might draw neerer the sea he sent Don Lewis di Cordia Don Piedro Sarmiento Don Ieronymo Pimontello and Thomaso Caracciolo to quarter in those parts with their Brigadoes and some Companies of Iovan Piedro Zerbelloves Brigade and afterwards being advised thereunto by Sancta Croce and Don Carlo Poria who were come into Allessandria he ordeâ—…ed Don Piedro Sarmiento to 〈◊〉 himself of Montbaldne Dente Roccaverano and Cortemiglia by which places the Spaniards became masters of all that Country which lying between the River of Genoa and the lower Montferrat is called Le Langhe Montbaldone and Dente came in immediately to Sarmieneo who going with his Artillery to Roccaverano it is not known for what cause and therefore not without wonder to all men he had new orders to supersede wherefore retiring back the Duke sent 100 Foot to re inforce the Garrison of Cortemiglia he afterwards took Bozalasco Gorzegno Manoxino and other Towns thereabouts this was the success of the Wars of Piedmont in the year 1614 at the end whereof the Governour went to Millain to take order for greater provisions for War the next year and two Millions of Ducates being come to the Haven of Genoa part whereof was for the Army in Flanders part for that in Lombardy the Gabels upon Merchandize and other things was increased to above a third part in Millain The sum whereof being turn'd into annual revenue and a good part thereof sold to particular persons brought great store of moneys into the Exchequer which were afterwards assigned for the War which was noised would be great the next year Levies of men were ordered to be made in Germany Swisserland in the Kingdom of Naples and in Lombardy and not herewith all content the King desired the Genoeses the great Duke of Tuscany the Duke of Urbin Duke of Parma and the Commonwealth of Lucca to send such men to the State of Millain as either for their own concernments or by the condition of obligation they were bound to do and he did this not so much out of necessity as for the honour of the undertaking and to shew how much the Princes of Italy did adhere to the Kings party yea even against an Italian Prince The Princes of Italy were not well pleased to see him proceed with such a bulk of War against the Duke for though the defence and protection of Montferrat and the preservation of publick peace had at first rendred the title and cause of the Spanish Forces less odious yet since the end was now altered and that revenge was indeavoured which made them apprehend worser things they began in respect of the common interest to abhor the proceeding and yet Urbin Parma and Lucca preferring the Kings Authority before any other respect yielded easily to the Kings request The great Duke made some difficulty alledging that being obliged to send 4000 Foot and 400 Horse for the State of Sienna which he held in Fee from the Crown of Spain to defend the State of Millain he was not now bound to do it when as the State making an offensive and not a defensive War his obligation and tenure thereof was inlarged the example being of great consequence and of greater prejudice but reply being made that that which assaulteth must of necessity also be defended his excuse was not accepted of chiefly since as it was said he who held so great a State in Fee from the King ought not to stand so precisely upon the words of his obligation It was therefore agreed that 2000 Foot should effectually be sent which should serve to defend the State and not to offend the Duke and some supplies of money were sent the Genueses case was otherwise who not being requiâ—…ed to administer relief out of any obligation but only by way of fiendship and correspondency and for the great Interest which they had in the Crown of Spain excused themselves upon the necessity they had to guard their Confines towards Piedmont and to keep the Sea and River open for the passage of the people which came to the State of Millain which Reasons gave satisfaction The Duke was not this mean while idle for being much incouraged by the past successes and having after he saw the Governour once more gone out of Piedmont quartered his men in several parts of the State he was wholly bent upon desending himself and not upon agreement He sollicited the promised assistance of the Transalpine Princes and guessing at what was to come by what was past he grew so confident that as he was wont to say his own person was sufficient for half the Spanish preparations Yet the fear of the future war grew daily greater and was confirmed by the knowledge that though the King had declared it did not become a free Prince to ask pardon of another Prince upon the making of peace and that therefore he never expected any such thing from the Duke yet with an intention of resenting what the Duke had done in his Dominions he had openly refused to accept of the last Capitulation subscribed by the Duke But this fear was much more increased by the retaining a Post who coming from Spain was taken Prisoner as he past in a little Barque from Antibo to Finale and was sent to Turin with the Kings and Councels Letters the which being opened and Printed the Duke caused to be divulged throughout Italy together with other Writings wherein he justified his own actions tending as he said only to the defence of his own State which is so natural for all men to do and to the preservation of peace To obtain the which he added he had not refused any submission which became a free Prince And because the Kings Lettess and those of his Counsel contained bitter complaints of what had happened and sharp reprehensions of the Governours actions and breathing forth nothing but fire and threats charged him with having troubled him with grievous war The Duke taking his rise from their apprehensions fill'd the Papers with grievous Revilings of the Spanish Nation blaming the Spaniards without any respect That under the fair pretence of peace they aimed only at the usurpation of his State and that therefore the King refusing the just Capitulations subscribed by him the Duke did incite all the Princes of Italy against him drawing forth all the usual Garrisons of the Kingdom of Naples and Scicily pardoning the most heinous offendors as if he did proceed with all his Forces and Authority against an enemy to Christendom Nor did the following actions delay the confirmation of the fear of the future war for hardly was the tacite Truce occasioned by the sharpness of the season ceased when Arms were taken up with greater fervor about the end of March 1615. Cordona's Spaniards who were quartered in the Langhe were the first that moved who through intelligence held with those of Roccavrano who were weary of the French Garrison entered the Town by night through a hole made in the walls and slew
Arms ready to resent the injury he would by no means expect their moving nor that the affairs of Italy should be more discomposed then formerly for any such respect therefore not admitting that the Treaty at Madrid should be null and void by reason of the Swiffers they pretended it was to be observed offering new warranties or cautions equal to the former for the performing of what was agreed upon and if otherwise they threatned making Leagues and to prepare for Italy so as France was full of warlike preparations giving out that it was to take that satisfaction by Arms which they would not do by Negotiation and to this purpose the Duke of Savoy who spur'd on this business being gone to Avignon whither the King of France was come in person from the neighbouring Camp before Montalban the foundations of League were laid wherein the Venetian Embassadours did intervene which certainly would have been perfected had not the Popes Nuntio hindred it by affirming that for an undoubtâ—…d Truth the King of Spain had refer'd the whole business of the Valtoline to be decided by the Pope but all that the Nuntio had affirmed proving afterwards to be but words the Treaty of the League was reassumed with greater fervency for the King of France began to discern by the not observance of the Convention at Madrid and by the noveltâ—…es committed against the Grison by the Archduke and Duke of Feria that the Rebels of his Kingdom were secretly fomented with moneys by the Spanish Agents to the end that being entertain'd with domestick wars they should not be at leisure to think upon Forreign wars which were it true or false being believed by the King to be contrary to the good correspondency which was then profest between the two Crowns he was much incensed at it wherefore speaking not long after with the Prince of Piedmont who was come to Lyons he stipulated the League with him in the Duke his Fathers name which was a little before in Treaty against the States of Italy appertaining to the Crown of Spain for restoring the Grisons to the ancient possession of their State and Liberty and to their possession of the Valtoline and it being divulged that the King was so servent in this business as he would compose differences yea even upon disadvantagious terms with the Hereticks of his own Kingdom rather then suffer such an affront to be done unto himself and his Clients and Confederates to be so much injured Italy grew greatly apprehensive of new troubles which seemed also to be just then threatned and foretold by Celestial Prodigies and Impressions In the year 1618 and in the moneth of November there appeared a great Comet above Saturn and according to the opinion of the most famous Mathematicians very neer the Stars of the eighth Sphear whose angry head was like to the Star called Mars and tail thereof which was very long and like a Squirrils tail was extended or spread abroad 20 degrees with two motions the one retrograde from the East to the West wherewith it ran from the ninth of Scorpio to the eighth of Virgo the other from the South to the North wherewith it â—…an 64 degrees the head thereof terminating in that same Star which stands in the middest of the tail of Ursa Major and the tail of it almost touching that mis-shapen Star which is hard by the tail of the Serpent It was seen in Persia in the Indies and in Iapan it ran through all the parts of the World and continued till the end of December A little before it appeared another impression was seen which was like a Log of fire but lasted but a very little while Mathematicians Prognosticated several things hereby and those who think the success of humane affairs depend upon Celestial influences as upon second causes for these apparitions preceding the Insurrection in the Valtoline many attributed the wars which proceeded from thence to the maligne effects of those apparitions and the present Occurrence which grew daily hotter and hotter to be a well prepared Materia to receive the malignity of these influences but these Prodigies which are most commonly fallacious caused not these new Ruptures to be so much apprehended as did the continual practises which were had every where Feria appeared very constant and resolute in keeping what was gotten and to this purpose had used all his Reasons and Authority with his friends in Spain that the glory of his actions might not be disturb'd by his rivals On the contrary the Venetians who were very fervent in this business were resolved by all means possible to bring it to the end which they so much desired The Duke of Savoy desirous of new wars thought every hour a year till he had begun war with the Spaniard The Pope not able to tollerate that the Capitulation at Madrid wherein he had co-operated should not take effect was very ill satisfied and gave manifest signs of his resentment the King of France egg'd on by so many Princes who had recourse to him as to the chief foundation of common resolutions was ready to end this business by Arms since he could not do it by Treaties The King of Spain was doubly concern'd in this business for to the respect of Religion which was the chief cause why he had medled therein was added the Decree of protecting the Valtoline and the liberty thereof nor could he with honour abandon the enterprise though he should not value the other weighty interests of his Crown on the other side seeing so many jealousies such ill satisfaction so great a combination of Princes who threatned much mischief to Italy he began to reflect upon the prejudice which might redound if new wars in Italy should be added to the wars of Germany and Flanders which at this time were very hot and how hard would it be to make sufficient provisions in all parts which if they should fail in any one place would necessarily draw on the ruine of all the rest Labouring therefore amongst so many weighty and differing respects but chiefly under the great apprehension of the immense troubles which might insue unto Italy as that which prevailed over all other more wholsome resolves he chose the middle way which was to deposite the Forts of the Valioline into the Popes hands to the end that he might keep them with his own Captains and Souldiers in the name of the Apostolick See to dispose of them afterwards with satisfaction to Religion and to both the Crowns whereby Religion was not injured for laying the care thereof upon the Pope he himself was freed from further trouble therein nor was the liberty of those of the Valtoline thereby prejudiced for the Pope being to satisfie both the Crowns therein it was not to be supposed that the Crown of Spain would ever be satisfied with any thing which might be contrary to their Liberty Thus the war being removed from Italy it seemed that the Crown of Spain had with
they prepared either to revenge received wrongs or to keep off those which were threatned But the King of Spain was at the present troubled most to see that the King of France joyning with the Hollanders and Protestant Princes of Germany prepared to oppose his Brother the Infanta Cardinal Ferdinando his journey into Flanders wherein the Cardinall was first to advise and then to succeed his Aunt Clara Eugenia who was now grown very old in the government of those Provinces And the King thinking that by reason of so many oppositions it would be safer for him to go by Italy and Germany then by Sea he knew that it was necessary to make way for him by powerfull Armies wherefore to boot with the great preparation of Arms and Men made to this purpose by the Duke of Feria in the State of Millain it was also thought necessary to molest France on the parts towards Spain as well in regard of this expedition as for relieving Germany and Flanders opposed by the French that thereby the King of France being strongly assaulted on that side might not onely be diverted from opposing the Cardinals journey but also from fomenting the Wars of Germany and Flanders the Duke of Orleans Brother to the King of France who was already gon together with the Queen-Mother from the Court into Flanders was thought to be a proportionate means answerable to the assistance given by the King of France to the Rebel Hollanders Who by making head and holding intelligence with many French Lords that were displeased at Cardinal Richelieu his too great authority and at the Government of those times plotted new broyles in France he holding intelligence with the Duke of Momorancy Governour of Languedock and peradventure with the Duke of Guise Governour of Provence obtained 2000 excellent Horse from the King of Spain with which passing at unawares thorough France without any opposition for none durst take up Arms against the Kings Brother without express command from the King he came to Languedoâ—…k and by the assistance of the King of Spain's Army in Catalognia he thought to raise commotions in the Kingdom and to make a strong faction whereby he thought to allay the Cardinals authority and to alter the Government quite But being at the very first overcome by the Kings Forces and taken Prisoner together with Momorancy that fire was quench'd almost before it was kindled which would otherwise have held France long in combustion and consequently have kept the King and Richelieu from plotting mischieâ—… against the House of Austria Yet this did not retard the Infanta's journey who mounting into the Gallyes at Barcellona some moneths after Orleans his imprisonment came from thence to Genoa the year 1633. where being received with great pomp he saw and admired the great Fabrick of the new Walls passing from thence to Millain he found the Duke of Feria busie in raising an Army for his conduct and so intended to go speedily for Flanders War grew hotter in Germany after the battle of Lutzen and after the King of Sweden's death for neither the Swedish Commanders nor the German Princes who were alienated from the Emperour were any whit dismaid after the Kings death for the Swedes as if their dead Kings Spirit were revived in them continued the War with the like Courage and Fortune and the Princes and people of Germany being desirous of their pretended Liberty to the recovery whereof they were with much satisfaction led on by the King and almost put into possession being resolved not to fall from so exalted a beginning by the death of their Leader were wholly intent upon this and joyn'd in heart and in intelligence and avoiding all Strife and Emulation they formed a Faction which maintaining the dead Kings Quarrel might quell the Austrian Authority and might bring them to their desired Liberty Duke Bernard Waimer descended from the ancient Dukes of Saxony was chosen somewhat tumultuously by the Swedish Army to be their Captain General the next day after the battle of Lutzen he was a Captain of Courage and Authority and very highly esteem'd in the Army for his experience and Valour and moreover a great Enemy to the Austrian Name for that his great Grand-Father had been bereft by Charles the Fifth of the Electorall dignity and of the Dukedom of Saxony and he himself as descending from him was kept from it by the subsequent Austrian Emperours He muster'd the Souldiers that remained after the battle and finding them to amount to the number of 16000 he went with them to joyn with that part of the Duke of Saxony's Forces which not being present at the Batâ—…le was yet fresh and intire and entring therewithall into Saxony he drove out the Cesarean Garrisons who were possess'd thereof before and did not onely recover the City of Lipswick but all the rest of the Dukedom not meeting with any opposition for Wallestein the Emperours General being rather conquered then Conquerour had quitted the Field and his Cannon to the Enemy after the battle and was retreated with the remainder of his Army into Bohemia where partly minding the recruiting of his Army partly detain'd by the rigor of the Winter he suffered the Enemies Army to go whither it listed But the German Princes having obtained the same assistance from the Deputies of the Crown of Swethland which was given them during the Kings life and seeing the League confirm'd between the King of France and Crown of Swethland for the affairs of Germany they met in a Dyet about the beginning of the year 33 with the chief Officers and Captains of the Swedish Army wherein they agreed upon Nine Articles for the maintaining of the common cause and for the maintenance of the War which they resolved to continue in Germany with like fervour They made Oxenstern supream Governour of the common affairs who was Chancellor of Swethland and who coming into Germany with the King never parted from him a man of excellent Wisedom and profound Counsell very valiant and long experienced in Civil and Military Government to whom they gave a certain number of Deputies chosen out of divers Provinces of Germany which the Dutch call Circles who were as so many Senators to assist in Counsell with him They then divided all the Forces of their joynt union into four parts and made four Armies of them which were to carry on the War in four parts of Germany under four Commanders Arnheim the Duke of Saxony's General a stern Captain and little short of Wallestein in Military Affairs was to enter Slesia with the first Army of which Province the Duke of Saxony meant to make himself Master The second was given to the Duke of Lunenburg who was therewith to fall upon Westphalia The third was assigned to Duke Weymer who falling from the General-ship to which he was chosen by the Army by this reformation was to enter therewith into Franconia Marshal Horne and Col. Bannier were appointed to command the fourth two of
