then want a far Bishopricke though they paid Popes dearely for it This Arch-Prelate in the first Synod held under him at London Anno. 1444. confederating with the rest of the Clergie when a Subsidie was demanded of them petitioned that the Statutes of Provisors and the Writs or Actions of Praemunire which by the crafty and malicious interpretation of the Lawyers as they â—alsely â—urmised were turned to the destruction of the Clergie and disturbance of Ecclesiasticall Discipline might be either wholly abrogated or their rigour moderatedâ— and that Lay-men for suing Clergie-men falsly in Temporal Courts might have some severe punishment inflicted on them by a Law But this their motion vanishing into smoake and the Judges restraining their extravagant proceedings in Ecclesiasticall Courts by Prohibitions and bringing them within the compasse of the Statutes against Provisions and in the danger of Premunire's which did much terrifie them hereupon the Arch-Bishop and Prelates in their next Synod at London An. 1446. presented a new Petition to the King in the Name of the whole Clergie of England wherein they grievously complained of the Lay-Judges who were ever very troublesome and despightfull to Clerkes desiring that the Statutes of Provision and Praemunire might be more equally expounded in favour of the Prelates by the Parliamen than it was by the Lawyers and that they might be restrained from granting Prohibitions to and exercisingâ— any Jurisdiction over Spirituall Judges But this Petition proved ineffectuall it being provided by Statute that no spirituall Law shall have place contrary to a Common Law or Act of Parliament And this were not as the Lord Audley Chancellour of England once told Stephen Gardiner Bishop of Winchester in the Parliament House who thought it strange that Bishops authorized by the King could fall in a Praemunire the Bishops would enter in with the King and by meanes of his Supremacie order the Lairy as they listed but wee will provide quoth he that the Praemunire shall ever hang over your heads and so we Laymen shall bee sure to enjoy our inheritance by the Common Lawes and Acts of Parliament After this the Pope exacted of the Clergie of England a Tenth of all their Revenues and sent Nuncioes to the Arch-Bishop with Bulls to collect it But the King hearing of this secret fraud commanded the Arch-Bishop not to obey the Pope herein who yet was so farre a servant to the Pope and enemie to the King that during all his Archiepiscopall Raigne the Pope made Bishops by Provision against the Lawes of the Realme Iohn Kemp the next Arch-Bishop elected lawfully by the Monkes of Canterbury with the Kings consent refused to take his Arch-Bishoprike from the King but waving his Election received it by Provision from the Pope who sent over sixe severall Bulls to this end the first to the Arch-Bishop himselfe the second to the Chapter of Canterbury the third to his Provinciall Suffragans the fourth to the Clergie of the City and Diocesse of Canterbury the fifth to the people of the same the sixth to the Vassals of the Arch-Bishop by which Bulls the Pope increased much hiâ— Revenues And â—o obliege this Arch-Prelate the faster to him the Popâ— by another Bull created him Cardinall of Saint Ruffine But this Arch-Bishop dying within one yeare and an halfe after his Consecration could doe him but little service Thomas Burgchier immediaâ—ely succeeding him by the speciall favour of King Henry the sixth this ingratefull Prelate made a Cardinall by the Pope some â—ew yeeres after An. 1461. crowned and consecrated Edward the fourth at Westminster to be King in his stead during King Henry his life and in a full Synod procured the Clergie to grant him a Tenth Afterwards in a Synod at London An. 1463. heâ— granted him another Subsidie and obtained a Grant from King Edward under his Seale that the Prelates should bridle the malice of those by whom their rights were violated as well by old Ecclesiasticall Lawes as by those new Lawes they should make both in all causes belonging to the Ecclesiasticall Court as also in the Tythe of great Trees of twenty yeares growth or more without the feare or penalty of the Statutes of Provisors or of the Writs or Actions of Premunire or of any Prohibition and that they might proceede therein without any consultation obtained And that if any of the Kings Judges or other secular Judges should by any Writs or Processe hinder or deterre any Arch-Bishop Bishop or Arch-deacon or their Vicars Officialls Commissaries or other Ecclesiasticall Judges That then upon the monition of the sayd Arch-Bishop Bishop c. so hindered or scared the sayd Judge should appeare in the Chancery at such day as the said Arch-Bishop or Ecclesiasticall Judge should appoint on paine of two hundred pound to answere to the King for this his contempt and that his Processe against the Ecclesiasticall Judge should by Royall Authority bee rescinded and pronounced to be voyd and frustrate In his time there were many Pilgrimages made both by King Edward the Queene
your holy Church of Rome is taken for such a sort as liveth against his blessed Word against the living of holy Apostles against the conditions of our holy Mother the Church I would say in all oppression in all Sodomitry in all murther in all pompe and pride summa summarum in all manner of mischiefe what tongue can tell or heart can thinke But I will not say so for men would reckon me uncharitable and too vehement Neverthelesse all the world knoweth that you doe reckon your selfe by the vertue of your Oath bound to no men but unto such as in very deede liveth after this ungracious manner and yet will you be faithfull and true unto them against all men yea I dare say if that their conâ—cience had not condemned them of such mischiefe they would never have desired this assistance of you But the verity is they are naught and have neede of maintainers in their mischiefe And also suspect you not to be tâ—â—e except you made an Oath to them yea and scarsely then unlesse that you in very deede at time and place convenient doe betray your Princes for that is the cause of your Oath and other profit hath not the King by it I will be reported by all practise that ever came out of your Oath It followeth And to my Lord the Pope I would gladly learne where the Pope hath got the dignity of a Lord. This thing is little regarded of my Lords the Bishops to bring in such a worldly dignity yea they will say it is but a trifle and mocke men for speaking against it but â—he truth is iâ— they durst as much now as in times past they would burne for this little trifle the best Lord in England For I dare say it hath cost many a mans life or ever they brought the Pope to Lordship Blessed S. Peter whose successor the Pope boasteth himself to be knew nothing of this Lordship for he saith unto his fellowes They shall not exercise any lordship over the Congregation And likewise S. Paul durst not take upon him to command as a Lord collections to be made for poore men but meekely desires them without any Lordship Also in anotheâ— place Let no man judge us but as the Ministers of Christ blessed S. Paul reckoneth himselfe but a Minister and a Servant and yet the day hath beene that he was so good as my Lord the Pope Our Master Christ that came to teach both Peter and Paul learned his Disciples not to use themselves as Lords but as Servants And marke the occasion of that he had sayd there be two new disciples brought unto him and the old being not yet perfect thought scorne that these two should sit above all other the one of the right hand and the other of the lâ—ft hand but our Master Christ reproveâ—h this proud stomacke of theirs very straightly saying How the Princes and Rulers of the infidels hath power over their Subjects but so shall not yee for he that will be greatest among you shall be least Here our Master Christ learneth none Hypocrisie that they should be called least in name and be greatest in very deede but he will that this Doctrine shall be expressed in their deedes My Lord the Pope calleth himselfe in words the Servant of all servants but in very deed hâ— will be Lord over all Lords Yea â—nd my Lords Bishops will be sworne to him as unto a Lord and they will reckon themselves perjured if they burne not all them that will take the Pope but for a servant Is not this a marvellous Hypocrisie to be called servant of all servants and yet desire to be taken as Lord and King over all Kings Yea and unto this be our Bishops sworne cause they will be obedient to their Princes But and their consciences were ripped you should finde no man sit there as a King but my Losell the Pope and we poore men must be condemned for reproving of this And why verily because my Lords have sworne to him against their Prince and all his true subjects But how standeth it with your Oath toward your Prince for to be sworne to the Pope which is not all onely another Lord but also contrary yea and as the world now is the greatest mortall enemie that our Prince hath For I dare say that if this wreâ—ched Clement could drowne our Noble Prince with one word it would not be long By Cardinall Poles practise and Instigations undone sine clementia The Common saying went in Hamburgh that this caitise hath not all onely excommunicated our Noble Prince but also given away the Kingdome to another And this fact must you defend for you are sworne to â—he Pope Yea I dare say if you had convenient occasion you would declare your fidelity I doe Judge after your â—acts that you have done to Kings in times past whensoever that you had power and might to bring to passe that which you have conceived against your Prince If you thinke I judge amisse or else doe you wrong let me be put to my proose and you shall see what an heape of holy facts that I will bring you out of your owne Chronicles and Bookes for the which you will be lauded and praised Highly that you have so faithfully stucke unto this damnable Idoll of Rome yea I dare say it had beene Heresie within this two yeares to have written or sayd thus much against the lâ—mme of the Devill on our Princes side This all the world can testifie whereâ—ore I thinke yoâ— will put me to no â—ryall But to your Oath How doth it stand with your allegiance toward youâ— Prince to be sworne to the Pope your owne Law saith that a leige man can make none Oath of fidelity to none other man but to his owâ—e King Moreover you doe remember your Oath made unto youâ— Prince wherein you doe renounce all clauses words and sentences made unto the Pope which may be hurâ—full or prejudiciall to his Highnesse how agreeth these two Oathes you may set them together as well as you can but I know no wayes to avoyd your perjury For the very truth is that the Kings grace and his councell considering your Oath made to the Pope to be prejudiciall to his regall power causeth you in your Oath aâ—terward made unto him to revoke those things that thou hast afore sworne to â—he Pope and to declare that his grace and his councell did reckon your Oath made to the Pope to bee against him therefore he maketh you to revoke it by name naming the same Oath and also the same Pope So that you may clearely perceive how that our Prince doth suspect you for your Oath making And in very deede the Popes meaning and yours was none other but for to betray the King and his Realme and therefore as soone as there was any variance betweene the King and the Pope then were you first of all assoyled of your allegeance due
to the Pope But what say you to your Oath made unto your Prince wherein you sweare that you shall be faithfull and true and beare unto him above all creatures love and favour to live and to dye with him and to open him all manner of Counsells that may be hurtfull unto his grace Now it is well knowne that the Pope hath done and dayly doth handle such Counsells as be against our Princes honour and conversation And yet you may neither tell it to your Prince nor let it and why because you be sworne to the Pope and forsworne to your Prince Tell me when any thing was opened unto our Prince by you that the Pope had handled in counsell against our Prince Of this thing I will take record of his Noble grace whether I say true or falseâ— and yet must I be accused of Treason And why because you are sworne to the Pope and I am true to the King It followeth I will helpe to defend and maintaine the Papistry of Rome against all men saving mine order And in your new Oath now in our days made is added The regalls of Saint Peter What and in all men be contained your Prince you must needes defend him And why because ye be sworne to the Pope and forsworne to your Prince For your Oath to your Prince is to defend him with all your wit and reason against all men now must you forsake one of them and your practise hath beene alwayes to forsake your Prince and sticke to the Pope for of your Oath made to your Prince you have been oftentimes assoiled And as your Law saith the Church of Rome is 〈◊〉 so to doe But of your Oath made unto the Pope there is no absolution neither in heaven nor earth Neither was it ever read heard nor seene that there could be any dispensation for it Let me be reported by all the Bookes that ever were written and by all the Bulls that ever were granted and by all the experience that ever was used and if I be found false let me be blamed and yet I am sure many men will reckon that I speake uncharitably but I would faine learne of all Charitable men in England with what other English words I could declare this intolerable or subtile treason thus long and shamefully used agâ—inst my Prince which is necessary to be knowne And I am compelled by violence to declare both my conâ—ession and learning in this cause For men hath not beene ashamed to report that I would which am but a wretch and poore simple wonne and not able to kill a Cat though I would doe my utteâ—most to make insurrection against my Noble and mighty Prince whom as God knoweth I doe honour worâ—hip love and favour to the uttermost power of my heart and am not satisfied because it is no more This I speake afore God Let him be mercifull unto me as it is true and if I were not so true in my heart it were not possible for me so earnestly to write against them whom I doe reckon to handle unfaithfully and untruely with their Prince yea against both Gods law and mans law The very truth is I can suffer through Gods grace all manner of wrongs injuries and slanders but to be called an hereticke against God or a Traytor against my Priâ—ce he liveth not but I will say he lyeth and will be able so to prove him if I may be reported by my workes or deedes by my conversation or living or by any thing that ever I did and I dare say as much of my self notwithstanding our Prelates slanders of me But unto my purpose the Bishops doth swear one Oath to the Pope another contrary to their Prince And yet they will be taken for good and faithfull children And I poore man must be condemned and all my workes for Heresiâ— and no man to reade them under the paine of Treason And why because I write against their perjurie toward their Prince But how commeth Saint Peter by these regales that you are sworne to defend seeing that he was never no King but a Fisher All the world knoweth that Regalia belongeth to Kings and to like power of Kings Why are you noâ— rather sworne to defend Peters net and his Fisherie the which things hee both had and used and never regalls But these things will not maintaine the holy Church of Rome and therefore yee sweare not to maintaine them But what meane you by that sentence Saving mine order why say you not saving my Kings pleasure your glosse saith you may not defend these things with weapons But oh Lord God what unshamefulnesse is this thus to delude with words all the whole world Men knoweth that when the Pope hath neede of your helpe there is no men sooner in Armes than you are if you call Armes Harneys Bylles and Glaves swords and gunnes and such other things Doe you not remember how soone the Bishop of Norwich Henry Spenser was in Armes to defend Popâ— Vrban it were but folly to recite examples In the yeare of our Lord 1164. was there a controversie betweene the Kings Grace and the Bishops of England for certaice Prerogatives belonging to the King Wherefore the King required an Oath and a confirmation of the Bishops as concerning those Articles prerogatives But answere was made of the Bishops that those prerogatives cum omnibus pravitatibus in regio scripâ—o contentis were of none effect nor strength because they did forbid to appeale to the Court of Rome unlesse the King gave licence And because that no Bishop might goe at the Popesâ— calling out of the Realme without the Kings assent And because the Clerkes should be convented in criminall causes a fore a temporall Judge And because the King would heare matters as concerning tithes and other Spirituall causes And because that it was against the See of Rome and the dignity of the same that a Bishop should be convented afore the King Briefely they would not be under the King but this addition should be set unto it Salvo honore Dei Ecclesiiae Romanae ordine nostro that is we will be under your grace saving the honour of God of the Church of Rome and of our order the cause why they did except these things was this as they themselves grant For Kings received their authorities and power of the Church but the Church receiveth her authority of Christ onely wherefore they conclude that the King cannot command over Bishops nor absolve any of them nor to judge of tithes nor of Churches neither yeâ— to forbid Bishops the handling of any spirituall cause Is not here a marveilous blindnesse and obstinacie against their Prince They will make it against Gods honour to obey their King and are not ashamed to say in the Kings face that his power is of them But I pray you whether was Kings before Bishops or Bishops before Kings you shall finde
ill as Turkes or Sarazens so that what paine or study soever they tooke for the Common wealth or what Acts or Lawes soever they made or stablished should be taken as Lawes made by Painims and Heaâ—hen People and not worthy to be kept by Christian men Wherefore he most humbly besoâ—ght the Kings Highnesse to call the sayd Bishop before him and to cause him to speake more discreetly of such a number as was in the Commons-house The King was not well contented with the saying of the Bishop yet he gently answered the Speaker that he would send for the Bishop and send them word what answere he made and so they departed againe After this the King sent for the Archbishop of Canterbury and sixe other Bishops and for the Bishop of Rochester also and there declared to him the grudge of the Commons to the which the Bishop answeâ—ed that he meant the doings of the Bohemians was for lacke of Faith and not the doings of them that were in the Commons House Which saying was confirmed by the Bishops being present who had him in great reputation and so by that onely saying the King accepted his excuse and thereof sent word to the Commons by Sir VVilliam-Fitz-VVilliams Knight Treasurer of his Household which blind excuse pleased the Commons nothing at all After divers assemblies were kept betweene certaine of the Lords and certaine of the Commons for the Bills of Probates of Testaments and the Mortuaries the Temporalty layd to the Spiritualty their owne Lawes and Constitutions and the Spiritualty sore defended them by prescription and usage to whom this answer was made by a Gentleman of Grayes-Inne The usage hath ever beene of theeves to Rob on Shooters-hill Ergo is it Lawfull With this answere the Spiritual men were sore offended because their doings were called robberies But the Temporall men stood still by their sayings insomuch that the said Gentleman said to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury that both the exaction of Probates of Testaments and the taking of Mortuaries as they were used were open Robbery and theft After long disputation the Temporall Lords began to leane to the Commons but for all that the Bills remained unconcluded for a while The King like a good and discreete Prince not long after ayded them for the redresse of their griefes against the Spiritualty and caused two new Bills to be made indifferently both for the Probates of Testaments and Mortuaries which Bills were so reasonable that the Spirituall Lords assented to them all though they were sore against their minds and in especiall the Probates of Testaments sore displeased the Bishops and the Mortuaries sore displâ—asedâ— the Parsons and Vicars After these acts thus agreed the Commons made another Act for Pluralities of benefices Non-Residence buying selling and taking of Farmes by Spirituall Persons which Act so displeased the Spiritually that the Priests railed on the Commons of the Common house and called them Heretickes and Schismatickes â—or the which divers Priests were punished This Act was sore debaâ—ed above in the Parliament Chamber and the Lords Spirituall would in no wise consent Wherefore the King perceiving the grudge of his Commons câ—used â—iâ—ht Lords and eight of his Commons to meeâ—e in the Sâ—aâ—â—â—hâ—â—â—er aâ— an after-noone and there was sore debating of the cause insomuch that the Temporall Lords of the Upper house which were there â—ooke part with the Commons against the Spirituall Lords and by force of reason caused them to assent to the â—ill with a little qualifying Which Bill theâ— next day was wholly agreed to in the Lords house to the great rejoycingâ— of the Lay people and to the great displeasure of the Spirituall personsâ— Immediately after this not onely Cardinall VVolâ—e himselfe but the Arch-bishop and whole Cleâ—giâ— of â—â—gland were brought into a Pr 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by this Parliamenâ— the Cardinall for accepting of a power Legatiâ—e from thâ— Pope contrary to the Lawes of the Realme and the 〈◊〉 of the Clâ—â—â—iâ— for consenting and submitted thereunto and holding a Synode by vertue of iâ— to avoid this danger and purchase a pardon the Clergie of the Province of Canterbury proâ—fered to give the King one hâ—ndred thousand pounds and the Clergie of the Province of Yorke 18000 â—ounds more but the King would not accept of this summe unlesse they would declare him in the Act by which they granted him this subsidie to be supreame head of the Church of England here on earth next under Christ but proceeded to take the forfeiture of the Premunire against them This put the Prelates the Popes sworne vassals to a great Dilemma for either they must plainly renounce the Popes usurped supremacie or the Kings mercy and fall under the lash of a Premunire whereby all their Bishoprickes goods livings were forâ—eited to his Majestie and their lives and liberties at his devotion Loath were the Bishops to forsake their old Lord the Pope whose servants they had beene so long and therefore they used all delayes and adjournments to spin out the time and delude the King but hee would not be mocked by them At last therefore they agreed upon this recognition Wee acknowledge the Kings Majestie to be the singular Protector the supreame Lord and likewise supreame head of the Church and Clergie of England so farre forth as it is lawfull for him to be by the Lawes of Christ. But the King much offended with this ambiguous dubious and equivocating acknowledgement which in truth was no concession of what he demanded required them to make a full and plaine acknowledgement of his supremacie in direct and positive termes without ambiguity or shifts or else to denie and conclude against it and incurâ—e the penalty of the Premunire Being thus put to it the Archbishop and Bishops hereupon made many adjournments of the Convocation and at last put it over from Aprill to the fifth of October to â—hunne the rocke on which they were like to split themselves or their holy Father the Pope in which space the Archbishop died At last they agreed to give the King the Title he desired and inserted it into a publike instrument Whereupon the King at last granted them a generall pardon in Parliament which begins thus The King our Soveraigne Lord calling to his blessed and most gracious remembrance that his good and loving subâ—ects the most Reverend Father in God the Archbishop of Canâ—erbury and other Bishops Suffragans Prelates and other spirituall persons of the Province of the Archbishopricke of Canterbury of this his Realme of England and the Ministers under-written which have exercised practised or executed in spirituall Courts and other jurisdictions within the said Province have fallen and incurred into divers dangers of his Lawes by things done perpetrated and committed contrary to the order of his Lawes and spâ—â—ially contrary to the forme of the Statutes of Provisours Provisions and Premunire and his Highnesse having alway a tender eye with mercy pitty and compassion â—owards his spirituall
subjects minding of his high goodnesse and great benignity so alwayes to impart the same unto them as justice being duly administred all rigour being excluded and the great and benevolent minds of his said subjects largely and many times approved towards his highnesse and specially in their Convocation and Synode now presently being in the Chapiter house of the Monastery of Westminster by correspondence of gratitude to them to be requiâ—ed of his meere motion benignity and liberality by authority of this his Parliament hath given and granted his liberall and free pardon to his said good and loving spirituall subjects and the said Ministers and to every of them to be had taken and enjoyed to and by them and every of them by vertue of this present Act in manner and forme ensuing that is to wit The Kings Highnesse of his said benignity and high liberality in consideration that the sad Archbishop Bishops and Clergie of the said Province of Canterbury in their said Convocation now being have given and granted to him a subsidie of one hundred thousand pounds of lawfulâ—mony currant in this Realme to be levied and collected by the said Clergy at their proper costs and charges and to be paid in certaine forme specified in their said graunt thereof is fully and resolutely contended and pleased that it be ordained established and enacted by authority of this his said Parliament that the most Reverend Father in God William Archbishop of Canterbury Metropolitan and Primate of all England and all other Bishops and Suffragans Prelates c shall be by authority of this present pardon acquired pardoned released and discharged against his Highnesse his heires successours and executors and every of them of all and all manner offences contempts and trespasses committed or done against all and singular Statute and Statutes of Provisours Provisions and Premunire and every of them and of all forfeitures and titles that may grow to the Kings Highnesse by reason of any of the same Statutes and of all and singular trespasses wrongs deceits misdemeanours forâ—eitures penalties and profits summes of mony paines of death paines coâ—porall and pecuniar as generally of all other things causes quarrels suits judgements and exactions in this present Act hereafter noâ— excepted nor soreprised which may be or can be by his Highnesse in any wise or by any meanes pardoned before and to the tenâ—h day of the moneth of March in the 22. yeare of his most Noble Raigne to every of his said loving subjects Provided alway that this Act of free pardon shall not in any wise extend or be beneficiall to the Reverend Father in God Iohn Archbishop of Dublin now being in the Kings Dominions of Ireland nor shall in any wise extend to pardon discharge or acquit the Bishop Hereford Peter Ligham Iohn Baker Adam Travers Robert Cliffe Rouland Philips and Thomas Pelles Clerkes who it seemes were guilty of some notorious crimes against the King and therefore excepted out of this generall pardon But to returne againe to Warham This Archbishop persecuted and shed the blood of some of our Martyrs and caused the corpes of VVilliam Tracy Esq. for some orthodoxe passages in his Will to be taken out of the grave and burnâ— for an Hereticke by an Order made in Convocation sending a Commission to Doctor Parker Chancellour of Worcester to execute this wicked sentence who accomplished the same King Henry the eighth hearing his Subject to be taken ouâ— of the ground and burnt without his knowledge or due order of Law sent for the Chancellour laid this to his charge as an high offence who excused himselfe by this Archbishops command then newly dead but in conclusion it cost the Chancellour 300â— to puâ—chase his pardon and would have cost the Archbishop more had not his death prevented this danger In fine this Archbishop VVarham and Fisher B. of Rochester gave credit and countenance to the forged visions revelations of Elizabeth Barton afterwards condemned of high Treason for the same as â—â—nding to the reproach perill and destruction of the Kings persâ—n honouâ— fame and dignity and Thomas Laurence Register to the Archbishop it is likely by his Masters privity proceeded so farre as to write a booke of her counterfeit miracles revelations and holinesse for which she and her complyces were afterwards execuâ—ed as Tiburne as they had justly deserved being attainted of treason by Parliament among which cursed câ—ue Richard Maister Priest Edward Bocking Doctor of Divinity and Henry Deering Munkes of Canterbury Henry Gold Bachelor of Divinity Thomas Laurence Register to the Archbishop oâ— Canterbury Warham and Hugh Ric. a Frier observant who seduced this silly girle to effect their owne and the Prelates designes the better thereby suffered death as Traytors by hanging drawing and quartering at Tiburne The act of their attainder treasons and execution is at large related by M. Hall in his Chronicle 25. H. 8. f. 218 221 222 223 224. to which I shall referre the Reader Thomas Cranmer next to him in succession was made Archbishop by King Henry the 8. much against his will for in his Discourse with D. Martyn a little before his Martyrdome being charged by him that he had aspired to the Archbishopricke of Canterbury he replyed I protest before you all there was never man came more unwillingly to a Bishopricke than I did to that insomuch that when King Henry did send for mee in Post that I should come over I prolonged my journey by seven weekes at the least â—hinking that â—ee would be forgetfull of mee in the meane time Hee comming to the See tooke the like Oath to the Pope as his predecâ—ssâ—â—rs had done and therefore was deeply charged of perjuâ—y by Martyn for renouncing and swearing against the Popes Supremacie afterward though he answered that the first oath was against the Lawes of God of the Realme the Kings Prerogative and made void by Parliament and so not binding After the nullifying of which oath partly by his meanes but principally by the Lord Croâ—wels whom the King made his Vicegerent Generall in all Ecclesiasticall affaires and causes and superiour to the Archbishop of Canterbury in place and Ecclesiasticall power the Popes Supremacy and usurped jurisdiction was by severall Acts of Parliament quite abolished out of England as prejudiciall and directly opposite to the Kings Prerogative Royall King Henry dying the Archbishop swore to his will by which Queene Mary was to succeed to the Crowne as next heire in case King Edward died without issue King Edward seeing the obstinacie of Qâ—â—enâ— Mary in matters of Religion what a pillar she was like to prove to the Church of Rome and persecutor of the true Professors of the Gospell ordaines by his last VVill that Queene Mary should be put by the Crowne and the Lady Jane succeed him as next Heire to which Testament all the Councell swore and the Archbishop too at last after much adoe Whereupon King Edward and Queene
Mary getting the Crowne and putting by the Lady â—ane Cranmer who also aided the Duke of Northumberland with horse and men against the Queene was thereupon committed prisoner to the Tower and soone after condemned of high treason and that by an ordinary Iury for seeking thus to disinherit the Queen who pardoning all the rest that were guilty of this crime released likewise the Treason against him though shee excepted him out of her generall pardon and some other Bishops and accused him onely of heresie as those times deemed it for which hee was deprived degraded and burnt at last for a Martyr repenting of that Recantation which he had over-cowardly made before out of feare and humane frailty And here not to detract any thing from the due praise of this our glorious Martyr give mee leave onely to observe First that hee had a hand in the condemnation and execution of Lambert Frith and some other of our godly Marryrs before hee was thoroughly instructed in the points of our Religion Secondly that hee was the chiefe man in accomplishing the divorce betweene Henry the 8 and Queene Katharine which occasioned much trouble dissention warre and a furtherer of this Kings subsequent lustfull if lawfull marriages Thirdly that the Lincolne-shire rebels in the sixt Article of their grievances presented to King Henry the 8. complaine thus against this Archbishop and other Prelates That wee your true Subjects find them grieved that there be divers Bishops of England of your Graces late promotion that have subverted the faith of Christ as wee thinke which is the Archbishop of Canterbury the Bishop of Rochester the Bishop of Salisbury the Bishop of S. Daveyes and the Bishop of Develin And in speciall as we thinke the beginning of all the trouble of this Realme and the great exactions that hath beene taken of your poore Communalty have risen by the occasion of the Bishop of Lincolne by whose Officers and by other of the Lord Cromwells servants a great rumor and noyse is risen and the common voyce is that such jewels plate and other ornaments of our Parish Churches which wee occupy in the service and honour of God should be taken from us and spoyled in like manner and fashion as the houses of Religion have beene Adde to this Fourthly that though the Popes Supremacy were abolished in his time by sundry Acts of Parliament yet the Bishops of that age laboured underhand to support it what they might and were both willing to continue set it up againe as is cleare by â—1 Hâ— 8. c. 14. the two notable Statutes of 37. H. 8. c. 17. and 1. Ed. 6. c. 2. worthy consideration And likewise by M. Tindall in his obedience of a Christian man and practise of Popish Prelates by Rodoricke Mors his complaint to the Parliament c. 19 20 21. by VVilliam VVraghtons hunting and finding ouâ— of the Romish Fox among the English Bishops and his rescuing of the Fox by Henry Stalbridge his exhortatory Epistle D. Barnes his supplication to King Henry the 8. M. Fox and other Treatises written in those dayes even by Protestants which prove the Bishops of those times to be Traytors to the King close enemies to the Kings Prerogative and fast friends to the Popes unjust usâ—rpation as Bonner Stephen Gardener with other of them shewed themselves in Queene Maries daies By which it appeares that the Bishops in those times were generally disliked and complained against on all hands Fifthly that the bloody Statute of 31. H. 8. c. 14. called by some the sixe Articles by others the whip with sixe strings and by the most part the bloody statute was made and devised in this Archbishops time by the cruelty and policy of the Bishops especially of Stephen Gardener Bishop of VVinchester which Statute for the miserable and pernicious tyranny rigid execution of the same is worthy of no memory among Christian men but rather to be buried in perpetuall silence of oblivion as M. Fox determines Maâ—thew Parker indeed records that Cranmer opposed this Act at first then caused it to be moderated and at last to be repealed in King Edwards dayes but others seeme to imply that he gave consent thereto at first Sixtly that he is the onely Martyr of all the Archbishops of Canterbury none ever dying in defence of the Gospell of Christ but he alone the others making many Martyrs in all ages by their persecutions but never being any themselves Hence Matthew Parker his Successour writes thus Cranmerus fide integra non Pontificia censura in libro vitae scriptus coelestem hâ—â—reditatatem cum Christo consecutus est ut si in hominibus gloriari fas esset non ab Augustino Dunstano Elphego Anselmo Thoma Becket Edmundo reliqua pontificia â—urba sed ab hoc uno qui solus in Christi causa contra Antichristum Flammarum incredibili doloreâ— ad coelos sublaâ—us est Cantuariensis sedes nobilitata esse videatur Seventhly that as this Prelate at first was unwilling to be made a Bishop so he suffered Martyrdome onely after his deprivation and degradation from his Bishopricke not whilst hee was a Bishop Eightly that hee failed more in his Martyâ—dome by reason of his cowardly recantation than any of his fellow Martyrs and that through promises and hopes of life and restitution to his former dignity and Archbishopricke the chiefe motives inducing him to this shamefull recantation Ninthly that though he suffered Martyrdome for Religion only as a private Christian after he was put from his Bishoprick not whiles he continued Archbishop yet he was condemned as a Traytor for-high treason and that justly as he confessed whiles hee was an Archbishop for an Act done by him as an Archbishop and Counsellour of State for which he professed both his sorrow and repentance And this Archprelate and Bishop Ridley committed likewise for Treason were very importunate suitors to King Edward the 6. to tolerate the use of Masse in his Sister Maries familie pressing him with divers politicke reasons to condescend to this their importunate suite which the infant King not onely rejected with strong pious reasons but teares to these Bishops great reproach who thereupon said to M. Cheeke the Kings Tutor Ah M. Cheeke you may be glad all the dayes of your life that you may have such a Scholler for he hath more Divinâ—â—y in his little finger than all we have in all our bodies But to passe from this Martyr to Cardinall Poole his immediate successor This Archprelate though almost if not quite a Protestant in the point of justification was yet a notori-Traytor and so procliamed by King Henry the 8. who thereupon gave his Dâ—anery of Exeter to another and that noâ— without just cause for he refused to come out of Italy to the King his Soveraigne when he sent for him hee was sent twice by the Pope as his Legate both