between people and their natural Princes and of interessing her self therein for her own safety and grandezza from the School of Spain but that the greatest part of these pretensions were rather seeming then substantial for Polybius relating the true cause of the wars between the Romans and Carthaginians doth not approve them as just and though some Princes use to keep inferiour Princes low and to weaken the superiour such proceedings are to be esteemed rather tyrannical then rational and if King Philip the Second had attained to such Counsels he would never have consented to the peace of Vervin wherein Territories and Towns of importance were restored to the King of France who was then the inferiour wherefore that peace cannot be pretended to be slavery though the Austrians were superiour to the French both in Dominions and Power for the Romans after the peace given to the Privernati as they will have it were superiour to them and if peace between Princes of unequal power may be violated by reason of the inferiours weakness no firm peace would ever be made between them unless the more powerful should divide States and Forces with the less powerful They therefore concluded that none of the reasons alledged did excuse the King of France his countervenings nor could the League concluded by his means some years after between Spain and the Hollanders free him from the preceding countervening but did rather aggravate it as well because the Hollanders being strengthned by those fomentings were made the more able to withstand their King and to force him to so disadvantagious a Truce as also by continuing the said assistance to them when the Truce was expired Passing then to the Affairs of the Valtoline it was said That the short relation of that business would suffice to let the world see whether of those two Princes were to be blamed The King of Spain protected the liberty and the Religion of the Valtolinians by securing them in both by some little Forts erected in the Valley against the imminent slavery of the Grisons who were prepared to subjugate them by force and the Valtolinians wanting men to munite them the French and with them the Venetians stormed very much when Spanish Garrisons were put thereinto as if the Spaniards had no other end but to make themselves Masters of the Valley the King of Spain to clear both them and the Venetians deposited the Valtoline together with the Fortâ—… therein into the Popes hands who was choseâ—… by them both to be Arbitrator of the whole business with power to dispose thâ—…reof as he should seâ—… reason to do that while this was depending the King of France possest himself both of the Valley and of the Forts by Force of Arms that when the Pope sent men to recover them the King who would not make War with the Pope upon this account agreed with the King of Spain in the peace of Monsone to restore the Valtoline but upon very favourable conditions touching the Liberty and Religion of the Valtolinians and that the Pope should demolish the Forts whereunto the King of Spain condescended only because the King of France obliged himself to observe the Covenants which were made in favour to the Valtolinians so as the Forts were superfluous seeing that the two Kings were ingaged by the Peace to maintain the Liberty and Religion of the Inhabitants Therefore by this so favourable Peace to the Valtolinians the King of Spain was justified in his first taking up Arms. Neither did the Duke of Nevers his business deserve much defence if men will justly consider the result thereof for that Prince was not at all satisfied with the King of France his protection since he was deprived of Cassalle and of the greater part of Montferrat which were conferr'd upon the Duke of Savoy in recompence for his pretensions and for Pinarollo which was assigned over to the King of France contrary to the Articles of Ratisbone and Cherasco so as the Agreement with the King of Spain which was so much exclaimed against would have been better for the Duke of Nevers then the protection of France so much boasted of by the French And for what concerns the medling in differences between a Sovereign and his Subjects many considerations were propounded in favour of the Austrians for in Peaces made between the Emperour and the King of France the King had more then once renounced such Leagues and Protections and promised not to protect those Princes against the Emperour so that as the present discourse began with Polybius his Authority the controversie may be ended by Lucan's Authority who decides the difference between Cesar and Pompey in these words Tu nova ne veteres obscurent acta Triumphos Et victis cedat piratica Laurea Gallis Magne times Te jam series ususque laborum Erigit impatiensque loci fortuna secundi Nec quemquam jam ferre potest Gallusve priorem Austriacusve parem Quis justius induat arma Scire nefas magno se Iudice quisque tuetur Victrix Causa Deis placuit sed Victa Catoni Immediately after the intimation of this war made in the King of France his name to the Infanta did the publication of the League made between him and the Hollanders which hath formerly been mentioned follow and the execution thereof followed the publication forthwith for the King of France going to Campania assembled an Army of above 20000 fighting men and sent it into the Country of Lucemburg under the conduct of the two Marshals Chatillione and Bresse whereinto being entred it presently took Orcimon and Rocca strong places upon the Confines but of small consideration which yielded without fighting and afterwards it took Marca a more considerable Town and so advanc'd into the Country which is under the King of Spain Against this Army the Infanta sent out a strength of 10000 Foot and of 3000 Horse the most whereof were tumultuously raâ—…sed and made Prince Thomaso of Savoy their Commander in chief who being distasted with the Duke his Brother was privately stoln from Savoy whereof â—…e had the title of Governour and having first spent some moneths in the Court of Flanders he joyn'd with the King of Spains Forces in those parts The Prince being come neer the enemy though he knew himself inferior to them in numbers yet having the advantage in situation he refused not battle which they presented him Battle being given neer to the Town of Avein after having fought valiantly four hours he was worsted left three or four thousand of his men dead upon the place to boot with his Artillery and besides many other Souldiers and Captains of good condition who were taken Prisoners The Hollanders were by the Covenants of the League to assault the Provinces which were obedient to the Crown of Spain aâ—… the same time with another Army on their side and delaying to do it they afforded the Infanta a breathing time after his defeat but coming at last into the
the Duke of Savoy's intentions seemed to differ according to the condition of times from what they were when he married his Daughter to the Prince of Mantua for failing of the Grandezza which he hoped for if King Henry had lived by his death and by the streight Union of the two Crowns he did not listen to the new Marriage of his Daughter for that thereby his designs of inlarging his Principality by some other means and the leaving it greater to his posterity then he had received it from his Ancestors would be disturbed He saw Montferrat a great State and very convenient for him as lying almost in the bosome of Piedmont furnished but with few forces and lesseâ—… Garisons far from the City of Mantua was now almost vacant between the uncertain Succession of the off-spring which was to come and his Nieces questionableness therein He knew how many Reasons he himself had to pretend thereunto how much the Dukes his Predecessors had laboured to get it and having not only had it in his thoughts whilst his Son in law was alive but given manifest signs of his desire thereof he thought the occasion was now very ripe and the time fit to execute his secret designs of making himself easily Master thereof if when he should have got his Daughter and his Niece into his possession he might honest his ends by the Title of Succession of the Male Issue which he hoped for by his Daughter or at least by that of his Niece who was already in being and when by shewing those of Montferrat their true Lord and Master he might either cunningly bring them to accept of him for the Protector of their State and young Duke or force them by arms to obey him Nor were there some wanting who incouraged him in these designs by fair hopes and promises of the peoples rising Guido de Conti di St George was then in the Court at Turin the chief of the Nobility of Montferrat rich in Inheritances and personal Estate and powerful in friends and adherents This man had not many years ago a Cardinal to his Uncle of very much esteem and who as it was commonly believed would have been Pope had he not been kept from it as was thought by the contrary indeavours of Duke Vincent who it may be was jealous to see a subject of his so highly exal ed or resenting the displeasure he had received from him whilst being leâ—…t Legat by Pope Clement the Eighth in Ferrara which was but newly regained to the Church he entred with Sword in hand into the State of Mantua touching the difference of Confines where he did much prejudice to the Towns neighbouring upon the State of Ferrara and though the Count's Predecessors had formerly been raised to great Authority and Honour from but mean fortune by the extraordinary favour of Duke William Father to Duke Vincent yet the memory of former good turns being of less force with the Count then the prejudice and injury which he had newly received he was but badly inclined to the House of Gonzaga And therefore not thinking himself looked upon by the Duke according to his quality and that his ways were narrowly pry'd into he had almost given over his Country and was retired into Piedmont where he was in no little Authority and favour with the Duke by whom he was highly graced with the Order of the Annuntiata and other imployments and dignities he being as much alienated in mind from his Prince as in person from his Country out of revenge and out of hopes of farther preferment profest he had much Intelligence with the Inhabitants of Montferrat and promised much to the Duke in their behalf The recourse and inclination which the Citizens of Cassalle and formerly to Emanuel Philibertus Father to the present Duke of Savoy when William Duke of Mantua usurping upon their pretended liberties got absolute dominion over them and their being still but ill satisfied therewith gave more of credit to these his promises And as the business seemed in these respects to be easie enough of it self to be effected so neither did the Duke want other reasons which would secure him from meeting with any impediments from elsewhere for though Montferrat and the Dukedom of Mantua had formerly been under the protection of Spain wherefore the Dukes of Savoy not taking themselves to the way of Arms had only civilly made trial of that of Reason yet this protection seemed to 〈◊〉 in the person of the Cardinal for that he having in the Court of Room where he was chosen Protector of France by the Queen his Aunt exercised that Charge not only with extraordinary affection and inclination to the French but sometimes much distasted the Spanish Agents He seemed upon occasions to make less account of the favour and grace of that King and Nation and though being by his Brothers death near possessing the States he thought it neither reasoâ—…able nor safe for him to abet the Cardinal Protector of France but necessary to preserve the friendship and countenance under which his Ancestors had for so many years happily injoyed the Principallity wherefore he had immediate recourse to the King of Spain for the favour of his wonted protection he could not as yet obtain his desire for the King deferred and protracted the expedition of this affair not without much jealousie in the Cardinal and in all his Court wherefore the Duke who was not ignorant of these difficulties thought he might probably hope that that King and Nation either out of anger to the Cardinal or for the safety of the State of Millain for which it did not make that Montferrat especially in respect of the Citadel of Cassalle should fall into the hands of a Prince in whom the Crown did not confide and who having discovered himself to adhere to France was likely to incline more thereunto in the future troubles then unto its adversary and though for the aforesaid reasons the King had doubtlesly moâ—…e cause to suspect the very person of Duke Charles Emanuel yet as the desire of obtaining ones ends makes the means of obtaining it appear more likely and easie he peradventure perswaded himself that many other things would cause that King and that Court not to oppose his intention the Alliance which he and Duke Francis his Sons had with him the design which amidst these troubles the Kings party might peradventure have of securing themselves of Cassalle the desire which it was probable the King and his Officers might have of giving him satisfaction so to avoid giving him occasion of disordering Italy again and because it made not for the Kings advantage to satisfie him by the lessening his own Dominions he thought that out of all or out of some of the aforesaid Reasons the King passing by his antient and now doubtful protection of Montferrat ought at least not to hinder him from possessing himself of that State whereunto he had long pretended Hereunto was added the streight
necessarily they must be Four hundred French were at this time come by Sea amongst which were many Gentlemen and people of good account who were friends and adherents to Nevers who at the first hearing of these rumours came from France to assist him and being back'd by Gallies belonging to the Kingdom came in the Seas of Genoa in small Barks to find him out rather as Travellers than Souldiers for though the State of Genoa had with an intention of keeping neutral inclined at the beginning of these Commotions not to give passage to 2000 Tuscans which the Great Duke had destin'd for the assistance of Mantua yet being much troubled lest Montferrat should change its Lord at last winked at any one that should pass privately through her Territories in assistance thereof But these people who came from France in haste not being very well provided proved not so advantagious as the condition of the time required save only that they gave some reputation to the Affairs of Montferrat and that witnessing the readiness of that Nation and the zeal thereof towards the Duke of Mantua it made the News which was divulg'd in Italy of the great preparations of that Kingdom be believed And yet the necessary delay which the French succour required making their hopes of the reliefe of Nice but small doubtlesly when the Duke of Savoy should have got it he would have been Master of all this part of Montferrat which was all reduced to underneath the Duke of Savoy's obedience save Cassalle and Pontestura And consequently all men being full of fears and jealousies they murmured greatly against the Governour of Millain that he should so long suffer so great a violence that he should so little value the Kings reputation he was held to be the Pieâ—…ra dâ—… 〈◊〉 the Sâ—… of offence or stumbling block to be the original mover and first fautorer of so violent and detestable an enterprise for how durst the Duke else have dared to attempt a State which was taken into the protection of so great a King How else durst he despise the Majesty of that Crown and the so neer and powerfull Forces of the State of Millain Nay they murmured against the King himself and the Spanish Nation as if they had openly conspired with the Duke of Savoy against the Duke of Mantua in a nick of time when the King of France was not able by reason of his Minority to oppose their designs Wherefore all Italy was in a rage and seeing the harmony of concord out of tune and the common safety and publick quiet disordered began to distrust the King and that Nation whose ambition and desire of rule was not bounded with Montferrat And as the private men did not forbear expressing their sense and back bitings in Libels clapt up in divers publick places even in the City of Millain so the Potentates of Italy began to waver in their friendship and inclination to that Crown and bethought themselves of new remedies whereby to provide against those dangers which they thought the safety of the common Affairs might be subject unto by so great a novelty But in this fluctuation of minds and accidents Orders came from Spain which causing much joy shew'd how vain their murmurings and bad opinions were of that King and Nation The News of these so great Commotions was come to that Court both from Italy and France and though they fell upon many considerations yet the Justice and Equity of the Cause prevailing before all other respects with that King and Counsel as likewise the Peace of Italy and the not permitting that any other Princes should grow greater by the oppression of another principal foundations whereupon having always wisely ballanced the Affairs of Italy they had also the better secured their own it was with extraordinary readiness resolved in that Court according to the great and urgent importunities of the Pope and Princes of Italy and according to the Queen of France her desire that the Duke of Mantua should immediately be put into the full possession of whole Montferrat In conformity whereunto it being known that Prince Victorio was come to Barcelona being sent by his Father to draw the King and that Court to favour his Cause he was immediately commanded to tarry in Montferrat not far from Barcelona and not being admitted to see the King to tarry there till restitution of whole Montferrat should be made by the Duke his Father Which action was of much satisfaction to all Italians and shew'd how much the King and Court of Spain were unconcern'd in these commotions On the contrary it was cause of infinite distaste to the Duke of Savoy he thinking peradventure that the King of Spain being not content to favour his adversary in his sentence but that out of an ambition of purchasing the name of a just and uncorrupted Prince he would not stick to suppress him even in his own son in whom he had placed his final hope and whatsoever he was to expect from that Court which had made him covet that the world might know he was more in favour with that King then the other Italian Princes These Orders being come the Governour was ready to obey them but his Orders being very slowly proceeded in the Swissers not being as yet arrived nor Rho's nor Gambaloita's Regiment yet fill'd and Nice being sorely beset both by day and night the Town began to be out of hope of holding out long for the relief thereof it was therefore necessary at the present to make use of almost the whole ordinary Garrison of the State of Millain Wherefore Don Antonio di Leva Prince of Ascoli one of the Grandees of Spain who being at that time in the State of Millain was chosen by the King to be Camp-Master General was sent thither with six Companies of Light-Horse whereof Don Sanchio de Salina Lievtenant of the Cavalry of the State was Captain with 3000 Spanish Foot commanded by the Camp-Masters Luigi di Cordova and Giovan Bravo di Laguna and some few Italians assembled together by Lodovico Gambaloita which did not in all make 4000 Foot and 600 Horse who joyning at Iâ—…cisa a Town in Montferrat with Prince Vincenso and the Duke of Nevers who had with them 600 other Horse and about 2000 Foot amongst which were French thâ—…y marched in company towards Nice But the Duke seeing that his designs were withstood on one side by Cesars command and on the other side by the King of Spains Forces and finding also that Italy was against him and the French much irritated and consequently knowing that it was impossible for him to withstand so many Potentates who were joyn'd together against him in the behalf of the Duke of Mantua whom he peradventure had hoped to have supprest and undoubtedly to have vanquished at the first push making vertue of necessity resolved to yield to the condition of times and to give way unto the Kings will whose Forces having never formerly withstood he had
impeached to have held private intelligence with the Duke of Savoy having spent four days in going with his Army from Alessandria to Nice which was but 12 miles seemed in effect to have consented to that delay which in resolute terms he had dénied to do in presence of his Captains to the Marquess of Neviglie who was sent to Alessandria to stop him And after those of Piedmont were gone from before Nice he under pretence that they might return when he should be gone left a Garison in the Town with the Kings Colours which seemed rather to have possest themselves thereof then to have freed it The Governour of Millain's self after having mustred the Army to the end that all things might be fully understood by him and by the King instead of forcing the Duke of Savoy to obey the Kings orders began to abhor Nevers his French men nor would he suffer the Tuscan succours to pass into the State of Millain and turning to the Mantuan Officers told them it stood not with the Kings honour that their Prince should make use of other assistance then his The Duke of Mantua thought it somewhat sore to bereave himself of their aid who were so readily come from so far of to assist him and to put himself absolutely into their hands which before he had so much distrusted especially since thereby he might have highly offended the Queen of France and have alienated that Nation from him a strong curb as all men thought to the avarice of the Spanish Ministers and to the small inclination which they had to him But since it becomes a man sometimes in urgent and great extremities to submit to anothers discretion Duke Ferdinando finding the French promises and aid to be far off and uncertain that the Pope was free of nothing but good will that he could make but little use of the Tuscan succour without the Governours good will who by denying them passage did not only make them of no uses to him upon the present occasion but a continual excessive charge that the Venetian aid were but weak and that they were not only as the Tuscans to depend upon the Governours good will but uncertain and not very safe For the fear being once removed that the Spaniards should possess themselves of Montferrat it made for the interest of that Common-wealth that the Duke of Savoy should make himself master thereof to the end that by weakning a neighbouring Prince a Potentate might be raised in Lombardy of almost equal Forces to the State of Millain whom by reason of the far distance of their Confines he had not only no reason not to fear but might be confident he might by powerful diversions be a security to him if at any time he should be assaulted or troubled by the Spanish Forces On the contrary he saw that the Spaniards of whom he was assured by the Queen of France were interested in this present Insurrection for ends contrary to those of the Venetians Having therefore cast up all things he knew that he and his affairs were so far ingaged as he must of necessity satisfie those in whose power it lay either speedily to suppress him or to raise him up wherefore he resolved at the last much to the dissatisfaction of the Duke of Nevers to adhere unto them Which resolution though it was not well approved of by the Italian Princes who thought it contrary to the safety of his Affairs yet it proved afterwards by the event good For the Governour not being able any longer to delay the execution of the Kings Commission and fearing the coming of the French which was much more spoken of by all men then was true and moreover being desirous to satisfie all the world and so many Princes as had conceived ill impressions of him he compel'd the Duke of Savoy to make restitution without any further delay On the other behalf the Duke of Savoy fearing to be taken between the Armies of France which he understood were stirring upon the Confines and the Governours Forces which were ready to compel him and having resolved by obedience to overcome the King and Court of Spain presupposing that this his so great and ready liberality would be recompensed by as great a â—…avour he at last gave way to the Kings will whereunto nothing did so much induce him as by way of compâ—…t he afterwards protested as the Governours word given unto him in the Kings name that his Grandchild should within a few days be 〈◊〉 unto him that he would obtain pardon for the Rebells and recompence for the losses and expences of the War and that finally his pretences to Montferrat should be decided within a short time And because the Duke for his honour sake hated to deliver over what he had taken directly into the hands of his adversary the business was thus carried that he should deliver it all into the hands of the Princes of Castiglionâ—… and Ascoll as State-Ministers the one of them of the Emperour and the other of the King of Spain to be disposed oâ—… to him that had most right thereunto that the said Princes should then immediately assign them over to the Duke of Mantua as to him to whom by the Laws they ought to be restored he having been bereâ—… thereof Thus did neither the Duke of Savoy prejudice his own interest by referring his cause to Justice nor the Duke of Mantua who was suddenly repossest of what was his suffer any damage or delay and the Kings Ordinances were obey'd being alter'd only in appearance not in substance The aforesaid Princes went each with an equall portion of men to Trino where the Gate was thrown open unto them by which whilst they and their people entred the Dukes Garison went out by another Gate after whom the Kings men went out at the same Gate who being but then entred and making no abode there left the Town in free possession to Prince Vicenzo who was entred with those of Mantua immediately after the Kings men The like was done three days after by Alba and Montcalvo and the other Towns of Montferrat and the Spanish Garison was likewise taken out of Nice as also the Siege from before San Damiano which held still for Duke Ferdinando Who within three moneths after the first assault was meerly by the Kings Authority almost without unsheathing a sword intirely put into possession of that State which he had almost totally lost The Italians were not a little pleased at this restitution wherein the King shew'd such celerity and constancy and as it is usual with men when they find themselves freed from what they had long feared to run headlong into the contrary affection so these being long possest with jealousies and fears it cannot be exprest how much they admired the Kings goodness and magnanimity Who preferring the justice and honesty of the Cause before all other respects would not yield that the assaulted Prince should be injured And it appearing to
some amends and have repaired the reputation of the Kings Forces wherein they suffered very much if following the enemy they had vigourously re-entred Piedmont at their heels so the keeping with the whole Army for above two moneths about the Fort which was erecting did necessarily detract from their honour and so much the more for that mighty things being looked for from them no mean successes would have satisfied expectation On the other side the Duke making less account of the discomforture given to his men then of the enemies going out of Piedmont thought the least harm that befell the enemy a great comfort to his own affairs And therefore thinking that at the very beginning of the War he had made the world see that the Spanish Forces were not invincible he hoped that the Italians being awakened thereby as by a warlike trumpet would the sooner joyn with him both in Forces and in intelligence against strangers Therefore not being upon this occasion wanting to himself but making his cause the common cause he was well pleased that divers writings and composures should be thrown abroad in Italy but especially in his own Dominions wherein stiling him the head and author of the recovery of their ancient Liberty the Italian Potentates were exhorted to throw off the forreign yoke by which they had been so long oppress'd And still continuing with more fervency the indeavours long before begun in France and Germany with the Princes who did emulate the Spanish Grandezza with the King of England and with the States of Holland he strove to make them joyn with him that so they might unanimously oppose that power which did overshadow a great part of Europe But believing particularly that the Venetians the great harm which would insue unto them by his suppresion being considered would not give him over in so great a danger he therefore having composed the differences which had been between them and him touching the War of Montferrat by the intercession of the Embassadours of France and England then resident in Venice he resolved to send Iacomo Pissina with title of Embassadour to Venice to exhort them upon this occasion to imbrace his cause with their Forces and the defence of the common safety and liberty who being brought into the Colledge may be supposed to have spoken to this effect It is most certain Serene Prince and wise fathers that diffidence hath always been the ruine and undoing of friendship as on the contrary affiance and trust hath always been held the streightest bond to keep Princes perpetually colleagued in friendship to one and the same end The distrust that the Duke my Master joyning with the Spaniards conspired against the common saâ—…ety when upon just occasion he took up arms against Montferrat made you readily imbrace the Duke of Mantua's cause which was then held to be the common cause Out of this Reason the Duke my Master as best knowing his own intentions which he by open manifestoes published to the world thought this Commonwealth more inclined to favour his adversary then him And that therefore constriuing his intentions to be otherwise then they have been since known to be by reciprocal diffidence the ancient friendship so long preserved between him and this Commonweâ—…lth hath on the sudden been turned to enmity Now since all men may assertain themselves by what hath hapned at Novara and Vercelli that the Dukes intention never was nor can ever in the future be different from the common end of the Princes of Italy and particularly from that of this most glorious Commonwealth which is manfully to make good and constantly to maintain the common safety dignity and liberty against the common enemies he therefore hath reason to hope that past distastes being turn'd to as much confidence the former good correspondency will be redoubled and that in so just and honest a cause in so useful and necessary a War he may presume to be favoured by the Venetian Forces For if you did resolve to patronize the Duke of Mantua against a Prince so streightly joyn'd in interest and good will with this Commonwealth only out of fear that he might assault Montferrat with an intention to annex it to the Spaniards how much more ought you now prepare to defend the Duke of Savoy whilst he is assaulted by the ambitious Spaniard for the preservation of the publick dignity by those Forces wheâ—…eby under a colour of preserving peace in Italy and which they are the first that do disturb they indeavour to possess themselves of Piedmont so lawfully injoyed by him and by his predecessors the Spaniards as all men may see would be believed to be the Arbitrators the Patrons of Italy the Supream Moderator of her Potentates they therefore think it reasonable that all Italian Princes as if they we eâ—…so many of their Subjects should obey every the least beck of that King nay of any of his Ministers And terming the slavery of Italy peace the obedience thereof security and on the contrary the freedom thereof contumacy and its generosity turbulency of spirit they by these artifices strive to make themselves gracious and others odious to the people And now having begun to exercise this their superiority to the no less general prejudice then to the universal loss of reputation upon the weakest they will arrogate the like over the greatest They of late commanded the Duke of Modena and the Lucchesi to lay down arms and were immediately obeyed without any reply They now indeavour the like with the Duke of Savoy whom after having secured Montferrat from all Hostility they command to lay down Arms and to disband his Souldiers and because he keeps 2000 Souldiers more then usual in his Dominions they threaten him Was there ever known so unjust and so imperious a command with what reason does that King and that Nation who as all men know are but as of yesterday in Italy give Laws to the Dukes of Savoy who held the Scepter of Piedmont 400 years before he was master of one foot of Land in Italy will there none then dare to shew their faces and gainsay such insolent commands shall the generosity of the Italian name be so totally extinct as that all Italy shall obey those whom they have formerly commanded who sees not that by these beginnings they aim at the reducing of the power and liberty of the Princes of Italy into a Precarious power into a Precarious liberty depending upon every nod of theirs but why talk I of a Precarious power of a Precarious liberty these beginnings tend manifestly to the reducing of the Duke of Savoy into miserable slavery and to the subjugating of Piedmont nor ceasing here to the making themselves absolute Lords of Italy the Monarchy whereof having long fancied unto themselves in Idea they now begin to try how it may succeed by the suppression of the Duke my Master and by counterfeiting with the other Italian Potentates And cloaking this their ambitious and
age then for wisdom and for his long experience in places of Magistracy and Embassies happily discharged by him stood up and spoke thus I have always been of opinion most worthy Senators That he who will advise wisely of weighty Affairs ought not so much to consider the quality or state of present things as to consider intentively and diligently to examine things that are passed Therefore if we will conder Italies condition in former times I mean when the Spaniards did not domineer here and shall compare them without passion or envy with the present times I believe that all men will join in opinion with me that certainly the present times are to be prefer'd before the former We have seen not to speak of more remote times we have seen I say or may conceive by History in what condition Italy was when the French or Kings of Aragon were Lords of Naples when the State of Millain was subject either to the Visconti Sforzeschi or to the French To what bitter wars was Italy subject and more particularly our Common-wealth The Aragonnâ—… had no sooner made themselves masters of the Kingdom of Naples and so became Italian Princes but they began sometimes to trouble Tuscany la Marca sometimes and sometimes the Churches Territories and the Genâ—…esses and turning all things topsy turvy they forbear not through ambition to extend their Empire beyond the Confines of that Kingdom The Visconti of Millain did yet worse and the Sforza's succeeding the Visconti as well in the State as in the lust of Government kept themselves not within the Confines of Millain and Genua And so troublesome was Lodovico Sforza to our fore-Fathers as being forced to join in League with Lewis the Twelfth King of France they resolved to drive him out of his Dukedom to the end that Italy being freed of that fire-brand they might afterwards so quiet the Nation and by that means secure it from the Kings of Naples as they might no longer fear their own safety and that the King of France being brought by their forces into Italy and made master of Millain might be the chief Protector of their State What the success of those hopes did afterwards prove I think is sufficiently known to all men and how the King of France rewarded that good turn with bitter wars cruel calamities and persecutions For if ever our Common-wealth was near being utterly exterminated after the war of Chioggia it was then when that King to recover Cremona and Gieradada which by Articles of agreement did belong to us did incite the Armes of Christian Princes against us and making him their head against our Progenitors in that great league of Cambraye stuck not to assault them with all his Forces and had been the chiefest cause of our ruine if such a tempest had not been stoutly withstood and prudently repaired by our fore-fathers Not long after neither we nor the other Potentates of Italy being able to indure forreign Dominion in Italy we joyntly indeavoured to repossess the Sforza's in the State of Millain which our fore-fathers did though not without Wars and infinite troubles for they did not think that either the peace or liberty of Italy could be secure as long as the Spaniards being masters of the Kingdom of Naples as they then were should likewise succeed in the State of Millain as the Sforza's being afterwards extinct it was necessary they should do This is the condition of the affairs of Italy which I term past Let us now come to her present condition and comparing it with the past let us Judge which of the two conditions be to be chosen whether that when the Visconti the Sforza's and the French who counterpoised the King of Aragon in the Kingdom of Naples or this wherein the Spaniards being masters of both these Stâ—…tes are with the moderation of Empire a counterpoise unto themselves I verily believe there is none that will prefer those times before these neither in respect of the peace and happiness which we and the other Princes of Italy enjoy nor of the security and quiet wherein we at the present do possess our States By means whereof if Italy do not begin to recover the Empire of the world yet doth she flourish in all those Arts and riches which can result from a continued secure peace Let us now give for granted that the Spaniards are naturally ambitious coveting what belongs to others let us alledge Monaco Finale and four other poor Villages by the masters whereof they were for the most part brought in put what esteem you please upon the Citations of Fuentes and of the disturbances occasioned by four Pyrats which molest our Gulf and let us compare these or other more trivial businesses and this desire which the Spaniards seem to have of Government to the like as well of Native Princes as Forreigners who have born sway in Italy Let us oppose the Actions of those to the remonstrances of these the Citations of these to the wars made by those with Italian Princes and with our Common-wealth and certainly he must be very stupid who will not wonder at the comparison But unless I be deceived I see no probable ground nor any conclusive reason of this their so immense ambition and covetousness of dispossessing other men when I consider the conveniencies of great Acquisitions which their Kings have forborn to make and how civil and liberal they have been to the Princes of Italy this may be witnessed by the States of Florence and of Sienna won by their Arms and yielded to the Medici by Corcica taken from the French and restored to the Common-wealth of Genua by the free gift of the County of Asti to the Duke of Savoy and by the recovery of almost all Piedmont to the same Duke by the restitution of Modena to the Estensi and of Piacenza to the Farnesi by the free foregoing of the State of Millain to Francisco Sforza by the adjudging of Montferrat to the Gonzagi almost 100 years after the Paleologi were extinct and now freed from the hands of the Duke of Savoy and so faithfully restored to the Duke of Mantua If we be not satisfied with these cleâ—…r and evident Examples I cannot see what mis-guiding error it is which doth incumber us and makes us argue them to be so covetous of thirsting after what belongs to others I forbear mentioning that all our Princes have for so many years been undisturbed by this their so great power nay how upon all occasions they have been succoured by them and we if truth may prevail and if the remembrance of benefits received make not the Benefactor odious as we have no just occasion to complain of their nighbourhood so may we not justly forget the benefits received from the Crown both when Ferdinando the Catholick sent Consalvâ—… the great to assist us when assaulted by the Turks and when Philip the second concur'd in the sacred League chiefly in our defence against the Ottoman Empire
the Kingdom but in effect by his own command sent him some Ships as it was said fraughted with Foot Count Iohn of Nassau was also daily expected to come with men by land from Holland and it was heard that succours came from Germany to assist the said Duke which were sent him from the Protestant Princes of that Nation who did not a little foment the Wars of Piedmont Nor did the Venetians foment them less then they though secretly who from the beginning being anxious at the proceedings of the Spanish Army and fearing that the Duke might be oppress'd began to assist him underhand with moneys and advice and afterwards seeâ—…g his affairs proceed prosperously they being desirous to abate the Spanish grandezza were not wanting in sustaining him and shoaring him up to the end that he might resist him who thought to suppress him So all these Princes being thought privately to blow this fire it was imagined that their Embassadours who Negotiated the business did not proceed therein with sincerity unless it were the Popes Nuntio for both their manner of treating and form of conclusion was sufficiently different from that reallity which in appearance they did profess and contrary to the great confidence and good correspondency between the Kings of Spain and France the French Embassadour having the â—…ppointment made at Madrid in one hand and in the otheâ—… the intimation of War being consequently able to compel the Duke by the latter and to force the Governour by the other so as he was the chief Arbitrator of all that Negotiation the rather for that the French Souldiers and Captains who fought on the Dukes behalf depending upon his command he might at his pleasure make them forego their Arms and bereave the Duke of the greatest part of his Forces and though by orders from his King he was to be careful of the reputation of the Spanish Crown and to give satisfaction thereunto and as a good servant to so great a King ought not to suffer the peace to be concluded otherwise for the example which it would be to all greater Kings and being trusted by the Barons of France was chosen by the Queen to be imploy'd for this end at the Court of Spain yet the Authority and common desire of the Princes of that Kingdom wherein they differ'd from the King in point of keeping friendship with the Crown of Spain prevailing more with him as also peradventure the French humour naturally averse to the name of Spaniard he made less account of the Kings command which was the chief cause of all the inconveniences which befell the Spanish Army For doubtlesly things would have gone otherwise if he had punctually observed his Kings directions immediately after the Victory upon the Hills but whilst under pretence of not exasperating the Duke he proceeded sometimes too favourably with him and sometimes approving of his jealousies he feared that by intimating War unto him Piedmont might be made a prey to the Victorious Army much to the Kings prejudice and that therefore he temporiseth with the Duke wherein he is fautor'd by the English and Venetian Embassadours the Duke knowing what was done fenc'd himself on one side with subterfugeâ—… and delays and on the other side assaulted the Enemies Trenches and faced him and on the contrary the Spanish Army as hath been said mouldred away and the weaker they grew in Forces and Men the Duke had the less mind to come to an agreement and consequently standing harder upon the advantage of Articles propounded delays and greater difficulties and hoping to get the better at the last had a greater desire to fight and venting his conceived hatred against the Spaniards aspired at glory by the total Victory of so invincible an Army and the Embassadours who would spin the thread of the Negotiation aâ—… they were resolved to do held the Governours in hand with efficacious promises of peace the conclusion whereof being from day to day defer'd and they the mean while delighting to see the miseries of the Spanish Army they delaied so long as finding it at last reduced to so great weakness as that it was not able to fall upon any enterprise they began to treat of new conditions which together with the three particulars of Madrid contained many other things of satisfaction to the Duke Thus was the Capitulations of peace made upon the beneath written terms and agreement That the Duke should disarm effectually within one moneth and retaining only four Companies of Swissers for the safety of his States together with as many of his Subjects as he would should casheâ—…r all the rest of his men that he should not offend the Duke of Mantua's Dominions and that his pretentions should be discus'd in the Emperours Courts of Justice On the contrary the French Embassadour promised that the Rebels of Montferrat should be pardoned and be fully restored to their Goods Honours and Offices that he should be protected by France in case he should be molested by the Spaniard contrary to what was agreed upon to which purpose express command was given in the Kings name to Marshall Diguere Governour of Dolpheny and to the other Governours of Provinces confining upon the Dukes Territories that immediately without expecting any orders from the King they should succour the Duke in case the Conventions should not be agreed upon that the Swissers and Walloons should be restored to free Commerce in the State of Millain that the places taken by either side should be restored that all the French should be generally pardoned who had served in the present War contrary to the Kings command that the King of Spain should not demand passâ—…ge for six moneths space of the Duke for any men That the Duke should have three moneths allowed him to give notice to his friends that they were to abstain from any hostility against the King during which time the Duke repairing any damage which should be done nothing of Hostility which should happen should prejudice tâ—…e peace and herewith the removal of the Spanish Army was agreed upon in form following That the French Embassadour should desire the Duke to draw a thousand Foot out of Asti at whose marching out he would write to the Governour and cause him to quit his quarters and to retreat to Croce Bianca and to Quarto Which being done tâ—…e same Embassadour was to intreat the Duke to remove the rest of the Souldiers out of the City and the French Embassadour promised that on the same day that that should be done the Spanish Army should march out of Piedmont and that then the Duke should immediately disâ—…rm but with this promise from the Embassadour that after such effectual laying down of Arms the Governour should so dispose of the Kings Army as neither the Duke nor any other Prince of Italy should thereby have any cause of jealousie and that the King of France should ratifie the agreement within twenty days All these Articles and Conventions were reciprocal