the cunning devises of some who accused him as a favourer of the Puritans Conventicles and prophecying which he justified in a particular treatise which I have seene dedicated to the Queene and subscribed by all his suffragans hee utterly lost the same being thereupon suspended from his Bishopricke and so dyed suspended Martin records that the true cause of his suspension was for disallowing the matrimony of Julio an Italian Physitian with another mans wife therein thwarting the Earle of Leicesters pleasure In his dayes M. Iohn or rather Philip Stubs of Lincolnes Inne lost his hand for writing a booke against the Queenes intended match with the Duke of Anjou with this Title The gulfe wherein England will be swallowed up by the French marriage with which the Queene was sorely vexed and displeased Sentence was pronounced against him by vertue of a Law made in the raigne of Philip and Mary then expired and personall to them whereupon the Iudges and chiefe Lawyers were at variance concerning the force of that Statute but might prevailed therein against right And about the same time Edward Campian Ralph Sherwin Luke Kerby Alexander Briant Priests were indited condemned and executed for high Treason for plotting the ruine of the Queene and Kingdome as adhering to the Pope the Queenes enemie and comming into England to raise forces against her Iohn VVhitegift next to him in succession a stately Pontificall Bishop contested much for the authority and Lordly jurisdiction of Prelates in defence whereof hee then writ though hee durst not averre our Archbishops to be of divine institution Hee had some contestations with the Judges whom he much troubled about Prohibitions ex officio oathes and proceedings the power of the high Commission and other Exclesiasticall Courts 〈◊〉 he endeavoured to enlarge to the prejudice of the Queenes prerogative and the Subjects liberties whereupon in the Parliament Anno 1585. divers Bils and complaints were exhibited against the oath ex officio the granting of faculties by Bishops Non-residencie and other abuses which this Prelate by his power to prevent a reformationâ— crossed and frustrated to the great disturbance of the Church and State and the increase oâ— schismes and divisions in both After this Anno 1588. hee procured these reverend Ministers and Gentlemen M. Vdall M. Penry M. Cartwright King Prudlar Paine M. Knightly M. Wigstone and others to be questioned and fined in Starchamber for writing against the English Hierarchy and caused M. Penry Vdall and others against all Law and Justice to be condemned and executed for this cause whereupon the Judge before whom they were arraigned much troubled in conscience fell into desperation and died miserably These his violent proceedings stirred up VVigginton Coppinger and franticke Hacket whom the Prelates oppression made starke mad to accuse the Archbishops of Canterbury and Yorke of high Treason and to runne into extravagant actions and opinions which they afterward recanted And not these alone but others likewise opposing the government of the Church of England disallowed the calling of Bishops and got some eminent Lawyers as M. Maurice Atturney of the Court of Wards and others to write against the government of Bishops and the Oath ex ofâ—icio which troubled much the whole Church State Judges Parliament and Kingdome and fired them almost into an uproare this Archprelate straining his Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction beyond its bounds farre higher than any of his predecessors since the reformation Whereupon multitudes of bookes were written against the calling Lordlinesse and extravagances of the Prelates and their Courts some in serious others in more light and jesting manner wherewith the Prelates were much nettled and their government rendred very odious among the people which certainly had then beene subverted had not the power of this Archprelate made a privy Counsellor and of Chancellour Hatâ—on a man popishly affected as was generally then reported kept it from ruine This Archprelates traine of servants was extraordinary great to the number of above 60 menservants who were all trained up to martiaâ—â—â—â—â—ires and mustred almost every weeke his stable being stiâ—l well furnished with good store of great horses a commendable thing in a warlike Prelate though scarce allowable in a pious Apostolicall Bishop who should rather traine up schollers for the pulpit than souldiers for the field Richard Bancroft his great creature and immediate successor had many conflicts with the Judges concerning prohibitions ex officio Oathes and the power of the High Commissioners before the King and Councell to the great disquiet of the Realme and oppression of the people hee defended the Bishops Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction to be jure Divino and not derived immediately by Letters Patents from the King like an ungratefull wretch contrary to the expresse Acts of 26. H. 8. c. 1.31 H. 8 c. 9 10.37 H. 8. c. 17. 1. Edw. 6. c.. 1. Eliz. c. 1.1 2. Phil. Mar. c. 8. 8. Eliz. c. 1. and the whole streame of the Fathers forraine Protestants and our English writers to the great affront of the Kings prerogative royall And if some men yet alive may be credited who accused him to the Councell of these crimes and offered to prove them hee had a hand in the compiling of Dolmans the Jesuites Booke concerning the succession of the Crowne of England the maine scope of which booke written as some say by Cardinall Allen and Fr. Ingelfield Dolmans enemies was to exclude all persons how neere soever allyed to the Crown unlesse they were Roman Catholikes contending further for the right of Isabel Infanta of Spaine and seeking to disprove King Iames his most rightfull title thereunto which Dolman with other old Priests and Jesuites hee harboured in his house where they affirme this booke was Printed and some thought hee was privie to that devillish plot of the Gunpowder-treason most of the traytors lying at Lambeth whiles they were about that hellish worke This Relation I had from others who averred it for truth and offered to prove it in his lifetime could they have beene heard And it seemes for the point of Dolmans booke and conniving at such other seditious traiterly popish pamphlets of that nature this Prelate was not altogether cleare for in the Conference at Hampton Court before King Iames when D. Reynolds moved the King that such unlawfull and seditious bookes might be suppressed at least restrained which unsetled and corrupted the minds of many young Schollers in both Universities instancing in Ficlerus a Papist De jure Magistratus in subditos for one Bancroft then Bishop of London supposing himselfe principally aimed and why should hee have such a suspition unlesse conscious of some guilt upon such a generall motion and information answered first in the Generall that there was no such licentious divulging of those Bookes as hee imagined or complained off And secondly to the particular instance of Ficlerus that he detested both the Author and applyer alike But for the first my Lord Cecill
onely stoutly repugned them but likewise affirmed their owne rites and ceremenies to be farre ancienter and better than those hee prescribed them which having received from their ancesters who were followers of the Apostles and having so long observed they ought not to change propter no vos dogmatistas for new dogmatists pleasures They further added that they would not account him for their Archbishop sâ—eing they had an Archbishop of their owne already resident at Leicester to whom tâ—ey ought to and would obey and that they would not subject themselves to a forraine Bishop With which answer Augustineâ—eing â—eing enraged fiercely threatned future warres and revenge of death unto them which followed soone after For Augustine requesting the Britons in this Synode that they would receive him for their Archbishop and joyne in common labour with him to preach the Gospell to the English Saxons The Britons who were driven out of their owne country by them refused to doe it adding that they had worthily hated the English and their religion which were esteemed by them but as dogs and therefore unworthily contemned This answer of the Britons Augustine gladly â—aid hold on imagining that he had gained an occasion from them whence hee might revenge their neglect and contempt of him Therefore hee greedily carries the newes of this contumely to King Ethelbert which this King not unwillingly laid hold on and thereupon instigated Edelfred King of the Northumbrians his kinsman although a Pagan against the Britons who thereupon Anno Dom. 613. comes with a numerous and almost â—tupendious army to Leicester called by the Britons Caâ—â—legan now Chester where Brochinal the Captaine of the Britans expected his comming and whether Abbot Dinoth-with a great number of Priests Hermites and Monkes â—specially such as were of Bangor monastery had fled These keeping a fast for three dayes space prayed to God to protect his people from the swords of the Barbarians The King commanded them to turne their armies first of all upon those who fought against him though not with armes yet with their prayers which was more whom Brochinal their Generall also terrified with the first comming of the enemies flying most shamefully exposed weaponlesse and naked to the swords of the enemies 50. men onely of them escaped by flight the residue to the number of 1200 were slaine with the sword of â—delfred Beda relates that Augustine taught by divine Oracle foretold this warre to the British Bishops and Clerkes in the Augustinian Councell when as it is more likely that hee having communicated counsell with King Ethelbert was not onely consâ—ious to the inferring of that warre but also the cause thereof For he was familiar with the King by whose perswasion and instigation Edelfred inflicted this calamity on the Britons And verily it is reported that Augustine in his first conference concerning these Rites when hee could not perswade them by entreaties threatned them Moreover Amandus Xierixiensis a man of the order of the Friers Minorites seemes to suffragate to this conjecture whose very words I will subjoyne VVhereas the â—ritains saith he were Catholikes the Saxons were Gentiles to convert whom S. Gregory sent Augustine and Mellitus who converted the Saxons But when as Augustine with his Apostolicall authority would perswade the Brittish Bishops and Abbots to receive him for their Legate and to preach with him to the English discord was moved for their disobedience to Saint Augustine so a warre was raised betweene the King of the Britons and the King of the Saâ—ons who now being converted would make the Britons subject to Augustine by whom writes Matthew Parker we are able to prove out of historians that Religion was overturned and rooted out or at least depraved and corrupted And this they say was predicted by Merlin in these wordsâ— Religion shall be blotted out againe and there shall be a transmutation of the chiefe Sees The dignity of London shall adorne Canterbury which was fulfilled by Augustine who caused 1200. of the Monkes of Bangor in Wales to be slaine because they obeyed him not in the councell as Alexander Essebiensis plainly teacheth It is marvellous that Merlin in one prophecie and in coherent words should thus foretell the deletion of religion the transmutation of the Principall Sees and the transferring of the dignity of London to Canterbury This slaughter of these Monkes of Bangor by Edelfred the avenger of Augustines wrath was avenged soone after by God who hated his cruelty for whiles the King hastned to â—oote out the remainder of them and burne their famous Monastery three Dukes of the Britaine 's met him slew ten thousand and sixty of his souldiers routed his whole army wounded the King himselfe and put him to a shamefull flight This was the fruit of this first Archbishop of Canterbury to raise up such a bloody warre within the bowels of our Kingdomes to the ruine of both parties and all to advance his owne jurisdiction and introduce his Roman ceremonies And verily writes Matthew Parker his successour that first contention raysed by Augustine about the introducing of Roman Rites which could not be appeased but with the overthrow and blood of the innocent Britaines ad nosâ—ra recentiora tempora cum simili pernicie coedeque Christianorum pervenit is desceuded to our latter times with the like destruction of Christians And had he lived to have seen and heard the violent actions practises of his present successor William Laud whose minâ—on D. Iohn Pocklinton in two severall pernitious Pamphlets adjudged solemnely to be burnt in both Universities by the Lords House of Parliament though licensed for the Presse by D. Bray this Canterburies owne domesticke Chaplain who by like order fron the Lords House hath publikely recanted his licensing of these Pamphlets in a Sermon at Saint Margarets in VVestminster before sundry of the Commons House hath proclaimed to the World that this present Prelate of Canterbury derived his lineall succession from this Augustine first Prelate of this See and so through his loynes from Pope Gregory the first founder of it and through his predecessours from S. Peters Chaire at Rome though I doubt Peter never sate Bishop nor ever had any chaire there I say had he but survived to have seene Bishop Lauds strange violent acts and tyrannoâ—s proceedings to advance his Archiepiscopall authority and erect Romes superstitions rites and ceremonies in the Churches of England Scotland and Ireland and that even by warre by blood shed rather than saile in his designes by cutting of Ministers Lawyers Physitians and Mechanicks eares searing their cheâ—kes slitting their noses whipping them openly through the streetes at carts tailes banishing them their Country shutting them up close Prisoners in remote Ilands where neither their kindred friends wives nor children must have any accesse to them no nor yet once set footing in those Ilands to enqâ—ire how their husbands did under paine of like imprisonment noâ— they have pen inke or
all pestiâ—ent filth that hath infected the State and government of the Church and Common-wealth looke upon him in his dependancies and he is the man the onely man that hath raised and advanced all those that together with himselfe have beene the Authors and causers of all the ruines miseries and calamities we now groane under Who is it but he onely that hath brought the Earle of Strafford to all his great places and imployments a fit instrument and spirit to act and execute all his wicked and bloody designes in thesâ— Kingdomes Who is it but he onely that brought in Secretary Windeâ—anke into the place of Secretary and trust the very Broker and Pâ—nder to the Whore of Babylon Who is it Mr. Speaker but he onely that hath advanced all Popish Bishops I shall name some of them Bishop Manwaring the Bishop of Bathe and Wells the Bishop of Oxford and Bishop Wren the least oâ— all but the most uncleane one These are men that should have sed Christs Flocke but they are the Wolves that devoured them the Sheepe should have fed upon the Mountaines but the Mountaines have eaten up the Sheepe It was the happinesse of the Church when the zeale of Gods house did eate up the Bishops glorious and brave Martyrs that went to the stake in defence of the Protestants religion but the zeale of these Bishops have beene to eate up and persecute the Church Who is it Mr. Speaker but the great Arch-Bishop of Canterbury that hath sit at the Helme to guide and steere them to all the managing of their Projects that have beene set on foote in this Kingdome these ten yeares last past and rather than he would stand out he hath most unworthily trucked and chaffered in the meanest of them As for instance that of Tobacco wherein thousands of poore people have beene stripped and turned out of their tradeâ— for which they have served as Apprentises we all know he was the Compounder and Contractor with them for the Licences putting them to pay Fines and Fee-Farme-rents to use their Trades Certainely Mr. Speaker he might have spent his time better and more for his grace in the Pulpit then thus sharking and taking in the Tobacco shop Mr. Speaker we all know what he hath beene charged withall here in this House Crimâ—s of a dangerous consequence and of transcendent nature no lesse than the subversion of the Government of this Kingdome and the alteration of the Protestant Religion and this not upon bare information onely but much of it comes before us already upon cleare and manifest poofes and there is scarce any businesse Grievances or Complaints come before us in this place wherein we doe not finde him intermingled and as it were twisted into it like a busie and angry Waspe his sting in the taile of everything We have this day heard the report of the Conference yesterday and in it the Accusations which the Scottish Natioâ— hath charged him withall And we doe all know he is guilty of the same if not more in this Kingdome Mr. Speaker he hath beene and is the common enemie to all goodnesse and good men and it is not safe that such a viper should be neere to his Majesties person to distill his poyson into his Sacred eares nor is it safe for the Common wealth that he should sit in so eminent a place of Government being thus accused we know what we did in the Earle of Strafâ—ords case This man is the corrupt Fountaine that hath inâ—ected all the streames and till the fountaine be purged we cannot expect to have any cleare Channels I shall be bold therefore to offer my opinion and if I erre it is the errour of my judgement and not my want of zeale and affection to the publicke good I conceive it most necessary and fit that we should now take up a Resolution to doe somewhat to strike whilst the Iron is hot And goe up to the Lords in the name of the Commons of this House and in the name of the Commons of England and to accuse him of High Treason and to desire their Lordships his person may be sequestred and that in convenient time they may bring up the Charge Which soone after was accordingly executed as you have already seene By these speeches Articles of High Treason against this Arch-Prelate it is apparent that his Treasons equall if not far exceed the Treasons of any of his Predecessors in the darkest mists of Popery and that he like his Predecessor Austin hath endeavored to rayse a bloody civill warre betweene England Ireland and Scotland onely for opposing his all-subduing Archiepiscopall Jurisdiction extended by him over all his Majesties three Kingdomes and for refusing to receive those Superstitious Romish Ceremonies and Innovations which he would have violently thrust upon them yea it is evident by these Articles that he is the primum mobile whence all our late warres tumults uproares and divisions proceededâ— and the spring whence all our insupportable grievances both in our Church and State have originally flowed And so by his owne late published maxime A schisme must needes be theirs whose the cause of it is and he makes the separation that gives the first just cause thereof the blame of all these late schismes warres and intolerable grievances whether Civill or Ecclesiasticall must rest intirely on his head who as he is like to leave no heires of his body lawâ—ully begotten to inherit his vertues so it is pity he should leave any successour behinde him in his See to perpetuate his and his Predecessors Treasons with other their Archiepiscopall vices It is his owne late resolution The condition of the Church were most miserable if it should be constrained to acknowledge a Wolfe manifestly raging for her shepheard and it is likewise his observation A man may become of a Pastor a Wolfe and since Iudas changed from an Apostle to a Devill Joh 6. It is no wonder to see others change from shepheards into Wolvesâ— I doubt the Church is not empty of such changlings at this day Whether himselfe and his forementioned Predecessors have not proved such Wolves and changlings by reason of the Venome of their Archiepiscoâ—all Chaire and whether the condition of our Church were not most miserable if she should be still constrained to acknowledge these Arch-Wolves of Canterbury manifestly raging to be her Shepheards and still to maintaine an interrupted succession of them to devoure the poore sheepe of Christ both soule and body and to be perpetuall pests Traytors and incendiaries to our Church and State as their Predecessours have ever beene I shall submit to those whom it most concernes who have now sufficient power and opportunity in their hands to redresse all incumbent and prevent all future mischiefes in this kinde I could now gladly wade out of this dangerous See of Canterbury wherein I have so long roved did not the Acts of some other ancient Prelates of it next successors to Augustine
detaine me in it a little longer Not to mention the forwardnesse and activity of Laurentius the second Arch-Bishop of this See to settle the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of Rome among us to obtrude theÌ„ on the Britaines who withstood them or his contests with King Eadbaldus from whose tyranny and displeasure he purposed to flee into forraine parts had noâ— S. Peter in a dreame reproved and whipped him with whip-cord for this his cowardice so terribly if it be true that all his body was gore blood Theodorus the seventh Prelate who possessed this Chaire by birth a Greeke was so farre from doing any thing contrary to or different from the Church of Rome that he over-contentiously propugned her Authority and Ceremonies depriving some Bishops upon his meere pleasure for this cause onely that they were consecrated after a different manner from the Romans and compelling them to be canonically ordained He exercised the right and authority oâ— his See in such sort that he seemed not so much to governe by judgement and Counsell as to be violently hurried with the impetuousnesse and perturbation of his minde so that he did not a little obscure those other vertues which were not vulgar with this overmuch pertinacity of asserting his owne dignity His unjust deprivation of Bishops without cause whom he thrust in and out at his pleasure as his late successors have deprived silenced and suspended our best preaching Ministers detracted much from his glory especially his unjust dealing with Wilfrid Arch-Bishop of Yorke whom he most unworthily expelled from his See though every way equall if not superiour to himselfe in holinesse of life learning and industry by persecuting whom immoderately and unjustly mulium nâ—â—uit Ecclesiae paci male consuluit famae suae he much prejudiced the Churches peaceâ— and his owne reputation he stirred up King Egfrid against Wilfrid and by that meanes kept him off from being restored to his Bishopricke And when as Wilfrid appearing before the Kings tribunall expostulated the cause of his injuries Theodor answered We lay no guilt to your charge sed quod constituimus ratum esse volumus but what we have decreed that we will shall be ratified Than which speech what can be more absurd as if he should say So I will have it so I command my will shall stand for a reason Such a wilfull and headstrong Prelate was he to the great disturbance both of Church and state for which some sayâ— he repented on his death-bed though this vice dyed not with him but descended to his successors Birhtubaldus an English man his next successor not onely assisted but caused Alfricke King of Northumberland to thrust Wilfrid out of his See at Yorke 5. yeares after his restitution to it and to spoyle him of all his lands and goods and banish him the Kingdome And then afterwards endeavoured to justifie and make good this deprivation though unjust in a Councell which he summoned for this purpose which when he could not effect he endeavoured by faire speeches to perswade Wilfrid to renounce his Bishopricke rather than violate the peace of the Church but he refusing appealed to Rome whereupon his complaint to the Pope Birhtuald is sent for Wilfrid acquitted and this turbulent malicious Arch-Prelate overthrowne and forced to restore Wilfrid to Yorke againe after a long contestation betweene them to the great Disturbance of Church and State Tatwin the 9. Archbishop of Canterbury two yeares after his consecration â—ad a great controversie with the Archbishop of Yorke concerning primacy for which cause hee posted to Rome and tâ—ere received his pall and confirmation from the Pope but these controversies for primacie I shall reserve for another Treatise Cutbert his successor as Thomas Sprot describes him was a deceitfull man full of foxâ—like craft a viper eating out the bowels of his owne mother In his dayes both Prince and people Priests Nunnes and Monkes were extremely addicted to uncleannesse whoredome adultery and costly apparell the Bishops themselves being as bad reproved them not for these sinnes lived wickedly rixas arma inter se gerebant brawled and warred among themselves addicted not themselves to read the Scriptures but to luxury and preached notâ— or very rarely by meanes whereof people were so ignorant that they could scarce say the Articles of the Creed or the Lords prayer in their mother tongue To reforme these abuses a Synode was called but these sinnes still raigning the Kingdome was soone over-runne and conquered by the bloody Danes Lambert the 13. Archbishop of Canterbury about the yeare of Christ 76â— so highly offended Offa King of Mercia that out of his enmity against him and the Kentish men hee obtained a Bull from Pope Adrian to erect a new Archbishopricke at Lichfield obtaining an Archbishops Pall for Eadulphus Bishop of that See to whom the Diocesses of Worcester Leicester Legecester Hereford Helenham and Duâ—wich were annexed and subjected so as Canterbury had left unto him for his Province onely the Bishoprickes of London Winchester Rochester and Sherburne which much abated his pride Athelardus his next successor and Eanbaldus Archbishop of Yorke about the yeare 79â— procuring letters from Kenulph King of Mercia written in his and his Bishops Dukes and peoples names to Pope Leo for the reuniting of the former disjoyned Bishoprickes to the See of Canterbury poasted with them to Rome where after they had solicited and bribed the Pope they obtained their suit without much difficulty and so these Bishoprickes were reannexed to Canterbury lest the seamelesse coate of Christ should sustaine some rent or schisme betweene the two Archbishâ—prickes and withall Ethelard obtained such a large grant from the Pope that if any of his Diocesse as well Kings and Princes as ordinary people should transgresse his Lordly Mandates he should excommunicate them till they repented and if they continued impenitent all should esteeme them as Ethnickes and publicans In his time the English grew such Apostates from vertue ut gentes quascunque proditione superarent that they exceeded all Nations in treason and trechery No doubt they learned it from their traiterous Prelates and Priests whom the Danes in his dayes â—lew together with Monkes Nunnes and Levites without any commiseration Et fudeâ—unt sanguinem sanctorum etiam IN CIRCUITU ALTARIS as Alcuinus writes by which it appeares that altars in those dayes stood not close against the East wall of the Chancell as now some place them but in such sort thas they might be COMPASSED ROUND the Alter of Augustine in his collegiate Church at Canterbury standing before those dayes in ejus Porticus MEDIO in the MIDST of the Porch there and the Altar of the old Church in Saint Edmonds Bury built ovall standing likewise AS IT WERE IN THE MIDST of the Church as Camden out of Everden a Monke of that house relates but of this in the by
Elnothus Archbishop of Canterbury about the yeare of our Lord 1036. against his Alleagiance and Oath crowned Harold a bastard having no right to the Crowne King of England Hardi-Canute the right heire being put by his right At first this Prelate seemed unwilling to performe that service for it is reported that hee having the Regall Scepter and Crowne in his custodie with an oath refused to consecrate any other for King so long as the Queenes Children were living for said he Canutus committed them to my trust and assurance and to them will I give my faith and allegiance This Scepter and Crowne therefore I here lay downe upon this Altar neither do I deny or deliver them to you but I require by the Apostolique authority all Bishops that none of them presume to take the same away neither therewith that they consecrate you for King as for your selfe if you dare you may usurpe that which I have committed to God on this his Table Notwithstanding that great thunderclap was allayd with the showers of golden promises of his just and religious Government intendâ—d though present experience manifested the contrarie and hee perswaded without much intreaty to crowne this usurper King And now having thus long sayled in this troublesome See of Canterbury I shall onely trouble you with a passage out of William Harrison touching the Archbishops of Canterbury in generall and Robert the Norman in particular and then hoise up my sailes and steare my course into the Northernâ— See of Yorke The Archbishop of Canterbury writes hee is commonly called Primate of all England and in the Coronations of the Kings of this Land and all other times wherein it shall please the Prince to weare and put on his Crowne his office is to set it upon their heads They beare also the name of their high Chaplins continually although not a few of them have presumed in time past to be their equals and void of subjection unto them That this is true it may easily appeare by their owne acts yet kept in record besides their Epistles and Answers written or in Print wherein they have sought not onely to match but also to maâ—e them with great rigour and more than open tyranny Our adversaries will peradventure deny this absolutely as they do many other things apparent though not without shamelesse impudencie or at leastwise deâ—end it as just and not swerving from common equity because they imagine every Archbishop to be the Kings equall in his owne Province But how well their doing herein agreeth with the saying of Peter and examples of the Primitive Church it may easily appeare some examples also of their demeanour I will not let to remember lest they should say I speake of malice and without all ground of likelihood of their practices with meane persons I speake nor neither will I beginne at Dunâ—tane the author of all their pride and presumption here in England but for so much as the dealing of Robert the Norman against Earle Goodwine is a rare History and deserveâ—h to be remembred I will touch it in this place protesting to deale with all in more faithfull manner than it hath heretofore beene delivered unto us by the Norman Writers or French English who offer purpose have so defaced Earle Goodwine that were it noâ— for the testimony of one or two meere English men living in those dayes it should be impossible for mee or any other at this present to declare the truâ—h of that matter according to the circumstances marke therefore what I say for the truth is that such Normanâ— as came in with Emma in the time of Ethelred and Canutus and the Confessor did fall by sundry meanes into such favour with those Princes that the Gentlemen did grow to beare great rule in the Court and their Clerkes to be possessors of the best benefices in the Land Hereupon therefore one Robert a jolly ambitious Priest got first to be Bishop of London and after the death of Eadsius to be Archbishop of Canterbury by the gift of King Edward leaving his former See to VVilliam his Countriman Vlfo also a Norman was preferred to Lincolne and other to other places as the King did thinke convenient These Norman Clerkes and their friends being thus exalted it was not long ere they began to mocke abuse and despise the English and so much the more as they daily saw themselves to encrease in â—avour with King Edward who also called divers of them to be of his secret Councell which did not a little incense the hearts of the English against them A â—â—ay also was made at Dover betweene the servants of Earle Goodwine and the French whose Masters came over to see and salute the King which so inflamed the minds of the French Clergie and Courtiers against the English Nobility that each part sought for opportunity of revenge which ere long tooke hold betweene them for the said Robert being called to be Arcâ—bishop of Canterbury was no sooner in possession of his See than hee began to quarrell with Earle Goodwine the Kings Father in Law by the marriage of his daughter who also was ready to acquit his demeanour with like malice and so the mischiefe began Hereupon therefore the Archbishop charged the Earle with the murther of Alfred the Kings brother whom not he but Harald the sonne of Canutus and the Danes had cruelly made away for Alfred and his brother comming into the Land with five and twenty â—aile upon the death of Canutus being landed the Normans that arrived with them giving out how they came to recover their right to wit the Crowne of England and thereunto the unskilfull young Gentlemen shewing themselves to like of the â—umor that was spread in this behalfeâ— the report of their demeanour was quickly brought to Harald who caused a company â—orthwith of Danes privily to lay in wait for them as they rodâ— toward Gilford where Alfred was slaine and whence Edward with much difficulty escaped to his ships and so returned into Normandy But this affirmation of the Archbishop being greatly soothed out with his crafty utterance for he was learned confirmed by his French friends for they had all conspired against the Earle and thereunto the King being desirous to revenge the death of his Brother bred such a grudge in his mind against Goodwine that he banished him and his Sonnes cleane out of the Landâ— hee sent also his wife the Earles daughter prisoner to Wilton with one onely maiden attending upon her where shee lay almost a yeare before shee was released in the meane season the rest of the Peeres as Siward Earle of Northumberland surnamed Digara or â—ortis Leofrick Earle of Chester and other went to the King before the departure of Goodwine endeavouring to perswade him unto the revocation of his sentence and desiring that his cause might be heard and discussed by Order of Law But the King incensed by the Archbishop and his Normans would not heare on that side
saying plainly and swearing by Saint Iohn the Evangelist for that was his common Oath that Earle Goodwine should not have his Peace till hee restored his brother Alfred alive againe unto his presence with which answer the Peeres departed in choler from Court and Goodwine towards the Coast. Comming also unto the shore and ready to take shipping hee kneeled downe in presence of his conduct to wit at Bosenham in the moneth of September from whence hee intended to saile into Flanders unto Baldwine the Earle and there wished openly before them all that if ever hee attempted any thing against the Kings person of England or his Royall estate that he might never come safe unto his Cousin nor see his Country any more but perish in this voyage and herewith he went aboard the ship that was provided for him and so from the Coast into the open Sea But see what followed hee was not yet gone a mile away from the Land before he saw the shore full of armed Souldiers sent after by the Archbishop and his friends to kill him ere he should depart and goe out of the Country which yet more incensed the hearts of the English against them Being come also to Flanders hee caused the Earle the French King and others of his friends among whom also the Emperour was one to write unto the King in his hehalfe but all in vaine for nothing could be obtained from him of which the Normanâ— had no liking whereupon the Earle and his Sonnes changed their minds obtained aid and invaded the Land in sundry places Finally joyning their powers they came by the Thames into Southwarke neere London where they lodged and looked for the King to encounter with thâ—m in the field the King seeing what was done commanded the Londonerâ— not to aide nor victuall them but the Citizens made answer how the quarrell of Goodwine was the cause of the whoâ—e Realme which hee had in a manner given over unto the spoyle of the French and thereupon they not onely victualled them abundantly but also received the Earle and his chiefe friends into the City where they lodged them at their ease till the Kings power was ready to joyne with them in battle great resort also was made unto them from all places of the Realme so that the Earles Army was wonderfully increased and the day and place chosen wherein the Battle should be fought But when the Armies met the Kings side began some to flee to the Earle other to lay downe their weapons and not a few to â—unne away outright the rest telling him plainly that they would never fight against theiâ— owne Countâ—y men to mainaine Frenchmens quarrelâ— the Normans also seeing the sequell fled away so fast as they might gallop leaving the King in the field to shift for himselfe as hâ— best might whilst they did save themselves elsewhere In the meane season the Earles Power would have set upon the King either to his slaughter or apprehension but hee stayed them saying after this manner The King is my Sonne as you all know and it is not for a father to deale so hardly with his child neither a subject with his Soveraigne It is not he thaâ— hath hurt or done mee this injury but the proud Normans that are about him wherefore to gaine a Kingdome I will doe him no violence and therewithall casting aside his battell axe hee ran to the King that stood altogether amazed and falling at his feete he craved his peace accused the Archbishop required that his cause might be heard in open assemblie of his Peeres and finally determined as truth and equity should deserve The King after hee had paused a pretty while seeing his old Father-in-Law to lie groveling at his feete and conceiving with himselfe that his suite was not unreasonable seeing also his children and the rest of the greatest Barons of the Land to kneele before him and make the like request hee listed up the Earle by the hand bad him be of good comfort pardoned all that was past and friendly having kissed hâ—m his sonnes upon the cheekes he lead them to his pallace called home the Queene and Summonned all his Lords unto a Councell wherein it is much to read how many â—ils were presented against the Bishop and his Normans some containing matter of rapes other of robbery extortion murder manslaughter high tâ—eason adultery and not a few of battery wherewith the King as a man now awaked out of sleepe was so offended that upon consultation had of these things he banished all the Normans out of the Land onely three or foure excepted whom he retained for sundry necessary causes albeit they never came more so neere him afterward as to be of his Privie Councell after this also the Earle lived almost two yeares and then falling into an apoplexie as he sate with the King at the table hee was taken up and carried into the Kings bedchamber where after a few dayes hee made an end of his life and thus much of our first broyle raised by the Clergie practice of the Archbishop I would intreat of all the like examples of Tyranny practised by the Prelates of this See against their Lords and Soveraignes but then I should rather write an History than a Description of this Iland Wherefore I referre you to those reports of Anselme and Becket sufficiently penned by other the which Anselme also making a shew as if hee had beene very unwilling to be placed in the See of Canterbury gave this answer to the Letters of such his friends as did make request unto him to take the charge upon him Secularia negotia nescio quia scire nolo c. Of secular affaires I have no skill becuase I will not know them for I even abhorre the troubles that rise about them as one that desireth to have his mind at Liberty I apply my whole endeavour to the rule of the Scriptures you lead mee to the contrary and it is to be feared lest the plough of holy Church which two strong men of equall force and both like earnest to contend unto that which is good that is the King and the Archbishop ought to draw should thereby now swarve from the right furrow by matching of an old sheepe with a wild untamed Bull. I am that old sheepe who if I might be quieâ— could peradventure shew my selfe not altogether ungratefull to some by feeding them with the milke of the word of God and covering them with wooll but if you match mee with this Bull yoâ— shall see that through want of equality in draught the plough will not goe too right c. as followeth in the processe of his Letters The said Thomas Becket was so proud that hee wrote to King Henry the second as to his Lord to his King and to his Sonne offering him his Counsell his reverence and due correction c. Others in like sort have protested that they oug't nothing to the Kings of this Land