and that he would easily reduce affairs into their former condition Which hopes being greedily conceived and believed that he should be able to make that Court slacken their former orders and permit more freedom to him in conducting the publick affairs according to his own mind and according as times and occasions should serve but howsoever affairs went there for the more intimate occasions of this new commotion appeared too observe and too repugnant within themselves and peradventure were no less unknown to the Officers through whose hands they past then to the people who only minded the effects it is certain that the Duke either took or the Governour gave him occasion of re-assuming those Arms which being naturally given to war he had unwillingly laid down from the wresting of the meaning of the Capitulations of Asti from the dispute about their execution and from the rigorous pâ—…etentions about the point of honour between the Duke and the Governour Wherefore the Governour seeing him busie in preparing for a new war and being himself no less desirous to set it on fire tâ—…en the Duke thinking undoubtedly to bring him lower and to subdue his Forces he began to prepare an Army not inferiour to that of the preceding year he took order for men in Germany in Burgony in Swisserland and in the Kingdom of Naples he disburst moneys to fill up the Brigades of Lombardy and to raise new Foot in the State of Millain so rather as it were out of sport and out of a fained shew then out of any deliberate will war was again begun by him who was able to have quench'd the fire thereof which afterwards breaking forth in earnest and contrary to his opinion who caused it was the occasion of much prejudice and ruine to the people of Lombardy And as the first war was not improperly termed the Duke of Lerma's war so this upon better grounds was called Tolledo's war The troubles of France were at this time reduced to such terms as the King being neer the Princes Forces with a powerful Army the business had like to have been decided by a Battel But the King and Queen choosing rather even upon disadvantagious terms to forbear shedding of civil blood and to secure affairs then to get the Victory by the ruine and destruction of the Kingdom and by the common danger were not against According many things by way of Negotiation even contrary to their wills and authority Whereof two were the â—…iefest the first that the principal State-ministers should be removed from their Offices in whose places others of the confiding Princes should be put the other that the King should swear to make the Treaty of Asti be observed Wherefore the King understanding what orders the King of Spain had given to the Governour commanded Lodovico Mangiaâ—…te who was his Ageat in Turin to go to Millain and sollicit the execution of that Treaty Who being come to Millain and having spoken with the Governour desiring him in the Kings name that he would become more pliable and prosecute the begun execution of that Capitulation with all sincerity received this answer that the Kings Army was much lessened by the dismission of the Swissers and of those of Tuscany Urbane Parma and Lucca and by the death and running away of the Lombardy Regiments that the King was not obliged to disarme by the Articles of Asti and lesse upon new occasions to reassume Arms that notwithstanding he the Governour had for the intire observancy of the Capitulations offer'd the Duke reciprocal restitution of what had been taken which the Duke had refused and that not relying upon the words of two so good and so great Kings who offer'd to secure him from the Forces of the State of Millain he contrary to the said Capitulations had detained most of his men in Piedmont and therefore given new reason of jealousies and that notwithstanding he the Governour offer'd again the proposal of restitution and promised not to offend him if the Duke would resolve to observe the Capitulations intirely and that if he should refuse to do this he the Agent might witness this to the King to the end that he might be fully satisfied of the new preparations made by the Duke and of what he should hereafter do and that he might plainly see that he the Governour would proceed with such authority and reputation as became his King without obviating the peace The Governour gave this answer in writing to the Agent and made the same be given to the King by the Duke of Montelion in Paris who writ him word back that the King had approved thereof But the Prince of Conde the other confederates seemed to understand it otherwise whose authority by this new and advantagious agreement was then very great and got ground upon the King who by reason of his tender years was not yet constant in his Counsels and Resolutioâ—…s They therefore agreed to send an Embassadour into Italy and made choice of Philippo di Bettune a nimble-witted Gentleman and well experienced in the affairs of Italy where he had been Embassadour many years with the Pope from the King his Commission was to find out the Governour and press him to the perfect performance of the Treaty This mean while all things inclined daily to a manifest breach in Lombardy for new seeds of troubles being already sown the Duke arm'd strongly and so did the Governour the Duke threaâ—…ned to reassume the war in Montferrat by reason of the Duke of Mantua's backwardness to pardon the Rebels the Governour would quarter his men in that State not only to defend it from the Duke but also that he might be the readieâ—… to offend Piedmont and to the end tâ—…at the Duke of Savoy fearing to be assaulted neerer hand and as it were at his own doors might lay aside his thought of assaulting others But the Duke of Mantua refusing to receive forreign Souldiers into Montferrat the Princes of Italy storm'd thereat and chiefly the Duke of Savoy who from a â—…ore assailant being become a jealous Protector of that State did not only exclaim against it for his own interest but to raise suspicions of the Governour and of the Spanish Court and to make them be ill thought of by the Italians and renewing the ancient jealousies he gave out that under colour of defending and protecting Montferrat the Governour did fully intend to usurpe it and the Queen Mother exclaiming much against it in the Court of Spain the King of Spain commanded absolutely that it should be forborn At this time the Duke of Savoy increased in reputation it being given out that the French Embassadour came in favour to him who as it was said was sent from the Prince of Conde and from the consederates who managed the affairs of that Court as they listed and seemed to adhere sufficiently to his cause not was the tacite League between him the Duke and the Commonwealth of Venice of less consideration which being
Chamber in defence of the Valtoline which did appertain little or nothing to the Church but spare them for the eminent danger of the State of Urbine which speeches being accompanied with some other favourable Demonstrations to the French did trouble the Spaniards and made them very circumspect in the business of Urbino lest the Pope to make a greater conjunction with the King of France might probably precipitate the business of the Valtoline and yet being naturally very considerate he had two Consultations about the business of the Valtoline of the most conspicuous Theologists of the Court and most exemplary for holiness of life who having discus'd the business were of opinion that the Pope ought not to permit Catholicks to return under the yoke of Hereticks out of the evident danger of their souls which belonging to the Flock of our Saviour Christ it became him according to the Gospel to defend them like a good Shepherd from the Wolves though with the hazard of his own life Thus did the Affairs of the Valtoline alter out of several respects in that Court just like the ebbing and flowing of the Sea and the Pope not being resolved what to do in it that he might hold them both in hand temporized and delai'd his resolution but the French who whilst Gregory lived were quiet when they had a Pope who was their friend began to rouse up and to pretend that the Valtoline the Forts being demolished was to return under the Grisons command nor did they admit of any exception unless that for what concern'd the safety of the Catholick Religion the Pope should be the determiner this they said was dictated by the first Capitulations at Madrid and thus Reason and the King of France his Obligation to Protect the Grifons did require they persisted the more in these pretentions for that they saw their affairs were much altered for in the Spanish Court instead of alliance enmity with the English was increased the Spanish Army in Flanders and all the Forces of those States were busied before Breda a very strong Town of the Hollanders both for Situation Fortification and for its being triple fenced by water the taking of it was held impossible the Siege very long and of uncertain success the Hollanders having raised a strong Army to relieve it The Affairs of that Court had had but bad success in the Indies and in America for Ormuz a very strong Town situated in the mouth of Persia a principal place for Merchandize and of great annual revenue and of greater concernment for the command of the East-Indies was taken by those Barbarians they being assisted by English shipping the Baja de todes santos or All Saints Bay the chiefest staple Town of Brasile being perhaps in pursuance of the League of Avignon assaulted by a Holland Fleet was taken and sack'd which having had booty thâ—…re to the value of above two Millions of Ducates fortified themselves there intending further progress these were two mighty blows to the Crown of Spain which did oblige that King to send a powerful Army as he did to recover them and to boot that the event of these Affairs was uncertain they required great store of shipping multitudes of men and money nor were the wars of Germany yet wholly at an end for many Rebels of the Empire and whose Forces seemed rather to increase then to lessen did molest it in several places for the King of Denmark in conformity to the League at Avignon came into the Field very strong and had made himself head of the Protestant Princes who took up Arms against the Emperour to restore the Palatine to his Patrimonial State and who made great progress in the lower Germany On the contrary the Affairs of France which till now had been full of troubles and civil wars seemed to be brought into a safe Harbour and by several accidents to be in a better condition the King of England having broken the match with Spain had concluded a Marriage between his Son the Prince of Wales and a Sister to the King of France who was yet unmarried and joyning in League with him promised great things against the interest of Spain both by Sea and Land answerable to the League of Avignon and the tumults of France were either totally composed or it was in the Kings power to end them which accidents concurring at the same time were able to incite any Prince to novelties though never so much an enemy thereunto much more the King of France and French Nation who were so far interessed and ingaged in the business of the Valtoline and therefore though after many Consultations had in Rome between the Embassadours of Spain and France of themselves and afterwards with the Pope the Pope put forth at last some Articles touching the security in point of Religion amongst those of the Valtoline whereunto the Embassadour did agree and made others between themselves in their Kings name whereby the Valtoline when the Forts should be demolished was to return to be under the Grisons but with some Articles Conditions and upon pain of Escheat in case of swarving from the agreement and particularly with leave for the King of Spain to pass men thorow it yet the King of France accepting only those that were propounded by the Pope did absolutely refuse those that were agreed upon by the Embassadour and being highly offended with the Commandator Sillery who was his Embassadour he sent Monsieur di Bittune to succeed him and sent for Sillery back to France and did not only deprive him of his favour but removed his Brother who was Lord Chancellor and the Chancellors Son who was Secretary of State together with other of their dependants from their imployments being apprehensive as was said that they held some secret intelligence with the Court of Spain and being incensed against the King of Spain desired the Pope that he would either cause the Forts to be demolished or else restore them to the King of Spain to the end that he might make way to their demolishment without offence to the Apostolick See but the Articles of depositure withstood the demolishing and the restitution was gainsaid for fear of raising new wars between the two Kings so as look with how much more circumspection it became the Pope to proceed in his resolves so much more did the fervency of the French increase who not brooking any delay and seeing things in a way for war furthered the execution of the League and the preparations for all things requisite for what was resolved on But the Marriage which was just at this time in hand between Prince Phileberto of Savoy and Princess Maria Daughter to Francis late Duke of Mantua did either totally hinder or at least retard for the present the effects of so great a combination by which Treaty the Duke of Savoy who if he were not the head was a principal member of this League was diverted from the common Counsels The Spaniards had
affairs which being by him abandoned were totally ruined the Grisons who were chiefly concern'd in the prejudice of the Valtoline could not tolerate that after having run so many dangers in point of liberty and suffer'd such calamities they should be deprived of so noble a part of their Dominions nor that their Protector the King of France should after his publick profession made to the contrary have consented so far when they did most believe to be restored by his Arms so as they complained bitterly and did openly refuse to accept of those Articles by which they were inforced to renounce their own interests the Venetians were mad seeing themselves deprived of that advantage which they thought themselves sure of after the expence of so much Treasure after having undergone so many Troubles after so many Plots and Artifices whereby for their own safety and the safety of Italy they had turned the world upside down the Pope was variously spoken of herein those who minded the reality of affairs thought he had reason to be very well satisfied with this peace since he had thereby vindicated his reputation by the restitution of the Forts which were to be put into his hands again and might pretend that his taking up Arms had been a great cause why the King of France had been brought to more moderate conditions on the contrary those who were more speculative and who were already sufficiently ill conceited of the Pope thought that as he had with so much dissimulation suffer'd the King of France to enter armed into the Valtoline so to secure Italy from imminent slavery and to abate the Spanish Grandezza so likewise that he took it very ill that the King of France should have stood upon so hard terms with his Legate in composing the affairs of the Valioline and if he were not ill satisfied for these respects they thought he could not be very well pleased finding that his neutrality which he had so publickly profess'd and the course which he had steered upon these present occurrences had not only not made him Arbitrator of the present Controversies but that the two Kings had agreed them without his knowledge and not without some prejudice to his authority and the Duke of Savoy was no less impatient at this then were the other Confederates for considering that instead of the resentment which he pretended unto against the Genoeses instead of the acquisition which he had hoped to have made in their Dominions he had lost many of his Patrimonial Towns lost his Artillery left in Gavi and his Galley with the Sea-Standard he thought that being to re-have them by agreement and not by force was to acknowledge that he had been a loser by that war so as he knew not well what to do to this was added that the peace being proclaim'd in France just at that time that the Prince his Son was in Paris and was gone thither to keep the King and that Court stedfast to the League and to procure new and greater preparations for war to be reassumed the next year which preparations that they might be the more certain and more dependent upon the Dukes authority and that he might have no occasion to contend with the French Captains and Officers as he had done with the Constable the Prince had desired and as it was afterwards reported obtained from the King the charge with title of General of the King of France his Forces in Italy wherefore the Duke being become proud as thinking himself grown formidable to his enemies and more regarded by the King of France then any of the Confederates now that he saw himself faln from such an height of expectation and abandoned by the French Court when he least expected it he held himself to be highly affronted and that the world would laugh at him but it was in vain to complain for the two Kings were firmly resolved to see their determinations effected and the Confederates not being able to do any thing without the King of France were forced to succumb and patiently to swallow down so bitter a pill and of so hard disgestion and the King of France who had no excuse for what he had done cared not much for their being unsatisfied his Agents sheltering themselves under the Kings greatness and authority alledg'd not any thing in defence of what their King had done but that the interests of the Kingdom required it should be so with which they said it behoved and was necessary that the Confederates should comply sometimes suffering it to escape out of their mouths when they were strait put to it that the Confederates not being any ways to be compared to their King they must look upon him as their superiour The Princes of France were no less ill satisfied with the peace it self then were the Potentates of the League wherefore hating the King as well as him who had been the chief cause of concluding the peace some who were discontented with the present condition of affairs and desirous of novelties and pretences to conspire against the Kings person and against Armand du Plesses Cardinal di Richelieu the Kings chief and most intimate Counsellor and Favorite and it not being known what the true causes were which caused the King to be so sollicitous in procuring this peace so speedily and with such secrecie some would have it and it was afterwards publickly spoken that the signs of the dangerous conspiracy which was discovered in the Court of France against the Kings person forc'd him to compose businesses abroad upon any conditions that he might the more securely provide against home conspiracies but the business being discovered in Nantes four moneths after the peace was concluded does totally exclude that consideration but whatsoever the matter was were it that the peace were the effect of the Conspiracy or the Conspiracy of the peace some Princes of France taking the unhappy conduct of the Kings affairs by the unfortunate success of war and by the dishonourable peace as pretence for their Conspiracy and finding that they could not pull down the Cardinal by reason of the constant belief the King had in him plotted to pull down the King himself many were thought to be complices in this Conspiracy the Duke and Cavalier di Vandosme natural Brothers to the King many were imprisoned upon this account the Count di Soissons Prince of the blood his absenting himself from the Court made him be suspected to be guilty many said that Monsieur d'Orleans the Kings Brother and heir to the Crown together with several other chief Officers who were very inward with the King were held to have a hand in it The Plot was that the King should be kil'd or deposed and that having no Sons the said Orleans should be made King upon whose genius as being more tractable and conformable to their humours those laid their foundations who endeavoured new resolutions in the world and the ruine of the League in prejudice to peace
therein in consideration of the unjustness of the fact or weary of their unfortunate success in the late Wars of Italy it abhorred to have to do in so scandalous a novelty and therefore did at first put on the more just and favourable resolution not only of consenting to Nevers his new succession but to receive him into the protection of the Crown and to be his friend and in conformity to so holy and wise a resolution dispatches were already sent out of the Kings Chancery which not being yet come to Italy the Dukes Letters and the Advertisments of Don Gonzallo and of the other Spanish Agents arrived at the Court whereby they acquainted the King with what intelligence they held in Cassalle whereupon the mind of the Court was soon alter'd and the justice of the Cause being born down by the apparent advantage of the new acquisition and of the assured safety which would thereby redound to the affairs of Italy they resolved to oppose the new Duke with might and main and by open war to keep him from the succession of those States and the charge of this new enterprise together with the absolute Government of the State of Millain which was the thing he aspired unto was given to Don Gonzallo the chief Author and Promotor of so unhappy and unfortunate an advice in the execution whereof though the Emperour had not as yet absolutely consented thereunto Don Gonzallo began to declare war in the Emperours name and for his better preparing of Men and Arms he alledged the Emperours Decree of Advocation for the ground work of the Enterprise and said That whereas the Duke ought to have been put into possession of those States by the Emperour he had actually and of his own Authority intruded thereinto contrary to the said Decree He also gilded over this new Commotion with endeavours for the publick Peace of Italy and for the safety of the Affairs of the Crown of Spain And lastly but rather by way of complaint than of any lawfull occasion of new War he added the Marriage of the Princess Mary concluded without any respect to the Kings Alliance or Authority These were the reasons alledged for this present War which being but little allowed of by the tacit consent of most men and as they rendred the Spanish Forces but little justifiable and Cesar's resolutions not correspondent to the fame and universally conceived opinion of his Piety and Religion so did they on the contrary reconcile through commiseration the general favour to the new Dukes Cause as if being oppress'd meerly for reason of State he had been suffocated only by the covetousness and force of a more powerful Adversary But it being apparently known that the Emperour proceeded herein more as forced by the urgent and importunate instigations of the Spanish Agents than by his own genius and will as it did in part excuse him from mens sinister opinion so did it lay all the odium and blame upon the Spaniards which appearing naked in the Field unassisted by the Imperial Name or Authority which they carried in their foreheads written in golden Letters they did appear to men what they intrinsecally were not bent to favour the rights of any of the pretenders nor to the maintaining of the Cesarean Authority but to the new acquisition of Territories and to the further enlarging the Kings Empire in Italy by the suppressing of that Prince so as the Insurrections of the Valtoline susteined and fomented by the Spaniards had fill'd Italy with jealousies and suspicions and rendred their name odious so their present betaking themselves to the manifest usurpation of a Principality without any the least colourable reason forc'd the Italian Potentates to privide for their private and for the Common safety which if the Spaniards should obtain their ends they foresaw would be much endangered The Duke of Savoy's reconciliation to the King of Spain did accelerate the Enterprise against the new Duke for the Kings Agents to make the business easie to themselves and to lay the way open for the taking of Cassalle which they did so excessively desire and firmly believing the Duke would not stand idle upon such an occasion nor suppress his ancient presences and on the other side the Duke seeing that he could not better advantage himself in the present conjuncture of times then by help from Spain therefore all other respects being laid aside they thought neither of them could do better than to hasten the conclusion of the Agreement which had been treated of long before touching the division of Montferrat by which Trino Alba San Damiano and many other Towns of Montferrat being assigned over to the Duke which being more incorporated with Piedmont was very advantagious for the union of that State the Spaniards were to put themselves into the possession of the rest wherein was comprehended Cassalle Pontestura Montcalvo Nice Acqui Ponzone together with the adjacent Towns which as being annex'd unto and confining upon the Marquesate of Finale and the River of Genoa made much for the accommodation of the Spaniards It was agreed upon by colourable pretence That each of them should prosecute the Enterprise in Cesar 's Name That it should not be lawful for the Duke to fortifie any place he should take and That neither of them should be a hinderance in the possessing of what should fall to them by the Division So the Duke that he might get part since he could not get the whole was content that his Niece the Princess Mary should be quite bereft of the whole and the Spanish Forces which till now withstood the Dukes pretences for their own interest began now to protect him therein The French had long before this endeavoured to disturbe this reconciliation and to this end it was thought that in the Negotiation of Peace between the Duke and the Common-wealth they held the Dukes pretences very high not so much to gratifie him at the Genoeses cost and to mitigate the injury done him by the Peace of Monsone as for that Peace remaining unconcluded by reason of the Dukes high demands the reconciliation should not be effected and not herewithall content that they might keep him to fide still with them they during Duke Vincent's life held Treaties of Alliance between the Cardinal of Savoy and Princess Mary and between her Mother the Dowager Infanta and the Duke of Nevers with some settlements touching the pretensions to Montferrat and Monfieur Sanchiamond being to this end sent Embassadour Extraordinary from the King to Duke Vincenzo after Duke Ferdinando's death by the usual way of condoling and congratulating he as he pass'd through Turin and went afterwards to Mantua treated thereof with them both in the Kings Name But Duke Vincent dying not long after the no sincerity of the Negotiation appeared by the sudden match which was concluded not without satisfaction and joy to the French and to the same Sanchiamond who because he was in Mantua when the Duke dyed
business might be put over to the Law and given out writings and published the opinions of Civilians in Print whereby he strove to prove there was no reason why he should be forced to forgo his Dominions without the cause given why and afterward having complained very much why the like commands had not been sent to the Duke of Savoy and to the Governour of Millain who had actually and by violence possess'd themselves of part of his Dominions and still proceeded to possess themselves of the rest they came to the third Summons wherein Cesar declared that if Nevers would put what he possess'd into his hands the Duke of Savoy and the Governour of Millain should do the like with what they had taken of his Nevers seemed to accept of this offer and to this purpose he sent his Son the Duke of Retell to Cesars Court that he might expedite the dispatch of the business by favour of the Empress who was Sister to the three last Dukes of Mantua and did wish well to Nevers his cause to whom she was neerly allied in blood but being come thither he found that Cesar perceiving that neither the Duke nor Spaniards would be brought to make any restitution and it was hard for him to compel them to it had mitigated the Edict and accommodating himself to the times had made a new Proposal by which the Duke of Savoy and the Spaniards were permitted in Cesars name to keep what they had taken and the Duke of Nevers was to possess the City and entire Dukedom of Mantua so as the Dutch who were to be sent by the Emperour into Italy might have the City Castle and Citadel of Casalle assigned over unto them till cause to the contrary was known Retell not being able to get better conditions and not being received nor acknowledged by the Emperour as Prince of Mantua by reason of the Spaniards earnest desire to the contrary lest by such a Declaration his pretentions might not seem to be tacitely granted and the Kings cause in Montferrat might in the eyes of the world seem to be damnified he departed but ill satisfied from that Court and the new Proposals were not accepted of by his Father whose fear of the Emperours Edicts were lessened by the weakness of the Spanish Army and the King of France his prosperous proceedings made him believe more in the favour and forces of that Kingdom then in the Imperial Dâ—…crees or Decisions In these Negotiations and Transactions the year 1628 ended and the King of France having at last compass'd his ends upon Rochel whereinto he entred victorious and triumphing on All Saints day he prepared to pass over the Mountains with gallant Forces to assist the Duke of Nevers for the Hugonots of France having received a great blow by the loss of Rochel and the Affairs of France being almost perfectly setled nothing was heard of in that Kingdom but preparations for Italy which being divided into two Armies the one was to pass through Dolpheny and Syonois to the relief of Montferrat and the King prepared to pass over the Mountains personally therein and the other was to advance by the County of Nizza and by the River of Genoa towards Casalle the Spaniards nor the Duke of Savoy could not believe so strange a resolution they thought it was impossible that the King having his Kingdom yet full of troubles and exhausted of moneys his Army being weary and wasted before Rochel could pass over the Alps in the midst of Winter with great forces and carry over Victuals Artillery and other necessaries for so great an action the Alps being yet loaded with Snow Especially when he should know that he would be opposed by the Duke of Savoy who being joyn'd in Forces and Intelligence with the Spaniards was to resist him strongly at the Passes which he kept well garrison'd and munited hoping therefore that the fame of these great preparations would prove but talk they continued the Siege the scarcity of Victuals increased this their confidence which scarcity being so great an impediment to their Forces who were masters and peaceful possessors of the State of Millain and of Piedmont it would assuredly prove a much greater hindrance to the French if they should come into Italy and have occasion to keep there for a great conduct of Victuals being requisite to feed so great an Army it would be impossible for the French to compass it and consequently the greater their numbers were which should pass the Alps the easilier and the sooner they would be overcome meerly by Famine they therefore thought that this sole consideration should not only retarde but retain the fury of the French Forces at least for this year and that in the mean while the enterprise of Cassalle undisturb'd by any Forreign assistance would be happily effected The Court of Spain confiding in these difficulties did not only not make any necessary preparations for defence but forbore to send the Duke the succours which they had promised for the maintaining of Piedmont and to oppose the French Forces they forbare also to endeavour diversion by the Pirenean Mountains and by Burgony and by secretly fomenting the Rebels in France so to keep that King in work and busied with his home affairs and consequently from medling with those of Forreigners the pretermission of which provisions did not only facilitate the resolution taken by the French but did incite them to it For the King being firm to his resolution valued not any of the difficulties or contrary considerations being confident to overcome them and to make his way by the Sword The fame of the mighty preparations of this Kingdom increasing greater then those of any of the preceding Kings the Spaniards and the Duke began at last to fear not only the success but whatsoever might be the result of so great and so neer an Army The Duke and Governour were likewise much troubled for not having for a long time heard from the Court of Spain for the Spaniards being jealous of France through which the expresses used to pass and the Sea not being open in Winter people could not without much difficulty pass from Spain into Italy and such had the ill fortune been as three several Posts that had been sent from Spain being driven by violent winds upon the Coast of Provence were detain'd and had their Letters intercepted so as the deliberations of Italy depending much upon the results of that Court the Duke and Governour knew not in such a perplexity of business what to do nor was it only the scarcity of moneys and want of advertisment which kept them from making any provision but neither had they time to make new Levies of men for the necessary defence of the State of Millain and for the Provisions for the Army before Cassalle and for the Forces which were towards the Cremonese and which were already much diminished it was therefore thought the best expedient to beat up Drums in the State of
Quarter some Contribution in what quality or quantity Collalto pleased to take it The Army being in their Quarters the besieged sallied out in great numbers and molested the stations held by the Enemy not without some advantage to themselves and prejudice to the Enemy Nevers going out himself in person with the Prince his Son and a good Band of men fell upon Mormitolo a place some five miles off where about one hundred Dutch were quartered who yielded unto him upon discretion He afterward went to Castiglione which he likewise took whereby making way for relief from Verona the Venetians had conveniency to convey victuals into the City they met with contrary fortune at Rivolta on the left bank of Mincio where it falls into the Lake which Town rising in Insurrections by the fomentation of the Venetians was recovered by the Dutch who went thither with the death of all the Towns-men who refusing to surrender the Town were even to the very Infants put to the Sword and though the Dutch Horse foraged the Countrey yet some succours were brought in from the State of Venice which being done by stealth were not sufficient by much for the need the City was in which being begirt by the Enemy wanted food and was also hardly handled by the Plague which was very great here as also in all the neighbouring Towns and Cities insomuch as getting into the City of Venice people died so fast as the care thereof was almost quite given over by those that had the looking to it the like hapned in Millain Bullognia and in all the Cities of Lombardy Romagnia and Tuscany but whilst the Cesarian Army winter'd in the State of Mantua and Spinola's Forces in Montferrat provisions for war as also Negotiations for peace ceased not in both which not only the Commanders in the Armies but the Princes of Italy laboured The Pope seeing the Dutch forces so neer the Church-Dominions sent about 18000 Foot into the parts about Bullognia under his Brother Don Carlo and 2000 horse and sollicited the building of Fort Urbano which he had resolved upon two years before and was begun at Castel Franco upon the way that leads from Modena to Bullognia and was a good and fitting Bulwark to Romagnia and the Church-Territories on that side but that he might likewise by his authority and endeavours stop the evils which threatned Italy he made Cardinal Antonio his Brothers second Son Legate who being also come into Bullognia where his Father govern'd the Ecclesiastick Forces he sent Monsieur Iovan Iacomo Panciruolo to Mantua to treat of some suspension of Arms between the Duke of Nevers and Collalto to the end that in the interim they might the more commodiously and with the better hopes treat of peace But this was but in vain for Collalto growing proud with successe made still higher demands and the Duke who had nothing more to grant but Mantua and Casalle had not wherewithall to satisfie his demands and pretensions so as there was no middle way left for them to meet in and the lesse for that the siege of Mantua being given over with so little honour to the Cesarean Forces and Casalle not as yet attempted by Spinola the new Dukes hopes were not a little comforted nor his confidence a little increased of being sustained by them who fomented him and were his well-wishers For whilst these two places held good all the other Town taken by the enemy either in the state of Mantua or Montferrat made but little for the main concernment of the Warr and it being very probable that the Armies being afflicted by the Pestilence by the Winter inconveniences and by those of the Campagina they would in time lessen and it was to be hoped that being much diminished of themselves they would be reduced to such a condition as not being able to withstand the French Forces which were to passe over the Alps very strong the next Spring they would be easily driven from their quarters a consideration which did must afflict Spinola For having two Armies on his back which he was to furnish with expences and provisions he feared he must be forc'd to squander out monies to no purpose this Winter and have need of it himself afterwards when there should be occasion to lay it out with profit Wherefore growing very sparing thereof he was lesse carefull in satisfying the Duke of Savoy's demands and necessities though he had other greater respects to keep him from furnishing him with monies which he proceeding from distrust did daily increase by reason of his continual treating with the French Sometimes by means of the victuals which â—…as bound to furnish the Army with which was to passe over the Mountains Sometimes by doing the like to those of Casalle Sometimes by the conduct-monies which were agreed to be given them when they should be come into Piedmont Sometimes by the negotiations which daily past touching the Dukes joyning his Forces with the French whereof there were pregnant suspicions by many demonstrations made by the Duke on purpose to make Spinola jealous Wherefore these actions being really repugnant to that good correspondency and inclination which the Duke profestto the Kings affairs when he demanded monies of Spinola and it seeming somewhat hard to Spinola that he should feed one with monies who continually fomented the enemy and who held continually so close intelligence with them he demanded from the Duke some cautionary Townes in Piedmont if he would be furnished with monies for security of his profest good will and inclination to the King of Spaine's affaires The demand did very much trouble not onely the Duke but all the Princes of Italy for it increased the jealousies of the Italian Princes if Spinola should get yet further footing in Piedmont to boot with what the Spaniards pretended to in Montferrat and the Duke in whom the Italian Princes did confide that he would not forgo the common cause as well in respect of his own as of the common interest Having complained to the King of Spain of the demands made by Spinola he obtained Orders from the Court to Spinola that he should desist from such demands and Spinola that the Duke might not be too much exasperated received some check for his too much severity Great Preparations for Warr were not only made in Italy but also elsewhere The King of France raised a mighty Army to come stronger then formerly into Piedmont and the Emperour and the King of Spain to keep the French from opposing the Duke and from forcing him to joyn with theâ—… prepared to assault France the one on the side of Spain the other on the side of Germany But both these proved rather Rumours then Reallities the want of money was the cause why on the King of Spain's side he having hardly sufficient to supply the Warrs within Italy Flanders and Germany so as he had not where withall to begin and maintain a new Warr with France And also the scarcity of
say by his great donatives for he favouring the Dukes Cause as if the Common Cause were concerned therein desired it might be taken into consideration in the first place so as to boot with the emulation which was already grown between them not only diversity of opinions but distastes arose upon this occasion from whence much prejudice did râ—…dound to the main affair which being distracted by the several interests and emulations of private men was subject to great hazards just like a Ship which is agitated by contrary windes so as Collalto not willing to be left alone to prosecute the business of Piedmont withdrew to the Army before Mantua saying publickly that if others would prefer their Prince his particular cause before what was the common concernment he was likewise obliged to prefer the business of Mantua wherein the Emperour was particularly interessed before that of Casalle or Piedmont The Legate being this mean while gone to Pinarollo had acquainted Cardinal Richelieu with what had been agreed unto in Alessandria by Spinola and San ' Croce he found him willing to yield to all save to what concern'd the restitution of Pinarollo which he said it was necessary for him to keep as well out of the pretences which the King of France laid thereunto as for the security of Nevers his affairs and of the peace which was to be concluded which having been violated many times as he said on the Spanish side he might justly fear it might meet again with some troubles when he should be past back over the Mountains but it was rather thought that he refused to restore Pinarolio out of private ambition for he was very proud of having gotten a place of such importance for the Kings affairs and as France was much grieved when Pinarollo was restored to the Father of this present Prince by Henry the Third King of France so being now as much pleased with the recovery thereof the Cardinal would not together with the advantage of the acquisition lose the perpetual glory of having done so great a benefit to the Crown or France but this being a point of such importance for the conclusion or exclusion of peace in which things belonging to others are usually restored the retaining thereof was now discuss'd only as being contrary to the title pretended unto by the Kings Forces wherein Richelieu mitigated the Proposal and reduced the retention thereof to the space of two years offering the Duke Montcalvo and some other Towns in Montferrat in pawn for the restoring of it but this being held to be yet too hard a condition wherein the observance of the agreement was reduced to the Arbitrement of the French who when Casalle and Mantua should be freed it was hard to say what they would have done it was finally proposed that the Dutch should keep the Towns taken from the Grisons and the French those of the Dukes till such time as the affairs of Italy should be adjusted within fifteen days which when they should be adjusted and composed whatsoever was retained should be by both sides restored Spinola listned to this Proposal which he thought to be more moderate insomuch as discoursing thereof in the presence of the Duke of Savoy and of the other Commanders he said that he would readily agree thereunto if the time of restitution might be prolonged for the space of two moneths the Duke who was already very much unsatisfied with Spinola could not give way to such a length of time but letting his anger burst out which till then he had kept in he exclaimed very much upon him as did Colalto also and it being discovered that there was speech of a meeting between the Cardinal and Spinola and that intelligence was held between them the jealousie grew greater both of them being found to be no well-wishers to the Duke This suspition was much fomented by the friendship which was contracted between them when Spinola in his passage from Flanders to Spain went to the Camp before Rochel to kiss the Kings hand where being received with unusual favours by the Cardinal the Cardinal was much commended by a relation which Spinola made to the King of the well ordering of that Siege and by his assuring him of happy and speedy success if the same course should be still taken and to all this it was added that a dispatch which was at this very time sent to Spinola being intercepted Richelieu sent it to him close sealed as it was and unbroken up which being known by the Duke afforded him much cause of jealousie Thus the Treaty of peace being broken preparation was made for war and the Duke resenting Spinola's usage sent the Abbot Scaglia to complain unto the King of Spinola's strange and rigorous proceedings tending not onely to the prejudice of him the Duke but to the dis-service of the Kings affairs and of the common cause which could receive no advantage by the Dukes dis-satisfaction and he made his Daughter in Law complain of the Cardinal in the Court of France but particularly to the Queen-Mother who though she had been very well pleased formerly with the Cardinals greatness began to be jealous of him now by reason of his too great authority and of the credit which he had won with the King so as it was in several manners ill spoken of some accusing him of too great hatred to the Duke that being ordered to deal friendly with him his only endeavours in this expedition had been to incense him and by his ill usage to alienate him from the Kings interest some accused him of want of experience in Military affairs some of injustice and violence who had turned those Forces which were destined to defend an injured Prince to oppress another who was so neer allied to the King a Friend and Confederate of the Crown to the great scandal of the Kings Forces to the danger of the enterprise and of that Army wherein were so many Lords and Commanders wherefore finding himself complained of and apprehending the Kings displeasure whereinto he might run by his absence he left the management of affairs in Piedmont with the Marshals dela Force and Scomberg and return'd with Cricky into France whither when he was come and had given an account of his action and of what streights the Duke had put him in he had much adoto clear himself from the faults which were laid to his charge by his ill-willers Thus went the Duke about to prejudice the Cardinals fortune by his endeavours which he could never overthrow by his Forces nor by his so many Plots and Stratagems Whilst the business of peace was debated in Turin Don Philippo Spinola was got neer Pontestura and had begirt it on all sides and began his Batteries the French had begun some unperfect Fortifications and those of Casalle that the longer that place held out the longer might they themselves be preserved they thought good to lessen their own Garrison and Provisions and imploy them in the