but their councell onely reserving all obedience unto the See of Rome Neither did this pride stay at Archbishops and Bishops but descended lower even to the rake-hels of the Clergie and puddles of all ungodlinesse for beside the injury received of their superiours how was King Iohn dealt withall by the vile Cistertians at Lincolne in the second of his raigne Certes when hee had upon just occasion conceived some grudge against them for their ambitious demeanour and upon denyall to pay such summes of money as were allotted unto them hee had caused seisure to be made of such horses swine neate and other things of theirs as were maintained in his forrests They denounced him as fast amongst themselves with Bell Booke and Candle to be accursed and excomcommunicated Thereunto they so handled the matter with the Pope and their friends that the King was faine to yeeld to their good graces insomuch that a meeting for pacification was appointed betweene them at Lincolne by meanes of the present Archbishop of Canterbury who went oft betweene him and the Cistertian Commissioners before the matter could be finished In the end the King himselfe came also unto the said Commissioners as they sate in their Chapter house and there with teares fell down at their feete craving pardon for his trespasses against them and heartily requiring that they would from thenceforth commend him and his Realme in their prayers unto the protection of the Almighty and receive him into their fraternity promising moreover full satisfaction of their dammages sustâ—ined and to build an house of their order in whatsoever place of Englandâ— it should please them to assigne And this he confirmed by Charter bearing date the 27 of November after the Scottish King was returned into Scotland and departed from the King Whereby and by other the like as betweene Iohn Strafford and Edward the third c. a man may easily conceive how proud the Clergie men have beene in former times as wholly presuming upon the primacy of the Pope More matter could I alleage of these the like broyles not to be found among our Common Historiographerâ— howbeit reserving the same unto places more convenient I will cease to speake of them at this time So Harrison And thus have I now at last conclâ—ded my Canterbury voyage and sayled through this most dangerous See wherein so many Pontiffes have suffered shipwracke both of their loyalty charity faith and honesty And many godly Christians through their cruelty and tyranny made shipwracke not onely of their goods liberties estates cares and other members but also of their lives it being both in Augustines time and almost ever since a very Aâ—eldama and See of blood So as I may well conclude of these Primates and Metropolitans of all England in Saint Bernards words Heu heu Domine Deus ipsi sunt in persecutione tua PRIMI qui videntur in Ecclesia tua PRIMATUM DILIGERE GERERE PRINCIPATUM Misera eorum conversatio plebis tuae miserabilis subversio est Atque utinam sola hac parte nocerent But alas Iusta omnino querimonia nec ad ullam jusâ—ius quam ad nostram referenda aetatem Parum est nostris vigilibus quod non servant nos nisi perdant Alto quippe demersi oblivionis somno ad nullum Dominicae comminationis tonitruum expergiscuntur ut vel suum ipsorum periculum expavescant Inde est ut not parcant suis qui non parcant sibi PERIMENTES PARITER ET PEREUNTES What then remaines but that King Parliament and people having such just cause and faire opportunity should all joyne cordially together utterly to subvert this chaire of pestilence and with great violence to throw downe this our English Babylon and in one houre to make her so desolate as shee may be found no more at all that so the people beholding her long expected and much desired overthrow may â—ry mightily with a strong and joyfull voyce with the Angel in the Apocalypse Babylon Canterbury the great is falne is falne which hath beene the habitation of devils and the hold of every foule spirit and a cage of every uncleane and hatefull bird and in her was found the blood of Prophets and of Saints and of all that were slaine upon the earth From this overflowing boundlesse See which hath still outswolne the bankes of divine and humane Lawes which would confine it have all those perilous inundations of trechery rebellion forraine and inâ—estine warres seditions tyrannyes oppessions grievances innovations and mischiefes commonly issued which have miserably torne and perplexed our Kingdome vexed if not almost ruined our Kings Church State People in ancient moderne times This great Archiepiscopal prime chaire hath bin the Metropolitical nest wherin all the egges of all ouâ— mischiefs grievances have commonly been laid and hatched by our Canterburian Harpies I can therfore prescribe no better advise for our future security against those and other our mischievous Prelates and birds of prey than that which Turghesie a prudent man once gave to the King of Meth when he demanded of him how hee might destroy certaine noysome birds then lately come into Ireland where they did much mischiefe to the Country Nidos eorum ubique destruendos that their nests and Sees like the Abbies and Priories of old are every where to be destroyed and converted to better uses then we need not feare a succession of these pernitious birds and mischievous vermin the very Turbans and Acans of our English Israel which must never looke for tranquility or felicity whiles these continue or domineer amongst us Till these Ionasses be cast over-board and quite abandoned we can neither hope for nor enjoy a calme CHAP. II. OF THE SEVERALL Treasons Conspiracies Rebellions Seditions State-schismes Contempts and Disloyalties of the Arch-Bishops of YORKE against their Soveraignes and of the Warres Tumults and Civill Dissentions caused by them I Have thus as briefly as I could with convenience given you an Epitome of the Arch-Bishops of Canterburtes Arch-Treasons Rebellions Trecheries Seditions Disloyalties State-Schismes Disturbances and oppositions to our Lawes more at large related in our Historians I shall now proceed in order to those of the Arch-Bishops of Yorke which will almost equall them as well in heinousnesse as in number both of them being Primates and Metropolitanes in all these prodigious villanies and crimes as well as in Episcopall Jurisdiction VVilfrid the third Arch-Bishop of Yorke about the yeare of our Lord 678. went about to pâ—rswade King Egfrâ—dus Queene to forsake her husband and betake her selfe to a Monastery without the Kings privitie or consent the King much displeased with him for it by the advice of Theodore Arch-Bishop of Canterbury who maligned the greatnesse of his Diocesse first sought to diminish his Authoritie by dividing his Diocesse into 3. Bishoprickesâ— and then exhibited divers complaints against him to the Pope to have him deprived causing him to be condemned in
two severall Councels and thereupon thrust him from his Bishopricke which Theodore divided into foure Diocesses After ten yeares exile Egfrid dying Alfrid his Successour restored VVilfrid but five yeares after this King likwise fell out with him and forced him to Rome where though the Pope restored him yet the King would never admit him to his See during his life What the true cause of these displeasures was the Historians of those times who favoured VVilfrid are sparing to relate belike it was some notorious offences against these Kings else they would not be so unjust as without cause to keepe him from his Bishopricke and to imprison him in chaines as one of them did Some record that it was because hee favoured and aided the Rebellious Danes which is most probable Malmesbury and others out of him say it was onely the malice of Queene Ermenburga who envied him for that hee had many Abbots and Abbies under him was served with Gold and Silver plate had a great traine of followers and was very gorgeous in his Pontificall Robes and because hee would never yeeld to have his Diocesse divided into three mote Bishopricks though it were sufficient to maintaine foure Bishops beside himselfe of which there was need And some impute it to the envie and malice of Theodore Arch-Bishop of Canterbury The first of these could not be the sole cause for that ended upon VVilfrids exile and the Kings death The second is as unlikely since VVilfâ—id himselfe with all the Bishops of that time and the Councell of Hertford Can. 9. Anno 677. decreed that the number of â—eleevers increasing more Bishops and Bishoprickes should bee made and erected Whereupon Acca and Boâ—win were made Bishops instead of Bosa and his Bishopricke divided into foure parts to which partition VVilfâ—id had good reason to consent it being the Kings expresse pleasure and the Councels decree to which himselfe subscribed The envie of Theodore was in likelihood a partiall but not principall cause of his first Troubles onely Hee was therefore in all likelihood an aider and assister of the Rebellious Danes and a great opposite and Rebell against these two Kings yea and against Edulfus their successour who all three successively refused to restore him notwithstanding the Popes Letters and Command which then it seemes were of little force Many Councels were assembled about this VVilfrid and the whole Church and Kingdome much disquietted and vexed with the many Schismes and contentions concerning him too tedious to relate Anno 872. Vlferus Arch-Bishop of Yorke was by his Diocesans driven out of the Countrey for what cause is not expressed and therefore likely for some notorious offence because the Monkes conceale it out of favour to him Anno 952. VVolstan Arch-Bishop of Yorke was convict of an hainous crime who forgetting that dutifull affection hee ought to beare unto Edred his King if for no other cause yet for Athelstane his Brothers sake who preferred him forgetting his Oath and Allegeance unto the same King being his naturall Prince yea forgetting that hee was either an English man or a Christian was not ashamed to revolt from King Edred and cleave to the Danes and favour them an Heathen people and such as sought not onely to destroy his Countrey but also to root out Christian Religion For which Treason and for setting up Eâ—ricâ—us King in Edreds stead though hee deserved a thousand deaths he was onely deprived committed to Prison and one yeare after enlarged again because he was a Bishop whereas for this cause as his Treason was the more hainous and execrable so hâ—s punishment should have beene the greater But hee being released upon his repentance grew so angry with himselfe that hee was thus pardoned against right and justiceâ— that vâ—tâ—m eâ—veâ—tigio exuit hee presently made away himselfe being his owne executioner Some say that hee was thus imprisoned for killing divers Citizens of Thetford in revenge of the death of one Anselme an Abbot whom they had slaine without cause belike hee was guiltie of both those crimes and punished for both in this mild manner after divers complaints Anno 975. Oswald Arch-Bishop of Yorke assisted Dunstan of Canterbâ—ry and the other Bishops to put Egelred the right Heire from the Crowne and to set up Edward an Usurper whom they crowned as more fit for their behoofe and ends Elfricke Arch-Bishop of Yorke surnamed Puttoc was reputed detestable for two barbarous Acts He caused Hardeâ—nute the Kingâ— to command the dead body of his Brother King Harold to be digged up out of his Grave after that to be beheaded and cast into the Thames as an infamous example to men And not content with this crueltie towards the dead he perswaded the same King by way of revenge on VVorcester men because they would not suffer him to hold that See in commendam with Yorke as three of his predecessours had done before him to fire that goodly Citie and seize on all the Citizens goods pretending that they had stubbornely resisted those who collected the Kings tributes And as if this were not sufficient revenge to kill all the men and waste the whole Countrey which was mostâ— cruelly executedâ— hee likewise caused this King to thrust the living Bishop of VVorceter out of his See and to bestow it on himselfe and incensed this King so farre against Earle Godwin that hee was enforced to buy his peace of the King with the gift of the richest and costliest Shippe that wee reade of in that Age. Aldredus his Successour who gat that See by Symonie and held VVorcester in commendam with it and was one of the first who distinguished the Clergie from the Laitie in their externall habits crowned Harold invading the Dignitie Royall no way due unto him After which though hee purposed â—o Crowne Edgar the right Heire King to whom he and the Nobilitie had first adhered yet like a wily Bishop siding with the strongest he altered his purpose and crowned VVilliam the Conquerour King requiring first an Oath of him to dâ—fend the Church to minister justice and te vse Englishmen as favourable as Normans This Oath it seemed to Aldred that the King had broken by laying heavie taxes on the people of which he admonished the King who was very angry at it He therefore like a couragious Prelate but like a disloyall Subject thundered out an Excommunication against him sayingâ— That now worthily he had cursed whom once unworthily hee had blessed This bold pranke being reported to the King incensed him very much at first but thinking better of it hee determined to give him good words a while and so sent some to intreat for his absolution The Messengers came too late for the Bishop being troubled much in mind after the performance of that Action and either amazed with feare of what might happen after it or overcome with griefe and repentance for what he had done never could be
seized on three Mannors or Barronies belonging to his See and retained them during the Arch-Bishops life which was not long hee either out of griefe or Gods just Jâ—dgement being soone taken away It falling out for the most part as Bishop Godwin observes in his life that those Bishops which have presumed most in opposing themselves against their Princes have least time endured and ever quickly beene taken away Anno Dom. 1329. William de Melton Arch-Bishop of Yorke successively Treasurer and Chancellour of England upon the Examination of Edmund Earle of Kenâ— whom this Prelate and the Bishop of London had drawne into a conspiracie and rebellion against King Edward the third was accused of High Treason for reporting that King Edward the second was still alive after his death and that upon the credit of a preaching Fryer of London who had raised up a Devill which certainly informed him thereof as a truth For writing a Letter of Fidelitie to this Earleâ— which hee sent by his owne Chaplaine Acyn for sending him 500. men in Armes and ptomising to send him as many more as hee could possibly raise and sending Richard de Pomfret to him both to Reusington and Arundle to further the said Rebellion The Poore Earle was found guiltie of high Treason and beheaded The Bishop of London and Arch-Bishop the chiefe plotters of this Treason and Conspiracâ—e were suffered to goe at libertie under fureties taken of them for their good demeanour and forth-comming and the Fryer who had raised the Spirit to know whether the Kings Father were living or not was onely committed to prison where he dyed An. 1319. this William Melton Arch-Bishop of Yorke and the Bishop of Ely with the Citizens of Yorke not making them of the Countrey once privie to their designes having in their companie a great company of Priests and men of Religion gave battell unto the Scots neere Melton upon Swale But for as much as most of the English were unexpert in the feates of Warre the Bishops being their Captaines and came not in any orderly way of Battell they were easily put to flight by the Scots who slew about 4000. of them sparing neither Religious person nor other So ill is it for Prelates to turne Warriers and that rashly without taking good advice Alexander Nevell Arch-Bishop of Yorke in great favour with King Richard the second was amongst others conuicted by Parliament for abusing the Kings youth by flattery and exciting and stirring him against the Nobilitie and Lords whom hee falsely accused of Treason to the King to the great prejudice of the King and Realme by whispering tales day and night against them and for anulling Acts of Parliament for which causes hee was condemned in Parliament of high Treason and then adjudged to perpetuall imprisonment in the Castle of Rochesâ—er Hee foreseeing the Tempâ—st that grew toward him fled out of the Realme Vrbane the Fifth for his securitie translated him being both a Traytor and whisperer writes Walsingham from Yorke to Saint Andrewes in Scotland which Kingdome at that time refused to acknowledge Vrbane for Pope yeelding obedience to the Antipope by meanâ—s whereof Vrbanes gift was insufficient to invest him in Saint Andrewes yet good to void him quite from Yorke whereby hee being stript of both Arch-Bishoprickes and enjoying the benefit of neither for very want was forced to become a Parish Priest at Lovaine and so lived three yeares till his death Thomas Arundel his Successour to prejudice the Londoners and benefit those of Yorke removed all the Kings Courts from Westminster to Yorke to the great prejudice and grievance of the Londâ—ners and Subjects in the West and South parts of England and the no little disturbance of the Realme His pretence was that hee did it onely to punish the pride and presumption of the Londoners who were then in great disgrace with the Kingâ— by reason of a fray made upon the Bishop of Salisburyes Manâ— who abused a Baker and brake his head with a Dagger without any just cause for which the Citizens assaulted the Bishops House to have Justice done upon his Man who had done the wrong but the Bishops bolstering him outâ— no Justice could be had and instead thereof their Liberties were seized on and the Terme removed to Yorke to vex them the more The Arch-Bishop not long after was attainted of Treason in Parliament immediately upon his Translatiâ—n from Yorke to Canterbury And good reason for he conspired with the Duke of Gloucester the Abbot of Saint Albanes and the Prior of Westminster both which Religious persons declared to the Duke that they had severall Visions That the Kingdome should bee destroyed through the misgovernment of Richard the second by which they animated the Duke to conspire with them and others against their Soveraigne who meeting together at drundel Castle about the 20. yeare of King Richards Raigne they sware each to otherâ— to bee assistant one to another in all such matters as they should determine and therewith received the Sacrament from this Arch-Bishop who celebrated Masse before them the morrow after which done they withdrew themselves into a chamber and concluded to take King Richard the Dukes of Lancaster and Yorke and to commit them to Prison and to hang and draw all the other Lords of the Kings Councell all which they intended to accomplish in August following had not their plot been discovered and prevented by Earle Marshall This Prelate after his attainder for this Treason was the chiefe Actor in effecting King Richards involuntary Resignation in the instrument whereof he is first named I shall say no more of this Arundel but what William Harrison hath recorded of him in his Description of England l. 2. â— c. 1. p. 134. And even no lesse unquietnesse had another of our Princes with Thomas Arundel than King Stephen had with his Predecessours and Robert de Sâ—gillo Bishop of London who fled to Rome for feare of his head and caused the Pope to write an ambitious and contumelious Letter unto his Soveraigne about his restitution But when by the Kings Letters yet extant and beginning thus Thomas PRODITIONIS non expers nostrae Regiae Majestati insidias fabricavit the Pope understood the bottome of the matter hee was contented that Thomas should be deprived and another Arch-Bishop chosen in his stead But of this and him you may reade more before pag. 75 76 c. Richard Scroope Arch-Bishop of â—orke Brother to William Scroope Earle of Wilâ—shire Ann. 1403. and 1405. joyned with the Earle of Northumberland the Earle Marshall the Lord Bardolpâ— and others in a Conspiracie and Rebellion against King Henry the fourth gathering what forces hee could against him The Percies to make their part seeme good devised certaine Articles by the devise of this Arch-Bishop which they shewed to divers Noble-men and other States of the Realme and moved them so farre to promote their purpose by this meanes
his place and delivered up his Seale to the Queene without the Councels consent from whom he received it not she having no right to require it For which cause hee was committed to the Tower by the Lord Protectour Richard Duke of Yorke who afterwards usurping the Crowne released the Arch-Bishop out of prison who thereupon sided and was veâ—y inward with this Usurper and at last dyed of the Plague May 29. 1500. I read nothing of Savageâ— his next successour but this That he was not preferred to this See for any extraordinary great learning that he spent his time in a manner altogether as our Prelates doe now either in Temporall affairesâ— being a great Courtier or else in hunting wherewith hee was unreasonably delighted keeping a great number of tall Fellowes about him to attend his person But of his preaching or maintaining Ministers to instruct the people I read not one word It is likely his tall fellowes occasioned many a quarrell and sometimes would take a purse for a need Christopher Bambridge his Successor being Embassadour from King Henry the 8. to the Pope and Lewis the 12. of France perswaded King Henry to take the Popes part and proclaime Warre against Lewis ingageing his Soveraigne in a needlesse Warre only to pleasure his Lord and Master the Pope who for this good service made him a Cardinall he was at last poysoned by Raynaldo de Modena an Italian Priest his Steward upon malice and displeasure conceived for a blow this Bishop gave him when as a Bishop should be no striker 1 Tim. 3.3 as Goodwin relates out of Paulus Iovius Thomas Wolsie or Wolfesie as Mr. Tyndall oft times stiles him an Arch-Traytor and most insolent domineering Prelate succeeded him in that See holding likewise the Bishopricke of Bath and Wells first and after that of Ely Winchester Worcester and Hereford together with the Abbey of Saint Albanes and divers other Ecclesiasticall Livings besides his Temporall Offices in Commendaâ— with it This proud imperious Prelate when he was once Arch-Bishop studied day and night how to be a Cardinall and caused King Henry the Eighth and the French King to write to Rome for him and at their request he obtained his purpose Hee grew so into exceeding pride that hee thought himselfe equall with the King and when he said Masse which hee did oftner to shew his pride then devotion hee made Dukes and Earles to serve him with Wine with assay taken and to hold to him the Bason and the Lavatory His pride and excesse in dyet apparell furniture and attendanceâ— and his pompe in going to Westminster Hall were intollerable and more then Royall or Papall Hee was much offended with the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury because he stiled him Brother in a Letter as though he had done him great injury by that Title Hee quite altered the state of the Kings house putting out and in what Officers he pleased Hee oppressed and vexed the Citizens of London causing divers of them to be executed siding with strangers both Merchants and Artificers against them Confederating with the French King he procured King Henry to permit him to redeeme Tornaye on his owne Termes Hee procured a meeting of the King of England and France to their infinite expence onely that he might be seene in his owne vaine pompe and shew of Dignitie himselfe drawing up the instrument and termes of their meeting in his owne name which began thus Thomas Arch-Bispop of Yorke c. Hee committed the Earle of Northumberland and wrought the Duke of Buckingham out of the Kings favour and at last cut off the Dukes head for opposing his pride and unjust proceedings Hee began his Letters to forraigne Princes and the Pope for the most part in this mannerâ— â—go Rex meus I and my King putting himselfe before his Soveraigne making him but his underling and Pupill swaying him like a Schoole-boy at his pleasure Hee set his Armes likewise above the Kings over Christ-Church Colledge-gate in Oxford which he founded Hee stamped his Cardinalls Cap on the kings Coyne as our Bishops doe now their Armes and Miters on their Procesâ— instead of the Kings Seale and Armes Hee set up a Leganâ—â—ne Court here in England by Commission from the Pope to which hee drew the Conusans of all Ecclesiasticall Causes and when the king had summoned a Convocation at Pauls in London by vertue of his Writ hee came most insolently into the Convocation House and by his power Legantine dissolved the Convocation summoning them all to appeare before him at Saint Peterâ— in Westminster the Monday following there to celebrate the Synod under him which power Legantine brought him and all the Clergiâ— into a Premunire to his overthrow and their cost they being enforced to grant the king an hundred thousand pounds to acknowledge him on earth supreme Head of the Church of England and to renounce the Popes Supremacie to buy their peace He dissolved 40. Monasteries of good worth converting all their goods and moveables into his own Coffers which were so stuffed with Treasure that 12. Barrelsâ— full oâ— Gold and Silver were laid aside to serve the Pope in his Warres emptying the Land also of twelve score thousand pounds which he forced from the king all which he sent to relieve and ransome the Pope then in prison to the great impoverishing of his Majesties Coffers and the Realm His revenues one way or otherâ— were equall to the kings he had no lesse then 1200. Horâ—e for his retinue 80. waggons for his carriage and 60. Mules for sumpter horses when he went into France Hee carried the Great Seale of England with him in his Embassie without the kings consent so that no Writs nor Patents could be sealed nor busines of the kingdom dispatched in the interim He proclaimed warres against the Emperor without the kings consent stirred up the French king to warre against him ayding him with Monies without the Kings privity and contrary to his likeing he demanded â—he 5. part of the true value of every mans goods by way of loane toward the maintenance of the Warrs in France putting men to confesse upon their Oathes the true estimate of their Estates without the Kings privitie which caused many insurrections and mutinies in the Kingdome the people rising up and denying to pay it at which the King being very angry released the loane as an intollerable oppression sore against this Prelates willâ— yet the Cardinall the sole cause and urger thereof would needs lay the odium of it on the King to alienate the hearts of his Subjects from himâ— and take the sole praise of the release of it to himselfe as if hee with much suite and danger had obtained it Hee falsely prosecuted and imprisoned the Earle of Kildare accusing him before the Counsell to take away his life where hee pressed him so deeply with disloyalty that the presumption as the Cardinall did force it being vehement the Treason
tuum dilectum filium nostrum Stephanum insignem Regem Anglorum efficere studeas ut monitâ—s hortatu consilio tuo ipsum in benignitatem dilectionem suam suscipiat pro beati Petri nostra reverentia propensius habeat commendatum Et quia sicut veritate teste attendimus eum sine salutis sui ordinis periculo praefato filio nostro astringi non posse volumus paterno sibi tibi affectu consulumus ut vobis sufficiat veraci simplici verbo promisstonem ab eo suscipere quod laesionem vel detrimentum ei vel terrae suae non inferat Dat. ut supra Is it not strange that a peevish order of Religion devised by a man should breake the expresse Law of God who commandeth all men to honour and obey their Kings and Princes in whom some part of the power of God is manifest and laid open to us And even uuto this end the Cardinall of Hosâ—ia also wrote to the Canons of Pauls after this manner covertly incouraging them to stand to their election of the said Robert who was no more willing to give over his new Bishopricke than they carefull to offend the King but raâ—her imagined which way to keepe it still maugre his displeasure and yet not to sweare obedience unto him for all that he should be able to doe or performe unto the contrary Humilis Dei gratia Hostiensis Episcopus Londinen sis Ecclesiae canonicis spiritum consilii in Domino Sicut rationi contraria prorsus est abiicienda petitio ita in hiâ—s quae juste desiderantur effectum negare omnino non convenit Sane nuper accepimus quod Londinensis Ecclesia diu proprio destituta Pastore communi voto pari assensu cleri populi venerabilem â—ilium nostrum Robertum ejusdem Ecclesiae Archidiaconumâ—in Pastorem Episcopum animarum suarum susceperet elegerit Novimus quidem eum esse personam quam sapientia desuper ei attributa honestas conversationis morum reverentia plurimum commendabilem reddidit Inde est quod fraternitati vestroe mandando consulimus ut proposito vestro bono quod ut credimus ex Deo est ut ex literis Domini Papae cognoscetis non lente dehitum finem imponatis ne tam nobilis Ecclesia sub occasione hujusmodi spiritualium quod absit temporalium detrimentum patiatur Ipsius namque industria credimus quod antiqua religio forma disciplinae gravitas habitus in Ecclesia vestra reparari si quae fuerint ipsius contentiones ex Pastoris absentia Dei gratia cooperante eodem praesente poterint reformari Dat. c. Hereby you see how King Stephen was dealt withall And albeit that Canterbury is not openly to be touched herewith yet it is not to be doubted but he was a doer in it so farre as might tend to the maintenance of the right and prerogative of the holy Church Thus farre verbatim out of Harrison Mariaâ— Bishop of London was one of those undutifull Bishops who about the yeare of our Lord 1208. interdicted the whole Realme and excommunicated King Iohn by the Popes Commandement they all endured five yeares banishment for this their trechery and conâ—umacy together with confiscation of their goods and the King being specially incensed against this man in token of his great displeasure Anno 1211. threw downe to the ground his Castle of Stortford which William the Conqueror had given to his Church Besides he joyned in the publication of the Popes sentence for deposing the King and stirred up the French King and all other Christians to invade England in an hostile manner and to depose King Iohn from the Crowne and promised them remission of all their sinnes for this good Service After which hee voluntarily resigned his Bishoppricke Anno. 1221. Roger Niger Bishop of London excommunicated the Kings Officers Ano 1233. for that they acâ—ording to their duty had laâ—d hands upon and hindred Walter Mauclerke Bishop of Carlile to passe over the Seas he having no license to depart the Realme and riding flreight unto the Court he certified the King what hee had done and there renewed the same sentence againe the King himselfe not a little murmuring at this his insolent act as he had cause and prohibiting him to doe it the Bishops then at Court notwithstanding the inhibition excommunicated these his Officers likewise for doing their duty About the same time King Henry the third gave commandement for the appehending of Hubert de Burge Earle of Kent upon some pretence of Treason who having suddaine notice thereof at midnight fled into a Chapple in Essex belonging to the Bishop of Norwich The King hearing this was exceeding angry and fearing least he should raise some tumults in his Realme if he escaped thus sent Sir Godfrey de Cranecombâ— with 300. armed men to apprehend and bring him to the Tower of London under paine of death who hasting to the Chapple found the Earle who had some notice of their comming kneeling there upon his knees before the high Altar with a Crucifix in one hand and the Hostia in the other Godfrey and his associates entring into the Chapple commanded him in the Kings name and by his direction to come out of the Chapple and repaire to him to London which he refusing saying that hee would upon no tearmes depart from thence they taking the Crosse and Lords body out of his hands bound him in chaines carried him to the Tower and acquainted the King therewithâ— who was glad of the newes Roger hearing this and taking it to be a great infringment of the Churches liberties goeth in post hast to the King and boldly reproves him for violating the peace of the Church and threatens to excommunicate all those that apprehended him unlesse the King would immediatly restore him to the Chappell whence he was extracted and thereupon enforceth the King sore against his will to remit him o the Chappell The King hereupon commanded the Chapple to be strictly guarded by the Shrieffe of Essex till Hubert should be starved or forced out thence About a yeare or two after this Hubert being imprisoned in the Castle of the Devises within the Diocesse of Salisbury escaped and fled to the Church there his keepers missing him ranne out to seeke him with lanternes clubbes and weapons and finding him in the Church carrying the Lords crosse in his hands before the Altar they bastinadoed and dragged him thence into the Castle where they imprisoned him more strictly than before Hereupon the Bishop of Salisbury excommunicated them because they refused to bring the Earle backe againe to the Church saying they would rather the Earle should be hanged than they for suffering him to escape whereupon the Bishop of Salisbury and this Robert Niger Bishop of London with other Bishops went to the King and never left till they had by perswasions and threats against his will procured
a spirit of divination to be alive The Bishop was permitted to goe at liberty under sureties for his good behaviour and forth comming but the Earle was condemned of high treason and beheaded though set on by the Bishop the greatest delinquent In the yeare 1378. Robert Hall and Iohn Shakell Esquires were committed Prisoners to the Tower whence they both escaped to Westminster and there kept sanctuary Sir Alane Boxhul Constable of the Towerâ— grieved not a little that these Prisoners were broken from him and sheltered in that Sanctuary taking with him Sir Ralph â—errers with other men in armour to the number of fifâ—ie and some of the Kings servants on the fifth of August entred into Westrainister Church whilst Masse was sayingâ— at which the said two Esquires were present And first laying hands upon Iohn Shakell they used the matter so that they drew him forth of the Church and led him streight to the Tower but Robert Hall drawing his short sword resisted them along time traversing twise round about the Monkes Quire so as they could doe him no hurt till they had beset him on each side and then one of them cleaft his head to the very braines and another thrust him through with a sword and so they murthered him among them and one of the Monkes who would have had them save his life Much adoe was made about this matter for this breach of the Sanctuary insomuch that the Archbishop of Canterbury Simon Sudbury and five other Bishops his Suffragans openly pronounced all them that were present at this murder accursed and likewise all such as ayded and counselled them to it chiefely the said Sir Alane and Sir Ralph The King Queene and Duke of Lancaster were yet excepted by speciall names The Bishop of London William Courtney along time after every Sunday Wednesday and Fryday pronounced this Excommunication in Pauls Church in London The Duke of Lancaster though excepted in the same yet in the behalfe of his friends was not a little offended with the Bishops doings for justifying these leude persons and making the Church a sanctuary for Rebells and Traytors and his excommunications a scourge to punish the Kings Officers for doing their duties in reapprehending these fugitives insomuch that in a Councell held at Windsore to the which the Bishop of London was called but would not come such was his pride and disdaine nor yet cease the pronouncing of the curse albeit the King had requested him by his Letters the Duke said openly That the Bishops forward dealings were not to to be borne with but saithe he if the King would command me I would gladly goe to London aud fetch this disobedient Pâ—elate in despite of those Ribauds so he then termed the Londoners which procured the Duke much evill will who caused the next Parliament hereupon to be held at Gloster Anno. 1388. King Richard the second by the advise of the Archbishop of Yorke and others retained men of warre against his faithfull and Loyall Lords who were stricken with great heavinesse at the newes The Duke of Glocester meaning to mitigate his displeasure received a solemne Oath before Robert Braybrooke Bishop of London and divers other Lords that he never imagined nor went about any thing to the Kings hinderance c. and besought this Bishop to declare his words unto the King The Bishop comming hereupon to the King made report of the Dukes protestation confirmed with his Oath in such wise that the King began to be perswaded it was true which when the Earle of Suffolke perceived he began to speake against the Duke till the Bishop bad him hold his peace and told him that it nothing became him to speake at all And when the Earle asked why so Because said the Bishop Thou wast in the last Parliament condemned for an evill person and one not worthy to live but onely it pleaseth the King to shew thee favour The King offended with the Bishops presumptuous words commanded him to depart and get him home to his Church who forthwith departed and declared to the Duke of Glocester what hee had heard and seene Hereupon the great misliking that had beene afore time betwixt the King and the Lords was now more vehemently encreased the Duke of Ireland the Earle of Suffolk the Archbishop of Yorke and the Lord chiefe Iustice Robert Trisilian still procuring stirring and confirming the Kings heavy displeasure against the Lords The yeare before this Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster giving some ill words to this Bishop the Londoners thereupon rose up in a tumultuous manner in armes purposing to kill the Duke and to burne his house at the Savoy which they furiously assaulted reversing the Dukes armes whereupon the Duke complaining to the King the Major and Aldermen of London were put out of office and others Surrogated in their places Nicholas Ridley a Martyr after his deprivation from his Bishopricke and one of the best Bishops that ever satâ— in this See in thâ— yeare 1553. being the first of Queene Maries raigne was hastily displaced deprived of the Sea of London and committed Prisoner to the Tower The cause of which extremity used towards him was for that in the time of Lady Iane he preached a Sermon at Pauls Crosse by commandement of King Edwards Councell wherein he disswaded the people for sundry causes from receiving the Lady Mary as Queene though lawfull heire to the Crowne Anno. 1558. One Robert Farrier said of the Lady Elizabeth afterwards Queene That this Gill hath beene one of the chiefe doers of this rebellion of Wiat and before all be done she and all Heretiques her partakers shall well understand it Some of them hope that she shall have the Crowne but she and they I trust that so hope shall be headlesse or be fried with fagots before she corae to it Laurence Sherieffe the Lady Elizabeth sworne servant complaining of these contumelious words to Bonner the Bishop of London and the commissioners sitting in Boners house Bonner excused Farrer saying that he meant nothing against the Lady Elizebeth and that they tooke him worse than he raeant And so Sherieffe came away and Farrer had a flap with a Foxe taile This Edmond Bonner an hypocriticall zealous Protestant at first after an Apostate whiles the Bishop of London was a most bloody persecuter and murtherer of Gods Saints all Queene Maries dayes a chiefe reviver and advancer of the Popes Supremacy which he had abjured to the great ecclipse and diminution of the prerogative royall yea a most furious Bedlamâ— and most unnaturall beast sparing none of any condition age or sexe and burning hundreds of good subjects into ashes He was a great enemie to Queene Elizabeth and the first Author of Bishops Visitation Oathes and Articles that I have met with He commanded the Scriptures written on Church walls to be blotted out as Bishop Wren and Bishop Peirce have since done in some plaees by his