into Spain had acquainted that Court with Spinola's aversion to the Duke with the bad intelligence which pass'd between him and Collalto and what sad consequences might thereupon insue to the prejudice of the common cause he had also accused Spinola of being too apparently inclined to making peace upon any whatsoever conditions such as would not only be dishonourable for their Forces but apparently dangerous for the common affairs and that it could not be known whence this should proceed unless it were from his bad inclination towards the Duke with whom he had proceeded so seveâ—…ely so as nothing but ruinous effects to the common affairs could be expected from so great a discrepancy of humours ends and wills since the Duke not being able any longer to endure it would be forced to use any means for his own honour and safety to these powerful reasons he added no less prevailing proofs amongst others the rough draught of certain Capitulâ—…tions of Peace written by Spinola's Secretary whereby though the King of France was obliged to free the Duke of Savoys Dominions and to withdraw his Forces into France yet was there no caution mentioned for the observance thereof so as it was in the Kings will and choice whether or no he would observe what he was bound unto by the Articles though all things should be punctually observed by the rest nor was this all he covenanted by the same Capitulations that all the Potentates of Italy and Germany the Electors by name should favour the States of Mantua and Montferrat in case they should be molested by any and the Duke obliged himself to afford passage and victuals to the French Armies if they should be sent to succour those States a League or rather a Conspiracy of all these Princes against the Emperour and King of Spain if at any time the Emperour should upon any just cause proceed against his Vassal or if the King of Spain should assist the Emperour and yet said Scaglia Spinola winking at so great indignities and prejudices would willingly have accepted and subscribed it had it not been abhorred by the Duke and by Collalto with the unanimous consent of all the Captains as being too insolent and too unworthy of the Cesarean authority and repuls'd as too prejudicial to Piedmont and to the State of Millain These and other reasons prevailed sufficiently with the Conde Duca who was more inclined to the Duke of Savoy then to Spinola so as there needed not many perswasions to induce him to limit Spinola's authority in the point of making peace so as when Mazarine going into France to Negotiate with the King return'd to Italy with the conclusion agreed upon by the King he found all broken off and in disorder by new Directions in this interim the old Duke being dead a suspension of Arms was treated of by the new Duke between himself and the Commanders of Cesar and the King of Spains party on one side and the French Commanders on the other side as well in Italy as out of it by which all hostility and innovation of the Fortifications hostile acts and taking of Towns was inhibited that the City and Castle of Casalle should be assigned over to Spinola and that he should furnish the Citadel being paid for it with Victuals during the time of Truce that if the peace should be concluded in Ratisbone it should be observed on all sides if not concluded by the 15th of October that the Truce should cease and that it should be lawful for the French afterwards to endeavour the relief of the Citadel and for the others to defend it and that each of them might use their Arms and do all hostile acts as before the Truce that if the Citadel should not be succoured during the whole moneth of October it should be delivered over to Spinola who was to have Hostages given him for the performance thereof that if it should be succoured Spinola should re-deliver the Castle and Citadel The French Commanders durst not accept of this Truce without express order from the King though Toras inform'd them often what want they had of Victuals Moneys and Men many whereof were dead of the Plague protesting that he could not keep it longer then September this Proposal being sent to Paris it was easily agreed to for there they desired time for the delivery of Casalle to the end that thereby they might make the peace which was in treaty at Ratisbone upon betteâ—… conditions or might have time to relieve it if peace should not be concluded Whereupon Monsieur di Bresse was immediately sent to Italy with express Orders to the French Commanders and to the Duke du Mayne who as hath been said was in Casalle that they should accept of it but some time being this mean while past Casalle was not in the former condition for the besiegers as hath been formerly said were gotten into the Ditch and the Neapolitans who besieged the City were fallen upon the Walls and the Plague having consumed many of the defendants it might probably be supposed that for want of men the like might befall that place as had hapned to Mantua it being likewise known that those within the Town were in great scarcity of Victuals wherefore Spinola making his advantage thereof would no longer listen to any suspension to any Truce or peace especially as concerning making the Citadel longer-liv'd by furnishing it with Victuals and not innovating any thing during the Truce nor making new defences against such succours as should come when the Truce should be expired Spinola was at this time much wearied both in body and mind by the labours he had taken and by the agitation of spirit which he had suffered in these present Occurrences the lessening of his power had wounded him sorely wherefore falling sick and his malady both of body and mind encreasing he soon became unfit for managing so important an enterprise or indeed for any other enterprise it was therefore requisite to send for the Marquess of San ' Croce who was then at Genoa and for the Lord Chancellor and those of the Cabinet Councel from Millain who being come to the Camp opened the Kings Orders which provided for a successour in case Spinola should die and therein they found San ' Croce nominated to whom Spinola relinquish'd the Government of all things Spinola went from the Camp and retired to Castel nuovo di Scrivia in the Tortonese to be cured of his sickness but being ancient and his sickness encreasing he dyed on the 25th of September two moneths after the late Duke of Savoy The Affairs of War and Government went less in reputation by Spinola's death the Duke of Savoy wearied with the troubles of a long war which he saw was still maintained in his Country and not being pleased that the Spaniards should suffer him to lose his State so they might get Casalle listned willingly to the offers of France which promised to restore him to the entire possession of
some advantagious Composition whereby the State of Affairs might be compounded with more reputat on and safety The small opinion they had of the Spanish Army and their firm belief that neither the Duke nor Dutch would joyn there with before Casalle did the more encourage them and made them hotter upon the Enterprise Mazarine wrote from the French Camp to the Duke That in respect of the Peace made at Ratisbone the French would proceed no further And the Duke shew'd this Letter to Galasso who was head of the Dutch that remained in Piedmont And that they might have no occasion to remove he contrary to what he had formerly refused immediately allotted them excellent Quarters And though the Duke appeared to have done all this for the safety of Piedmont against the French who were yet there under Tavanes yet the jealousie encreasing daily that he held intelligence with the French hoping to be by them restored to his State he was suspected to dissemble therein Nor was Mazarine exempt from like suspition who though as Agent from the Pope he seemed to be a friend and mediator between all parties yet the Pope himself appeared to be inwardly more inclined to the preserving than to the taking of Cassalle and his trusting to the French too much when he writ to the Duke that they should advance no further not suiting with the wariness and sagacity of a Mediator made the Spaniards suspect the more that he did not proceed sincerely with them But the streights that the Spanish Commanders were in forc'd them to swallow down any thing and with less speculativâ—… considerations to dissemble also and to minde the Kings business which they saw was in too apparent danger and their perceiving that both Friends and Enemies and Mediators and all both internal and external accidents did conspire and co-operate the ruine of the Enterprise did weaken their Counsels and confound their Resolutions At the first news that was heard that the Enemy being entred into the Territories of Asti did advance Ieronymo Gambacorti was forthwith sent against them with a thousand Horse with whom the Dutch Horse which were quartered in Acqui were ordered to joyn and the Duke of Savoy was also to send them 3000 Foot from Piedmont side to the end that with this body of men they might if not directly at least indirectly oppose the French by molesting them on the Rere on the flanks and by keeping them from Victuals But neither did the Dutch Horse nor the Dukes men appear the Horse being past over the Tannaro at Govone was entred into Piedmont and was joyn'd to the others of their Nation and the Dukes men went not past St Damiano And the Duke trusting perhaps to Mazarine his Advertisement did not only not think of making any opposition but indeavoured to keep the Dutch in Piedmont so as Gambacorti's Expedition wrought no effect at all onely that watching the Enemies ways and finding that they advanced he speedily gave notice thereof to the Camp that they might be prepared to receive them whereupon it was necessary to have recourse to Collalto and to get him to send for all the Dutch from Piedmont to joyn with the Kings Forces against the French But Collalto shrinking up his shoulders and persisting in his opinion would have the Dutch stay to defend Piedmont and the Peace made at Ratisbone which he had proclaimed whereby all hostile acts were forbidden him did honest his denial Wherefore the Camp being full of confusion and terrour by reason of the uncertainty of the coming of the Dutch and the certainty that the French did advance quaked for fear All men laid this hard dealing of Collalto to a tacite Intelligence with the Duke and by the Dukes means with the French But provision came seasonably from Germany against this so bitter and necessary accident Don Carlo Doria seeing it was impossible â—…or him to hinder the conclusion of Peace at Ratisbone which he judged to be so prejudicial to the Kings honour to the safety of his Affairs and that he could not stave it off till the Citadel of Cassalle should be taken obtained Letters from the Emperour to Collalto wherein he was ordered Thâ—…t since by the Articles of Peace he could not have to do in that business in his behalf and since it was not known whether the King of France would accept of the Peace or no especially not being obliged to do it That in caâ—…e the French should not allow thereof he should obey San Croce and assist him with all his Forces Thus the Cause and Title being altered the War which was made before in Cesar's Name was made in the Name of the King of Spain and the Emperours Forces which were Principals at first became accessory to the King of Spain's and the Kings which were accessory became upon this occasion Principal Collalto who before refused to send a thousand men to Casalle and suffered all things to run to ruine having received new Orders from the Emperour summoned all his men into the field Galasso was come thither the night before the French appeared with some of them the rest came the night after Gambacorti after he had coasted along the French Army to the Confines of the State of Millain retreated to the Camp And the French parting from the Territories of Asti went to Annone where finding the Gates shut they agreed for passage with the Towns-men without giving or receiving any molestation They came from Annone by the Valley of Grana to Occimiano where staying that night and the day following they had notice That the Spanish Camp was well fortified with Trenches and Artillery towards the Hills and that therefore they might with less danger assault them on the Plain where the Fortifications and Trenches were weaker and imperfect Wherefore they resolved to advance by the way of the Plain Advancing thus on that side where they were least expected they took Frassinetto together with the neighbouring Bridge over the Poe by which Victuals and forrage were brought to the Camp from Allessandrino and Occimiano and whereby the Spanish Army was debarr'd Commerce with Allessandrino and there not being many Carriages nor Barques in the Camp wherewith to throw over another Bridge they began to want Victuals and the penury grew the greater by the coming of the Dutch nor had they draught Horses for the Train of Artillery so as it was hard for them to bring them from the Hills where they were already planted to the Trenches towards the Plain where there were not above eight little Pieces All of them were so troubled with doubt whether the Dutch would come to the Camp or no and with fear That if they should not come all would be ruined as their coming was not sufficient to cancel their fear nor to curb their confusion They wanted old and experienced Camp-Masters and Serjeants to put their men in Battle Array Galasso was the only man who by order from San Croce took that
amongst the offences which he pretends to have received that the Queen and the Duke of Orleans the one Sister the other Brother in Law to the King of Spain both of them being gone from France were received with safety to their persons in Flanders and that 2000 Horse were given to the Duke of Orleans for a conduct so the Emperour and King of Spain might with much more reason complain of the King of France for giving the like protections and fomentations to the Hollanders the German Princes and the Duke of Nevers who were in Arms against the Emperour that therefore it was no less an injury to the Emperour that the King of France should desire that the German Princes who had taken up Arms against him should be admitted into the peace which was in treaty between the Emperour their Sovereign and the King of France it being no better then to abet a Subject against his Prince to prescribe Laws between a Sovereign and his Vassal and to make the world know that the King of France was Arbitrator of Peace and War in Germany and Moderator of the Empire which were undoubtedly too high pretentions and which were never put for not practised by any that the case of the King of France his Mother and Brothers who were fled into the King of Spains Dominions and honourably received there was otherwise that these were personal Offices between a Father in Law and Son in Law and between Brother in Law in the like case nor did they extend further then to the person to whom they were done and if they would talk of the 2000 Horse given to the Duke of Orleans these and other assistances as the Fleet at Sea destined against Provence ought to be opposed to the King of France his fomenting so many both open and secret Hostilities against the Emperour and King of Spain since it was not reasonable that it should be lawful for the King of France to undermine the Austrian Grandezza and that the Austrians should act nothing against him that the dissentions between the Crowns of France and England and the wars made by the King of France against the Duke of Savoy because he would not abet the Spanish designs were not to be considered being things notoriously false and whereof there was no proof that the world knew the reasons of the differences between France and England and whence the distastes arose in the Royal Family of France and what were the occasions of the war made against the Duke of Savoy and how much the then Queen Regent of France and the Potentaâ—…es of Italy did press the King to force the Duke to lay down the Arms which he had taken up to suppress the Duke of Mantua These were the chief charges and defences made by each party and it being hard to say what was the just cause of this breach those who understood the Affairs of the world best were of Polybius his opinion an ancient Authour who discoursing upon the true occasions from whence the bitter Wars between the Romans and Carthaginians arose makes no account of this or that hostile act which happened between these Common-wealths or of any breach of peace between them but layes the true reason of the Wars which succeeded between them upon the meer Ambition that the one Common-wealth had to exceed the other The like say they was the occasion of the Wars between these two Crowns and Nations which contending for superiority great Emulation arose between them from whence those reciprocal hatreds which are grounded between them cannot be cancell'd by any Peace The roots of the like Ambition being hatch'd say they then in the Souls of both these Nations it was necessary that the fruits of hatred continual jealousies and reciprocal suspitions by which their minds are continually agitated should bud forth From hence grow cruel hatreds which branch out into secret treaties into plots and then into open Wars Building therefore upon these foundations they say ' t is true that the King of France had promis'd to forget all faults past in the Peace of Vervin and that he had promis'd to forego all Intelligence with the Enemies of the Crown of Spain But that finding afterwards that his Kingdom was bounded on the South by Spain on the North by Flanders which is under the Crown of Spain on the East by Germany in part obedient in part subject to the House of Austria and a little lower by Italy which is likewise partly subject partly adherent to the same Crown And thinking that being as it were imprisoned by the Austrian Forces he did enjoy the freedom which became so great a King but that every the least addition of this so great power indangered the suppression and suffocation of his Kingdom he held his honour and authority to be but small and that the eyes of all the world were fix'd only on the Austrian Sun These were sharp goads to unsettle a well fix'd Resolution he considered also what commotions and troubles the meere Dukes of Burgondy who commanded all Belgia had caused in France that those Territories would now be incorporated into the Crown of Spain and back'd by the Forces of Germany That therefore it became him to think not only upon his honour but upon his Kingdomes safety which being weakened by the late Wars and vex'd with intestine dissentions could not well secure it self from so great a neighbouring power that it was usual for Princes to keep others low for their own better preservation and to endeavour the pulling down of those that were more potent that principalities were maintained by these Arts. He therefore apply'd himself to get out of their streights and to favour the Hollanders lest if they should be beaten the King of Spain should grow too strong upon those Confines or at least that that wound being kept open he might be lesse able to advance further that therefore this Resolution was more necessary then voluntary arising from the interest of self-preservation which is by natural reason more warranted to bruit beasts and surely then to men and great Potentates then it is prohibited by the gain-sayings of Peace That such Peace wherein one of the parties is subject to the other does not deserve the name of Peace but is rather to be termed Slavery and not likely to last long as was clearly shewn by the Embassadours of Privernum who being asked in the Senate of Rome how long that Peace was like to last which they desired answered that if it were a good one for them it should be perpetuall if a bad one very short An answer which made those Senators know that no people nor person can keep long under the sharpness of an unjust condition and this made them mitigate the conditions of Peace which were granted to those of Privernum That notwithstanding the King of France had pieced up that rent by the Truce which was by his means made between the Crown of Spain and the
be a fit person to be imploy'd in the intended enterprise of the Valtoline as one who had been much acquainted with the humours of that people and of those parts wherein he had lived made him his General in that enterprise nor did he erre in his judgement or choice for he did many singular acts whereby he won much honour in the Valtoline and obtained many famous Victories there which had they been done in a larger and more noble field they might have made him vie for honour with the most eminent Commanders of this age When this business was first begun war was not as yet intimated to the King of Spain nor was the peace broken between the two Crowns the business of Triers from whence the breach of peace proceeded hapned at this time Rohan having received his Commission from the King went from Alsatia with but a few men to the Grisons whom he told that the time which they had so long desired and which the King had promised of recovering the Valtoline was at last come and acquainting them with the Kings Commission he exhorted them to concur with him in this business which was undertaken only for their good and would redound so much to their advantage The Grisons believing him took up Arms immediately and refused not to promote the cause with all their Forces Rohan had not many French with him so as he began the war of the Valtoline with almost none but the Grisons Forces it is true that the Venetians being very desirous that the Valtoline should return to its former condition dismiss'd 2000 French which were under their pay and who past easily into the Valtoline and joyn'd with Rohan who about the end of March in the year 35 sent first to take the Counties of Chiavenna and Bormio to the end that the way being block'd up to the Dutch Forces by the latter and to the State of Millain by the former the Valtoline might the sooner be recovered which was seated between those two Counties not being to be relieved on any side Nor was his counsel here in vain for about 1500 Foot the most whereof were Grisons and four Troops of French Horse falling down into Chiavenna under the Embassadour Dulande they took it together with the black-house of La Riva and presently began to munite and fortifie it There also was a Fort erected in the plain of Chiavenna beyond La Mera upon the way which leads from Millain called La Strada Francesca to keep any oppositions from coming that way And taking also some Barques for Merchandize which they found at La Riva they furnish'd them with Souldiers and kept them to defend the upper Lake With the like spâ—…ed he sent about 600 Foot to Bormio by the Mountains which were yet covered with snow who taking the unguarded Serra de Bagni which stands upon the Mountain which overlookes Bormio and confines upon Tyrvolo they fell down and took the Town of Bormio without any resistance together with the whole Country till you come to La Serra Della Valtolina so as that Country fell into their possession the Serra are nothing but certain great Gates or Portals of stone made in form of an Arch which are munited on the sides by ancient Towers with strong Gates of Wood scituated upon the passes whereby men enter and go out of that Country Who soever will come into these parts must pass through these Gates the passage in this Country being so streight as the entrance thereinto is let in or shut out just as in Cities or private Houses by the first Serra de Bagni the Dutch are kept out by the other towards the Valtoline the Spaniards These two Counties being taken and fortified Rohan went from Rhetia and entred the Valtoline about the beginning of May by the way of Poschiavo which lieth between these two precincts having with him 4000 Foot and 500 Horse and reduc'd it into his power without unsheathing a Sword or discharging a Gun and with much severity and inhumanity forced the Inhabitants to abandon the Spanish protection and to adhere unto the French Then building a Fort at Font Martello he fell down with his men towards Morbegno and quartering them in the Towns near the State of Millain he began to unarm the people and to put several Taxes upon them Nor herewithall content he forced them to swear Loyalty to the King of France and doing other things in the Kings Name he profess'd nothing less then the maintaining of the Valtolinians Liberty as by his Letters Patents he was bound to do and as he had promised the Valtolinians both by word and writing wherein he did not so much offend the Valtolinians as the Grisons to whom the King and Rohan himself that he might get them to joyn in this enterprise had promised that according to his directions from the King he would reunited them to their State and reduce them to their ancient subjection By which actions the Grisons were heinously scandalized and made their complaints to Rohan himself and required the observance of his plighted faith and the restitution of what had been taken who answered that when the War should be ended the King would restore all unto them provided that that they would reimburse him the monies which he had laid out At which answer being more angry and incensed then before they almost all of them left him and repassing over the Mountaines went back again displeased to their own homes By these so great and so many alterations and novelties the Austrians in Germany and Spaniards in the State of Millain were much moved and all of them endeavoured to bring what speedy and necessary help they could thereunto as to a blow which by the consequence thereof wounded the total of the common Affairs But the more the State of Millain was necessitated so to do the more was it retarded by weakness that State being then no less exhausted of military men then the Kingdom of Naples the flower of them both being gon into the low Countries So as they wanted Souldiers for their necessary Garrisons much more to send into the field weak was the preparation or provision therefore which from thence could be applied against this commencing mischief the Cardinal Albernozzi was now Governour of Millain a Church-man by profession and not at all experienced in the management of War he immediately deputed Count Iohn Serbellone with some few Foot Companies for the defence of those parts Who thinking that the first thing that was to be done was the recovery of Riva gave orde that a Gally should be drawn out of the Arsenal of Como which was built before these present Commotions and not thinking this sufficient for the businesse an other Gally was built by the monies of the Genoese great Masters at this mystery which was greater And seeing that the French were busie in fortifying places to block up the entrance into the Valtoline he betook himself also to fortifie other places
as being superfluous in the Emperours own Dominions but desired that the Emperour would give Pasports and safe conducts to all the Princes and Hans Towns of Germany his Confederates as he professed that they might pass safely to the Convention at Cullen and there safely Negotiate their several interests he required also that safe conduct might be given to the United Provinces of the Low-Countrys and to the Queen and Crown of Sweden who were so deeply concerned in that peace he alleadged for this his pretention the bond of League which he had with all these Princes States and Cities which would not suffer him to conclude any peace without their agreement he added that if he should enter into this Negotiation without them he should give them just cause of jealousie and complaint as if he had abandoned them contrary to the Articles of Confederacy the Emperour not permitting that the Princes and Hans Towns of Germany under the Command of the Emperours and who had rebelled should be admitted to treat of peace in company with him who was their Sovereign Lord denied absolutely to grant them safe conduct the rather for that onely the Plenipotentiaries of Sovereign Princes were admitted into the convention at Cullen but the King who had taken up arms in this cause not upon any account of his own but in defence of the Germane liberty said that he having no interest in that cause save only the patronage of those Princes he was but accessory and the Princes Principals so as there was no reason that the Principals should be excluded and the accessory admitted and that it was no new thing but an ancient custom and now in practice that in disorders which sometimes happen between Sovereigns and subjects agreement be made by covenanted Articles and as for the Queen and Crown of Sweden the Emperour did not refuse to grant safe conduct if it should be demanded by her and by the Deputies of that Kingdom and not by the King of France but the Swedes were so far from desiring it as they were entred into private treaty with the Emperour absolutely denying to come with the other Princes to the Convention at Cullen because they knew that the Cardinal Legate who had the first place in this convention would treat them as Hereticks and consequently would not suffer them to intervene in any treaty of peace nor would use such respect to their Agents as he did to those of other Princes the Emperour on the contrary complained of the difficulties interposed by the king of France as if they were apparent Arguments that he did not onely not wish well to peace but that he was more intent then ever upon War and upon fomenting the Insurrections of Germany and that therefore out of these pretensions proceeding slowly in the Treaty of Peace he intended to give occasion to other Princes who though they desired peace would not for their own honours sake seem to desire it more then others to proceed with the like slackness in this affair which was so necessary for the peace of Christendom and therefore the Emperours Plenipotentiaries nor those of the king of France not appearing in Cullen those of the king of Spain who were come to Cullen after the Legate lest by being come before the rest to the Diet they might seem more greedy of peace then others they never appeared in that capacity before the Legate nor did they seem to be come to treat of Peace and the king of France finding not long after that his pretences being contrary to the Negotiation so much desired by all were generally ill resented and that they were imputed rather to his no inclination to peace then to any thing that he alleadged he recalled his Plenipotentiary power confer'd on Berze and Davo and gave it to the Cardinal of Lyons brother to Cardinal Richelieu which occasioned other difficulties which troubled the Treaty no less then did the former for the Caesarean Agents thinking that this was done on purpose that the French Embassadour might by his Cardinal dignity precede all others whereunto the Emperour nor King of Spain would by no means consent they refused to send theirs thither These and other pretentions occasioned such difficulties as not onely no conclusion was come unto but no commencement was given to the Treaty which was propounded by the Pope and in appearance so much desired by all so as the Negotiation proved abortive and ended before it began Let us now return to the Affairs of Italy A Treaty began by chance and almost unthought of in the beginning of the year 1637 which being afterwards continued and concluded put a period to the business of the Valtoline between the two Crowns and the Grisons League in the subjection of the Valtoline which by the Articles of this Conâ—…ederacy was remitted upon some conditions to the three Leagues And that the foundation of this business may be the better known it will be necessary that we re-assume the whole business from the beginning and repeat some things which have been loosely related The ancient Confederacy between the Crown of France and the Grisons appearing to those people to be turned almost into subjection was not willingly suffer'd by them who thought themselves daily more streightned and more invaded in their Liberties by the Agents of that Crown it began to be very bitter when by reason of the Grisons joyning in League with the Venetians the French pretended that their ancient League was thereby prejudiced and their resenting it made the Grisons suspect that they had gone along with the Spaniards in that insurrection which hapned afterwards in the Valtoline these bitternesses encreased by the peace of Monsone by which the liberty of the Valtolinians was approved of so much to their prejudice by the same King who was the Grisons Protector contrary to what the King had always promised and which was profess'd publickly to all the world by Arms but they grew greater and more insufferable when thinking by this last endeavour of the Duke of Rohan to be restored unto the ancient and free possession of the Valtoline they saw they were kept from it by the French Forces and when any endeavour of restitution was had in the Court at Paris the King as Protector of the Valtolinians did not restitution upon condition notwithstanding that the Catholick Religion should be secured there without any mixture of Heresie and that the Civil and Criminal Justice should remain to the Valtolinians answerable to the Capitulations of Monsone This was caused for that the King of France finding that he could not maintain his authority in that Valley which he greatly desired to do without much disturbance to his own affairs without much war and expence and that assigning it to the Grisons it would be immediately taken away by the Austrian Forces and that he should be obliged to recover it again so as the loss succeeding the recovery and the recovery the loss a perpetual circumvolution
And as the Proposals made by the Princes were not in reason to be accepted of by the Dowager so neither could the Princes being in so advantagious a condition allow of the Dowagers Proposals though they were more justifiable The Dowager pretended That as the Principality of Savoy was Monarchical so the Regency in her must be Monarchical so as detesting that it should degenerate into an Oligarchical Triumvirate she would be sole and Sovereign in the Regency The considerations wherewith the two Crowns proceeded in these Affairs were such as no cure was to be found for these present evils without a general Peace for the King of France pretending that Piedmont should be absolutely at his disposal his intention therein was to carry the War freely and without any let into the State of Millain On the contrary the King of Spain endeavouring to keep the French Forces as far as possibly he could from his Dominions was necessitated to uphold the Princes pretentions and to use all means to exclude the Dowager and French from Piedmont and so under colour of making War there in the behalf of the Princes to make himself master of all the chief Towns and to keep the French from the State of Millain and this design proceeded so successfully as the King of France distrusting a good end of his designs by reason of the great obstructions he met with forewent the rigour of his proceedings hitherto against the Princes and was induced to make great offers to Prince Thomaso to the end that by his joyning with him he might miss those oppositions which the people of Piedmont and the Spanish Forces made to the progress of his Arms and the King of Spain was forced to consent largely to the will and interest of the Princes and to command his Agents that they should not distaste them lest being distasted they might pass over to the French party and might bring the Arms of that King into the Confines of the State of Millain so as a general peace seemed to be the only means to piece up all these rents but though all treaties of accommodation were in this desperate condition yet the Dowaâ—…er from the profundity of her sad fortune found out so adequate an expedient and so proportionate to the present conditions as if it had succeeded well as it was very likely to do the Civil Wars had been wholly ended and Forreign Wars unfomented by the Civil would have been much ceased if not quite extinguished She was very apprehensive that she should be wholly excluded all administration if Prince Thomaso should accept of the offers made him by the King of France and Cardinal Richlieu and foreseeing that that would be as displeasing to the Prince Cardinal she sought to close with him wherefore telling him that he was the more obliged to endeavour the quenching of Civil Wars which arising from domestick dissention would undoubtedly cease when the others were at an end by his being neerest to succeed in the Principality She therefore exhorted him to give way to her just Regency upon fair and reasonable conditions she offer'd to give him her eldest Daughter the Princess Maria Lodovica for Wife she who it was so much doubted might carry the succession of the Principality to the Blood Royal of France if she should be married to the Dolphine The offer was not mean nor of small consideration for the Prince Cardinal did not only ascertain the succession of the Principality in his own person which in case the Duke should die he feared might receive incumberances thereby but did assure to himself the favour and good will of the Dowager who from being his Brothers Wife becoming his Wives Mother was interessed in a neerer tye of alliance with him so as he might promise himself she would be much govern'd by him and that he should have a great stroak in the Regency and in the administration of the State I is to be observed that the Caâ—…dinal was very deâ—…irous of issue and noâ—… finding any Princess in these times more suitable to his ends he was very well pleased with the offer and did readily entertain it which did much facilitate the Articles of Agreement which being dictated by him veâ—…y conformable to the Dowagers intentions were sent to her from Nice and were for the most part accepted of and those whereof there was any dispute were reduced to so neer a composition as there were great hopes all things would be well agreed for it was not very impossible but that the Prince Cardinal might come over to the King of France his party when by this mâ—…rriage he should be become his Nephew But Prince Thomaso hearing of this Treaty was very much incens'd and endeavoured by all means to discompose it he thought that though in reason he had not equal pretence with his Brother to the Guardianship he was not yet inferiour to him in authority by reason of his Military worth by reason of the good will the people bore him and by what he had done in the present debates they were both likewise comprehended in the Emperours Decree so as he thought it not fit to give way to any accommodation whereby he should be debarred all authority and command it was also thought that he liked not that his Brother should maâ—…ry he and his Children being thereby beâ—…est of soâ—…neer hopes of succession be therefore took it ill that any accommodation should be treated of without his cogâ—…izance and fearing that if it should be concluded he should sall to the ground between two stools he presently sent Marquess Bagnasco and the Commendatore Pasero to Nice to disswade his Brother from making any such agreement by the same reasons by which the Prince Cardinal had disswaded him to accept the offers which the King of France offer'd him and to enter his protestation against it in case he should make it When they came thither they found the Prince Cardinal absolutely resolved to embrace the Dowagers motion the desire of quiet prevailing with him and marriage whereunto he was exceedingly inclined but being put in mind and made to see how fair a course of fortune both to himself and Brother he brake by that resolution how great a prejudice their dis-union would be to the common cause what great offers the Prince had refused generously to keep from abandoning him how little reason he had to confide in the Dowagers promises and how little good he could expect from the marriage though it should succeed they exhorted him to follow his Brothers example and to persevere constant to the Spanish party by whose favour and forces being so far advanced he might hope that when the Citadel of Turin should be gotten as certainly it would be they should be put into such a condition as he should not only obtain the marriage for certain which was now uncertainly promis'd him but much greater things The Cardinal being won upon by these reasons and professing that notwithstanding this he would
where having the Poe upon his back he had no where whereby to retreat in case of of ill fortune but by that narrow Bridge which he had caused to be thrown over but when he had fortified he was not over diligent in assaulting the enemies Trenches as if he intended not to hazard his Army under the enemies Fortifications preferring therefore cautious before couragious counsels and the preserving of the Kings Territories before theâ—…e reâ—…et of Turin he aimed at keeping the French Army from Victuals and at forcing it to quit the siege rather by Famine then by the Sword and thus without adventuring or hazarding the Kings Forces to free the City and the Prince and yet to preserve his Army against any unthought of accident which might happen the French Forces being in Piedmont The Princes intentions were diametrically contrary to these who thinking it reasonable that for the preservation of himself his Sisters and the City all the Kings Forces and Interests were to be hazarded held it also necessary to be done so for the safety of the State of Millain for all Piedmont being to be lost by the loss of Turin he held that that State would be but badly preserved after such a loss and he the Prince not being a bare Captain or Governour of a Town he thought he ought not to suffer himself to be reduced to such extreams as that he might afterwards be necessitated to beg his life or at least his liberty of the Conqueror that therefore it became him when he might see from a far off that it was impossible for him to hold out and that he could not be relieved to prevent surrendring by Articles suiting with his condition These complaints went accompanied with tacite protestations that he would accept of the large promises made him by the King of France if he would yield to the treaties of agreement which were yet on foot alledging and giving out that if the Governohr would carry on affairs aiming only at the Kings private interests he ought not to wonder if he the Prince passing by the common concerns should advise and govern himself according to his private ends and those of his house These were the debates and altercations which past between the Prince and Governour during the whole Siege whilst the Prince complain'd that he was abused in his expectation not seeing any effect of so many promises nor of his hoped for succour and the Governour that he was drawn into precipices as concerning the common cause by the Prince and by the too couragious attempt propounded by him which tended not to the good leading on of the succour but to the apparent ruine of the Army and of the whole enterprise which would certainly be brought to a good and honourable issue by safer and more cautious Counsels Thus the Prince who was naturally stout and couragious detested the Governours comportments and accused him of timerousness and sometimes of double dealing and the Governour the more he saw the Prince desirous to hazard all upon the fortune of a general assault the more he thought his Counsels and Proposals to be destructive he therefore would not be drawn from his resolution of delivering the almost famished City by famishing the French Army he therefore sent his Cavalry to over-run the Country and forrage the highways by which Victuals might be brought to the enemies Camp and he found his counsel to be good for he daily heard news of the intercepting of Victuals This his design was also more authenticated by Letters written from the Dowagers Agents to the General which were intercepted wherein he was told that he was not to build much upon any help from Savoy unless he would keep the ways open for succours from else where and the sequel did approve of the Governours counsel for Victuals growing very scant in the French Camp their Souldiers would come to the Walls of the City and beg a piece of bread which sometimes was given them even by the Prince his permission and for that the City wanted Grass and Forrage for Horses more then bread a bartering was agreed upon between the besiegers and besieged for Grass and Straw for bread a great sign of the extream want the besiegers were reduced to The Prince complained grievously of the Governour and propounded sometimes one thing sometimes another that he might be once free of the misery he was in but he was not at all moved therewith he was more moved by the treaties of agreement which were still kept on foot between the Prince and the French Agents and with the great offers that were made the Prince if he would adhere to France and forego Spain and if he and his Brother would quit all claim of Regency to the Dowager wherefore it became the Governour to be very careful of distasting the Prince lest being allured by the French offers and scandalized at his proceedings he might embrace the former wherefore the Prince proposing finally that since he continued constant in overcoming the French by famine it would be better for him to leave a competent Garrison in Montcalleri which might secure that Bridge which kept the way open between his Camp and the parts beyond the Poe and to go with the rest of the Army to Giuliascho and Collegno Towns three miles on the back of Turin upon the way which leads to Pinarollo and Susa for that by residing in Collegno which is situated upon the Dora he would not only block up the aforesaid ways of Susa and Pinarvole but those of the Canavese and of Piedmont by which the enemies Camp would be formally besieged and would be forc'd for fear of famine to rise in a short time The Governour were it either that he approved of this advice or that he desired to like whatsoever the Prince proposed provided that he were not thereby to hazard his men resolved to follow it the rather for that he was counsell'd so to do by the Count Sirvela who was Embassadour in extraordinary from the King of Spain to the Common-wealth of Genoa a Gentleman of excellent parts and who was then in the Camp and by whom the Governour was much ruled and who having by the Kings appointment been ayding to the carrying on of the main affair in all this Campagnia had had his share therein The Governour therefore had already constituted Don Luigi Ponze Di Lion Commander of 2000 Foot and 800 Horse who were to be left for the safety of that quarter when he should go with the rest of his men to those Towns This advice was also furthered by news from France that the King being at last moved by the imminent danger of this enterprise if speedy succour should not be sent had taken order to send good recruits both of men and victuals to the Camp in Piedmont But on a sudden nor was it known upon what occasion the Governour cut his resolution in two which certainly would have been better for the full