at Gloster for want of sufficient forces departed thence sorely grieved to Winchester abandoning those other parts as it were to waste and ruine It therefore seemes that hee was not growne stronger or richer by the displacing of Hubert Earle of Kent and the rest and by taking new into their roomes who commonly bite and sucke hard till they have glutted themselves if at least-wise there bee any satietie in Avarice whereas the old and ancient Officers having provided in a manner for the maine chance have the lesse reason to be grievous Therefore the Lyons skinne not being large enough for the Bishop of VVinchester and his factious purposes they peece them out with the Foxes case an inevitable stratageme is devised The Earle Marshall had in Ireland all the ample Patrimonies of his Grandfather the famous Strongbow To make that member of his strengths improfitable if not also pernicious they devise certaine Letters directed to Maurice Fitz-Gerald Deputy Justice of Ireland and other principall men who held of the Earle In them they signifie that Richard once marshall to the King of EngIand was for manifest Treason by the judgement of the Kings Court banished the Realme his Lands Townes and Tenements consumed by fire other his Hereditaments destroyed and himselfe for ever disinherited that if upon his comming thither they did take him either alive or dead the King did give them all the Earles Lands there which now were forfeited by vertue of his attainture and for assurance that the sayd gift should continue firme and good they by whose advise the King and Kingdome were governed faithfully undertooke To these letters which the Monkes call bloody they caused the King to set his Seale as they themselves also did theirs Vpon receipt of which lines the parties signifie backe under the Seale of secresie that if the contents of those letters were confirmed by the Kings Letters Patents they would performe that which they desired The Letters Patents be made accordingly and having fraudulently gotten the great Seale from Hugh Bishop of Chichester Lord Chancellor who knew not thereof they make them authenticke with the impression The Kings minde therefore being still exulterated towards the Earle Marshall he grievously charged Alexander Bishop of Chester that hee had too much familiarity with the Earle affirming that they sought to thrust him from his Throne the Bishop to cleare himselfe from so haynos a sâ—andall put on his Episcopall habit and solemnely pronounceth all those accurst who did but imagine a wickednesse of so foule a nature against the Majestie or person of the King and thereupon by the intercession of other Prelates he was received into grace The King was then at Westminster where Edmond the Archbishop of Canterbury elect with other his Suffragan Bishops bewayling the estate of the Kingdome present themselves before him telling him as his loyall leigemen that the counsell of Peter Bishop of VVinchester and his complices which now he had and used was not sound nor safe but cruell and perillous to himselfe and his Realme First for that they hated and despised the English calling them Traytors turning the Kings heart from the love of his people and the hearts of the people from him as in the Earle Marshall whom being one of the worthiest men of the Land by sowing false tales they drave into discontentment 2. That by the councell of the same Peter his father King Iohn first lost the hearts of his people then Normandy then other lands and finally wasted all his Treasures and almost England it selfe and never after had quiet 3. That if the Subjects had now beene handled according to Justice and Law and not by their ungodly councells those present troubles had not hapned but the Kings lands had remained undestroyed his treasures unexhausted 4. That the Kings Councell is not the Councell of peace but of perturbation because they who cannot rise by peace will rayse themselves by the trouble and disinherison of others 5. That they had the treasure Castles Wardships and strengths of the Kingdome in their hands which they insolently abused to the great hazard of the whole estate for that they made no conscience of an Oathâ— Law Justice or the Churches Censures Therefore we O King said they speake these things faithfully unto you and in the presence both of God and man doe counsell beseech and admonish yoâ— to remove such a Councell from about you and as it is the usage in otâ—er Realmes governe yours by the faithfull and sworne Children thereof The King in briefe answered hereunto that he could not sodainely put off his Councell and therefore prayed a short respite till their accomps were audited Meane while the behahaviours of the Marshalline faction having this backing at Court grew more and more intollerable for while the King was at Huntingdon the Lord Gilbert Basset and others set fire upon Alckmundbury a Towne belonging to Stephen de Segrave the flames whereof were seene of the Owner being then with the King at Huntingdon they also tooke Prisoners upon the Welch Marches and according to the Law of warre which saith one is lawlesse did put them to their ransomes Nothing had hitherto preserved the King more than that he could without great griefe forgoe any Favorites if hee were meerely pressed the contrary quality whereof hath beene the cause of finall desolation to so many Princes for albeit the choyce of Counsellours ought to be free yet by common intendment they should be good or howsoever they are or are not it is madnesse to hazard a Crowne or lose the love of a whole Nation rather than to relinquish or diminish a particular dependant the rights of amity ought neverthelesse to remaine inviolable but in such distance that the publike be not perverted or interverted for a private The King therefore in this point not unfortunate commanded Bishop Peter to betake himselfe to his residence at VVinton without once medling in affaires of State but against Rivalis his Treasurer he was so vehement that he sware hee would plucke out his eyes were it not for reverence of holy Orders commanding also the Proictouines to depart the Realme never to see his face Then are the Archbishop of Canterbury with the Bishops of Chester and Rochester sent into VValls to pacifie things there but the Earle Marshall had now crost the Seas into Ireland to take revenge for the spoyles and displeasures which his hired enemies had made in his Lands there by whose plots according to that secret agreement he was finally taken and died of a wound given him in the backe as he with admirable manhood defended himselfe The Archbishop of Canterbury with the other Bishops repaired to the King at Glocester upon their returne from Leoline Prince of VVales who pretended he could not conclude till the King had received into grace such of the banished Nobility with whom himselfe had beene confederate during the late displeasures The
the King and his Barons to complaine against the blanke Bulls found in the chests of Beâ—ard de Nympha the Popes agent after his death and of the many machinations of the Romanes to disquiet the Realme Iohn Gerâ—sey next Bishop of Wâ—nchester consecrated at Rome where â—e payd 6000. markes to the Pope and so much more to his Chancellour for his consecration was a great stickler in the Barons warres against King Henry the third as appeares by the forecited passages of Matthew Westminister and was excommunicated by Octobon the Popes Legate for taking part against the King in the Barons warres and forced to goe to Rome for his absolution where he died Henry Woodlocke Bishop of Winchester made request to King Edward the first for Robert Winchelsey Archbishop of Canterbury whom the King had banished for high Treason in which request he called the Archbishop an arch-Traytor his good Lord which the King as he had cause tooke so hainously that he confiscated all his goods and renounced all protection of him Adam Tarleton or de Arleton Bishop of Winchester about the yeere 1327. was arrested and accused of high Treason for aiding the Mortimers against King Edward the second both with men and armour when he was brought to the barre to be arraigned for this Treason the Archbishops of Canterbury Yorke and Dublin with their suffragans came with their Crossesâ— and rescued him by force carrying him with them from the barre in such manner as I have formerly related more at large in the Acts of Walâ—er Rainolds pag. 55.56 Notwithstanding the indictment and accusation being found true his temporalities wereseized into the Kings hands untill such time as the King much deale by his imagination and devise was deposed of his Kingdome If he which had beene a traytor unto his Prince before after deserved punishment for the same would soone be intreated to joyne with other in the like attempt it is no marvell No man so forward as he in taking part with Isabell the Queene against her husband King Edward the second She wiâ—h her sonnes and army being at Oxford this good Bishop steps up into the pulpit and there taking for his Text these words My head grieved me he made a long Discourse to prove that an evill head not otherwise to be cured must be taken away applying it to the King that hee ought to be deposed A Bishoplike application Hereupon they having gotten the King into their power the Bishop fearing least if at any time recovering his liberty crowne again they might receive condigne punishment councelled the Queene to make him away good ghostly advice of a Prelate wherupon she being as ready and willing as he to have it done they writ certaine letters unto the keepers of the old King signifiing in covert termes what they desired they either not perfectly understanding their meaning or desirous of some good warrant to shew for their discharge pray them to declare in expresse words whether they would have them put the King to death or no. To which question this subtile Fox framed this answer Edwardum occidere nolite timere bonumâ—est without any point at all If you set the point betweene nolite and tâ—aere it forbiddeth if betweene nolite and bonum it â—xhorteth them to the committinng of the fact This ambiguous sentence unpointed they take for a sufficient warrant and most pittifully murthered the innocent King by thrusting an hot spit into his fundament and who then so earnest a persecuter of those murthereâ—s as this Bishop that set them a worke who when diverse of his Letters were produced and shewed to him warranting this most trayterly inhumane Act eluded and avoided them by Sophisticall interpretations and utterly denied that he was any way consenting to this hainous fact of which in truth he was the chiefe occasion How clearely he excused himselfe I â—now not But sâ—re I am he like many Arch-trayterly Prelates before himâ— who were oftner rewarded than punished for their Treasons was so farre from receiving punishment as within two moneths after he was preferred unto Hereford than to the Bishoppricke of Worceâ—er and sixe yeares after that translated to Winchester by the Popeâ— at the request of the French King whose secret friend he was which King Edward the third taking in very ill part because the French King and he were enemies detained his temporalties from him till that in Parliament at the suite of the whole Cleargie he was content to yeeld them unto him after which he became blinde in body as hee was before in minde and so died deserving to have lost his head for these his notorious Treasons and conspiracies long before he being the Archplotter of all the Treacheries against King Edward the second Anno. 10. Richard the third 1366. thirteene Lords were appointed by Parliament to have the government of the Realme under the King in diminution of his Prerogative among these Williara Edingdon Bishop of Winchester Iohn Gilbert Bishop of Hereford Lord Treasurer of England Thomas Arundle Bishop of Ely and Chancellour Nicholas Abbat of Waltham Lord Keeper of the privy Seale VVilliam Archbishop of Canterbury Alexander Archbishop of Yorke and Thomas Bishop of Exeter were chiefe and the principall contrivers of this new project which fell out to be inconvenient and pernicious both to the King and Realme the very procurers of this Act as some of the Jâ—dges afterwards resolved deserving death which resolution afterward cost some of them their livesâ— as the Stories of those times declare It seemes this Bishop made great havocke of the goods of his Church for his successor Vâ—illiam VVicham sued his Executors for dilapidations and recovered of them 1672. pound tenne shillingsâ— besides 1566. head of neate 386. Weathers 417. Ewes 3521. Lambes and 127. Swine all which stocke it seemeth belonged unto the Bishoppricke of VVinchester at that time William Wicham his next successor was a great Pluralist the yearely revenues of his spirituall promotionsâ— according as they were then rated in the Kings bookes beside his Bishoppricke amounting to 876. poundâ— thirteene shillings and foure pence besides these Ecclesiasticall preferments he held many temporall offices at the Secretariship the Keepership of the Privy Seale the Mastership of Wards the Treasurership of the Kings revenues in France and divers others Being consecrated Bishop of VVinchester in the yeare 1367. he was made soone after first Treasurer then Chancellor of England It seemes that he was a better Treasurer for himselfe than the King who though hee received hugh summes of money by the ransome of two Kings and spoile of divers large Countries abroad and by unusuall subsedyes and taxations at home much grudged at by the Commons was yet so bare as for the payment of his debts he was constrained to find new devices to raise mony whereupon a solemne complaint was framed against this Bishop for vainely wasting or falsely imbezelling the Kings
and Nudigate three Monkes of the Charterhouse a Priest neare Winsor the Abbots of Ierney and Rivers Freer Forrest Crofts and Collines Priests Thomas Epsara Monke five Priests of Yorkeshire and Robert Bockham John Tomson Roger Barret John Wolcocke William Alse James Morton John Barrow Richard Bruneâ— Priests chiefe stirrers in the Devonshire rebellionsâ— and principall doers therein and one Welch a Priest Vicar of St. Thomas neare Exbridge hanged on the Tower there in his Priests apparell with a holy-water bucket and sacring Bell a paire of Bedes and such other Popish Trinkets about him for his rebellion were all executedâ— This Bishop imploed by King Henry the eight with Sir Henry Knevet as his Embassador at the Diâ—t at Ratisbond he held private intelligence and received and sent letters under hand to the Pope whose authority the King had utterly abolished and had then mortall enmity with for which false and trayâ—erly practise of which the King had certaine intelligence he caused in all Pardon 's afterwards all Treasons committed beyond the seas to be excepted which was most meant for the Bishops cause whom he exempted out of his Testament as being willfull and contentious and one that would trouble them all and exempted also out of his said Testament the Bishop of Westminsâ—er for that he was Schooled in Winchesters Schoole whom this King before his death was certainely beleeved to abhorre more than any English man in his Realme He was found to be the secret workerâ— that three yeares before the Kings death divers of the Privy Chamber were indited of heresie for the which the said King was much offended Anno. 1548. he was committed Prisoner to the Fleet and after to the Tower for a Sermon preached before King Edward and disobeying the Kings Injunctions when he had there continued two yeares and an halfe he was by authority deprived of his Bishoppricke and sent to prison againe where he continued till Queene Maries time when hee was not onely restored unto his Bishoppricke but likewise made Lord Chancellor of England For the extreame malice he bare to our Religion he not onely cruelly burnt many poore men but likewise wrought all the meanes his cunning head could devise to make away our late famous Quueene Elizabeth saying often it was in vaine to strike off a few leaves or branches when the roote remained he not onely caused this innocent Princesse to be imprisoned and barbarously handled both in the Tower and after at Woodstocke being the Queenes owne Sister and heire apparent to to the Crowne procuring to her so great vexation by his rigorous usage that she wished her selfe borne a Milkemaide but proceeded so farre in his treacherous plots against her that in all probabilities his cursed policy must have prevailed had not God moved the heart of Queene Mary her Sister with a very kinde and naturall affection towards her and in mercy taken him the more speedily out of the way by death till which time she had no securitie release or hope of life The whole Story of his treachery and Gods mercy towards this blessed Queene is at large related by Master Foxe He was a bitter opposite and enemy to Cranmer Ridley and Latimer refusing to eate his dinner that day the two last of them were burnt at Oxford before hee heard from thence of their death He was the bane of Queene Anne the Lady Anne of Cleave the Lord Cromwell Dr. Barnes and others And though in King Henries dayes he proved Queene Mary a Bastard and the Bishop of Rome to be an usurper yet afterwards when Queene Mary came to the Crowne he was her chiefest instrument the forwardest man to advance the Popes Supremacy and the sorest Persecutor Anno. 1554. On the Cunduit in Gracious streete King Henry the eight was painted in harnesse having in one hand a sword and in the other hand a Booke whereon was written Verbum Dei delivering the same as it were to King Edward his Sonne who was painted in a corner by him hereupon was no small matter made for Stephen Gardiner Bishop of Winchester sent for the Painter and not onely called him Knave for painting a Booke in King Henrâ—es hand and specially for writing thereon Verbum Dei but also Traytor and villaine commanding him to wipe out the Booke and Verbum Dei too Whereupon the Painter fearing that he should leave some part of the Booke or of Verbum Dei in King Henries hand wiped away a peece of his finger withall England had great cause to blesse God for his death which happened so opportunity not so much for the great hurt he had done in times past in perverting his Princesse bringing in â—ixe Articles in murthering Gods Saints in defacing Christs sincere Religion as especially for that hee had thought to have brought to passe in murthering also Queene Elizâ—beth for whatsoever danger of death it was shee was in it did no doubt proceede from this Bloody Bishop who was the cause thereof and if it be certaine which we heard that her Highnesse being in the Tower a writ came downe from certaine of the Counsell for her execution it is out of controverâ—ie that wily Winchester was the onely Dedalus and framer of that Engin. He was an enemy to this Queene and with divers of the Lordsâ— strictly examined her at the Tower And when shee recovered from her dangerous sicknesse he and other Bishops repined looked blacked in the mouth and told this Queene they marvelled that she submitted not her selfe to her Majesties mercy considering that she had offended her highnesse Winchester after talking with her perswaded her to submit her selfe which she refusing he replied that she must tell another tale ere that she should he set at liberty least she should have advantage against him for her long and wrong imprisonment more English blood by his meanes was spilled in Queene Maries time by hanging heading burning and prisoning than ever was in any Kings raigne before her This treacherous Prelate who called King Edward his Soveraigne usurper being hated of God and all good men had a miserable death sutable to his life for the old Duke of Norfolke comming so visite him the same day that Ridly Latimer were burnt at Oxford the Bishop would not sit downe to dinner till one of his servants about foure of the clocke comming post from Oxford brought most certaine intelligence that fire was set to these Martyrs whereupon comming out rejoycing to the Duke Now saith he let us goe to Dinner They being set down meate immediatly was brought and the Bishop began merrily to eate but what followed The bloody Tyrant had not eaten a few bits but the sudden stroke of Gods terrible hand fell upon him in such sort as immediatly hee was taken from the Table and so brought to his bed where he continued the space of fifteene dayes in such intollerable anguish torments within rotting even above ground that all that while
to prophane uses because they are consecrated and dedicated to God But who knoweth not that Holidayes are after the same manner consecrated and dedicated unto God and to be spent in no other but in holy workes which of you if he should see any one enter into the Church with encredible audacity and use the consecrated vestments in steed of prophane garments Temples for a Taverne the Altar for a Table the Corporals or Alterclothes for Mappes eating in sacred Patens drinking in the Holy Chalices which of us would not tremble who would not exclaime And now we behold the most solemne the most famous the most sacred Holy-dayes dedicated to God that they might be spent in Prayers Meditations reading of holy things Hymnes and Psalmâ—s and spirituall Songs to be prophaned with sacrilegious Dances Morrisses Caperings Feasts Drinking-matches uncleannesses scurrilities and yet no man trembles no man is moved no man wonders O immortall God! What part hath righteousnesse with unrighteousnesse what fellowship hath light with darkenesse what agreement hath Christ with Belial what hath the merriment of the flesh to doe with the gladnesse of the spirit what the solemnities of God with the feasts of Bacchus and his crue What now those dayes wherein wee ought to please God most shall we in them more provoke him unto anger with our wickednesse on those dayes in which the spirit is to be fed and recreated in them shall we more overwhelme him with wine and uncleannesses c. What a madnesse is this what infirnall furies scare us out of our wits Thus and much more this Romish Cardinall Bellarmin to the eternall infamy of our prophane English Prelates to whom this Cardinall in point of Dancing and Pastimes especially on sacred Dayes is not onely a Puritan but a Saint And thus much for the Prelates of Winchester I shall next survey the Bishops of Durham and see whether they have been better qualified than these their Brethren Durham Kenulph the tenth Bishop of Durham Anno. 750. was taken by Edbert King of the Northumbrians belike â—or some great Treason or misdemeanour for the Monkes conceale the reason and committed prisoner to the Castle of Bebba which King commanded the Church of Saint Peter in Lindisfarne to be besieged which shewes that the Bishop and his Church stood out then in rebellion against their Soveraigne Egelricke the 16. Bishop of Durham was charged with Treason and conspiracy against William the Conqueror and that hee had disturbed the Kings peace and practised pyracie on the Seas whereupon hee was committed perpetuall prisoner to Westminster where by continuall fasting and abundance of teares washing away the guilt of his former misdeeds he wan unto â—imself such a reputation of holinesse as the place of his buriall was much frequented after his death Egelwyn his next successor in this See much opposed himselfe against William the Conqueror to whom afterward hee was in shew reconciled for a time at last the ancient hatred hee bore unto the King boyling in his stomacke hee joyned winh certaine Noble men in a flat rebellion against the Conquerour he and they alleaging at first that they feared imprisonment and hard measure but indeed proposing to apprehend and depose the King to set up an English man in his roome and commit him to perpetuall imprisonment When things succeeded not according to expectation William the Conquerour getting the victory Egelwynâ—lyes â—lyes into Scotland the King having banished him the Realme before where out of his zeale hee â—â—communicates the King and all his followers as invaders and robbers of the Church The yeare following he comes into England where hee and the Nobles combining with him with many thousands of the Laity and Clergy were faine to hide themselves in woods and secret places being unable to encounter with the Kings forces when they had done many harmes and mischiefes in divers places to the wrong of the King they came at last â—o the Isle of Ely which they fortifiedâ— and seized on as the place of their residence and refuge and oâ—t times issuing out thence much wasted and spoyled the bordering countries building a wooden Castle in the Ilandâ— wherupon the Conqueror comes with all his forces both by sea and land and besiegeth the Iland mâ—king wayes and passages over bogges and fennes formerly unpassable building a strong Castle at Wiâ—bitch Egelwyn perceiving the danger tooke ship and departed into voluntary exile committing some pyracies by the way he set his course for Colen but was forced by contrary winds to land in Scotland thence returning againe to Ely hee was at last there taken prisoner by the Conquerour and committed close prisoner to Abingdon where An. 1071. refusing to take any sustenance for meere griefe and anger he died Before his death the Conquerour having deprived him of his Bishopricke caused one Walcher to be consecrated in his place hee attending more worldly affaires than the charge of his flocke as many of our Prelates do now gave himselfe altogeher to temporall businesse wherein hee wholly occupied himselfe contra dignitatem Pontificalem writes Matthew Paris He bought of the King the Earledome of Northumberland being by this meanes both a Spiritual and a Temporall Loâ—d and ingrossing both jurisdictions into his hands and then making himselfe a secular Judge tooke upon him to sit in the Court and to determine all causes at his pleasure dealing with all very corruptly and taking that course as might be most for his owne gaine hereupon he geatly enriched his coffers but purchased to himselfe extreme hatred among the Common people whom hee much impoverished with his extortions which was his destruction in the end There was a Gentleman of great account called Leulfus who had married the Earle of Northumberlands daughâ—er that for very devotion to the end hee might live neere the Church in his latter time came to Durham to dwell he keeping company very much with the Bishop who loved him much for his wisedome equity and vertues Leofwin the Bishops Chaplain whom he trusted with all his houshold matters and Gilbert the Bishops kinsman that dealt in his Temporall affaires very corrupt men envying the credit that Leulfus had gotten with the Bishop every where opposed and traduced him and his actions both in words and deed and at last conspired to murther him which they did in a barbarous manner assaultiâ—g him in his house with armed men and murthering not onely the innocent Gentleman himselfe but also his servants and whoâ—e houshold the newes of this horrible outragious cruelty comming to the eares of the Bishop amazed him so as turning about to Leofwin hee said to him Thou hast already slaine mee with thy tongue and doubting the danger got him into his Castle and dispatched messengers to the friends and kindred of Leulfus protesting that the fact was committed without his knowledge and that hee was heartily sory for it and if any suspect him hee could be
the King with his determination The King thereupon seised into his hands the Bishops liberties appointed a new Chancellour new Justices and other officers of Durham Hee writ also to the Pope in favour of the Prior who delivering the Kings Letters himselfe the Pope adjudged him a sober and discreet man what ever the Bishop had reported of him and restored him to his place during the Bishops disgrace for this contempt the King tooke â—hree Mannors with the Church of Symondbury from the Bishopricke with divers Castles and Lands forfeited to him by Iohn Bayliol King of Scots and others The Bishop at last submitted himselfe and bought his peace Anno Dom. 1298. in the battell of Foukirke betweene the English and Scots this Bishop of Durham Anthony Beake led the second battell of the Englishmen conâ—isting of 39. standards who hasting forth to be the first that should give the on â—et when his men approached neere the enemies the Bishop commanded them to stay till the third battell which the King Edward the first led might approach But that valiant Knight the Lord Ralph Basset of Draiton said to him My Lord you may goe and say Masse which better becommeth you than to teach us what wee have to doe for wee will doe that which belongeth to the order and custome of warre About the yeare 1318. at the importunate suite of the Kings of England and France the Pope gave the Bishopricke of Duâ—ham unto one Lewes Beaumont a Frenchman borne and of the blood Royall there hee was lame of both his legges and so unlearned that hee could not read the Bulls and other instruments of his consecration When hee should have pronounced this word Metropoliticae not knowing what to make of it though hee had studied upon it and laboured his Lesson long before after a little pause Soyt pur dit saith he let it goe for read and so passed it over In like sort he stumbled at In aenigmate when hee had fumbled about it a while Par Saint Lewis quoth hee il n'est pas curtois qui ceste parolle ici escrit that is by Saint Lewes he is to blame that writ this word here Not without great cause therefore the Pope was somewhat strait laced in admitting him He obtained conâ—ecration so hardly as in foureteene yeares hee could scarce creepe oâ—t of debt Riding to Durham to be install'd there hee was robbed together with two Cardinals that were then in his company upon Wiglesden More neere Derlington The Captaines of this rour were named Gilbert Middleton and Walter Selby Not content to take all the treasure of the Cardinals the Bishop and their traine they carried the Bishop prisoner to Morpeth where they constrained him to pay a great ransome Gilbert Middleton was soone after taken at his owne Castle of Nitford carried to London and there drawne and hanged in the presence of the Cardinalls After this one Sir Iosceline Deinvill and his brother Robert came with a great company to divers of this B. of Durhams houses in the habits of Friers spoyled them leaving nothing but bare walls and did many other notable robberiesâ— for which they divers of their company were soone after hanged at York This B. stood very stoutly in defence of the Liberties of his See recovered divers lands taken away from Anthony Beake his predeâ—essor and procured this sentence to be given in the behalfe of his Church quod Episcâ—pus Dunelmensiâ— debet habere forisfacturas guerrarum intra libertates sicut Rex extra that the Bishop of Durham is to have the forfeitures of warre in as ample sort within his owne Liberties as the King without Iâ—mediately after this Bishops death in great hast but with no great good speed the Covent of Durâ—am proceeded unto the Election of a new Bishop the old being yet scarcely buried and they made choise of one of their owne company a Monke of Durham This election the Arch-Bishop of Yorke confirmed yea the matter grew so forward as the same Arch-bishop was content to give him consecration also All this while the Kings good will was not sought no nor which was a greater oversight as the world then went the Popes neither The King therefore not onely refused to deliver possession of the Temporalties unto this elect but also laboured the Pope ex plenitudine potestatis to conferre the Bishopricke upon a Chaplaine of his named Richard de Bury the Deane of Wells Partly to pleasure the one that requested partly to displeasure the other for not requesting he did so and commanded the Bishop of Winchester to consecrate him which being performed at Chertsey soone after Christmasse the King presently invested him in the temporalties belonging to that See Now was the Monke a Bishop without a Bishopricke having no other home he was faine to returne to his Cloyster and there for very griefe as it is supposed within a few dayes after dyed This Richard dé Bury at what time Edward of Windsor Prince of Wales fled into France with his Mother was principall receiver of the Kings Revenewes in Gascoigne Their mony failing he ayded them secretly with a great summe of that he had received for the King It had almost cost him his life he was so narrowly pursued by some of the Kings friends that got understanding of it as hee was glad to hide himselfe in a steeple in Paris the space of seven dayes The Queene we know was then contriving an open rebellion and plotting a mischeivous treason against her husband King Edward the second whom she shortly after seised upon in an hostile manner and afterwards caused to be deprived and murthered so that this Prelates furnishing of her thus with the Kings owne monies to further this her designe was high Treason at the least Not to mention how the Pope upon King Edward the third his request consecrated Thomas Hatfield his Secretary Bishop of this See without any regard or examination of his worthinesse being a man altogether illiterate and that when some of the Cardinalls tooke exceptions against him saying that he was not onely a meere lay man but a fellâ—w of light behaviour and no way fit for that place how the Pope answered that if the King of England had requested him for an Asse at that time he would not have denyed him and thereupon made this Aâ—se a Bishop Iohn Fordham Bishop of Durham Anno 1388. was by Parliament banished the Court as a pernicious instrument and corrupter of King Richard the second a Traytor a flatterer a whisperer a slanderer and wicked person Iohn Sherwood the 52 Bishop of Durham Solliciter of all King Edward the fourths causes in the Court of Rome fell off from his Masters Sonne King Edward the fifth to that bloody usurper Richard the third at whose Coronation this Bishop of Durham went on the one side of him and the Bishop of Bath on the other the Arch-bishop of Canterbury
and Lincolne both detained Prisoners affirming that it was a miserable wickednesse that the king was so farre seduced by incendiaries that he should command hands to be layd on his owne people especially on his Bishops in the peace of his Court That a Celestiall injury was hereby added to the kings dishonour that under pretence of the defaults of the Bishops Churches should be spoyled of their possessions That the kings excesse against the Law of God did so farre grieve him that he would rather suffer much losse both in his body and estate than the Episcopall celsitude should be cast downe with so great indignity that he ofâ— admonishedâ— the king to amend this same who even then refused not the calling of the Councell that therefore the Arch-bishop and the rest should consult together what was needfull to be done and hee would not be wanting to the execution of their advise neither for love of the king who was his brother nor for the losse of his possessions no nor yet for the perill of his head The King not distrusting his cause sent some Earles unto the Councell demaunding why he was summoned thither The Legate answered them in briefe that he who remembred that he had subjected himselfe to the faith of Christ ought not to be angry if he were called by Christs Ministers to make satisfaction being conscious of so great guilt as these ages had never seene For it was the act of secular Gentiles to imprison Bishops and strip them of their possessions Therefore they should tell his Brother that if he would give a willing assent to his Councell he would by Gods direction give him â—uch as neither the Church of Rome nor the Court of the king of France nor Count Theobald brother to them both should contradict but ought favourably to embrace that the king for the present should doe advisedly if either he would give an account of his fact or undergoe the judgement of the Canons for he ought of duty to favour the Church by reception into whose bosome and not by a â—and of Souldiers he was promoted to the kingdome Whereupon the Earles departing returned not long afâ—er wâ—th Albin Deâ—er an experienced Lawyer Who pleaded that Roger the Bishop had many wayes inâ—ured king Stephen that he came very seldome to his Court thaâ— his men presuming on his power had raised seditions that as often in other places so of late at Oxford they had made assaults on men and that upon Earle Alans owne Nephew and upon the Servants of Henry de Lyons a man of so great Nobility so haughty a brow that he would never upon king Henries request condescend to come into England That this injury redounded to king Stephen for whose loves sake hâ—e came that so great violence was offered to him that the Bishop of Lincolne out of his inveterate hatred against Alan had by his Servants beene the Author of Sedition that the Bishop of Salisbury secretly favoured the kings enemies dissembling his double dealing in the interim till a fiâ— occasion that the king had undoubtedly discovered this by many things and by this especially that he would not suffer Roger Mortimer with the kings Souldiers which he led in great â—eare of the Bristow men so much as to stay one night at Malmesbury that it was in every mans mouth that as soone as ever the Empresse should arrive that he with his Nâ—phewes and Castles would revolt to her that Roger was thus taken not as a Bishop but as the Kings Servant who both administred his affaires and received his wages that the King had not taken away the Castles from them by violence but that both the Bishops thankefully rendered them that they might excuse the calumny of the tumult which they had raised in the Court that the King found some money in the Castles which were lawâ—ully his owne because the Bishop had collected it out of the Rents of the Royall Exchequer in the time of King Henry his Uncle and antecessor that the Bishop for feare of his offences against the King willingly parted from them as he did from his Castles of which â—he King wanted not witnesses that therefore he desired the agreements betweene him and the Bishops should remaine firme Roger on the other side alleaged that he was never a Servant to the King nor received his wages moreover some threatnings were uttered by this generous Prelate who scorned to be dejected with mis-fortunes that if he found not justice in that Councell for the things taken from him that he would complaine thereof in the audience of a greater Court. The Legate answered mildlyâ— That they ought first to inquire as of other things so of all things which are spoken against Bishops in an Ecclesiasticall Councell by way of accusation whether they be true or not rather then to pronounce sentence against men uncondemned contrary to the decrees of the Canons let the King therefore doe that is lawfull to be done in secular judgements revest the Bishop of the things taken away by the Law of the Nations disseised men shall not plead Many things being spoken on both sides after this manner the cause at the Kings request was deferred 3. dayes longer till the Archbishop of Rhoan came Who sayd he granted that Bishops might have Castles if they could prove by the Canons that by law they ought to have them Which because they could not that it was extreame dishonesty to contend against the Canons And grant saith he that they may enjoy them yet verily because it is a suspitious time all the great men according to the custome of other Nations ought to deliver up the Keyes of their Fortresses to the Kings pleasure who ought to wage warre for the peace of all men Thus all the controversie of the Bishops was weakned For either according to the Decrees of the Canons it is unjust they should have Castles or if this be tolerated by the Kings indulgence they ought to yeeld up the keyes tâ— the necessity of the time To this Albric the Kings Lawyer added that the King was informed that the Bishops threatned among themselves and provided to send some of them to Rome against him And this saith he the King commendeth to you that none of you presume to doe it for if any one against his will and the dignity of the Kingdome of England shall goe any where from England peradventure his returne shal be difficult Moreover he because he seeth himselfe grieved of his own accord appeales you to Rome After the King partly by commending partly by way of threatning had commanded these things it was understood whither it tendedâ— Wherefore they so departed that neither he would suffer the censure of the Canons nor be judged by them neither did the Bishops thinke fit to exercise it and that for a double reason Either because it would be temerarious to excommunicate the King without the Popes privity Or else because they heard and some also
saw that there were swords drawne round about them for words were no jests but there was a contention almost about life and blood Yet the Legate and Archbishop gave not over but prosecuted the tenor of their office for casting themselves humbly downe at the Kings feete in his Bedchamber they beseeched him to compassionate the Church to compassionate his owne sâ—ule and fame that he would not suffer a dissention to be made betweene the Kingdome and Priesthood He rising up courteously although he removed the envie of the things done â—rom himselfe yet he made no effectuall performance of his good promises And so this great suite wherein the Prelates presumed to convent the king himselfe before them to try his title to Castles being temporall possessions ceased and the pretended execution of their owne Canons never pressed before that I read of vanished into nothing These bickerings betweene the Bishop his Nephewes and the king to whom he owed even the Crowne he wore caused all the Bishops to fall off from him againe and joyne with Maude This their treachery to King Stephen is most fully recorded by William Malmesbury who relates that the Bishop of Winchester brother to king Stephen and the Popes Legate taking some offence against the king came to a Parley with Maude in the fields neere Winchester where Maude the Empresse swore and vowed to him that all the greatest businesses in England and especially the Donations of Bishoprickes and Abbies should be at his disposall if he with the holy Church would receive her for their Soveraigne and be continually loyall to her some of the greatest Nobles of her party making the same oath Whereupon the Bishop made no scruple to receive the Empresse as Lady of England and to sweare to her by himselfe and some others that as long as she brake not this agreement that he would be faithfull to her which done the next day she was received by the Bishop in the Cathedrall Church of Winchester with an honourable Procession the Bishop of Winchester going on her right hand and Barnard Bishop of Saint Davids on her left there were other Bishops present beside these as Alexander Bishop of Lincolne Robert of Hereford Nigellus of Ely Robert of Bath with sundry Abbotsâ— a few dayes after Theobald Arch-bishop of Canterbury came to the Empresse at Winchester being invited by the Legate but deâ—erred to sweare fealty to the Empresse without the kings privity being as hee thought a dishonour to his fame and person but after some conference had with the king by the Cardinall and most of the Prelates who intreated leave of him to yeeld to the necessity of the time they condescended to the Legates motion and fell off to the Empresse Whereupon about a fortnight after Easter Theobald Arch-bishop of Canterbury held a Councell of all the Bishops of England and of many Abbots in great state at Winchester wherein the Bishop of Winchester made this speech That by vertue of his Legatine power which he derived from the Pope he had summoned the Clergie of England to this Councell that they might consult in Common of the peace of the Country which was in great danger of Shipwrack that in the time of King Henry his Uncle England was a singular houshold of peace c. Which King some yeares before his death caused all the Bishops and Barons to sweare to the Empresse his Daughter and onely Childe that the whole kingdome of England with the Dutchy of Normandy should descend to her if he had no issue male by the Duke of Loraines daughter That dismall fortune envied his most excellent Uncle so as he dyed in Normandy without issue male Therefore because it seemed long to expect the Lady who resided in Normandy and delayd to come into England to provide for the peace of the Country my Brother was permitted to raigne And although I became a surety betweene God and him that hee should honour and exalt the holy Church maintaine good Lawes and abrogate evill yet it grieves me to remember it shames me to relate what a one he hath shewed himselfe in his kingdome how no justice hath beene exercised upon the presumptuous how all peace was presently abolished almost the same yeare the Bishops apprehended and compelled to a reddition of their possessions Abbies sold the Churches rob'd of their treasures the Counsells of wicked men heard of good men either suspended or altogether contemned You know how often I have convented him both by my selfe and by the Bishops especially in the Councell the last yeare summoned to that purpose and that I got nothing but hatred thereby Neither can it be unknowne to any who will rightly consider it that I ought to love my mortall brother but ought much more to esteeme the cause of my immortall Father Therefore because God hath exercised his judgement touching my brother that he might permit him without my knowledge to fall into the power of the Mighty left the kingdome should â—ottet if it wanted a king I have invited you all by the right of my Legation to assemble together at this place Yesterday the cause was secretly ventilated before the greater part of the Clergie of England to whose right especially it belongs both to elect and ordaine a king Therefore having first invocated as it is meete Gods assistance we have â—lected the Daughter of a peace-making king a glorioâ—s king a rich king a good king and in our time incomparable to be Queene of England and Normandy and we promise fidelity and maintenance to her When the Bishop of Winchester had thus spoken all the Bishops and Clergie present as William of Malmsbury then present at the Councell relates did either modestly give their acclamation to the sentence of Mauds election and Stephens rejection or keeping silence did not contradict it In this Councell many who tooke king Stephens part were excommunicated and by name William Martell who had intercepted some of the Legates goods aâ—ter this Councell the City of London formerly addicted to king Stephen and the greatest part of England willingly submitted to the dominion of Maude who was principally counselled by Robert her brother and by the Legate of Winchester who pretended that hee sought her welfare but within few dayes after there fell out a difference betweene the Legate and Maude which occasioned a great alteration and was the cause of many new mischiefes in Englâ—nd Whereupon the Bishop Legate departed from the Court absolved all those whom he â—ormerly excommunicated in the Councell without the consent of the Bishops raised up a complaint against the Empresse that she intended to apprehend him and made no account of any thing she had sworne to Which report was spred over all England Whereupon he stirred up the Londoners and Barons against the Empresse whom he beseiged and restored Sâ—ephen not onely to his liberty but to the Crowne In the meane time â—his Roger Bishop of Salisbury dyes of a Quarâ—aine Fever which
he fell into out of griefe of minde This Prelate was so high in king Henries favour that he denyed little or nothing to him that he demanded he gave him Lands Churches Prebends of Clarkes whole Abbies of Monkes and committed the kingdome to his trust making him Chancellor of England Roger therefore pleaded causes he moderated expences he kept the kings treasure and that without a companion and witnesse both while the king was present in England and absent in Normandy and not onely by the king but likewise by the Nobles and even by those who secretly envied his felicity and especially by the kings Servants and debtoâ—s all things almost that he could thinke of were conferred on him if any thing was contiguous to his possessions which might conduce to his utility that he either begged or bought if not he extorted it by violence he alone was in greatest honour abounding in wealth pompe â—riends authority stately houses and Castles and seemed the onely happy man on earth Yet at last in a moment fortune cruelly stung him with her Scorpions tayle so as he saw many of his friends wounded and his most familiar Souldiers beheaded before his face himselfe captivated two of his Nephewes most potent Prelates to be put to flight and taken prisoners and a third a young man whom he most loved to bee bound in chaines his Castles to be rendred up his treasures spoyled himself afterwards in a Councell torne with most foule reproaches the residue of his money and plate which he had layd upon the Altar to finish a Church to beâ— carried away against his will and which is the extremity of calamity Cum multis miser videreturâ— paucissimis miserabilis erat So much envy hatred had he contracted out of his over great power and that undeservedly with some whom he had advanced to honours So Malmesbury writes of him of whom you have heard sufficient Anno Dom. 1223. Huberâ— de Burgo Earle of Kent being taken and proclaimed a traytor escaped out of the Castle of Veâ—â— or Devises and tooke sanctuary in the next Church those who kept the Castle hearing of it sent and tooke him with those that helped him to make his escape out of the Church and imprisoned him againe in the Castle Robert Bingham the Bishop of Salisbury hereupon came to the Castle and threatned to curse them if they would not deliver the Earle restore him to sanctury againe They made answer they had rather the Earle should hang for them than they for him and so because they would not deliver him the Bishop excommunicated them and after riding to the Courâ— and taking with him the Bishop of London and other Bishops prevailed so much by complaint to the King that the Earle though a traytor was restored to the Church againe but so as the Sheriffe of the Shire had commandement to compasse the Church about with men to watch that no reliefe came unto him whereby he might bee constrained through famishment to submit himselfe but hee shortly armed was there rescued by a power of armed men who conveyed him armed and oâ— horsebacke into Wales where he joyned with other of King Henry the thirds enemies And all through the pride and practise of this Prelate to whose pretended jurisdiction even in case of Treason the King himselfe must submit William of Yorke the ninth Bishop of Salisbury about the year 1247. was a Courtier from his childhood and better seene the in Lawes of the Realme which hee chiefly studied than in the Law of God a great deale Matthew Paris reporteth that he firâ—â— brought in the custome that tenants should be suiters unto the Courts of their Landlords This Matthew Paris stiles a very bad custome in magnum subditorum damnum detrimentum superiorum parvum vel nullum emolumentum unde qui nunquam hoc fecerant mirabantur se ad hoc fuisse coactos And speaking of this Bishops death he saith This Bishop passed from these worldly cares and imployments to the dangers which secular men and Courtiers are beleeved to undergoe for their workes follow them Anno 1392. King Richard the second picked a quarrell against the Major and Sheriffes of London upon this occasion Walter Romay one of Iohn Walthams servants then Bishop of Salisbury and high Treasurer of England tooke a horseloafe from a Bakers man as hee passed by in Fleetstreet and would not deliver it againe but broke the bakers mans head when he was earnest to recover his loafe the cohabitants of the streete hereupon rose and would have had the Bishops man to prison for breaking the Kings peace but hee was rescued by his fellowes and escaped to the Bishops house in an Allie close by The people set in a rage for this rescue gathered in great multitudes about the Bishops Palace gate and would have fetched out the offender by force assaulting the house to breake it open but the Major and Sheriffes comming thither after some perswasions used appeased the people who retired quietly to their houses The Bishop being then at Windsor where the Court lay being informed of this riot tooke such indignation therewith that taking with him Thomas Arundell Archbishop of Yorke then Lord Chancellor of England he went to the King and made an hainous complaint against the Citizens for their misdemeanour whereupon the Major Sheriffes and great sort more of the Citizens were sent for to the Court and charged with divers misdemeanors notwithstanding their excuses they were all arrested and imprisoned the Major in the Castle of Windsor the rest in other places to be safely kept till the King by the advice of his Counsell should further determine what should be done with them Moreover the liberties of the City were seised into the Kings hands the authority of the Major utterly ceased and the King appointed Sir Edward Darlingrug to governe the City by the name of Lord Warding and to see that every man had justice ministred as the case required who because hee was thought to be overfavourable to the Citizens was removed and Sir Baldwin Radington put in his roome At length the King through suit and instant labour of certaine Noblemen especially of the Duke of Glocester began somewhat to relent and pacifie his rigorous displeasures against the Londoners and releasing them out of prison and confirming some of their priviledges and abrogating others hee was at last reconciled to them after they had purchased his pardon with many rich presents to him and his Queene whom they royally intertained and the payment of ten thousand pounds which they were compelled to give the King to collect of the Commons of the City not without great offence and grudging in their minds And aâ—l this came through the pride and malice of this Prelate of Salisbuâ—y whose servant had occasioned this riot and yet went Scotfree when the innocent Major and Citizens were thus rigorously dealt withall M. Fox observes truly
life This Prelate dying when he was brought to Lincolne to be interred Iohn King of England and William King of Scots were met there with an infinite company of Nobility of both Realmes The two Kings for the great reverence they bare to his holinesse who yet gave no â—everence at all to Kings as you have formerly heard would needs set their shoulders to the beare and helped to carry his course from the gates of the City untill it came to the Church doore where the Prelates themselves received and carried it into the Quire and buâ—yed him in the body of the East end of the Church ABOVE THE HIGH ALTAR which therefore stood not close to the East wall in those times but some good distance from it neere the Altar of Saint Iohn Hugh Walis or de Wils his next successour in this See but one Anno 1209. notwithstanding King Iohn refused to receive Stephen Langhton that arch-traytor for Archbishop of Canterbury and commanded this Bishop to repaire to the Archbishop of Rhoan for consecration from him and not to receive it from Langhton in contempt of this his Soveraignes command got him to Langhton and received consecration from him whereupon the King seised on all his temporalties and kept him fasting from them foure yeeres and then restored them After this he joyned both with the Barons and Lewis the French King who came to conquer the Realme against his naturall Soveraigne For which treasons he was onely excommunicated by the Pope and not absolved till he had paid the Pope one thousand marks and a hundred markes to his Legate Divers other of our Prelates were fined for the same cause and that so deepely as they were compelled to sell all they had to purchase the Kings favour Anno Dom. 1252. King Henry the third in a Parliament held at London getting a grant from the Pope of the tenths due to the Church to be received of him for three yeeres towards the charges of his journey into the holy Land to rescue it from the Saracens demanded these tenths of the spiritualtie But the Bishops and especially Robert Grosâ—head Bishop of Linâ—olne utterly refused to be contributary to this grant They alledged sundry reasons for their excuse as the poverty of the English Church being already made bare with continuall exactions and oppressions but chiefly they excused themselves by the absence of the Archbishops of Canterbury and Yorke of whom the one was beyond the Sea and the other at home in the North parts All the other Bishops were there except Hereâ—ord and Chester who was sicke and therefore without the consent of those that were absent and namely their Primate of Canterbury they could not conclude any generall poynt touching the Kings demand And although the King fretted and stormed against them yet could he not bring them to his purpose so as the Parliament was for that time dissolved Yet before their departure from London the King communed with them apart to see if he could get some money towards his charges but they had tuned their strings all after one notâ— discording all from his Tenor so that not a penny could be got of them wherefore he tooke high displeasure against them reviling them in most reproachfull manneâ— and amongst other he reviled his halfe brother the elect of Winchester taxing him of great unthankfulnesse who also among the residue stood against him Anno 1257. they denyed the King a Subsidie againe there being saith Holinshed a great untoward disposition in the Subjects of that time for the helping of their King with a necessary ayd of money towards such great charges as he had bin by divers wayes occasioned to be at Befoâ—e this Anno 1250. this Bishop excommunicated a Priest for incontinency who continuing for some daies without seeking to be reconciled the Bishop sent to the Sheriffe of Rutland within whose Bayliwicke the Priest dwelt to apprehend him as a disodient and rebellious person who not executing the Bishops commandement the Bishop thereupon excommunicates the Sheriffe whereof the King being informed tooke displeasure and sending to the Pope procured an inhibition that no Archbishop or Bishop should compell any Officer of the King to follow any suit before them for those things that appertaine to the Kings jurisdiction or give sentence against them for the same This Grosthead Bishop of Lincolne Anno 1246. upon the suggestion of the Friers Predicants and Minorites raged more then was meet or expedient against those of his Dâ—ocesse making strict inquisition in his Bishopricke by his Archdeacons and Deanes concerning the chastity and manners as well of Noble as ignoble upon oath to the enormious hurt and scandall of the reputations of many Which had never beene accustomed to be done before The King hearing the grievous complaints of his people against these Innovations did thereupon by the advice of his Counsell and Courts of Justice send a Writ to the Sheriffe of Hertford in these words Henry by the grace of God King of England c. We command thee that as thou lovest thy selfe and all things that are thine that thou from henceforth suffer not any Laymen of â—hy Baylywicke to assemble together in any place at the will of the Bishop of Lincolne or of his Archdeacons Officials or rurall Deanes to make any acknowledgments or attestations upon their oath unlesse in cases of Matrimony and testament And the very next yeere following in pursurance thereof the King by Parliament enacted and commanded these things ensuing to be inviolably observed That if any Lay men were convented before an Ecclesiasticall Iudge for breach of faith and perjury that they shouâ—d be prohibited by the King And that the Ecclesiasticall Iudge should be prohibited to hold plea of all causes against Laymen unlesse they were of Matrimony and Testament All which Matthew Paris precisely relates Which prohibition and statute nullified the constitution of Oâ—ho and hindered this Bishops innovation whereupon that insolent traytorly Martiall Archbishop of Canterbury Boniface better skilled in affaires of a Campe then of the Church Anno 1256. but nine yeeres after this prohibition and forenamed statute published this peremptory audacious constitution in affront of them both Statuimus quod Laici ubi de subditorum pecâ—â—tis excessibus corrigendis per Praelatos Ecclesiasticos judices inquiritur ad praestandum de veritate dicenda juramentum per excommunicationis sententias si opus fuâ—rit compellantur impedientes verò ne hujusmodi juramentum praestetur for the Judges with many otheâ—s then generally oppugned and hindred the ushering in of this Innovation per interdicti excommunicationis sententiam arceantâ—â— To evacuate which exorbitant illegall constitution meant onely of witnesses not of Churchwardens Sidemen or Stangers oathes as the Glosse of Lindwood who records it resolves in expresse termes trenching both upon the peoples liberties and the Courts of Justice too the Judges frequently granted out sundry
King Iohn and at last was glad to flie the Realme with other Prelates the King seising on his and their goods and banishing him the Kingdome Peter de Egueblancke the 42. Bishop of that See Cujus Memoria sulphureum faetorem exhalat ac deterrimum writes Matthew Paris An. 1255. put King Henry the 3. upon a strange and intolerable kinde of exaction such and so great as even beggered all the Clergie of that time he got certaine authenticke seales of the Bishops of England wherwith he sealed Indentures Instruments and Writings wherin was expressed that he had received divers summes of money for dispatch of businesses for them and their Churches of this or that Marchant of Florence or Spaine whereby they stood bound for payment thereof by the same Instruments and Writings so made by him their agent in their name This shift was devised by the said Bishop with license of the King and Pope into whose eares he distilled this poysonous councell the maner whereof Matthew Paris relates at large These debts being afterwards demanded the Prelates denied them to be true and said there was a greater occasion for them to suffer Martyrdome in this cause than of that of Thomas Becket of Canterbury whereupon the Bishops of London and Worceter protested they would rather lose their lives and Bishopprickes than consent to such an injury servitude and oppression Haec alta detestabilia à sulphurto fonte Romanae Ecclesiae proh pudor imo proh dolor tunc temporis emanarunt Writes Matthew Paris of this and such like cheating projects to get mony An. 1263. the Barons arrested this Bishop who plotted much mischiefe against them in his owne Cathedrall Church seised upon his goods devided his Treasure unto their souldiers before his face imprisoned him a long time in the Castle of Ordley as a meere pest and Traytor both to Church and State He was accursed of so many for his strange Oppressions Treacheriesâ— and Extravagances that it was impossible many calamities should not light upon him Long before his captivity his face was horribly deformed with a kind of Leprosie Morphea or Polypus which could by no meanes be cured till his dying day this disease made him hide his head so that none within his Diocesse knew where he lurked Some reported that he went to Mount Pessula to be cured of this his infirmity Tot in caput suum congessit imprecationes multipliciter à Doraino meruit flagellari ad sui ut sperandum est correctionem Writes Matthew Paris who further addes Episcopus Herefordensis turpissimo morbo videliceâ— Morphea Domino percutiente merito deâ—ormatur qui totum Regnum Angliae PRODITIOSE damnificauit About the yeare of our Lord 1256. the Archbishop of Burdeaux being old and decrepit began to be deadly sicke and being thought to be dead who was but halfe alive this Bishop of Hereford who most earnestly gaped after this Archbishoppricke thinking to obtaine itâ— procured the Kings Letters who was very favourable to him because hee was his Tax-gatherer and went with them beyond the Seas but when the truth appeared that the Archbiâ—hop was still aliveâ— hee lost both his journey labour travell and expenses and received many scoffes as one Mr. Lambin did in the like case of whom these two Verses were composed Aere dato multo nondum pastore sepultâ— Lambiâ— ad optatum Lambinus Pontificatura He to reimburse his expences not regarding the publike good but his owne privaâ—e benefit by license from the King and Pope collected a tith for himselfe in the borders of Irelandâ— and the places adjoyning which amounted to no small quantitie of money this he reputed the price of his paines and the reward of his treason and he caused it to be so strictly exactedâ— that shame prohibites the relation of the manner of the extortion And because fraud is not accustomed to want feare meticulosus armatus armatus vallatus incessit being fearefull he went armed and being armed hee went with a guard about him Adara de Orleton the 46. Bishop of Hereford was a notable wicked Traytor and Rebell against his Soveraigne King Edward the second who advanced him and was the chiefe cause both of his deprivation and murther Of whom you may read more at large in Winchester p. 265.266 Iohn Bruton or Briton was the 43. Bishop of Hereford on him the King bestowed the keeping of his wardrobes which he held long time with great honour as his Regester saith A wonderfull preferment that Bishops should be preferred from the Pulpit to the custody of Wardrobesâ— but such was the time neverthelesse his humble custody of that charge is more solemnely remembred then any good Sermon that ever he made which function peradventure hee committed to his Suffragane sith Bishops in those dayes had so much businesse at Court that they could not attend to Doctrine and Exhortation This Bishop was Doctor of both Lawes and very well seene in the common Lawes of the Land and writ a great volume De juribus Anglicanis yet extant but that he ever Preached or writ any thing of or had any skill at all in the Law of God I finde nothing at all in story Iohn Trevenant the 51. Bishop of Hereford sided with King Henry the 4th against Richard the second who advanced him and was sent to Rome to informe the Pope what good Title King Henry the 4th had unto the Crowne of England which he usurped So the Bishop of Duresme was then sent unto France the Bishop of Saint Asaph to Spaine the Bishop of Bangor to Germany armed with all â—orts of instructions for the justification of their new advanced King his Title too and usurpation of the Crowne So ready have Prelates beene not onely to act but to justifie defendâ— and boulster out Treasons and Rebellions of the highest nature with the depositions and murthers of their lawfull Princesâ— Anno. 1499. this Bishop of Hereford had a chiefe hand in deposing King Richard the second and was the second commissioner sent from the States in Parliament named in the Instrument wherein they declare his voluntary resignation and he with the Archbishop of Yorke made report to the Parliamentâ— of the Kings voluntary resignation of his Crowne and Kingdome the instrument whereof subscribed in their presence was delivered unto Thomas Arundels hands then Archbishop of Canterbury an Arch-traytor as I have formerly manifested The most of the succeeding Bishops of this See were translated to other bishopprickes where you may meete with them who were most obnoxious onely I observe that in the generall pardon of 22. H. 8. c. 15. the Bishop of Hereford then Charles Booth is specially excepted out of the pardon of the Premunire It seemes his crime was very great And for the present Bishop of Hereford George Cooke he stands now impeached by the Commons in Parliament for the late Canons Oath and benevolence in the pretended Synod
in which he had a finger which proceeding of our Prelates may justly induce us to passe the same censure on them now as famous Henry Bullenger did of old on the Bishops then in his Booke De Episcoporum Functione Iurisdicâ—ione Tiguri 1538. â— 112.113.143.1150.159 to 163. and 172. and as Mr. Calvin after him did in his notable Booke De Necessitate Reformandae Ecclesiae Edi. 1543 p. p. 24.25.26.104.105.106 to which I shall referre the reader As for Dr. Manwaring who had some relation to this church we all know that he received a Censure in the Parliament House 3. Caroli for two seditious Sermons Preached at the Court before his Maiestie and then published in Print by the now Archbishop of Canterburies meanes wherein he indeavoured to undermine the Subjects liberties and the proprietie of their goods â—etled in them by our Lawes by false divinityâ— and to give the King an absolute power against Law to impose what taxes he pleased and to take away such a proportion of goods and treasure from his people as himselfe should thinke meete upon any occasion For which Sermons though he were censured by both Houses to be never more capable of any future preferment in Church or Common-wealth yet immediatly after the dissolution of the Parliament he was by Canterburies meanes in affront of that Sentenceâ— advanced first to a great living granted formerly to another then to a Deanery and soone after to the Bishopricke of St. Davids where he so demeaned himselfe in advancing of superstition prophanesse and idolatry that now he dares not shew his face in Parliament and lies lurking in obscure Places and Ale hoâ—ses as some report fearing a deprivation from this usurpedâ— dignityâ— given him in contempt of his former sentence in Parliament And thus much for the Bishops of these Sees I now proceede to others CHAP. V. Containing the Treasons Conspiracies Contumacies and disloyalties of the Bishops of Chichester Carlile Norwich Chester Coventry and Litchfield NOt to mention how Agilricke Bishop of the South-Saxons with divers other Bishops and Abots were deprived by William the Conqueror Anno 1076. 〈…〉 in the Councels of Winchester and Windsor and after that committed to perpetuall Prison upon suspition of Treason and Rebellion against the Conqueror to deprive him of the Crown Ralph the third Bishop of Chichester a man of high Stature and no lesse high of mindâ— stood very stoutly in defence of Bishop Anselme in so much that when King William Rufus threatned him for the same he offered him his Ring and Crosier saying It should better become him to loose his placeâ— than his duety to the Archbishop whom he could never be induced to forsake untill he seemed to forsake his owne cause by flying the Country After this when King Henry the first was content to dispense with the marriage of Priests to which Anselme was an heavy enemy notwithstanding the Canons lately made in the Councell of London to the contrary the Priests granting him an yearely summe of money to defend them against Anselme this Bishop resisted the collection of that money in his Diocesse calling it the tribute of Fornication and when notwithstanding his resistance it was payd he interdicted his owne Diocesse commanding the Church doores to be every where stopped up with thornes The King whether not vouchsafing to contend with him or taking his well meaning in good part was not onely content to pardon this his contemptuous disobedience but also bestowed the money so gathered in his Diocesse upon him saving It was a poore Bishoppricke and needed such helpes This Bishop went every yeare thrice about his Diocesse Causa praedicandi onely to Preach the Gospell to the people exacting nothing from his Provincialls by his Episcopall power but receiving onely what they willingly presented to him as a free gift rebuking those who offended which was the sole kind of Visitation in those dayes without any such Visitation Articles Procurations presentments Fees c as are this day practised imposed exacted both against Law and Canon too Hilary the fifth Bishop of this See though hee was content absolutely to allow of the Declaration after published at Claridon without mention of that odious clause saluo ordine suo being shreudly baited of his brethren for his labour yet afterwards hee had some contests with the King and sought to impeach his prerogative royall as appearâ—s by this notable passage of the Author of the Holy Table name and Thing p. 30.31 Sure I am that according to this advice of Eleutheâ—ius the Danishâ— and first Norman Kings have governed their Churches and Churchmen by Capitulaâ—s and mixed Digests composed as it were of Common and Canon Law and promulged with the advice of the Counsell of the King as wâ—e may see in those particulars set forth by Mr. Lambard Mr. Selden Dr. Powell and others And I doe not beleeve there can be shewed any Ecclesiasticall Canons for the government of the Church of England untill long after the conquest which were not either originally promulgedâ— or afterwards approved and allowed by either the Monarch or some King of the Heptarchy sitting and directing in the Nationall or Provinciall Synod For all the Collections that Lindwood Comments upon are as Theophrastus speakes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but rough and rugged mony of a more fresh later coyning and yet in those usurping times I have seene a Transcript of a Record An. 1157.3o. Henry the 2. wherein when the Bishop of Chichister opposed some late Canons against the Kings exemption of the Abby of Battells from the Episcopall Jurisdiction it is said That the King being angry and much moved therewith should reply Tu pro Papae authoritate ab hominibus concessa contra dignitatum Regalium authoritates mihi à Deo concessas calliditate arguta niti praecogitas Doe you Sir goe about by subtilties of wit to oppose the Popes authority which is but the favour or connivence of men against the authority of my Regall Dignities being the Charters and Donations of God himselfe and thereupon requires Reason and Justice against the Bishop for this soule insolencie A good evidence that the Canon Law had little esteeme or foâ—ce among us in that age and not long after it was prohibited by speciall Writ to be read among us as appeares by the Writ of 19. Hen. 3. directed to the Major and Sheriefes of London commanding them Quod per totara Civitatem London Clamari faciant firmiter prohiberi ne aliquis Scolas regens de Legibus in eadem Civitate de caetero ibidem Leges doceat Decembrisâ— This was five yeares after the Decretalls published and it seemes most probable that these Leges were Canon Lawes perhaps mixt as usually they were in the profession also with the Imperialls for both of them were it seemes studied here under Henry the third by the Clergy more â—han any other part of
May the 13th This Bishop riding a horse somewhat too lusty for him was cast and so brused with the fall as he died by and by to wit May 13â— 1254. Thomas Merkes the Fiftenth Bishop of this See amongst many unworthy preferred to Bishopprickes in those dayes was undoubtedly a man well-deserving that honour for he was both learned and wise but principally to be commended first for his constant and unmoveable fidelity unto his Patrone and preferrer King Richard then for his excellent courage in professing the same when he might safely yea and honestly also have concealed his affection Some other there were of the Nobility that remembring their duety and allegiance when all the world bâ—sâ—de forsoke this unfortunate Prince followed him with their best assistance even till the time of his captivity This man nothing regarding the danger might ensue not onely refused to forsake him when he had forsaken himselfe but defended him and his cause the best he could when he might well perceive his endeavour might hurt himseâ—fe much without any possibility of helping the other when the furious and unstable multitude not contented that King Richard had resigned his Crowne to save the head that wore it and their darling Henry the fourth seated himselfe in his royall throne importuned the Parliament assembled to proceed yet farther against him desiring no doubt that to make all sure his life might be taken from him This worthy and memorable Prelate stepping forth doubted not to tell them that there was none amongst them meete to give judgement upon so noble a Prince as King Richard wasâ— whom they had taken for their Soveraigne and Leige Lord by the space of twentie two yeares and more And proceeding further I assure you quoth he I report his words as I find them in our Chronicles there is not so ranke a Trayter nor so arrant a theefe nor yet so cruell a murtherer apprehended or detained in prison for his offence but he shall be brought before the justice to heare Judgment and will you proceed to the judgment of an annointed King hearing neither his answere nor excuse I say and will avow that the Duke of Lancaster whom ye call king hath more trespassed to King Richard and his Realme the King Richard hath done either to him or us for it is manifest and well knowne that the Duke was banished the Realme by King Richard and his Councell and by the judgement of his owne Fatherâ— for the space of tenne yeares for what cause ye remember well enoughâ— This notwithstanding without Licence of King Richard he is returned againe into the Realme and that is worse hath taken upon him the name title and preheminence of King and therefore I say that you have done manifest wrong to proceede against King Richard in any sort without calling him openly to his answer and defence This Speech scarcely ended he was attâ—ched by the Earle Marshall and for a time committed to ward in the Abbey of St. Albanes Continuing yet his loyall affection unto his distressed Master soone afâ—er his inlargement he trayterously joyned with the Hollands and others in a conspiracy against King Henry the 4th which being bewrayed to the destruction of all the rest he onely was pardoned peradventure in regard of his calling for it had seldome or never been seene hitherto that any Bishop was put to death by order of Law peradventure in some kind of favour and admiration of his faithfull constancy for vertue will be honoured even of her enemies peradventure also to this end that by forcing him to live miserably they might lay a punishment upon him more grevious than death which they well saw he despised The Pope who seldome denied the King any request that hee might afford good cheepe was easily intreated to translate forsooth this good Bishop from the See of Carlile that yeelded him honourable maintenance unto Samos in Greece whereof he knew he should never receive one penny profit he was so happy as neither to take benefit of the gift of his enemy nor to be hurt by the masked malice of his counterfeit friend disdaining as it were to take his life by his gift that tooke away from his Master both life and Kingdome hee died shortly after his deliverance so deluding also the mockery of his Translation whereby things so falling out he was nothing damnified Hall reports that hee died for feare more than sicknesse as one rather desirous to die by deaths dart than the temporall Sword which this his Treason deserved being a great blemish to his former fidelity Owen Oglethorpe the 31. B. of this See was deprived with divers other Bishops for withstanding Q. Eliza. proceedings and refusing to take the Oath of Allegiance in the yeare 1559. Of other Bishops of this See since his dayes I find little mention most of them being translated to other Sees I shall therefore proceede to the Bishops of Norwich The Bishops of Norwich Iohn de Gray the fifth Bishop of Norwich if we beleeve Matthew Paris was one of those three Court Bishops who were consiliarios iniquissimos most wicked counsellors to King Iohn during the time of the inderdict of the Realme who desiring to please the King in all things consilium non pro ratione sed pro voluntate dederunt gave the King counsell not according to Reason but Will and thereby wrought much trouble both to the King and Kingdome Pandulphus the next Bishop of this See consecrated by the Pope at Rome Anno. 1222. was the Popes Legate and the chiefe instument who perswaded King Iohn most ignominiously and shamefully to resigne up his Crowne and Kingdome to the Pope to become his Vassall to his eternall infamy and to submit himselfe to Sâ—ephen Langhton and those other Trayterly Prelates who intardicted the Realme excommunicated this King published the Popes deprivation of him from his Crowne and instigated the French King to invade the Realme of England and usurpe the Crowne which the Pope had conferred on him upon King Iohns deprivation from it of which you may read more at large before in Stephen Langhton Archbishop of Canterbury p. 33. to 41. Onely let me informe you that during the time of this inderdict aboue six yeares space all Ecclesiasticall Sacraments ceased in England except Confession and the viaticum in extreame necessity and the Baptisme of Infants so as the bodyes of dead men were carried out of Townes and Villages and burried like dogges in Highwayes and Ditches without prayers and the ministry of Priests as Matthew Paris and others testifie Such was the Prelates piety and charity About the yeare of our Lord 1271. In the time of Roger de Skerwing 12. Bishop of Norwich there was raysed a dangerous sedition betweene the Citizens of Norwich and the Monkes of the Cathedrall Church the History whereof is briefely this At a Faire that was kept before the gates of the Priory there hapned
King in his owne Cathedrall Church and ransomed for 200. hawkes after this dying he was buried not in the Church-yard but in the market place of Shrewsbury by his owne appointment Richard the 10. Bishop of Bangor excommunicated David ap Lhewelin Prince of Wales for that contrary to his Oâ—th he took his Brother Gryffith prisoner who was content upon the Bishops word to goe to his Brother and when he saw that course would not reforme him he never lin complaining first to the King of England then to the Pope that he so incensed them as the one excommunicated him the other made warre upon him untill he delivered his said Brother into the Kings hands who caused him to be kept in the Tower of London till he endeavoring there to escape by misfortune brake his necke The Prince hereupon so wasted the Bishopricke that in the yeare 1248. this Bishop and the Bishop of Saint Asaph were forced to beg their bread Whereupon this Bishop came to the Abbot of Saint Albanes desiring that the Bosome of Mercy might be opened unto his poverty and he abiding there untill his Bishopricke wasted and spoiled with continuall warre should recover some better estate might together with his Chaplaine there breath and rest themselves from those calamities wherewith they had beene long afflicted in like sort as heretofore the Bishop of Hereford had done who was honorably entertained there almost the space of twenty yeares Richard Young the 22. Bishop of Bangor for some contempt and disobedience against the King and confederating as is likely with that Rebell Owen Glendor was imprisoned two or three yeares till the Pope Anno 1404. translated him to Rochester by his Bull. Lewis the 23. Bishop of Bangor Anno. 1408. joyned with the Earle of Northumberland the Lord Bardolfe and others in open Rebellion against King Henry the fourth The Earle was slaine in battell in the field the Lord Bardolfe mortally wounded and their heads set upon London Bridge The Bishop was likewise taken prisoner in the battell but obtained pardon from the King because he had no Armes upon him when he was taken though the incendiary of the other two and as great a Traytor as they but the Abbot of Hayles was hanged because hee had borne Armes in that Rebellion So happy are Traytorly and Rebellious Bishops as to scape scot free in their Treasons and Rebellions when all other sorts of men have execution done upon them Arthur Bulkly Bishop of Bangor and Iohn Lewis Vicar of Llain-geynwina were attainted in a Praemunire at the prosecution of William Whorewood the Kings Attorney for suing for the right of Patronage and Tithes of the said Church and for severall summes of money due on bond for Tithes in this Bishops Ecclesiasticall Court which had no cognisance of them being temporall and belonging only to the Kings Civill Courts to the derogation of the imperiall Jurisdiction of the King and his Crowne and subversion of the Lawes and Statutes of the Realme And hereupon judgement was given against them according to the Statute This Bishop sold away five faire Bells out of the Steeple of his Cathedrall Church which maâ—d the Musicke there Should I rip up the scandalous lives and Actions of some of the late Pilates of this See one of whom published The Practise of Piety which some say he never writ though neither he nor any of his successors did ever much practice it in their lives or should I recite the vile complaints of late against one of them in 2 or 3 late Parliaments I should be over tedious and pollute my paper with such beastly actions as would cause chast eyes to blush and turne their aspect from them Wherefore I shall passe them over in silence he being gone to answer them before the supreame tribunall informing you only that he imposed Armies upon his Clergy and provided an Armory for them to be kept in within his Cathedrall at Bangoâ— And so I post on to Assaph Diocesse Saint Assaph IOhn Trevaur Bishop of Saint Assaph pronounced the sentence for deposing King Richard the second in which instrument he is first named as appeares by this ensuing Copy of it In the Name of God Amen We Iohn Bishop of Saint Assaph chosen and deputed speciall Commissaries by the three states of this present Parliament representing the whole body of the Realme for all such mattersâ— by the said estates to us committed Wee understanding and considering the manifold crimes hurts and harmes done by Richard King of England and misgovernance of the same by a long time to the great decay of the said Land and utter ruine of the same shortly to have beene had not the speciall grace of our God thereto put the sooner remedy And also further more adverting that the said King Richard by acknowledging his owne insufficiency hath of his owne meere voluntaâ—y and free will renounced and given over the rule and governance of this Land with all rights and hâ—nours unto the same belonging and utterly for his merits hath judged himselfe not unworthily to be deposed of all Kingly Majesty and Estate Royall We the Premisses well considering by good and diligent deliberation by the power name and authority to us as aforesaid committed pronounce decerâ—e and declare the same King Richard before this to have beene and so to be unprofitable uâ—aâ—le unsuffiâ—ient and unworâ—hy of the Rule and Government of the foresaid Realmes and Lorâ—ships and of all rights and other the appurtenances thereto belonging And fâ—r the same causes wee deâ—rive him of all Kingly dignity and worshâ—p and of all Kingly worship in himselfe And we depose him by our sentence definitive forbidding expresly to all Archbishops and Bishops and all other Prelates Dukes Marquesses Earles Barons and Knights and all other men of the foresaid Kingdome and Lordships Subjects and Leiges whatsoever they be that none of them from this day forward to the foresaid Richard as King and Lord of the foresaid Realmes and Lordships be neither obedient nor attendant Immediatly as this sentence was in this wise passed and that by reason thereof the Realme stood voyd without head or governour for the same The Duke of Lancaster rising from the place where before hee sate and standing where all the house might behold him laid claime to the Crowne to which the Lords assented After which the Archbishop of Canterbury Arundel having notice of the minds of the Lords stood up and asked of the Commons if they would assent to the Lords which in their minds thought the claime of the Duke made to be rightfull and necessary for the wealth of the Realme and them all Whereto the Commons with one voyce cryed Yea yea yea After which answer the said Archbishop going to the Duke and kneeling downe before him on his knees addressed to him all his purpose in a few words which ended he rose and taking the Duke by the right hand
led him unto the Kings Seat the Archbishop of Yorke assisting him and with great reverence set him therein When he was thus placed in his Throne the Archâ— of Canturbury began a briefe Collation taking for his Theame these words written in the first Booke of Kings the ninth Chapter Vir dominabitur in pâ—pulo c. handling the same and the whole tenour of his tale to the praise of the King Thus was this King deprived by the Bishops meanes who were chiefe actors in deposing him and setting up King Henry yet some of them especially Yorke were the authors of that evill counsell which was the cause of his deprivation And no wonder since in his reigne as Holinshed writes such were preferred to Bishopricks and other Ecclesiasticall livings as neither did nor could teach nor preach nor know any thing of the Scripture of God but onely to call for their tythes and duties so as they were most unworthy of the name of Bishops being lewd and most vaine persons disguised in Bishops apparrell Furthermore there reigned abundantly the filthy sinne of Lecheâ—y and Fornication with abominable adultery in the King but chiefly in the Prelacy whereby the whole Realme by such their evill example was so infected that the wrath of God was daily provoked to vengeance for the sinnes of the Prince and people and tooke so sharpe an edge that it shred the King off from the Scepter of his Kingdome and gave him a full cup of affliction to drinke After which this Bishop was sent Ambassador into Spaine to shew the King the rightfulnesse of Henry the fourth his Tiâ—le to the Crown of England and soone after his returne thence Anno 1404. as Thâ—mas Walsingâ—am reports perceiving Owen Glendor that Welch Râ—bell to prosper in his waâ—res against King Heâ—ry the fourth Conversus est in virum pravum factus transfuga ad Owenum hee turned a lewd Traytour and Rebell flying away from the King to Owen What became of him upon Owens defeate I find not Thus this Bâ—shop was a Traytor and Rebell to two severall Kings and which was worst of all to him whose title he thus tooke upon him publikely to defend but a little before Such faith and loyalty is there in lordly Prelates I shall not trouble you any more with our Welch Bishops only let me acquaint you for a farewell that the present Bishops of Asaph Bangor and Landaffe are now complained against in Parliament and impeached by the Commons House for the late Canons Oath malevoleâ—t benevolence and other crimes for which I suppose they will ere long receive their doome The Bishops of Bath and Wels. GISO the fifteenth Bishop of Bath and Wels had many conflicts with Harold before and after hee came to the Crowne so that he was forced to fly the Land all his time Ioseline the one and twentieth Bishop of this See joyned with Stephen Langhton that Arch-rebell against King Iohn and had an hand in interdicting the Realme and excommunicating the King for which he was glad to fly the Land for five yeares the King seizing upon his goods and temporalties whereupon the Monkes and Prelates raised many vile reports of the King which you may reade in Matth. Westminster Robert Stillington the nine and thirtieth Bishop of Bath and Wells though highly advanced by Kâ—ng Edward the fourth sided with that Usurper Richard the third and was a man specially employed in his Coronation hee was a great enemy to King Henry the seventh being sent Embassador to the Duke of Brittaine for apprehending him whiles hee was Earle of Richmond Anno 1487. Hâ—e was accused of high Treason for yeelding assistance to Lambert the counterfeit Earle of Warwicke and some such other treacheries whereupon having a guilty conscience he fled to the Vniversity of Oxford hoping that the priviledges of the same might be some shelter and defence unto him whereof the King having advertisement sent one Edward Willoughby his Chaplaine to the Chancellor of the University to require the Bishop to bee delivered to his Officers as being one to whom the Priviledges of the University could not extend being at the time no Student there so farre at least as to protect him in a matter of Treason unto which no priviledge ought to yeeld any patrociny After two or three refusals at last by the connivence and permission of the Chancellour hee was there arrested and committed prisoner to the Castle of Windsor where hee lay prisoner foure yeares space till his decease 1491. Hadrian de Castello the two and fortieth Bishop of this See though he conspired not against the King yet being at Rome and there made a Cardinall he entred into a conspiracy with Cardinal Alfonso Petruccio and others to murther Pope Leo the tenth out of an ambitious conceit that surely he should be elected Pope iâ— Leo were once dead a Witch having foretold him that a certaine old man named Adrian borne of meane parentage as hee was should be advanced to the Papacy This conspiracy comming to the Popes eares Petruccio was thereupon apprehended and executed The Pope comming into the Consistory promised pardon to all the other Cardinalls who should then and there immediately confesse their faults Hadrian hereupon and some other falling downe on their knees before him acknowledged what they had done and humbly besought him of mercy He promised to bee as good as his word Howbeit Hadrianâ—earing â—earing the worst shortly after stole secretly away and was neither seene or heard of ever afterward and thereupon deprived of his Biâ—hopricke William Barlow the six and fortieth Bishop of Bath and Wells incurred a Praemunire for presuming to visite the Deane and Chapâ—er of Wells being a Donative for which he was glad to buy his peace as appeares by Brooke Praemunire Sect. 21. Guilbert Bourne the seven and fortieth Bishop of Bath and Wells in the first yeare of Queene Elizabeth was deprived of his Bishoprick for refusing to subscribe and take the Oath of Alleageance and then committed to the custody of Master Cary Deane of the Queenes Chappell The Bishops since his time I shall pretermit for brevity and descend to William Pierce the present Bishop of this Diocesse This man having been Vicechancellor in the University of Oxford wherein hee was over-busie and turbulent in persecuting good men and in causing Pareus his Commentary on the Romans to be publikely burnt in an ignominious manner was for his good service made Bishop of Peterborough and from thence translated to Bath and Wells where his tyranny oppression impiety and practises have been so excessive that the whole County of Somerset with sundry particular persons both Ministers and people there weary of his insupportable government and vexatious oppressions have exhibited divers Petitions against him to the high Court of Parliament now assembled upon the full hearing whereof before a speciall Committee for that purpose the Committees have drawn up this following
Oath first and then administred it to others saying that he was glad in his heart that this Oath was imposed upon all the Clergie of England for now the true Children of the Church would bee knowne from the spurious and bastards And further hee hath deâ—yed to conferre Orders upon such who refused to take the said Oath as namely upon one Mr. Gibbonâ— And hath enforced the sayd Oath upon divers he hath ordained Ministers since the making thereof That the sayd Bishop hath beene a great fomentor and incourager of the late divisions and wars betweene the Kingdomes of England and Scotland conventing and urging the Clergie of his Diocesse in the yeares of our Lord 1638. 1639. to contribute a liberall benevolence towards the maintenance of the sayd wars using this speech as one motive to induce them to this contribution that it was Bellum Episcopale and saying that what ever cause the King had expressed in hiâ— Declaration yet in truth this war was for Vs meaning Vs the Bishops And whereas some of the Clergie denyed the payment of so large a Benevolenceâ—s â—s the sayd Bishop demanded in regard of their poverty and because they were still in their first fruites when they were free from Subsidies the sayd Bishop threatned by his power to put more Armes and horses upon them saying that if they would not serve the King with their purses they should serve him with their Armes And thereupon compelled them to pay the summes he demaunded of them against all Law as namely Mr. Roswell Mr. Ioanes Mr. Abbot and others And not contented herewith the sayd Bishop pretending that there were divers poore Vicars and Ministers in his Diocesse that were noâ— able to pay the Benevolence â—o as hee could not raise the summe he expected thereupon directed his Letters to divers of his wealthier Cleâ—gie causing some of them to pay a second contribution 13. That the sayd Bishop not content with this first Benevolence hath since that in the yeare of our Lord 1642. compelled divers of his Clergie to pay all or part of the sixe illegall subsidies or Benevolences imposed by the late pretended Synod without confirmation of Parliament threatning to excommunicaâ—e and deprive them ipsoâ— facto who fayled paymenâ— of it at the dayes prefixed by the Synod and sent out a processe to Master Newton Minister of Tauâ—ton even whiles the sayd Townâ— was much visited by the Pestilence long before the sayd Subsidy or Benevolence was due to enjoyne him to pay it punctually at the day or else he would inflict on him the penalties prescribed by this Synod and used these speeches that if they did not pay the sayd Subsidie or Benevolence they should be ground to powder And the sayd Commons by proâ—estaâ—ion sâ—â—ing to themselves the liberty of exhibiting at any time hereafter any other accusation or impeachment against the sayd Bishop And also of replying to the answeres that he the sayd Bishop shall make unto the sayd Articles or to any of them and of offering proofes also of the premisses or any of them or any other impeachment or accusation that shall be exhibited by them as the cause shall according to the course of Parliaments require doe pray that the sayd Bishop may be put to answere to all and every tâ—e premisses And that such proceedings examinations tryalls and judgements may be upon every of them had and used as is agreeable to Law and Justice By these Articles of impeachment you may easily discover what a prophane impious turbulent Prelate this Bishop is even such a one whom no age I thinke in many particulars is able to parallell whose prodigiously prophane speeches and actions proclaime to all the world that our present Prelates impieties have made them fit for judgement yea to be castout and trampled under feere of men as the very excrements and off-scouring of all things I have now runne through all our ancient Bishoprickes with that of Chester lately revived and given you a briefe account of the extravagant actions of some of those Lordly Prelates who possessed them I shall now in the close of this Chapter give you but a touch of some of the late Bishops of Oxford Bristoll Peterborough and Glocester which Bishopricks were erected out of dissolved Monasteries by King Henry the eight towards the end of his Reigne and so conclude Oxford TO passe by the first Bishops of this See none of the best there have beene three successions of Bishops in Oxford since I left the University Houson Corbet and Bancroft all of them Patriots of Innovations Erronious Popish Arminian Doctrines superstitious Ceremonies prophane Sports Revels and Bacchanals on the Lords day scandalous in their lives notoriously given to the flesh enemies to frequent preaching and the true Practise of Piety Of the two first of them I have given a touch in Durham and Norwich page 519. to which I shall referre you and for the last of them a Non-preaching Prelate who for ought I can learne never preached above one or two Sermons if so many all his life time he had a finger in the late Canons Oath lone in pressing whereof he was not negligent and had not death arrested him with the other two I doubt not but the Parliament had bin troubled with many complaints against them all which now being buryed together with them I will not revive Bristoll THE Bishopricke of Bristoll was first possessed by Paul Bush who was deprived in Queen Maries dayes for being married Iohn Holy-man a Papist succeeded him after whose death the See continued voyd some foure yeares Anno 1562. Richard Cheyny Bishop of Glocester and Iohn Bullingham his successor held Bristoll in Commendam so as it stood void oâ— a Bishop otherwise than as it was held by Commendamâ— one and thirty yeares Richard Fletcher next enjoyed it till he was translated to Worcester Anno. 1593. After which it stood vacant ten yeares to 1603. and then Iohn Thorneborough Bishop of Limbrick in Ireland and Commendatory Deane of York was translated to it This Bishop and some of his successors had great contests with the Major Aldermen and Citizens of Bâ—istoll whom he would force to come every Lords day morning and solemne Holiday to the Cathedrall Sermon to dance attendance and doe their homage to their Lordships which they for some yeares refused till at last after sundry complaints to the King and Councel the Bishops and they according the Major and Citizens yeelded to come to the Colledge now and then on solemne days if the weather were faire and sometimes in the Sommer season Robert Wright one of the late Bishops of this See had a great contestation with the Deane and Chapter of Bristoll and Master George Salterne Steward of the City for opposing him in setting up Images in the Cathedrall and other Churches which gave great offence to the people he was a great Innovator and maintainer of Superstitious Ceremonies at Bristoll to humor
Vortigerne but to King Powes named Beuly whose successors in tâ—at part of Wales issued from this Herdsmans race Our learned Martyr Doctor Barnes reciting this story and Legend out of Petrus de Natalibus concludes thus I thinke no man will binde me to prove this thing of the Calfe a lye and yet it must be preached and taught in each Church it must be written in holy Saints lives and he â—ust be a Saint that did it and why because hee deposed a King and set in a Neaâ—esherd Odo Bishop of Bayeux was at first in great estimation with his Brother William the Conquerour and bare great rule under him till at last for envy that Lanfranke was preferred before him he conspired against him who understanding thereof committed him to Prison where he remained till the said Prince then lying on his death bed released and restored him to his former liberty When the King was dead William Rufus took him backe into England supposing no lesse than to have had a speciall friend and a trusty Counsellour of him in all his affaires But ere long after his comming thither he fell againe into the same offence of ingratitude whereof he became culpable in the Conquerours dayes For perceiving that Lanfranke Arch Bishop of Canterbury was so highly esteemed with the King that he could beare no rule and partly suspecting that Lanfrancke had beene chiefe cause of his former imprisonment he suffered Duke Robert to bereave his Brother King William Rufus of the dominion of England all he might and conspired with the rest against his Nephew and thereupon writ sundry Letters unto Duke Robert counselling him to come over with an army in all hâ—ste to take the rule upon him which by his practise should easily be compassed Duke Robert thus animated pawnes the County of Constance to his younger Brother Henry for a great summe of gold and therewith returned answer to the said Bishop that he should provide and looke for him upon the South coast of England at a certaâ—ne â—ime appointed Hereupon Odo fortified the Castle of Rochester and began to make sore warres against â—he Kings friends in Kent and procured his other complices also to doe the like in other parts of the Realme And first on the West part of England Geoffrey Bishop of Constans with his Nephew Robert de Mowbray Earle of Northumberland setting forth from Bristow tooke and sacked Bath and Beâ—kley with a great part of Wiltshire and brought the spoile to Bristow where they fortified the Castle for their greater safety Robert de Bygod over-rode and robbed all the Countries about Norwich and Hugh de Grandwesuit spoyled and wasted all the Counâ—ries abouâ— Leicester And Robert Mountgomery Earle of Shrewâ—bury with William Bishop of Durham and others wasted the Country with fire and sword killing and taking great numbers of people where they came Afterwards comming to Worcester they assaulted the City and burnt the Suburbs But Bishop Wolstan being in the Towne encouraged the Citizens to resist who by his exhortation sallying out of the City when the enemies waxed negligent they slew and tooke above 5000. men of them in one day Archbishop Lanfranke in the meanâ— time whilst the Realme was thus troubled by Odoes meanes on each side writeth to and admonisheth all the Kings friends to make themselves ready to defend their Prince And when they were assembled with their forces he counselled the King to march into the â—ield speedily with them to represse his enemies The King following his counsell commanding first all unjust Imposts Taxes and Tallages to be laid downe and promising to restore such favourable Lawes as the people should dâ—sire to ingratiate himseâ—fe with hâ—s Subjects marcheth with a mighty army into Kent where the sedition beganâ— takes Tunbridge and Horne-Castle and afterward bâ—seigeth Bishop Odo in the Pemseyâ— which the Bâ—shop had strongly fortified Robert landing with a great Army in England during this siege Odo through want of victuall was glad to submit himselfe and promised to cause the Castle of Rochesteâ— to be delivered but at his comming thiâ—her they within the City suffred him to enter and straightwayes laid him fast in Pâ—â—son Some judge that this was done under a colour by his owne consent But the King besieging the City they within were glad â—o deliver iâ— up into his handâ— Thus lost Bâ—shop Odo all his Livings and dignities in England and so returned into Norâ—andy where under Duke Robert he had the chiefe government of the Country committed to him Anno Dom. 1196. Earle Iohn King Richard the first his Brother with his forces riding forth into the Country about Beauvois made havocke in robbing and spoyling all aâ—ore him Anon as Phillip the Bishop of Beauvois a man more given to the Campe then to the Church had knowledge hereof thinking them to be a meeâ—e prize for him with Sir William de Merlow and his Sonne and a great number of other valiant men of warre came forth into the fields and encounâ—ring with the enemies fought very stoutly But yet in the end the Bishop the Arch-deacon and all the chiefe Captaines were taken the residue slaine and chased After this Earle Iohn and Marchades presented the two Prelates with great triumph unto King Richard earely in the morning lying yet in his bed as those that were knowne to be his great enemies saying to him in French Rise Richard rise we have gotten the great Chantor of Beauvois and a good Quire man as we take it to answer him in the same note and here we deliver them unto you to use at your discretion The King seeing them smiled and was very glad for the taking of this Bishop for that he had ever found him his great adversary And therefore being thus taken fighting in the field with armour on his backe thought he might be bold in temporall wise to chastise him sith he not regarding his calling practised to molest him with temporall weapons Whereupon he committed him to close Prison all armed as he was It chanced soone after that two of his Chaplaines came unto the King to Roven where this Bishop was detained beseeching the King of License to attend upon their Master now in captivity unto whom as it is of some reported the King made this answer I am câ—ntent to make you Iudgeâ— in the cause betwixt me and your Master as for the evills which he hath either done or else gone about to doe unto me let the same be forgotten This is true that I being taken as I returned from my journey made into the holy Land and delivered into the Emperours hands was in respect of my Kingly state used according thereunto very friendly and honorably till your Master comming thither for what purpose he himselfe best knoweth had long conference with the Emperour After which I for my part in the next morning tasted the fruite of their over-nights talke being then loaden with as many Irons as a good Asse
might not very easily have borne Iudge you therefore what manner of imprisonment your Master deserved at my hands that procured such ease for me at the Emperours hands These two Chaplaines had their mouthes stopped with these words thus by the King uttered and so departed their wayes The Bishop being still detained in Prison procured suite to be made to the Pope for his deliverance writing a Letter to the Pope against the King for this hard usage recorded by Hoveden whereupon the Pope writ a Letter to the King in his behalfe to importune his release But the Pope being truely informed of the matter and wisely considering that the King had not taken the Bishop Preaching but fighting and kept him prisoner rather as a rough enemy then as a peaceable Prelate would not be earnest with the King for his deliverance but rather reproved the Bishop In that hee had preferred secular warfare before the spirituall and had taken upon him the use of a Speare insteed of a Crosier an Helmet insteed of a Miter an Herbergean instead of a white Rocket a Targeâ— for a Stoale and an iron Sword in lieu of the spirituall Sword and therefore he reâ—used to use any Commandment to King Ricâ—ard for the setting oâ— him at Liberty But yet he promised to doe what he could by way of intreating that he might be released It is reported by some Writers that the Pope at first not understanding the truth of the whole circumstance should send to King Richard commanding him by force of the Canons of the Church to deliver his Sonnes the Bishop and Archdeacon out of their captivity To whom the King sent their Armour with this message written in Latine Vide an tunica filii tui siâ— an non that is See whether these are the garments of thy Sonnes or not alluding to the saying of those that carryed Iosephs coaâ—e to Iacob Which when the Pope saw he said Nay by Saint Peter it is neither the apparell of my Sonnes nor yet of my Brethren but rather they are the vestures of the children of Mars and so he left them still to be ransomed at the Kings pleasure The Bishop thus seeing no hope to be delivered without some agreement had betwixt the two Kings became now through irkesomnesse of his bonds an earnest mediator for peace whereas he had beene before an extreame stirrer up of warre Such a Schoolemaster is imprisonment and plucker downe of lofty courages But not prevailing he plots how to make an escape When Queene Elionorâ—ing â—ing Richards Mother came to Rhoane she sent for this Bishops keepâ—rs to permi the Bishop to câ—me to her lodging to spâ—ake with her which although it were dangerous yet they unwillâ—ng to resist the Queenes suiâ—e peâ—mitâ—ed him to goe out of the Towe gaâ—es feâ—â—eâ—ed with themselves accompanying him As they passed bâ— a Church the Bishop ran to the doore thâ—ugh 〈◊〉 as well as he couâ—d and laying hold on the Ring of the Churâ—hâ— cryed out with a loud voâ—ce saying I demand the peace of God and the Church At which speech his Keepers much troubled laid hands on him pulâ—ed him from the Church doore and brought him backe agaâ—ne to the Tower where they kept him more stricktly then before Which â—he King hearing of sent him to Chine to be kept close Prisoner After this he offered King Richard 10000 markes for his enlargement which he refused But Kâ—ng Iohn comming to the Crown at the Popes request relâ—ased hâ—m â—or 2000. He taking a solemne Oath before the Cardinall and other Ecclesiastickes that he would never all his life after beare armes against Christians as he had causeâ— now noâ— to doe About the same time Walter Arch bishop of Roven at the instigation of the French King puâ— all the Country of Normandy under senâ—ence of inâ—erdiction because King Richard had begun to sort â—he a Caâ—â—le at Lisse Dandely upon a peece of ground which the Archbishop câ—aimâ—d to appertaine unto hiâ— See The Archbishop would â—y no meaneâ— release the interdict So as the bodies â—f dead men lay unbuâ—yed through all the Villages and streetes of tâ—e Câ—ties of Normandy Hereupon the King much troubled at the Aâ—chbâ—shops dealing whom he had advanced and much imployed sâ—nds â—o Rome to the Pope to heare the cause betweene them The matter being brought before the Pope he perceiving the intent of King Richard was not otherwise grounded upon anâ— covetous purpose to defraud the Church oâ— her right but oneâ—y to buâ—ld a fortresse in such place as was moâ—t expedient for defence of the Country about to preserve it from invasion of the enemies counselled the Archbishop noâ— to sâ—and against the King in it but to exchange with him for some other Lands which was done and the interdiction by the Pope released This Archbishop was a great warriour bore great sway in England during King Richards absence and captivity and troubled the Realme very much with taxes and warres Before I come to the Prelates of Scotland I shall insert one story of a Patriarch of Hierusalem who affronted our King Henry the second to his face in a shamefull manner The story is this Heraclius Patriarch of Ierusalem came into England in the thirtyeth yeare of King Henry the second and made busy request to him against the Saracens proffering him the keyes of Ierusalem and of our Lords grave with Letters of Pope Lucius the third charging him that he should take upon him the Kingdome of Ierusalem with the royall Standard of the Kingdome as due unto him and likewise make a royall voyage thither in proper person with an army for the security thereof and to have minde of the Oath that he before time had made The King deferred his answer and Baldwin the Arch bishop Preached and exhorted men to take the Crosse by whose meanes many there were that avowed that journey The King at last by the advise of his whole Councell and Parliament gave this answer that he might not leave his Land without keeping nor yet leave it to the prey and robbery of the French men but he would give largely of his owne to such as would take upon them that voyage With this answer Heraâ—lius was discontented and said we seeke a man and not money well neere every Christian Region sendeth to us money but no Land sendeth to us a Prince But the King laid for him such excuses that the Patriarch departed from him discontented and comfortlesse Whereof the King being advertised entending somewhat to recomfort hâ—m with pleasant words followed him to the Sea side But the more the King thought to satisfie him with his faire speech the more the Patriarch was discontented in so much that at last he said unto him Hitherto thou hast raigned gloriously but hereafter thou shalt be forsaken of him that thou at this time forsakest thinke on him what he hath given to thee and what thou hast yeelded to him againe How first thou wert false to
devotionem in pluribus est experta ut ad ipsius electionis favorem tanto amplius provocetur ejus reverentiae devotiori affectione subdantur quanto benevolentiae ipsius gratiae pignus se noverint certius assecutos Eâ— propter O charissime in Christo fili reverentiam ac devotionem quam ad Romanam te habuisse a longis retro temporibus Ecclesiam novimus attendentes praesentis scripti pagina duximus statuendum ut Scoticana Ecclesia Apostolicae sedi cujus filia specialis existit nullo mediante debeat subjacere In qua hae sedes Episcopales esse noscuntur Ecclesiae videlicet S. Andreae Glascuensis Dunkeldensis Dumblinensis Brehinensis Aberdonensis Moraviensis Rosensensis Katinensis nemini liceat nisi Romano Pontifici vel legato ab ipsius latere destinato in regnum Scotiae interdicti vel excommunicationis sententiam promulgare si promulgata fuerit decernimus non valere adjicimus ut nulli de caetero qui de regno Scoâ—iae non fuerit nisi quem Apostolica sedes propter hoc de corpore suo specialiter destinaverit licitum sit in eo ligationis officium exercere Prohibemus autem ut controversiae quae fuerint in regno illo de possessionibus ejus exortae ad examen extra regnum positorum judicum non trabantur nisi ad Romanam Ecclesiam fuerit appellatum Si qua vero scripta contra hujus libertatis statuta apparuerint impetrata vel in posterum istius concessionis mentione non habita contigerit impetrari nullum tibi vel ipsi regno circa hujus praerogativae concessionem praejudicium genereturâ— praeterea libertates immunitates tibi vel eidem regno vel Ecclesiis in eo constitutis a praedecessoribus nostris Romanis pontificibus indultas hactenus observatas ratas habemus illibatas futuris temporibus statuimus permanere Nulli ergo hominum liceat paginam nostrae constitutionis prohibitionis infringere vel ei aliquatenus contraire Si quis autem hoc attentare praesumpserit indignationem omnipotentis Dei beatorum Petri Pauli Apostolorum ejus se noverit incursurum Datum Laterani tertia Idus Martii pontificatus nostri anno primo Not long after the same King procured the same Letter verbatim from Pope Coelestine in the first yeare of his Papacy But to returne to our Bishops of this See In the yeare of Grace 1306. Robert de Bruse invader of anothers kingdome and a paricide like Adonias caused himselfe to be Crowned King of Scotland in the Abbey of Schone after the manner of his Country by the Bishops of Saint Andrewes and Glascow the Abbot of Schone and other conspirators contrary to the Oath they and he had taken to King Edward the first Which was the occasion of a bloody warre as you may read more at large in our Historians Anno 1445. The Earle of Dowglas who ruled wholly about King Iames the second set the Earle of Crawford against the Bishop of Saint Andrewes called Iames Kenedy Sisters sonne to King Iames the first who tooke a great prey out of the Bishops Lands in Fiffe Whereupon the Earle of Crawford on the one part and the Earle of Huntly with the Ogilinde on the other met at Arbroth in set battle where the Earle of Crawford and 600. more on both sides were slaine King Iames the second Anno 1454. by the advise of this Bishop dispatched out of the way such as he any wayes mistrusted of which number was the Dowglasses whose puissance and authority not without cause he evermore suspected he turned the Earle of Angus and divers of the Dowglasses blood that were of their faction from them and made them to revolt from the other confederates so as in the end he had them all at his pleasureâ— Anno 1462. All things at that season were ordered by the advice and Counsell of this Bishop who governed the Realme of Scotland as well during the minority of Iames the third as also in the dayes of his Father King Iames the second And was the occasion of many tumults and warres therein The Scotsâ—eeking â—eeking meanes to rid thâ—mselves from subjection of the Bishop of Yorke who was anciently the Metropolitane of Scotland did in the yeare of Christ 1474. obtaine of the Pope that they might have a Metropolitane See within themselves by reason of the continuall warres which were betweene the two Nations during which they could neither use appellations to their Metropolitane nor have other Bishops consecraâ—ed Whereupon the Pope erected the Church of Saint Andrewes into an Arch-Bishopricke in the time of King Iames the third touching which thus writeth Lesleus li. 8. p. 317. Hoc anno which was the yeare of Christ 1474 Patricius Grahamus sedis Andreapolitanae Ecclesiae Episcopus crebris literis ac nuntiis a Papa efflagitavit ut Metropolitana potestas in divi Andreae civitate figeretur iniquum esse enim contendit ut Scoti ab Eboracensi Episcopo tanquam primate penderent cum propter crebra bella quibus se Scoti Angli mutuo lacessunt Scotis ad illum non pateretur tutus accessus nec liberum jus praesertim in appellationibus Annuit summus Pontifex ut Andreapolitano deinceps Episcopo potestas Metropolitana incumbat dies indulto Pontifici promulgandi mense Septembri dicta est atque maxima populi nobiliumque laetitia celebrata Episcopi reliqui Grahami odio flagrantes illius authoritatem repudiant Regisque animum ingenti pecunia which was as other Authours say eleven thousand Markes occupant ne Grahami partibus studeret Interea praesules Romam mittunt qui sui defensionem contra Grahamum suscipiunt But in the end they did not prevaile Graham was made Arch bishop Patricke Graham being Bishop of Saint Andrewes and the first Archbishop of that See was after his advancement to that title deprived in this sort In the yeare of Christ 1477â— Pope Xistus the fourth of that name sent a Legate called Husman into Scotland which should displace this Patricke the Archbishop of Saint Andrewes condemned by the sentence of the Pope and the Cardinals for an Heretique Schismaticke Simonicke Whereupon he was deprived of all Ecclesiasticall dignity and commanded to perpetuall Prison In whose place was William Schewes chosen to whose custody and disposition this Patricke was committed after which Graham being removed for his safe imprisonment first to Saint Colmes Isle then to Dumfermling and lastly to Lochelevine there in the end he dyed and was buryed in Saint Sarffis or Servimanus Isle in Lochelevine after that he had beene three yeares Arch Bishop William Schewes being created Archbishop of Saint Andrewes in the yeare of Christ 1478. as some have or 1479â— as others have it in the Holy-Rood House in Edenburgh in the presence of King Iames and many of the Nobility received the Pall as the ensigne of his Metropolitane power being declared Legate and
got him to Edenburgh and assisted with many Lords kept the Queene and her husband out of that Towne whereby great dissention and part-taking was raised amongst the Nobility of the Realme But as I gather peace being made betweene them he was againe made Chancellor After this in the yeare of Christ 1515. he commeth with the Earle of Arrane who submitteth himselfe to the Governour Shortly following the Governour gave to this Archbishop of Glascow the Abbey of Arbroth assigning to the Earle of Murrey a large pension out of the same which Bishop being thus in favour with the Governour was in the yeare of Christ 1517. in May when the Governour went into France appointed amongst others to have the Rule of the Realme untill his returne Two yeares after which the Nobility being divided about the quarrell of the Earle of Angus and Arrane this Bishop in the yeare of Christ 1519. being then also Chancellor with other Noblemen of the Realme kept the Towne of Glascow but after that this Chancellour who would not come to Edenburgh the King of England and of France their Embassadors came to Sterling where a peace was proclaimed amongst the Nobility But what can long continue in one stay or what peace will be long embraced amongst ambitious mindes sith in the yeare following being the yeare of Christ 1â—20 the Noblemen â—ell againe to factions For when divers of the Peeres were come to Edenburgh to aide the Earle of Angus against the Earle of Arrane this Chancellor remaining then in the Towne they pursued the Earle and Chancellour so hotly that they were both constrained to forsake the Towne and to fly through the North locke about the thirteenth day of Aprill But as the events of quarrels be doubtfull now up now downe so this Archbishop not long aâ—ter this disgrace recovered breath and in November following did accompany the Regent come out of France to Edenburgh where was a Parliament holden to summon the Earle of Angus to appeare but he refusing it was agreed that the Earle should passe into England there to remaine The Bishop thus having the better of his enemies Andrew Forman Bishop of Saint Andrewes dyed in the yeare 1522 being about the ninth yeare of Iames the first by occasion whereof this Chancellor Iames Beton Bishop of Glascow was advanced to that See and â—urther made Abbot of Dumfermling Upon which new honour in the yeare of Christ 1524. He was appointed one of the Governours of the Realme by Parliament but he not possessing this honour any long time the Earle of Angus who had gotten the King into his usurped government and denyed the delivery of the King being sent for by this Bishop and the other Nobility sent to the Chancellor for the greaâ— Seale which was delivered to the Messengers upon which this Bishop not forgetting the same hastened the sentence of divorce sued before him between the Queen and the Earle of Angus Whereof the Earle to revenge the same did with the King in the yeare of Christ 1526. seeke for the Queene and the Bishop of Saint Andrewes but because they were kept secretly in their friends houses so that they could not be heard of He spoyled the Abbey of Dumfermling and the Castle of Saint Andrewes taking away all that the Archbishop had Notwithstanding which the Archbishop keeping in favour with the old Queene and the young King did in the yeare of Christ 1529 and in the sixteenth yeare oâ— James the fifth Christen James the Kingâ— Sonne boâ—ne at Saint Andrewes and not long after surrendred his Soule to God Anno 1542. Immediately after the death of James the fifâ—h of Scotland David Beton Cardinall and Archbishop of Saint Andrewes the speciall Minister and factor of the French causes to the advancement and continuance thâ—reof â—orged a Will of the late King departed in which amongst other things he established himselfe chiefe Regent The Protestants to whom this Cardinall was ever a cruell enemy and sharpâ— scourge espyed forth his unjust dealing in this behalfe and thereupon set the Earle of Arran against him who by the helpe of his owne and â—heir friends he removed the Cardinall and his adherents from their usurped roome and Authority and therewith was the said Earle proclaymed Protector and Governour of the Realme The next yeare at a Convention of the Lords at Edenburgh this Archbishop was put in ward in the Castle of Dalkish lest he should goe about to perswade the Nobility not to consent to the Governours desires and the King of Englands match propounded to the Scottish Queene Which match of Prince Edward with Queene Mary of Scotland though concluded on by a Parliament in Scotland this Archâ—ishop Beton hindred fâ—aring lest Scotland should change the Church Orders and reforme Religion as England had begun to doe Whereupon ensued divers Commotions in Scotland and a bloody Warâ—e King Henry the eighth sending an Army into Scotland upon this breach and occasion on the one side and the Pope and French King sending aide to this Cardinall Archbishop and his faction on the other side After this this Archbishop he was removed to his owne Castle of Saint Andrewes with Warders about him to see him safely kept Anno 1â—44 The Patriarch of Hierusalem arriving in Scotland he was honorably received by this Cardinall Arch Prelate and the Bishops of Scotland into the City of Glascow during whose abode there great contentions arose betweene this Arch Prelate and the Archbishop of Glascow who should in that City be of greatest authority and honour Which in the end came to this issue that both families fell together by the â—ares which of them should goe before with his Crosse borne upright For the Cardinall Archbishop of Saint Andrewes and Primate of the Kingdome did affirme that the Archbishop of Glascow should not have his Crosse borne in his owne Church so long as he was present Which the servants of the Archbishop of Glascow tooke so in disdaine that they plucked downe the Cardinals Crosse and threw it to the ground Whereupon the Governour understanding the whole matter and that it was now come from words to swords made haste to appease the factious commotion and caused the Patriarch therewith to be brought to Edenburgh accompanyed with the Clergy and so appeased the controversie That done the Patriarch the Popes Legate comming to Rome procured the â—egantine power to be granted to the Cardinall which he long enjoyed not For being greatly envyed by reason of these honours and some grievous facts by meanes whereof there fell continuall dissentions betweene the Nobility which ended not till this Cardinall was slaine who corrupting his Keepers whiles he was imprisoned in Saint Andrewes Castle he found meanes to escape thence and in the yeare 1543. he came to the Coronation of the young Queene and shortly after perswaded the Earle of Arrane the Governour to leave the part of â—he King of England and wholly to become French At the Coronation the
I trow that God would commend his Priests if they woulden forsake worldly Lordships and holden them apayd with lifelot and with cloathing and busie them fast about their heritage of Heaven And God saith Numer 18. That is You shall have no inheritance in their Land nor have no part amongst thâ—m I will be your part and inheritance amongst the children of Israel Deut. 18. The Priests and Levites and all that be of the same Tribe shall have no part nor inheritance with the rest of Israel because they shall eate the Sacrifices of the Lord and his oblations and they shall take nothing of the possession of their Brethren The Lord himselfe â—s their possession as he spake unto them And the fourteenth chapâ—er of Luke Even so every one of you which forsaketh not all that he possesseth cannot be my Disciple And Ierome in his 14 Epistle hath the like words And Bernard in his 20 Booke to Eugenius the Pope And aâ—so Hugo in his booke De Sacramentis the second part of his second booke the 7 chapter And also in the 12. q. first chapter Duo sunt and in the chapter Clericus And againe Bernard in sermone de Apostolis upon this place Ecce nos reliquimus omnia Behold we leave all c. Chrysostome upon the Gospell of Saint Matthew c. Walter Brute this Swinderbyes Disciple was Articled against before the Prelates for maintaining the same positions his Master did namely That all Priests are of like power in all points notwithstanding that some of them are in this world of higher dignity degree or preheminence And touching the wealth and Temporalties of Prelates and Clergy men and the taking away of tbem he thus concludes in his Examination before the Bishop of Hereford As touching the taking away of temporall goods from those that are Ecclesiasticall persons offending habitualiter by such as â—re temporall Lords I will not affirme any thiâ—g to be lawfull in this matter as in other matters before that is not agreeable to charity And that because it is a hard matter for a man to take another mans goods from him without breaking of charity because peradventure hee that taketh away is the more moved to such manner of taking away by reason of the desire he hath to those goods which he endureth to take away or else because of some displeasure or hatred to the person from whom he goeth about to take away those goods more then that he from whom those goods be takâ—n â—â—ould be amended Therefore unlâ—sse he that taketh away be onely moved of charity to the taking away of such goods â— dare not affirme that such taking is lawfull And if such taking away proceed of charity I dare not judge it unlawfull because that the Bishop of Rome which received his temporall dominion of the Empeâ—our when the Emperour rebelled and was not obedient unto him deprived him from his tâ—mporall jurisdiction How much more then may temporall Lords doe the same which have bestowed upon them many temporall Dominions and Lordships onely to the intent that they might the better intend to serve God and keâ—pâ— his Commandâ—ments Now if they perceive that they be against the Lawes of God and that they be oveâ— busily occupied about wordly matters I cannot see but that they may well enough take from them those temporall goods which to a good purpose they gavâ— them But if in time to come after this those that beâ— temporall Lords shall take from Ecclesiasticall persons such temporalties let him that desireth to understand this read the Prophet Ezâ—kiel in the chapter of the shepheards of Israel which fed themselves in stead of their flock and so let him read the Apocalyps of the fall of Babylon Let him also read the Popes Decretalâ— against Hereticks and in those he shall find that the taking away of the temporalties from the Clergy shall come to pasâ—e for the multitude of their sinnes This opinion That the temporall Lords might tâ—ke away the temporall goods from Churchâ—â— offending habitually wâ—s likewise maintained about the same time by Nicholas Hereford Philip Râ—â—â—ington John Asâ—â—on and generally by all the Wicklivists of that age and that without any danger at all of sacriledge or sinne with Walter Brute his limitations which opinion the Lordly Prelates of England 〈◊〉 very importunate to cause them to recant by force and flattery William Thorpe a Martyr in Henry the fourth his raigne averred That the covetousnesse of Priests and pride and the boast that they have and make of their dignity and power destroyeth noâ— onely the vertues of Priesthood in Priests themselves but also over this it stirreth God to take great vengeance both upon the Lords and upon the Commons which suffer these Priests charitably Whereupon Arundel the Archbishop said to him Thou judgest every Priest proud that will not goe arayed as thou doest by God I deeme him to be more meek that goeth every day in a Scarlet gowne then thou in thy thredbare blew gowne Whereby knowest thou a proud man And hee said Sir a proud Priest may be knowne when he denyeth to follow Christ and his Apostles in wilfull poverty and other vertues and coveâ—eth worldly worship and taketh it gladly and gathereth together with pleading menacing or with flattering or with Simony any-worldly goods and most if a Priest â—usy him not cheifly in himselfe and after in all other men and women after his cunning and power to withstand sinne And finally he adds that the viciousnesse of these foresaid named Priests and Prelates hath been long time and yet is and shall be cause of wars both within the Realme and without and in the same wise these unable Priests have been and yet are and shall â—e chiefe cause of pestilence of men and murren of beasts and the barrennesse of the earth and of all other mischiefes to the time that Lords and Commons able them through grace to know and to keep the Commandements of God inforcing them then faithfully and charitably by one assent to redresse and make one this foresaid Priesthood to the wilfull poore meeke and innocent living and teaching specially of Christ and his Apostles So hee Iohn Purvey a Martyr about the same time in a Treatise of his declared how the King the Lords and Commons may without any charge at all keepe fifteene Garrisons and find 15900 Souldiers having sufficient Lands and revenues to live upon out of the temporalties gotten into the handâ— of the Clergy and â—ained religious men which never doe thaâ— which pertaineth to the office of Curats to doe nor yet to secular Lords And moreover the King may have every yeare 20000 pound to come freely into his coffers and above also he may finde or sustaine fifteene Colledges more and 15000. Priests and Clarks with sufficient living and an hundred Hospitals for the sick and every house to have a hundred Markes in Lands And all this may they take
Oxford William Cliffe Geoffry Dowes Robert Oking Ralph Bradford Richard Smith Simon Mathew Iohn Pryn William Buckmaster William May Nicholas Wotton Richard Cox Iohn Edmunds Thomas Robertson Iohn Baker Thomas Barret Iohn Hase Iohn Tyson Doctors and Professors in Divinity and of the civill and Canon Law with the whole Convocation House and Clergy of Enland in their Booke intituled The Institution of a Christian man dedicated by them to King Henry the eight Printed Cum Privilegio subscribed with all their names and ratified by the Statute of 32. Henry the eight cap. 26. chap. Of the Sacrament of Order fol. 48. c. And King Henry 8. himselfe in his Booke inscribed A necessary erudition for any Christian man published with the advise and approbation of all the Prelates Clergy of England in their Convocation and of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and nether House of Parliament with the Kings owne royall Epistle to all his loving Subjects before it Anno 1545. by vertue of the Satute of 32 Henry the eight c. 26. Chap. of the Sacrament of Order Doe all thus joyntly determine of the calling jurisdiction Lordlinesse and secular imployments of Bishops The truth is that in the New Testament there is no mention made of any degrees or distinctions in Orders but onely of Deacons and Ministers and of Priests or Bishopâ— And of these two Orders onely that is to say Priests and Deacons Scripture maketh expresse mention and how they were conferred of the Apostles by Prayer and imposition of their hands And to these two the Primitive Church did add and conjoyne certaine other inferior and lower degrees And as concerning the office and duty of the said Ecclesiasticall Ministers the same consisteth in true preaching and teaching the word of God unto the people iâ— dispensing and ministring the Sacraments of Christ in consecratingâ— and offering the blessed body and blood of Christ in the Sacrament of the Altar in loosing and assoyling from sinne such persons as be sorry and truely penitent for the same and excommunicating such as bâ— guilty in manifest crimes and will not be reformed otherwise and finally in praying for the whole Church of Christâ— and specially for the flocke committed unto them And although the office and ministry of Priests and Bishops stand câ—iefly in these things before rehearsed yeâ— neither they nor any of them may exercise and execute any of the same offices but with such sort and such limitation as the Ordinances and Lawes of every Christian Realme doe permit and â—uffer It is out of all doubt that there is no mention made neither in Scripture neither in the writings of any authentical Doctâ—r or Author of the Church being within the time of the â—postles that Christ did ever make or institute any distinction or difference to be in the preheminence of power order or jurisdiction between the Apostleâ— themselves or between the Bishops themselves but that they were all â—quall in power authorâ—ty and jurisdâ—ctâ—on And that there is now and since the time of the Apostles any such diversity or difference among the Bishops It was devised by the ancient Fathers of the Primitive Church for the conservation of good order and unity of the Catholique Church and that either by the consent and authority or else at least by the permâ—ssion and suffâ—rance of the Prâ—nces and civill powers for the time ruling For the said Fathers considering the great and infinite multitude of Christian men so lâ—rgely encreased through the world and taking examples of the Old Testamâ—nt thought it expedient to make an order of degrees to be among Bishops and spirituall Governours of the Church and so ordained some to be Patriarks some to be Metropolitansâ— some to be Archbishops some to be Bishops and to them did limit severally not onâ—ly their certaine Diocesse and Provinces wherein they should exercise their power and not exceed the same but also certaine bounds and limits of their jurisdiction and power c. And lest peradventure it might be thought to some persons that such authorities powers and jurisdictions as Patriarks Primates Archbishops and Metropolitans now have or heretofore at any time have had justy and lawfully over any other Bishops were given them by God in holy Scripture We think it expedient and necessary that all men should be advertised and taught that all such lawfull powers and authority of one Bishop over another were and be given to them by the consent ordinance positive lawes of men only and not by any ordinance of God in holy Scripture and all other power and authority which any Bishop hath used or exercised over another which hath not been given to him by such consent and ordinance of men as is aforesaid is in very deed no lawful power but plaine usurpation and tyranny And therefore whereas the Bishop of Rome hath heretofore claimed and usurped to be head and governour over all Priests and Bishops of the holy catholique Church of Christ by the lawes of God It is evident that the same power is utterly fained and untrue VVee thinke it convenient that all Bishops and Pastors shall instruct and teach the people committed to their spirituall charge that Christ did by expresse words prohibit that none of his Apostles nor any of their successors should under the pretence of authority of the sword that is to say the authority of Kings or any civill power in this world yea or any authority to make Lawes or Ordinances in causes appertaining â—â—to civill powers If any Bishop of what estate or dignity soâ—ver he be be he Bishop of Rome or of any other City Province or Diocesse doe presume to take upon him authority or jurisdiction in causes of matters which appertaine unto Kings and the civill powâ—rs and â—heir Courts and will maintaine or thinke that he may so doe by the authority of Christ and his Gospel although the Kings and Princes would not permit and suffer him so to doe no doubt that Bishop is not worthy to be called a Bishop but rather a Tyrant and a usurper of other mens rights contrary to the Lawes of God and is worthy to be reputed none otherwise than he that goeth about to subvert the Kingdome of Christ for the Kingdome of Christ in his Church is spirituall and not a carnall kingdome of the world that is to say the very Kingdome that Christ by himselfe or by his Apostles and Disciples sought here in this world was to bring all Nations from the carnall kingdome of the Prince of darknesse unto the light of his spirituall Kingdome and so himselfe raigne in the hearts of the people by grace faith hope and charity And therefore sith Christ did never seeke nor exercise any worldly kingdome or dominion in this world but rather refusing and flying the same did leave the said worldly governance of kingdomes Realmes and Nations to be governed by Princes and Potentates in like manner as he did finde them and commanded also his
hypocrisie might be seene Be learned therefore ye that Judge the world lest God be angry with you and ye perish from the right way Page 141. He proceeds thus When all men lose their Lands they remaine alwayes sure and in safety and ever win somewhat For whosoever conquereth other mens Lands unrightfully ever giveth them part with them To them is all things Lawfullâ— In all Councels and Parliaments are they the chiefe without them may no King be Crowned neither untill he be sworne to their Liberties All secrets know they even the very thoughts of mens hearts By them all things are ministred No King nor Realme may thorough their falshood live in peace To beleeve they teach not in Christ but in them and their disguised hypocrisie And of them compell they all men to buy redemption and forgivenâ—sse of sinnes The peoples sinne they eate and thereof wax fat The more wicked the people are the more prosperous is their common wealth If Kings and great men doe amisse they must build Abbies and Colledges meane men build Chauntries poore finde Trentalls and Brotherhoods and begging Fryers Their owne heires doe men dis-herit to endote them All Kings are compelled to submit themselves to them Read the Story of King Iohn and of other Kings They will have their causes avenged though whole Realmes should therefore perish Page 142.143 He Addes What signifieth that the Prelates are so bloody and cloathed in Red that they may be ready every houre to suffer Martyrdome for the testimony of Gods Word Is that also not a false signe when no man dare for them once to open his mouth to aske a question of Gods Word because they are ready to burne him What signifieth the Pollaxes that are borne before high Legates A Latere whatsoever false signe they make of them I care notâ— but of this I am sure that as the old hypocrites when they had slaine Christ â—et Pollaxes to keepe him in his Sepulcher that he should not rise againe even so have our hypocrites buried the Testament that God made unto us in Christs blood and to keepe it downe that it rise not againe is all their study whereof these Pollaxes are the very signe Is not that Shepheards hooke the Bishops crosse a false signe Is not that White Rotchet that the Bishop and Channons weare so like a Nunne and so effeminately a false signe what other things are their Sandals Gloves Miters and all the whole pompe of their disguising then false signes in which Paul prophesied that they should come And as Christ warned us to beware of Wolves in Lambes skins and bad us looke rather unto their fruites and deedes than to wonder at their disguisings Runne throughout all our holy religious and thou shalt finde them likewise all cloathed in falsehood Againe Page 145. He writes thus But Christ saith Mat. 7. By their fruites shalt thou know them that is by their filthy covetousnesse and shamelesse ambition and drunken desire of honour contrary unto the example and doctrine of Christ and of his Apostles Christ sayd to Peter the last chapter of Iohn Feede my sheepe and not sheare thy flocke And Peter saith 1 Pet. 5. Not being Lords over the Parishes but these sheare and are become Lords Paul saith 2 Cor. 2. Not that we be Lords over your faith but these will be Lords and compell us to beleeve whatsoever they lust without any witnesse of Scripture yea cleane conâ—rary to the Scripture when the open text rebuketh it And Page 146. saith he as for that solemne doubt as they call it whether Iudas was a Priest or no I care not what he was then but of this I am sure that he is now not onely Priest but also Bishop Cardinall and Pope Page 155. he addes Confession is there held thereby know they all secrets thereby mocke they all men and all mens wives and beguile Knights and Esquires Lord and King and betray all Realmes The Bishops with the Pope have a ceâ—taine conspiration and secret Treason against the whole world And by Confession know they what Kings and Emperours thinke If ought be against them doe they never so evill then move they their Captives to warre and to fight and give them pardons to sâ—ay whom they will have taken out of the way They have with falsehood taken from all Kings and Emperours their right and duties which now they call their Freedomes Liberties and priviledges and have peâ—verted the Ordinances that God left in the world and have made every King sweare to defend their falsehood against their own selves So that now if any man preach Gods Word truely and shew the freedome and Liberty of the Soule which we have in Christ or entend to restore the kings againe unto their duties and right and to the roome and authority which they have of God and of shadowes to make them Kings indeed and to put the world in his order againe then the Kings deliver their swords and authority unto the Hypocriteâ— to slay him So drunken are they with the wine of the whore Page 180.181.182.183 He there thus farther proceedes On the other side I have also uttered the wâ—ckednesse of the Spiritualty the falsehood of the Bishops anâ— juggling of the Pope and how they have disguised themâ—elves borrowing some of their pompe of the Jewes and some of the Gentiles and have with subtile wiles turned the obedience that should be given to Gods Ordinance unto themselves And how they have put our Gods Testament and Gods truth and set up their owne traditions and lyes in which they have taught the people to beleeve and thereby sit in their Consciences as God and have by that meanes robbed the world of Lands and goods of peace and unity and of all temporall authority and have brought the people into the ignorance of God and have heaped the wrath of God upon all Realmes and namely upon the Kings whom they have robbed I speake not of worldly things onely but â—ven of their very naturall wits They make them beleeve that they are most Christian when they live most abominably and will suffer no man in their Realmes that beleeveth on Christ and that they are defenders of the â—aith when they burne the Gospell and promises of God out of which all faith springethâ— I â—â—â—wed how they have ministred Christ King and Emperour ouâ— of their roomes and how they have made them a severall kingdome which they got at the first in deceiving of Princes and now pervert the whole Scripture to prove that they have such authority of God And lâ—st the Lâ—y-men should see how falsely they alleadge the places of the â—â—ripture is the greatest câ—use of this perâ—ecâ—tâ—on They have 〈◊〉 Confession for the same pâ—â—pose to â—â—â—â—blish tâ—eir Kingdome withall All secrets know they therebyâ— The Bishop knoweth the Confession of whom he â—usteth throughout all his Diocesse Yea and his Câ—â—ncellour commâ—â—deth the
to take this my rude Supplication to the best as a fruit of my obedience wherein I have not dissembled but have opened fully unto your Grace the ground and very bottome of my heart not of any grudge evill will or malice that I beare to any spirituall Shepheard God I take to record but onely for the glory of God the honour of your Grace and the wealth and profit of your most naturall and loving subjects Thus this namelesse Supplicant Our learned Martyr Iohn Lambert alias Nicholson Anno 1538. in his answer to his 9. and 22. Articles thus determins of the parity and identity of Bishops and Ministers As touching Priesthood in the Primitive Church when vertue bare as ancient Doctors do deeme and Scripture in mine opinion recordeth the same most roome there were no more officers in the Church of God than Bishops and Deacons that is to say Ministers as witnesseth besides Scripture full apertly Ierome in his Commentaries upon the Epistles of Paul whereas he saith That those whom we call Priests were all one and none other but Bishops and the Bishops none other but Priests men ancient both in age and learning so neere as could be chosen Neither were they instituted and chosen as they be now adayes with small regard of a Bishop or his officer onely opposing them if they can construe a Collect but they were chosen not onely by the Bishop but also with the consent of the people among whom they should have their living as sheweth Saint Cyprian And the people as hee saith ought to have power to chuse Priests that bee men of good learning of good and honest report But alacke for pity such elections are now banished and new fashions brought in which if wee should conferre with the forme of the election shewed of Christ by his Apostle Paul wee should find no small diversity but all turned upside downe In the 2â— where you demand Whether I beleeve that it is lawfull for all Priests freely to preach the Word of God or no and that in all places at all seasons and to all persons to whom they shall please although they be not sent I say that Priests are called in Scripture by two distinct words that is to wit Presbyteri and Sacerdotes The first is to say ancient men Seniors and Elders and by that word or vocable are the secular Judges or such like head officers sometimes also signified as wee read in Daniel of these that defamed and wrongfully accused Susanna but this is seldome and nothing so customeablely as those be called Presbyteri which are set to be Prelates in the Church to guide the same by the word of God and his blessed Doctrine that is the rod of direction and the foundation of Christs faith And Priests thus called Presbyteri in the Primitive Church what time weâ—e but few traditions and ordinances to let us from the straight trade or institution made by Christ and his Apostles WERE THE SAME AND NONE OTHER BUT BISHOPS as I have shewed you in the first part of mine answer by authority of Saint Hierome and Paul recordeth the same right evidently and Tit. 1. in this forme I left thee Titus said blessed Paul behind mee in Crete that thou shouldest correct or set in a due order such things as lacke or be not else perfectly framed and that thou shouldest set Priests in every Towne like as I did appoint thee such as are without reproach or blamelesse the husband of one wife having faithfull children not subject to the vice of riot or that hee be not unruly for so ought a Bishop to be c. These are not my words but of Saint Paul in the Epistle to Titus where you may see that a Priest called Presbyter should be that same that a Bishop whom he requireth a little after to be able by wholsome Doctrine of Gods Scripture to exhort the good to follow the same doctrine and those that shall speake against it to reprove them thereby And marke you how hee would have a Bishop otherwise called an ancient man and a Priest to make exhortation by holy Scripture and thereby to reprove them that shall speake against the truth not to condemne them by might or authority only or else by traditions of men made in generall Councels And as many as are these wise Priests which are called commonly Presbyteri otherwise Bishops such as in the Church are set to take cure of soules and to be spirituall Pastors ought to Preach freely the Word of God in all places and times convenient and to whomsoever it shall please them if they suppose and see that their preaching should edifie and profit And whereas you adde this particle though they were not sent I say that all such are chosen to be Preachers and therefore sent for of this speaketh S. Gregory in his Pastorals in this wiseâ— Praedicationis quippe officium suscepit quisquis ad sacerdotium accedit c. So hee who much condemned Ex Officio Oathes and proceedings the Canon Law and inequality of Bishops and Ministers as contrary to Christs institution who made all his Apostles of equall authority in his answers to the 29.30.41 and 43. Articles too large and too common to transcribe The booke intituled The Image of a very Christian Bishop and of a counterfeit Bishop written printed cum privilegio regali in Henry the eight his raigne though by the Bishops practice called in by this Kings injunctions An. 1539. with sundry other orthodoxe bookes determins thus both of the Bishops callings and practices in those times The booke being very rare I shall transcribe more of it than otherwise I would doe Over and besides this the Ministers of the Word of God are principally bound hereunto that they shall more sharpely rebuke the Bishops and the Primates of the Church than the worldly Princes and Rulers and that for many causes first because that Ecclesiasticall highnesse and dignity as it is now is not of God for God doth not acknowledge not elect this disguised and painted deceitfull people and these childish and in a manner counterfeit and Nicholaicall Bishops forasmuch as they do neither teach noâ— yet do execute any point belonging to the office of a Bishop Secondly these shadows of Bishops have not beene constituted by men but they have exalted their owne selves and they have catched unto themselves Empire Dominion and Lordships against both God and men against reason common sense or judgement after the nature and property of Tyrants which doe rule onely by the wrath and great indignation of God The Temporall or Worldly Governours and Officers are constituted by the gracious favour and mercifull ordinance of God to the chastisement and punishment of evill men and to the protection defence and maintenance of good men Besides this the worldly Governours although they do injury and wrong never so much and do unjustly and wickedly yet for
in their office as Prelates be wee should not long live for lacke of sustenance And as it is necesâ—ary to have this ploughing for the sustentaâ—ion of the body so must wee have also the other for the â—atisfaction of the soule or else we cannot live long ghostly for as the body wasteth and consumeth away for lacke of bodily meate so doth the soule pine away for want of ghostly meate And as diligently as the Husband man plougheth for the sustentation of the Body so diligently must the Prelates and Ministers labour for the feeding of the soule Both the Ploughs must still be going as most necessary for man they have great labours and therefore they ought to have good livings that they may commodiously feed their flocke for the preaching of the Word of God is called meate Scripture calleth it meate not strawburies that come but once a yeare and tarry not long but are soone gone but it is meate it is no dainties the people must have meate that must be familiar and continuall and daily given unto them to feed on c. And wherefore are Magistrates ordained but that the tranquillity of the Common-wealth may be confirmed limiting both Ploughes But now for the fault of unpreaching Prelates mee thinkes I could guesse what might be said for excusing of them they are so troubled with Lordly living they be so placed in Palaces couched in Courts ruffling in their rents dauncing in their Dominions burthened with Embassages pampering of their paunches like a Monke that maketh his Iubilee mounching in their maungers and moyling in their gay Mannors and Mansions and so troubled with loytering in their Lordships that they cannot attend it they are otheâ—wise occupied some in Kings matters some are Embassadours some of the Privie Counsell some furnish the Court some are Lords of Parliament some aree Presidents and controllers of Mints Well well Is this their duty is this their calling is this a meere office for a Priest to be controllers of Mints is this a meete office for a Priest that hath cure of soules is this his charge I would here aske a question Who controlleth the Divell at home at his Parish whiles hee controlleth the Mint If the Apostles might not leave the office of preaching to be Deacons shall one leave it for minting I cannot tell you the saying is that since Priests have beene Minters money hath beene worse than it was before And they say that the evilnesse of money hath made all things deere And in this behalfe I must speake to England Heare my Country England as Saint Paul said in 1 Cor. 6. for Paul was no sitting Bishop but a walking and a preaching Bishop Is there saith hee Congregationâ— Which hee speaketh in rebuking them â—or saith hee ad eâ—ubescentiam vestram dico I speake it to your shame So England I speake it to thy shame is there never a Nobleman to be a Lord President but it must be a Prelate Is there never a wise man in the Realm to be a Controller of the Mint I speake it to your shame I speake it to your shame If there be never a wise man make a water-bearer a tinker a cobler a slave a page controller of the Mint Make a meane Gentleman a Groome a Yeoman make a poore Begger Lord President Thus I speake not that I would have it so but to your shame Is there never a Gentleman meete nor able to be Lord President For why are noâ— the Noble men and young Gentlemen of England so brought up in the knowledge of God and in learning that they be able to execute offices in the Common-wealth the King hath a great many Wards and I heare there is a Court of Wards Why is there not a Schoole of Wards as well as there is a Court for their Lands Why are they not set to the Schooles where they may learne or why are they not sent to Universities that they may be able to serve the King when they come to age The onely cause why Noble men be not made Lord Presidents is because they have not beene brought up in learning yet there be already Noblemen enough though not so many as I could wish able to be Lord Presidents and wise men enough for the Mint and as unmeet a thing it is for Bishops to be Lord Presidents or Priests to be minters as it was for the Corinthians to plead matters of variance before heaâ—hen Judges It is also a slaunder to the Noblemen as though they lacked wisedome and learning to be able for such offices A prelate hath a charge and cure otherwise and therefore he cannot discharge his dutyâ— and be a Lord President too for a Presidentship requireth a whole man and a Bishop cannot be two men A Bishoop hath his office a flocke to teach to looke unto and therefore he canâ—ot meddle with another office which requireth an whole manâ— hee should therefore give it over to whom it is meete and labour in his owne businesse as Paul writeth to the Thessalonians Let every man doe his owne businesse and follow his calling Let the Priest preach and the Noblemen handle Temporall matters Well I would all men would looke to their duty as God hath called them and then wee should have a flourishing Christian Commonweale c. You may read all the Sermon to this purpose In the close whereof he proves the devill to be the best Bishop in England because hee alwaies followes his plough night and day is never a Non-resident and manifests our Bishops even in King Edwardâ— dayes when they were best to be as bad or worse than the Devill and chargeth the King in many of his Sermons to out with them and make them all Quondamâ— In his fift Sermon before King Edward f. 61 62. he thus prosecutes the same argument Though I say that I would wish more Lord Presidents I meane not that I would have Prelates Lord Presidents noâ— that Lord Bishops should be Lord Presidents As touching that I said my mind and consâ—ience the last yeare And although it is said Praesint it is not meant that they should be Lord Presidents the office of a Presidentâ—hip is a Civill office and it cannot be that one man shall discharge both well c. In his Sermon at Stanford p. 96. Christ was not the Emperours Treasurer therefore he meddled not with that point but left it to the Treasurer to define and determine Hee went about another vocation to preach unto the people their duty and to obey their Princes Kings Emperours and Magistrates and to bid them give that the King requireth of them not to appoint a King what hee shall require of them It is meete for every man to keepe his owne vocation and diligently walke in it and with faithfulnesse to study to be occupied in that God hath called him unto and not to be busie in that God hath not called him unto c. In his Sermon on S. Iohn Evangelists
Caesar as matters committed of trust to you by Christian Princes are nothing else but open and wifâ—ull invasions of other mens rights you changing the names and calling those things Spirituall and Ecâ—lesiasticall which indeede be civill and temporall and shouldering Priâ—ces from their cushins who first suffered Bishops to sir judges in those causes of Honour to their Persons and favour to their sunctions which on your part is but a bad requitall of their Princely graces and benefits He addes S. Paul expressely writeth of the Prince that He beareth the sword not without cause and is Gods minister to revenge him that doth evill And our Saviour severely forbiddeth Peâ—er and the rest of the Apostles to meddle with the sword All that take the sword shall perish by the sword and to them all you know that Kings of Nations raigne â—ver themâ— and they that be great exercise authority with you it shall not be so The sword is but the signe of publicke and Princely power and where the thing is not lawfull the signe is unlawfull Since then the Lord interdicteth his Apostles and messengers all Princely power it is evident the sword which is â—ut a signe thâ—reof is likewise interdicted them Thus much Bernard sticketh not to tell Pope Eugenius to his face It is the Lords voice in the Gospell Kings of Nations are Lords over them and they that have power over them are called gratious and the Lord inferreth you shall not be so It is a cleare case the Apostles are forbidden dominion Gâ— thou then saith Bernard to the Pope and usurpe if thou dâ—re either an Apostleship if thou be a Prince or dominion if thou be Apostolike Thou art expresly forbidden one of them If thou wilt have both thou shalt lose both The patterne of an Apostle is this Dominion is interdicted service is enjoyned Gird thy selfe with thy sword the sword of the spirit which is the Word of God And this Pope Nicholas fairely confesseth The Church of God hath no sword but the spirituall wherewith she quickneth shee killeth not Your owne Law saith It is easily proved of Bishops and other Clergy mâ—n whatsoever that they may not either by their owne authority or by the authority of the Bishop of Româ— take weapon in hand and excercise the materiall sword and addeth his reason For every man besides him and his authority which hath lawfull â—â—wer and which as the Apostle saith beareth the sword not without cause to whom every soule ought to be subject every man I say that without his authority taketh the sword shall perish with the sword He that beareth the sword may lawfully put malefactors to death and wage warre with his enemies when need so requireth which Bishops may not doe The weapons of our warfare are not carnall saith Saint Paul Quid Episcopis cum bello what have Bishops to doe with battle saith Athanasius and Aâ—brose Pugnâ—re non debâ—o I ought not to fight If they may not fight much lesse kill if they may do neither they cannot beare the sword which is appointed by God and received of men to do both The words of our Saviour are cleare with us for the negative My Kingdome saith hee is not of this World if then your Priests Prelates and Popes will be the servants of Christ they must challenge no worldly Kingdome as from him or in his name The servant is not above his Master If the master with his owne mouth have denyed it the servants may not affirme it or usurpe it The souldiers of Christ must not intangle themselves with secular affaires much lesse make themselves Lords and Judge of earâ—hly matters which office properly belongeth to the sword and must be sustained of all those that beare the sword The Popes themselves beâ—ore their power and pride grew so great were of this opinion with us Thus and much more Bishop Bilson to the same effect Not to trouble you with more quotations of this nature which are infinite I shall conclude onely with two more auâ—horities of men of greatest eminence and learning in our Church in Queene Elizabeths later dayes The first of them is Dr. Whitakers Regius Professor of Divinity in the University of Cambridge he in his Booke Contra Duâ—eum l. 6. sect 19. Controvers 4. De Ecclesiae regimine Quest. 1. c. 1. sect 1. 2. c. 2. sect 16. Quest. 4. c. 3. sect 25 26 27 28 29 30 31. De notis Ecclesiae qu. 5. c. 6. p 509 and Contr. 2. Concil qu. 3. c. 2. p. 586 587. reciting Saint Ieromes words at large on Titus 1. and to Euagrius concludes with him That in former times Bishops and Presbyters were all one and the same that every where a Presbyter was the same that a Bishop is that ALL Churches were not under the Government of one man but were governed by the Common Counsell of their Presbyters Ecclesiae inquit Jeronymus gubernabantur c. id est VBIQVE OMNES fuit hiâ— MOS Ecclesiarum gubernandarum That this custome was not changed by the Apostles sed POST Ecclesie judicto That Bishops are greater now than Ministers not by divine institution but custome and that humano non divino jure totum â—oc discrimen constat the whole difference betweene them is by humane not by divine Law or right That by ancient and divine right a Presbyter was lesse than a Bishop NIHILO in nothing After which he proceeds thus If the Apostles had changed that order as Sanders pretendeth what had it profited Hierome with so great diligence to have collected testimonies out of the Apostles whereby to shew that they were sometimes the same It might easily come into his memory that this order was changed by the Apostles themselves after the Church was disturbed and torne with discords But wherfore then saith Hierom Before it was said I am of Paul c. the Church was Governed by the Common Councell of Presbyters c. I answer this might deceive Sanders Hierome onely alluded to the place of the Apostle that hee might shew that schismes were the cause of changing this order as hee saith elsewhere that this was done to remedy schismes But this remedy was almost worse than the disease For as at first one Presbyter was set above the rest and made a Bishop so afterwards one Bishop was preferred before the rest and so this custome brought forth the Pope with his Monarchy by little and little and brought it into the Church Ierome so openly oppugneth the Pontificall Hierarchy that the Papists know not what to determine or answere concerning Hierome Michael Medina doubts not to affirme that Ierome was an Hereticke in this kinde and that he held the very same opinion that Aerius did verily Hierome was of the same opinion with Aerius whereby we may the lesse regard that Aerius is so often objected to us AB INSULSIS HOMINIBUS
WAS THE MOST PERNICIOVS SCHISME OF ALL OTHERS when a Divorce was made from the parity and true doctrine of the Gospell and the Spirituall Discipline of the Church changed into a kinde of Regall Authority and terrene power This I hope will abundantly answere this second Objection for Episcopacy The last Objection is this That by the Statute of 16. R. 2. cap. 5. Bishops are declared to be profitable and necessary to our Lord the King and to all his Realme and that by the removall of them the Realme should be destitute of Counsell That they are one of the greatest States of the Landâ— setled by many Acts of Parliament which cannot well be held without them That the removall of them will breede a great confusion both in the Common and Statute Law and that the King is sworne to defend and protect them to his power Therefore it must needes be dangerous and inconvenient to remove them This Objection consists of severall heads to all which I shall give a particular answer with as much brevity as may bee First for the words of the Statute of Richard the 2d. I doubt not but they were inserted into that Act by the Bishops themselves or by their procurement who ought not to be Trumpeters of their owne prayses nor witnesses in their owne cause Secondly I hope the premised Histories of their Treasons Rebellions Oppressions and desperate Counsells in all times will manifestly declare the contrary to this Act That Bishops are neither necessary nor profitable to the King nor to all his Realme but pernicious to both and that the Kingdome will be no wayes destitute of Counsell if they should â—e removed especially in our dayes when there are so many learned Lords Lawyers and Gentlemen of all sorts to Counsell and advise his Majestie in all State affaires Thirdly The Prelates in this very King Ricard the second his time were so farre from being profitable and necessary to him as their Lord and King and to all his Realme that some of them were the chiefe men that miscounselled him as appeares by the Statutâ— of 11. R. 2. c. 1â—5 6 which recites that for cause of great and horrible mischiefes and perills which were fallen by evill Governance which was about the Kings person by all his time before by Alexander late Arch-Bishop of Yorke Thomas Bishop of Chichester and other their adhaerents thereby the King and all his Realme were very nigh to have beene wholly undone and destroyed for which cause these Prelates were attainted removed from the King and their lands confiscated by this Act. And the residue of them were the principle agents that opposed deprived and thrust him as they did King Edward the second before him from his Crowne and royall dignity as appeares by the premises Now if this were to be profitable and necessary to our Soveraigne Lord the King let all men judge How necessary they were to all the Kingdome in his time let the Histories of this Kings life and the Treasons of Arch-Bishop Arundell fore related declare How well they used the people and their tenants you may see by a Commission granted about this time to enquire of â—he Bishop of Winchesters oppressions and abuses of the Kings people recorded in the Register of Writs part 2 f. 125. b. Rex Vicecomiti salutem Ex clamosis querâ—monâ—is diversorum hominum de comitatu tuo ad nostium saepius pervenit auditum quod A Episcopus Wintoniensis nec noâ— ballivi câ—nstabulariâ— alii ministri servientes ipsius Episcopi pluâ—imas diversas oppressiones extortiones duritias damna excessus gravamina intolerabilia dictis â—ominibus in diversis partibus Comitaâ—us praedicti tam infra liberâ—ates quam extra multipliciter diversimode intulerunt de die in diem inferre non desistunt plures de dictis hominibus vi armis multotiens verberando vulnerando eosque capiendo imprisonando in prisona forti dura super terram nudam absque alimento fame frigore nuditate fere ad mortem cruciando eos in prisona â—ujusmodi donec fines redemptiones ad voluntatem suam fecerint nullâ— modo deliberari permittendo nec non domos quorundam hominum hujusmodi vi armata bona catalla sua capiendo asportando eosdemque uxores servientes suos verberando vulnerando male tracâ—ando hominibus super hujusmodi duriâ—iis conqueri volentibus in tantum comminando quod iidem homines in hundredis aliis curiis dicti Episcopi vel alibi negocia sua inde prosequi metu mortis non sunt ausi alia hujusmodi mala damna excessus inhumaniter indies perpetrando in nostri dedecus contemptum populi nostri partium praedictarum destructionem depressionem manifestam unde plurimum conturbamur Nos oppressiones durâ—â—ias damna excessus ac gravamina praedicta si perpetrata fuerint nolenteâ— relinquere impunita volentesque salvationi quieti dicti populi nostri in hac parte prospicere ut tenemur assignavimus dilectis fidelibus nostris c. sciri poterit de oppressionibus extoâ—tionibus duritiis damnis gravaminibus praedictis per dictos episcopum ballivos constabularios ministros servientes suos alios quoscunque de confederatione sua in hac parte existentes qualitercunque perpetratis de praemissis omnibus singulis plenius veritatem ad querelas omnium singulorum pro nobis vel prose ipsiâ— inde conqueri prosequi volentium nec non ad praemissa omnia singula tam ad sectam nostram quam aliorum quorumcunque audiendum terminandum secundum legem consuetudinem regni nostri Angliae Et ideo tiâ—i praecipimus quod ad certos c. quos c. tibi scire facias venire facias coram c. tot tales probos legales homines de balliva tua tam infra libertates quam extra per quos rei verâ—tas in praemissis melius sciri poterit inquiri Et habeas c. For their profitablenesse and necessary use in our Church in that Kings raigne let the Statute of 5. R. 2. c. 5. surreptitiously procured by tâ—e Prelates and complained against by the Commons the next Parliament and with severall bloody persecutions of the true Christiansâ— in that age under the name of Lollards by William Caurtney Thomas Arundell and other our Prelates related at large by Master Fox in his Acts and Monuments testifie to the world For mine owne part I could never yet finde any good at all that our Lordly Prelates ever did in our Church or State quatenus Prelates If any oâ— them have done any good by their preaching and writing as some of them have which is rare I answere that the most of them who have done any good in this kind did it not as or whiles they were Pâ—elates but as or whiles they were
Privilegium meretur amittere qui abutitur potestate Now whereas some Object that if the Bishops were put out of the Upper House of Parliament the Clergie could not grant subsidies to the King I answere it is a most grosse mistake for the Clergie ever grant their subsidies in the Convocation not in the Lords house and if the Major part of the Clerkes in Convocation grant subsidies without the Bishops and then send their Bill by which they grant them to the Commons and Lords House to be confirmed as they usually doe if the Commons and Temporall Lords without the Bishops passe it this with the Kings Royall assent will binde all the Clergie and Bishops too So as their presence and votes in Parliament is no wayes necessary for the granting of Subsidies Wherefore they may be thence excluded without any prejudice to the King or Subject if not with great benefit unto both For the third clause of the Objection that the removall of them will breede a great confusion in the Common and Statute Law I answere first that the same Objection might have beene made for the continuance of the Pope and Popery yea against the severall Statutes for Creating estate Tayles levying of Fines Vses Devises Ioyntures and the like which bred greater alterations in the Common and former Statute Lawes than the removing of Bishops can doe Secondly that one Act of Parliament â—nabling certaine Commissioners to execute all those Legall Acts which Bishops usually did will prevent all this pretended confusion so that this part of the Objection is scarce worthy answere For the fourth clause that the King by his Coronation Oath is sworne to preserve to the Bishops and their Churches all their Canonicall priviledges and to protect and defend to his power the Bishops and Churches under his government I answere First that this Oath was at first cunningly devised and imposed on our Kings by our Bishops themselves out of a policy to engage our Princes to maintaine them in their usurped authority possessions and Jurisdictions which had no foundation in the Scripture and to captivate our Kings to their pleasures as the Popes by such a kind of Oath enthralled the Emperours to their Vassallage Secondly that this Oath was first invented by Popish Prelates and meant onely of them and their Popish Church and Priviledges and so cannot properly extend to our Prelates if Protestants Thirdly this Oath doth no way engage the King to defend and maintaine our Bishops if the Parliament see good cause to extirpate them For as the King and Judges who are obliged by their Oathes to maintaine and execute all the Lawes of the Realme are not bound by their Oath to continue former inconvenient Lawes from alteration or repeale or to execute them when repealed for then all ill Lawes should be unalterable and irrepealeable So the King by this his Oath is no wayes obleiged to defend protect and preserve the Bishops if there be good cause in point of piety and policy to suppresse them especially when any of them prove delinquents For as Bishops and other Subjects by their misdemeanours may put themselves out of the Kings Protection and forfeite both their goods lives and estates notwithstanding this Coronation Oath So by the same reason when Bishops and Bishoprickes by their misdemeanours prove intolerable grievances both to Church and State as now they have done they have thereby deprived themselves of the Kings Protection and deâ—ence specified in this Oathâ— and thereupon may be justly suppressed by the King and State without the least violation of this most solemne Oath as Abbots Monkes and Sanctuaries were Having thus removed all the principall Objections for the continuance of our Lordly Prelates I shall in the last place answere one Evasion whereby our present Lord Bishops thinke to shift off this Antipathy from themselves as having no relation at all to them They say that those Prelates whose Treasons Rebellions Seditions Oppressions and Antimonarchicall practises I have here collected were Popish Bishops Limbes of that body whose head they all abjure the fault of their wickednesse was in the Popery not in the Episcopacy in the men not the calling and so utterly unconcerneth them and haveth no reflection at all on them who are generally taxed for being excessive royalists and siding too much with the King and Court To this I answere first that most of all the premised rebellious disloyall seditious extravagant actions of our Bishops have proceeded from them onely as Lordly not Popish Prelates and issued from their Episcopacy not their Popery their Prelaticall functions not personall corruptions as the Histories themselves sufficiently demonstrate Secondly I answer that some of the recited Bishops were no Papists but Protestants who were no limbes of that body of Rome whose head our Bishops say they have abjured therefore it is evident that their Episcopall function not their Religion was the ground both of their disloyalties and extravagancies Thirdly I suppose our Prelates will not renounce Arch-Bishop Laud Bishop Wren Peirce Mountague and other of their fellow Bishops yet alive or lately dead as Popish Prelates and members of the Church of Rome as some account them yet their impious seditious oppressive prophane not trayterly Actions equall or exceede many of our Popish Arch-Bishops and Bishops as he that will but compare them may easily discerne It is not then the leaven of Popery but of the Lordly Prelacy it selfe which infected our Bishops and made them so treacherous and impious in all ages It is true indeed that Popery some of whose positions are treasonable and seditious and dependency upon the Pope hath made some of our Bishops more disloyall and Rebellious than otherwise they would have beene as is evident by the first proceeding of Stephen Langhton and his confederates against King Iohn but yet afterward when the Pope sided with King Iohn and Henry the third against Langton and the other Bishops who stirred up the Barons Warres these Bishops continued as trayterous and rebellious to these Kings as ever they were before whiles they adhered to the Pope and the Pope to them therefore their Hierarchy the cause of all these stirs not their Popery was the ground worke of their Treachery and enormities Now because our present Prelates boast so much of their loyalty to his Majestie whose absolute Civill Royall prerogative they have lately overmuch courted and endeavored to extend beyond due limits to the impeachment of the Lawes and Subjects hereditary liberties not out of any zeale to his Majesties service but onely to advance their owne Episcopall power and Jurisdiction and to usurpe a more than Royall or Papall authority over all his Majesties Subjects for the present and over himselfe at last I shall make bold to present them with some particular instances whereby I shall demonstrate that all or most of our present Lordly Bishops have beene more seditious contumacious disloyall and injurious to his
verdict upon an Indictment for the Kingâ— against Innovating Clergie men as they were bound to doe both in Law and Conscience Witnesse the Case of Master Aske late Recorder of Colchester Mr. Burroughs and the grand Jury of that Towne who were thus vexed for finding an Indictment against Parâ—on Newcoman for refusing to deliver the Sacrament to those who came not up to his new raile And no doubt the Bishops secret Commands and Instructions were the Originall cause that moved Sir Robert Berkely Knight one of the Judges of the Kings Bench at the Generall Sessions at Harâ—ford in Ianuary 7. 1638. to fine Mr. Henry Browne one of the grand Jury men at that Sessions and lay him in Irons one night onely for finding an Indictment for rayling in the Communion Table at Hartford Altar-wise which indictment he caused the said Brown openly to teare trample under his feete and one thaâ— stayed other indictments of this nature in high affront boâ—h oâ— Law and Justice onely to please the Prelaâ—es whose commands threates and persecutions have beene the Originall causes of most of the Judges irregular proceedings Fourteenthly They have not onely cited but censured some of his Majesties Officers in the High-Commission for executing his Lawes according to their Oath and duty as the Major of Arundell for punishing a drumken Minister and likewise ciâ—ed Mr. Staple a Justice of peace in Sussex into the High-Coâ—mission for giving in charge at the quarter Sessions his 〈…〉 against Innovations and deaucht Clergie men Fiftâ—â—nâ—hlyâ—â—hey have most unjustly caused some Posters to be â—â—opped afâ—â—r â—â—â—dicts â—ound for the plaintiffes and dammages given by â—he Jury upon â—ulâ— hearing for Actions justly broâ—ght agaiâ—s◠〈◊〉 of â—hâ—ir Officers for dafamations and other 〈…〉 so that the Plaintiffes could never get judgementâ— wâ—â—nesse â—he case of Master Bayton against Doctor Martyn Comâ—â—ssary of Tomes and others Sixteeâ—â—hly they haue caused some Solliciters Atturnies and Plaâ—nâ—iffes to be imprisoned untill they gave over such just actions as they had commenced and prosecuted against their Officeâ—s for Extortions Opressions and unjust Excommuniâ—ations witnesse the case of Ferdinando Adams whose Atturny Master Letchford was committed to the Kings Bench by Judge Iones and some other Judges only for bringing an Action of the Case against Dade the the Bishop of Norwich Commissary at Ipswich for Excommunicating him maliciously and unjustly because he reâ—used to blot out this Text of Scripture written over the Commissaries Court in Saint Maries Church in Ipswich It is written My house shall be called an house of Prayer of all Nations but ye have made it a den of theeves detaining him in prison till he gave over the prosecution and discontinued the suite sundry others having since beene served in this kinde by the Prelates sollicitation Seventeenthly They have beene the Originall occasions of the late unhappy warre and differences betweene Scotland and England which they stiled Bellum Episcopale the Bishops warre to which they liberally contributed themselves and enforced others to do the like when these differences were comprimised and this warre happily concluded in peace they were the chiefe Authors of the breach of the pacificaâ—ion formerly made and of a second warre to the great danger trouble and unsupportable charge oâ— his Majesties three kingdomes Eighteenthly they have beene the prime causes of all or most of the grievances pressures distractions Schismes in our Church and Common-weale and chiefe instruments of the unhappy breaches of our former Parliaments to the infinite prejudice both of King and Subject Ninteenthly when as they had caused the last Parliament but this to be dissolved to manifest their omnipotency disloyalty and tyranny they caused a new Convocation to be immediately assembled without a Parliament wherein they compiled and prescribed New Canons with an c. Oath tending highly to the derogation of his Majesties prerogative royall in Ecclesiasticall matters the subversion of the â—undamentall Lawes of the Realme and Liberties of the Subject the affront of Parliaments the suppression of all faithfull ministers and ayming onely at the perpetuating of their owne Episcopall Lordly power and Popish Innovations And as if this were not sufficient they tooke upon them to grant sundry subsidies without a Parliament for the maintenance of a new war against the Scots and enjoyned all Ministers to pay these Subsidies peremptorily at the dayes assigned by them under paine of present deprivation for the first default Omni Appellatione semota without any benefit of appeale one of the highest straines of tyranny and injustice that ever I have met with For which Canons Oath and Subsidies they now stand impeached by the whole house of Commons as delinquents in a high nature and are like ere long to receive condigne punishment Twentiethly it is very suspicious that they or some of them had a hand in the late dangerous Treason and Conspiracie since the first clause of the Oath of Seâ—recy administred to the Conspirators was To maintaine the Bishops in their functions and votes in Parliament and the Clergie would at their owne charge as Serjant Major Wallis confesseth in his examination maintaine a thousand horse to promote this Trayterous designe and have now as some report an hundred thousand pound ready for such a service In the twentieth one place they have oppressed and ruined divers of his Majesties Loyall Subjects Ministers and others both in their bodies estates credits families caused many thousands of them to forsake the Realme and to transport their families into forraine parts to the great decay of trade and impoverishing of the Realme In which they have done his Majestie great dis-service whose Honour and safety consists in the multitude and wealth of his people and his destruction in want of people In the twenty second ranke they have most undutifully and disloyally cast the odium of all their late Innovations in Religion their new Canons and tyrannicall exorbitant proceedings on his Majestie proclaiming it openly to the people that all they did was onely by his Majesties speciall direction and command of purpose to alienate the hearts of the people from his Majestie as much as in them lay In the twenty third place they and their Officers have sorely fleeced and impoverished his Majesties Subjects in such sort by exacted Fees and vexatioâ—s suites in their Visitations High-Commissions and other Ecclesiasticall Courts and by putting them to unnecessary costs for raising and rayling in Commâ—nion Tables and new adorning their Churches that they are unable to supply his Majesties and the Kingdomes necessities in that liberall proportion as they have formerly done the late Subsidies scarce amounting to halfe that summe as they did in former times Finally in their last High-Commission Paâ—ent they obtained this strange Non-obstante which robs the King of his Supremacy and the Subjects of their Lawes and Liberties namely That their Lordships in all Ecclesiasticall causes specified in that Commission might proceede in a meere arbitrary manner as
this too much both to be Traytors to your King and also to faine God to be displeased with your King for punishing of Treason Finally to make him a Saint and also that God had done miracles to the defending of his Treason How is it possible to invent a more pestilent Doctrine than this is Here is Gods Ruler despised and hereby is open Treason maintained Thinke you that God will shew miracles to fortifie these things But no doubt the Proverbe is true Such lippes such Lettuce such Saints such miracles Fifthly in persisting most peremptorily in Treasons Rebellions contests and Conspiracies against their Princes without yeelding or intermission till they had obtained their demaunds and desires of them insteed of craving pardon of them all which the premises evidence to the full in Anselme Becket Langton Stafford and others Sixthly in enforcing their Soveraignes against whom they conspired rebelled and practised divers horrid Treasons and Contumacies to submit nay seeke to them for pardon and to undergoe such sharpe censures such â—orbid infamous harsh punishments covenants and conditions as are inconsistent with Monarchy honour Soveraignty as in the case of Henry the seâ—cond King Iohn and others In these sixe respects our Lordly Bishops have transcended all other Traytors Rebels Conspirators and Seditious persons whatsoever as also in Censuring Loyalty for Heresie true Subjects to their Princes for Heretickes and Canonizing High Treason Rebellion against Emperours Kings Princes for Orthodox faith notorious Traytors and Rebels for good Christians and true beleevers as appeares in the Case of Hildebrand and his Hellish crew of Bishops who branded Henry the Emperour and those who sided with him for Heretickes and their Loyalty for Heresie in the Case of Henry the second and King Iohn in their difference with Anselme Becket and Langhton In imitation of whom our present Prelates now slander those who oppugne aâ—d withstand their encroachments upon the Kings prerogative Royall with odious termes of Puritans Novellers Seditious persons Schismatickes Rebels and brand Loyalty and true allegiance to the King with the termes of Faction Schisme Sedition Novelty and Rebellion You have seene now a large Anatomy of our Lordly Prelates desperate Treasons Conspiracies Rebellions Contumacies Warres disloyall oppressive practises in all ages against our Kings Kingdomes Lawes Liberties which duly pondered we may easily conclude there is little cause any longer to tolerate them in our Church or State but great ground eternally to extirpate them out of both It is storyed of the people of Biscany in Spaine That they have such a naturall enmity against Bishops that they will admit no Bishops to come among them and that when Feâ—dinand the Catholicke came in Progresse into Biscany accompanyed with the Bishop of Pampilone the people rose up in Armes drove backe the Bishop out of their Coast and gathering up all the dust they thought he or his Mule had trod on threw it into the Sea with curses and imprecations I dare not say that our people should rise up in Armes like these Biscaners and drive out our Bishops God forbid any such Tumultuous or Seditious practise but this I dare confidently averre that his Majestie and our High Court of Parliament have farre greater reason to drive and extirpate them out of our Realme and Church even with curses and execrations and to subvert their Sees in an orderly just and legall way than these Biscaners had to repulse this Bishop who entered thus into their Country onely to accompany Ferdinand in his progresse not to play the Lord Bishop among them I shall close up all with the words of Musculus a Learned forraigne Protestant Divine who after he had largely proved by Scriptures and Fathers That Bishops and Presbyters by Divine right are both one and of equall authority and that the difference betweene them was onely a humane institution to prevent Schismes concludes thus Whether oâ— no this Counsell hath profited the Church of God whereby such Bishops who should be greater than Presbyters were introduced rather our of Custome that I may use the words of Hierome than out of the truth of the Lords institution is better declared in after ages than when this custome was first brought in to which we owe all that insolency opulency and tyranny of Princely and Lordly Bishops imo omnem corruptionem Ecclesiarum Christi yea all the corruption of the Churches of Christ which if Hierome should now perceive without doubt he would acknowledge this not to be the Counsell of the Holy-Ghost to take away Schismes as was pretended but of the Devill himselfe to waste and destroy the ancient Offices of feeding the Lords â—locke by which it comes to passe that the Church hath not true Pastors Doctors Elders and Biâ—hops but Idle bellies and magnificent Princes under the vizors of these names who not onely neglect to feede the people of the Lord in proper person with wholesome and Apostolicall doctrine but also by most wicked violence take speciall care that no man else may doe it This verily was done by the Counsell of Satan that the Church in stead of Bishops should have powerfull Lords and Pâ—inces elected for the greatest part out of the Order of the Nobles and Princes of the world as they are in Germany who under-propped with their owne and their kindreds power may domineer over the flocke of Christ at their pleasâ—re And with the complaint of the Emperour Lewis the fourth and the German Princes against the Italian and German Lordly Prelates which I may justly accomodate to ours Flamines isti Babyloniae soli regnare cupiunt ferre parem nâ—n possunt non desistent donec omnia pedibus suis conculcaverint atque in Templo Dei sâ—deant extâ—llanturque supra omne id quod colitur Sub Pontificis titulo pastoris pelle lupum saevissimum nisi caeci sumus sentimus Cum nostri servi sint ipsi dominari contra jus gentium adversus leges auspicia Oracula divina Dominos sibi servire volunt Caesarem Italia Roma Christum terris exclusere illi coelum quidem permittunt inferos atque terras sibi asseruere Bernard Epist. 158. Quid spirituali gladio quid censurae Ecclesiasticae quid Christianae legi Disciplinae quid denique divino timori relinquitur si metu potentiae secularis nullus muâ—ire jam audeat contra insolentiam Praelatorum FINIS Kind Reader I shall desire thee to rectiâ—ie these Presse-Errours which in my absence in the Country hapned in many Copies in some Pages of the first and Second Part besides those forementioned after the Table of Chapters In the first Part. PAge 8. l. 6. departing p. 10. l. 5. their this p. 11. l. 28. largely latelyâ— p. 16. l. 1. delâ— as p. 24. l. 2. we â—e p. 25. l. 3. marred l 29. Kings p. 53. l. 40. dele thâ— p. 62. l. 13. and the p. 63. l. 30. still stile pâ— 64. l. 16. be he p 70. l. 3. his
Abstract of certaine Acts of Parliamenâ— The Demonstration of Discipline M. Cartâ—rights reply Marâ—in Marprâ—latâ— and others 39 RICHARD BANCROFT * In his Sermon at Pauls Crosse by D. Reynolds in his letter to Sr. Francis Knoles * Martyns Chron. p. 793. p. 48 49. * In his certaine grievances well worthy the consideration of the right honourable Court of Parliament p. 14 15. 40 GEORGE ABBOT 41 AVGVSTINE * See Antiq. Eccles Brit. p. 15. to 45. 1. to 7. Fox Acts monuments p. 149. to 156. Malmesde gestis Pontif. l. 1. William Harrisons Description of England l. 2. c. 1.2 * See Greg. Epist. l. 11. epist. 36.44 and Morney his mystery of iniquity Sect. 22. p. 116 117. * Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 4 5 6 7. Matth. Westm. An. 603. p. 204 205 206. Beda Eccles. hist. l. 2. c. 21 22. Fox Acâ—â— and Monuments p. 153 154. Polichron l. 5. c. 19. f. 194 195. Fabian part 5. c. 109 110. Malmesb. l. 5. de Regibus Hâ—â—ricâ— Spelmanâ—â— concilia tom 1. p. 104. to 112. Godwinâ— catalogue of Biâ—hops p. 5 6. Iacob Vsserius de Britannicarum Ecclesiarprimâ—rdiis pag. 133 9â—2.1157 Malmes de gestis regum Aâ—gliâ— l. 1. c. 3. * Epitom Chron. * Amandus Xiâ—â—ixiensis * Antiq. Eccles. â—rit p. 4 5. where hee notably inveighs against ceremomonies and the â—igorous presâ—â—ng of them 42 WILIAM LAUD * Sunday no Sabbath p. 2.43 44. Altare Christianum * See D. Râ—â—naldâ— conference with Haâ—â— c. 6. Divil 3. p. 210. to 218. Christopher Câ—rlilâ— his St Peters life and peregrination proving that Peter was never at Romeâ— M. Bâ—rnard his fabulous foundation of the Popedome * See M. Râ—usâ— his speech to the Lords at the Transmission of M. Smarts cause Mr. Pimmes Speech See thâ— Charge of the Scâ—ttish Commissioners against Canterbury * Which Doctor Pierce Bishop of Bath and Welâ— in his speech to hiâ— Clergy to set on this contribution stiled Bellum Episcopale adding that whatâ—â—ver his Majesty had expressed in his Declarationâ— tâ— be the cause of this warrâ— yet in truth this warre is FOR VS Bishopsâ— Chaptâ—â— 7. * The Relation of his Confâ—rence with Fisher p. 132.142.296 â—â—8 301 * Relation of his Conferencâ— with Fiâ—â—er p. 270. * Ibidem p. 384.385 * See Antiq. Eccles Brit. p. 8. Godwin p. 8. Malmesbur dâ— Gestis Pontif. lib. 1. p. 196. Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 14.15.17 Godwin p. 11. THEODORUS Malmesbur de Gestis Pontif. Angl. l. 3. p 261.262 BIRHTUALDUS * Malmes de Gestis Pontif. l. 3. p. 263. to 266. Antiq. Eccl. Briâ— p. 17.18.19 TATWIN * Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 21. Godwin Pag. 13. * Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 22.24 CUTBERT LAMBERT * Matth. Westm. An. 765. p. â—76 Malmesburiensiâ— De gestis Pontif. l. 1. p. 198 199. Ant. Ecclâ—s Brit. p. 26.29 Godwin p. â—5 ATHELARDUS * Antiq. Eccles. Brit. p. 27 to 34. Malmes de Gestis Pontif l. 1. p. 199. Matth. West An. 1267. p. 292. Godwin p. 16. * Epistola ad Hegibaldum Episc. Ant. Eccles. Brit. p. 31. * Beda Eâ—el Hist. l. 2. c. 3. Antiqu. Ecclâ—s Brit. p. 7. * Camdeâ—s Britannia p. 460. ELNOTHVS Speed Hist. l. 8. â— 4. p. 484.496 Holinshed History of England l. 7. c. 13. p. 182 * William Hâ—â—rison Description of England â— 132.133 We have seene the like of late iâ—â— like prelaâ—icall quarrell * I would oâ—â— secular Lordly Prelates would consider this * William Harrison Description of England pag. 134 135. * Sermo 1. in convers S. Pauli super Cant. Sermâ— 77. Hee writes it principally of the Popes of Rome but t is as true oâ— the Popes of Canterbury * Rev. 18.19.21 * Rev. 1â— â— Sylâ—â—sâ—â—r â—â—ralduâ— 1 WILFRID * Will Malâ—sb de Gestâ—s Pontif. l. 3. p. 260. to 266. Antiquâ—t Eccâ—â—s Brit. p. 14. to 19. Godwin p 560 561 562. Math Westm. Anno 672. Florentius Wigorniensis An. 677 6â—5 Holinshed hist. of Brit. l. 5. c 34.35 36. l 6 c. 2. Henrici Spelm. Concil Tom. 1. p. 146 147 149 157.161 162 163 178 179 200 to 206. Antiqu Eccâ—es Brit p 47. * Matth Wesâ—m Anno 673. Henriâ—i Spelm. Coâ—cil Tom. 1. p. 153. * Matb Westm. An 872. Godwin p. 566. 2 VLFERUS Malmsb. de Gestis Pontif. l. 3. p 269. Godwin p 567. Holinâ—hed Hist. of England l. 6. c. 23. p. 158. Math. Wâ—stm Ann. 951.953 3 WOLSTAN * Math. Westm. Hovâ—den Florentius Wigorniâ—sis An. 951 952 953. * Holinshed hist. of England l. 6. c. 25. p. 162. 4 OSVVALD 5 ELFRICK Malmsb. de Gestis Pontif. p 270 271. Godwin p 570. Florentius Wigoâ—niensis An. 1040 1041. Math Westm. An 1040 Holinsheds Hist. of England l. 7. c 15. p. 185. Speed p. 407â— 6 ALDREDUS * Will Malmsb. de Gestâ—s Pontif. l. 3. p. 271. Godwin p. 571. to 574. Speed p. 419. Polichroâ— l. 7. c. 27 28. l. 7. c. 1. Math. Wâ—stm Ann. 1071. Wigâ—rniensis An. 106â— Holinshed â—ist of England l 8. c. 8. p. 196. 7 THURSTAN * Polichron l. 7. c. 15. Malmsbâ— de Gestis Ponti l. 3. p. 274 275. Antiqu. Eccles. Brit. p. 112 113. Eadmerus hist. Novorum l 5 6. p. 117. to 138. Godwin p. 579.580.981 Walfingh and Holtnshed p. 41 42 49. 8 MURDAC * Nenbrigâ—nsis hist. l. 1. c. 17. Godw. p. 582. 9 PLANTAGINET * Godw. p. 587 588 Neubrig l. 4. c. 17. Matâ— Paris hist Maior p. 146.157 134 212 222 Holinshed p. 143 147 163 170. * Matth. Westm. Anno 1207. * Holinshed p 147. 10 GODFREY DE KINTON Godwin p. 594. * Godw p. 596. See 21. Ed. 1. â—n the Fleas of the Parliament plac 17. Dorsâ—clauso p. 21. E. 1. m. 3. 11 IOHN ROMAN * Godw. p. 597.598 12 THOMAS DE CORBRIDGE Walsingâ— hist. Angliae pâ— 110 111. Holinsh. 348. 13 WILLIAM DE MELTON * Holinshâ—d hist. of Scot. p. 222. 14 ALEXANDER NEVEL * Godwin p. 601 602 Grafton p. 375. Holiâ—shed p. 458 460 463 464. Walsingh hist Ang p 354 368. Speeds p. 748 749. * Alexan. Nevel â—roditorâ— â—usurâ—one translato adâ— Episcopatum S. Andrâ—ae in Scotia Hist. Ang. p. 368. 15 THOMAS ARUNDEL Godwin p. 603â— Graâ—ton p. 382. Walsâ—â—gh hist. Ang. p 386 392 393. Yâ—â—dig Naâ—st p. 151. * Holinshed p 488. * Holinshed p. 503. * Godwin p. 604 605 606. Polychron lib 8. c. 10. f 326. Walsingh Ypodigm Nâ—ust Aâ— 1405â— f. 168.170 Caxton pars 7. Hâ—n 4. p. 430. Stow Martin Fabian An. 6. Hen. 4. Speeds Hist. l 9. c. 14. p. 775. sect 43. Halls Chron. par 1. An. 6. H. 4. f. 25. Walsingh hist. Angliae p. 416 417. Holinshed p. 522.529 530. 16 RICHARD SCROOPE Stamford Plecs of the Crowne l. 3. c. 1. f. 153. a Cromptons Iâ—risdiction of Courtsâ— f. 12. b. Pag. 430. * Walsingh hist. Ypodigm An. 1406. p. 170. * An 6. Hâ—â— 4. f. 25. 17 IOHN KEMP Holinshâ—d p. 620â— to 627. 18 GEORGE NEVILL Godwin p. 609 610 611 Halls Chron. An. 8
to the French King and the Germans to stirre them up to make warre against King Henry the 8. and to invade England though with ill successe The King thereupon requested thâ—m to send him over into England that he might proceed against him as a Traytor He was intimate with the Pope studied to advance his power and suppresse his Soveraignes stirred up his friends in England against the King by his letters whereupon the King banished both him and his mother the Countesse of Salisbury by Act of Parliament proclaymed him a Traytor whence Father Latimer in his 5. Sermon before King Edward calls him Cardinall Poole the Kings Traytor c. and after that be headed his mother and elder brother Vicount Mountacute for high treason What manner of person and Traytor this Cardinall was to his Soveraigne will appeare by a Letter written to him being at Rome by Cutbert Tonsiall Bishop of Duresme and Iohn Stokerley Bishop of London which begins thus For the good will that we have borne unto you in times past as long as you continued the Kings true subject wee cannot a little lament and mourne that you neither regarding the inestimable kindnesse of the Kings highnesse heretofore shewed unto you in your bringing up nor the honour of the house that you be come of nor the wealth of the Country that you are borne in should so decline from your duty to your Prince that you should be seduced by faire words and vaine promises of the Bishop of Rome to wind with him going about by all meanes possible to pull downe and put under foot your naturall Prince and Master to the destruction of the Country that hath brought you up and for the vain-glory of a Red Haâ— to make your selfe an instrument to set forth his malice who hath stirred up by all meanes that he could all such Christian princes as would give eares unto him to depose the Kings highnesse from his Kingdome and to offer it as a prey to them that should execute his malice and to stirre if he could his subjects against him in stirring and nourishing rebellions in his Realme where the office and duty of all good Christians and namely of us that be Priests should be to bring all commotion to tranquillity and trouble to quietnesse all discord to concord and in doing the contrary wee shew our selves to be but the Ministers of Sathan and noâ— of Christ who ordained all us that be Priests to use in all places the legation of peace and not of discord But since that cannot be undone that is done the second is to make amends and to â—ollow the doing of the Prodigall Sonne spoken of in the Gospell who returned home to his father and was well accepted as no doubâ— you might be if you will say as he said in acknowledging your folly and do as hee did in returning home againe from your wandring abroad in service of them who little care what come of you so that their purpose by you be served This Cardinals Treason ingratitude and perfidiousnesse is yet further exemplified by the same Cutbert Tonstall in his Sermon which he preached before King Henry the 8. upon Palme Sunday in the yeare of of our Lord 1538. Printed anciently by iâ— selfe in part recited by Holinshed p. 1164 1165. and more largely by Thomas Becon where he thus blazons both the Pope and him in their native colours The Bishop of Rome because he can not longer in this Realm wrongfully use his usurped power in all things as hee was wont to doe and sucke out of this Realme by avarice insatiable innumerable summes of money yearly to the great exhausting of the same hee therefore moved and repleat with furious ire and pestilent malice goeth about to stirre all Christian Nations that will give eare to his Devillish enchantments to move warre against this Realme of England giving it in prey to all those that by his instigation will invade it And the Bishop of Rome now of late to set forth his pestilent malice the more hath allured to his purpose a subject of this Realme Reginald Pole comming of a noble blood and thereby the more arrant Traytor to goe about from Prince to Prince and from Country to Country to stirre them to warre against this Realme and to destroy the same being his native country whose pestilent purpose the Princes that hee breaketh it unto have in much abomination both for that the Bishop of Rome who being a Bishop should procure peace is a stirrer of warre and because this most arrant and unkind Traytor is his minister to so devillish a purpose to destroy the Country that he was borne in which any heathen man would abhorre to doe But for all that without shame hee still goeth on exhorting thereunto all Princes that will heare him who do abhorre to see such unnaâ—uralnesse in any man as he shamelesse doth set forwards whose pernitious treasons late secretly wrought against this Realme have been by the worke of Almighty God so marvellously detected and by his owne brother without looking â—herefore so diclosed and condigne punisâ—ment ensued that hereafter God willing they shall not take any more such roote to â—he noysance of this Realme And where all Nations of Gentiles by reasons and by law of nature do preferre their Country before their Parents so that for their Country they will dye against their Parents being traytors this pestilent man worse than a Pagan is not ashamed to destroy if he could his native Country And whereas Curtius an Heathen man was content for saving of the City of Rome where he was borne to leape into a gaping of the earth which by the illusions of the devill was answered should not be shut but that it must first have one this pernicious man is contented to ruâ—ne headlong into hell so that he may destroy thereby his native country of England being in that behalfe incomparably worse than any Pagan And besides his pestilent treason his unkindnesse against the Kings Majestie who brought him up of a very child and promoted both him and likewise restored his blood being tainted to be of the Peeres of this Realme and gave him money yearly out of his coffers to maintaine him honourably at study makes his Treason much more detestable to all the world and him to be repured more wild and cruell than Tyger But for all this thou English man take courage unto thee and be nothing afraid thou hast God on thy side who hath given this Realme to the generation of Englishmen to every man in his degree after the lawes of the same thou hast a Noble Victorious and Vertuous King hardy as a Lyon who will not suffer thee to be so devoured by such wild beasts Onely take an English heart unto thee and mistrust not God but trust firmly in him and surely the ruine intended against thee shall fall on their owne neckes that intend it and â—eare not though the