of War to the irreparable prejudice of the Duke and to the desolation of the people and of his Country to the preservation and welfare whereof he as a Prince of the blood was bound by all Laws both Humane and Divine that therefore there was no place left for the French Convention seeing the King of Spain was ready to deliver up unto him his Wife Children and the Towns and that if the offer'd restitution should not for some circumstances be liked of there was place left for some accommodation wherefore utter breach was not to be desperately run upon with these and the like reasons the Prince endeavoured to honest his cause and to justifie his foregoing the former Convention he complain'd also that the Embassadour Mazzarini had way-laid him in his return from Nizza to Piedmont to take him prisoner which he also discover'd was plotted in the Court of France not so much by what was discover'd in Argensons instructions as by the rumours raised by Cardinal Richlieu when he heard that Turin was surrendered with his the said Princes freedom and by many complaints which had thereupon been made against General Harcourt the same Cardinal appearing to be more troubled at his the Princes freedom then joyed at the taking of the City for greater proof of his distrust in Cardinal Richlieu he also alledged that he had received advertisements from many Princes that were his friends at Paris to be well advisedâ—…ere he came thither for that when he should have put himself into other mens power he should not easily know how to get out of it And moreover that he had found by the Negotiations had in that Court touching his adherence to that Crown that the Cardinal was absolutely determined utterly to ruine his Kinsman the Count of Soisons who was then accused of having plotted some novelties against the Government of that Kingdom whereof the said Prince being found neither conscious nor complice he had reason to doubt that since the Cardinal durst dare so much against a Prince of the Blood Royal he could not expect more safety for his own person nor for the interests of his Nephew the Duke for which reasons he thought he had just occasions not to go to that Court. Amidst these debates Count Turenna chief of the French Forces in Piedmont and Marquess Villa head of those of the Dowager fell both of them before Montcalvo and having easily taken the Town they betook themselves to take the Castle whither the Spanish Garison having forsaken the Town had withdrawn themselves The taking whereof rested wholly on Marquess Villa for Turenna was retired to Piedmont and though the enterprise was thought would prove long and dangerous by reason of the strength of situation multitude of defenders abundance of Ammunition and Victuals which were in that Castle yet contrary to all mens imaginations Marquess Villa had it surrendred to him within a few days which had it been a little longer held out by the Captain would have been relieved by the new Governour who was raising men to that purpose whilst these things were adoing the Governour took about a thousand Foot from his own Army to give a beginning to that of Prince Thomaso's that they might be at the Princes disposal they being to be defrar'd by the Governour part of these were sent to garrison Inurea under the command of Count Vercelline Visconnte where it was thought the French would first fall on the rest were sent to quarter in the State of Millain for the ease of Piedmont moneys were likewise given him for the increasing of his Horse and for raising the 2000 Piedmontese Foot and as on the one side the Prince turn'd the moneys given to this purpose to other uses not making his obligation good and did also refuse to take his Oâ—…h unto the King so neither on the other side did the Governour supply the rest of the men which he was to gâ—…e unto the Prince were it either in respect that the Spanish Army was so small as that he could not make his word good to the Prince without almost wholly disbandoning it or for the Prince his breach of Articles particularly in refusing the Oaâ—… the Governour not thinking it safe to trust the greatest part of the Kings Forces in â—…his hands who refused to take the accustomed Oath And yet each of them did bear with the other in their equal unobservance and the Governour kept the Army ready to defend the Prince and did apply himself to please him as he could in the carrying on of the Warr yea sometimes to the prejudice of the common-common-cause The thousand Foot were also sent to the Prince Cardinal commanded by well experienceâ—… Officers and the 7000 Crowns a moneth were readily paid him for the raising and paying of the thousand Piedmont which were to garrison Nizza the Castle whereof as all the rest of that Country was abundantly provided with victuals munition and with all things necessary for their defence from Naples with promise that they should upon all occasions be so still Monies were paid to both the Princes notwithstanding the present necessity thereof to keep the Courts which they did in greater lustre then ever their Father had done The End of the Seventeenth Book THE HISTORY OF THE WARS OF ITALY BOOK XVIII The Contents THe Crown of France and French Commanders being but badly satisfied with Prince Thomaso for his non-observance of the Capitulation made by him go to drive him out of Inurea which being better defended then assaulted holds out till the Governour sends succour who going afterwards to before Chiavasso forces the French almost to quit the Enterprise that they may relieve Chiavasso and Don Vincenzo Gonzaga coming to the French quarters before Inurea forceth them much to their prejudice to give over the Enterprise wholly and the Prince enters joyfully into the City The Dowagers Generals recover Ceva Mondovi and the Castle of Carru and then joyning with the French go to before Cuneo and take it The Spaniards take Montcalvo The Prince of Monaco drives out the Spanish Garrison and introduceth the French to the great prejudice of the Spanish Affairs the misfortunes whereof are by a short digression related Cardinal Richlieu dies The Conde Duca falls from all authority and greatness in the Court of Spain The differences between the Dowager and the Princes are at last composed The Princes for sake the Spanish party and adhere unto the French Prince Thomaso joyning with the French after some small actions done to the prejudice of Spain goes with the Duke of Longuevile with a strong Army to before Tortona which after a long time is taken but some months after is re-taken with much ado by the Spaniards in which interim Prince Thomaso recovers Asti and all the Towns that were held by the Spaniards in Piedmont except Vercelli THe not observing of the Agreement made with so much study and industry between the King and Prince by the Embassadour Mazzarini
doubly weakned in Lombardy both by the want of those Souldiers which they could not expect neither from Germany nor Spain and by those which they being to send into Spain could not employ them in the Wars of Italy Let us return to the affairs of Piedmont where the Armies being retired to their quarters the cessation of Military actions afforded opportunity to the concluding peace between the Dowager and the Princes which had been often broken before and often reassumed but the occurrences of affairs having taken away many difficulties which had formerly obstructed it both parties grew weary of the War which the Dowager saw grew daily more prejudicial to the people and to the Duke her sons State and the Princes likewise found that their hopes grew daily less the Prince Cardinal who was naturally more inclined to peace and quiet then to the troubles of War desired daily to marry out of the great desire he had of issue whereby he might continue the Principality in case of succession which appeared not to be far of if not by the conceived weakness of his Nephew at least by frailty of humane condition and not knowing any Princess in those times more conducible to his ends then his Niece he desired very much to have her for wife and the Dowager who had formerly promoted the treaty thereof forbare not to allure him to peace and union by this alliance Conio being lost and therewith all that part of Piedmont from whence he received so much revenue and seeing himself confined to within the confines of the County of Nizza he doubted he could not maintain himself long in that State notwithstanding that he was possess'd of the impregnable Fort of Nizza and of those of Villa Franca and S. Sespiro all which were sufficiently provided with Warlike provisions from the Kingdom of Naples and that he might hope they might daily be supplied therewith from thence yet the present Agents being very slow in furnishing him with monies which he wanted more after the loss of Conio then before he began also to fear that he might want provisions when he should need them and which was of more concernment he being to introduce forreigners into them in case they should be assaulted and particularly Spaniards there was such reciprocal distrust between him and the Spanish Agents that he held the Forts to be as good as lost if ever he should be compelled to bring them in wherefore to free himself from the imminent danger that he foresaw both he and his family was in and to obtain his ends which were inclined to peace and marriage he earnestly desired agreement on the other side Prince Thomaso who knew the Genius and inclination of the Prince Cardinal feared lest the marriage might be made whereby he should be excluded from all pretentions which if it should so happen he could have no pretence of taking up Arms against the Dovvager vvhen she should be united to his brother so as he had but small certainty of his present condition and vvas very doubtful of the future Moreover he was ill satisfied with the assistance of Forces which he received from Spain but he was chiefly terrified at the prosperous success of the French and the contrary of the Spaniards who failing in all mens expectation as much as the French bettered did prognosticate the unfortunate fall of those who thought to better themselves by them these auguries and prognostications did so work upon the Prince as the dangers and ruines which were yet far off seemed to him to be present he therefore thought it better to secure his fortune on that side which was uppermost and to get at last free from the slavery and danger which he foresaw he must undergo by adhering to the losers it was also thought that an accident which hapned at this time in France weighed down the balance of the Prince his resolution some Princes of France who were not well pleased with the present Government of that Kingdom and consequently not with Cardinal Richlieu's Authority were gotten into Sedan a very strong Town of the Duke of Bullion's the first whereof was the Count of Soisonsâ—… 〈◊〉 Prince of the blood betwixt whom and the Cardinal there had been 〈◊〉 disgusts this Prince thought to kindle such a fire in France by the 〈◊〉 of other discontented Princes and by the assistance of the Spanâ—… Forces who were to come from Flanders and joyn with him in this enterprize as that thereby the Cardinals authority should undoubtedly bâ—…â—…d in the dust the business which had been long a framing there broke our at last and a battle insued thereupon in open field between the Counts Forces and those of the King those of Sedan had the better of the Kings men in the conflict and by a very famous victory the conspirators were likely to have compassed their ends had not the King and the Cardinals fortune exceeded the Victory by Count Soisoâ—… death who was slain in the battel by a Musket shot which defeated the Colleagues for the rest of the Princes of that faction wanting that â—…eaning-stock and being dismay'd at his loss who was their Chieâ—…n and of the Blood-royal stood no longer to the business but running some one way some another abandon'd the Commâ—… cause and every one endeavoured their own safety 〈◊〉 Soisoâ—… was Brother to Prince Thomaso's wife and leaving no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 him the succession fell to his sister wherefore the Prince was thought to be conscious of Soisons conspiracie and that he expected what the event thereof would be and accordingly would dispose of himself in his adherence either to Spain or France and that it had been the Counts perswasions which had prevailed with him to forego the Capitulations made with Mazzarine wherefore when he saw the unfortunateness of the success and that his brother in Law was slain he was forced to take new resolves either because he could build no more upon the conspiracy of Sedan so to joyn with the Spaniards or else for that his half-brothers estate being fallen to his wife he could not forsake so great a Fortune but close with France from whence he continually received great offers nor was the Dowager wanting in promoting the business but making use of what had hapned in France she represented unto the Prince with what opportunity to advantage his interests with that Crown and desired him that he would not injure his wife and Children by refusing it to this was added that the Spanish Agents either for want of mony or by reason of the news that was given out that the Princes who were ready to conclude with France were somewhat slow in disbursing monies fearing that they might not onely be ill imployed but to the Kings prejudice the Princes were therefore forced to agree with the Dowager not being able to maintain the Towns they were possess'd of from being taken either by the French or Spaniards to the irreparable loss of their Family and which was
Hen Do Cary Baro de Leppington Comes Monmouthensis et honble Ord Balnia Eques THE HISTORY OF THE WARS OF ITALY From the Year MDCXIII To MDCXLIV IN XVIII BOOKS Written Originally in Italian By Pietro Giovanni Capriata D R at Law And rendred in English By HENRY Earl of MONMOUTH LONDON Printed by I. Macock and are to be sold by Tho. Dring at the George near St Dunstan's Church in Fleet-street MDCLXIII IMPRIMATUR Whitehall Ianuary 10. 1662. William Morice THE Epistle to the Reader IT hath always Judicious Reader among the wisest of men been esteemed a Task most difficult to compose the Histories of those Times wherein the Persons chiefly concerned might yet living behold their great or more minute Actions unmasked or displayed to the world And therefore most have been and still are of opinion That such an Attempt ought not to be made by any but a Person of so resolute a Temper as might neither be swayed by Fear nor Flattery nor yet steered by an over-weaning Opinion for whilst the Biass runs on the first side men dare not speak even the truth it self the second glosses even bad Actions as if to the World it would make Vice appear Virtue and the third represents things not as indeed they were or were intended but as we fondly imagine or conceive them The Task performed by the Learned Capriata Author of the ensuing History was not only of this difficult Nature but had likewise many other Embroils and Entanglements sufficient to have daunted any less Judicious Undertaker so many both particular and interwoven Interests of a number of petty Princes though all united or relying upon those three great Ones of the Church King of France and King of Spain being sufficient to create such infinite Entrigues as were not to be cleared or described but by a great and perspicacious Intelligence And yet hath our Learned Author waded through all these difficulties and by taking no less care in clearing the Causes then describing the Effects of these late Italian Dissentions deservedly gained the name of an Excellent Historian And it was certainly a true and deliberate knowledge of all this and more that induced the ever to be Honoured Henry Earl of Monmouth after having made so many Excellent Italian Pieces speak English with an Industry seldom found in the Nobility of our Nation to make choice of this which is now become the Posthume Child of so Excellent a Parent and which may look though there needs no farther Remembrancer of his never dying Fame like a new Phoenix raising it self out of his ashes And surely besides the Excellency of the Composure and Delicacy of the Stile he was invited or enticed by Delights far more sublime to the Translation of this History To find what Causes should engage the Potent Monarchs of France and Spain in the Quarrels and Dissentions of these little Princes of Italy and how their Interests are involved or dependent must needs be pleasant To trace the Policies of the grave Spaniard and sober Italian accounted Crafts-Masters in that Art cannot be less delightful but to behold such a connexion of Entrigues as if the whole Tragedy were rather a Comedy where the end of one Act leaves but a greater desire and expectation of what shall succeed in the next must needs be the most agreeable of all These or such like might possibly be the Motives or Incentives of the Earl of Monmouth to continue with a Generous Soul to communicate the Excellencies of Forreign Nations to his own Countrey-men which else must have been hidden to all except himself or some few more who by Travel or Industry might have learnt the Italian Tongue unless some other Worthy Spirit like to his would have undertaken so good a Work though few are now found so industriously to prosecute the Publick Good But lest being hurried into a Discourse that may possibly require a Satyre I should obstruct my intended brevity give me leave to assert thus much omitting all that I might say of my own Judgment or Experience and I think I may do it without Hyperbole That the History in its Original must needs be Excellent because the Earl of Monmouth made choice of it to Translate and the Translation cannot be ill rendred because the Earl of Monmouth did it who was Master both of the English and Italian Tongues The Contents BOOK I. FRancis Duke of Mantua and Montferrat being dead Charles Emanuel Duke of Savoy pretends the return of his Daughter Margaret Wife to the late Francis into Piedmont together with Mary her only Daughter Cardinal Ferdinando Brother and Successour to Francis retards his sister in Law 's return and keeps his Niece in Mantua Hereupon differences arise between the two Dukes wherefore the Duke of Savoy renewing his ancient claim to Montferrat which was pretended to by his Predecessours assaults that State at unawares possesseth himself of the Cities of Alba and Trino endeavours the like of Montcalvo but not being able to get the Fort levies people to take it The condition of Italy is also given in the Prooemium then by way of digression the Duke of Savoys pretences to Montferrat is discoursed upon and many other Interests and Accidents which occurred between the said Duke and the Court of Spain at several Times and upon divers Occasions Page 1 BOOK II. The Wars of Montferrat are continued to be related as also the Provisions and Negotiations made by the Duke of Mantua and other Princes The Surrender of the Castle of Montcalvo The oppugning of Nizza della Paglia Prince Victorio's going to Spain Orders sent from that Court to Italy touching the Protection of Montferrat and the Restitution of the Towâ—… that were taken In execution whereof Nizza is freed and the other Towns restored to the Duke of Mantua The War of Garfagnana between the Duke of Modena and the Common-wealth of Lucca which being accommodated by peace the business of Montferrat is reassumed and divers Negotiations past between the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua which whilest they are in Treaty Spains final Resolution comes touching the quiet of Italy and the security of Montferrat Prince Victorio returns to Italy badly satisfied with the King and Court of Spain 31 BOOK III. The Duke of Savoy is angry that the King should force him to lay down Arms and to disband his men which refusing to do he is assaulted by a Spanish Army led on by the Duke of Millain who being entred by the Vercelles into the Confines of Piedmont and understanding that the Duke was gone to before Novara returns immediately to the State of Millain to drive him from thence Being returned he begins to build the Fort Scandovalle not far from Vercelles The Duke retreating to Vercelles desires succour from the French Venetians and other Princes many whereof Treat of Agreement by their Embassadour sent into Piedmont The Warre continues the mean while with the Duke in pursuit whereof many accidents happening they came at last to
Princes absence is sworn Governess and Regent being compel'd by the King of France she renews League with him The Governour of Millain goes to before Vercelli and after a long Siege takes it upon Articles The Princes of Savoy assisted by the Spaniards and Piedmontese take many Towns and make much progress they go to before Turin and having tarried before it some days retire without doing any thing falling as before to over-run Piedmont they are received every where till Forces being sent to the Dutchess from France under the Duke of Longueville she recovers Chiavasco and other Towns which the Princes had taken The Prince Cardinal fearing Corneo goes to defend it and Prince Thomaso going once more with the Spanish Forces to before Turin surpriseth the Town and the Governour of Millain coming in unto him with all their Forces attempt the taking of the Citadel whither the Dutchess was retired The Siege is suspended by a Truce which being ended the French under the new General Count Hartcourt take Cheri but being presently besieged by the Governour of Millain they are forced through Famine to quit it and retreat in the face of the enemy to Carmagnuola 628 BOOK XVII You shall read in this Book the Treaties of Agreement between the Dowager and the Princes and the interests between the Princes and the Governour of Millain how the Governour goes with a powerful Army to Cassalle how it is relieved by Harcourt how he fought the Governour before he could bring in the succour and had the better of the Fight and did not only relieve but perfectly free the place Harcourt being victorious goes presently to Turin he takes the Capuchins Bridge over the Poe fortifies himself there and afterwards begirts the City with a vast Line and endeavours to get it by Famine Prince Thomaso being in it but ere long he seeth the Governour upon the Hills with a powerful Army coming to relieve the besieged Prince the Governour finding it impossible to bring the succour by that way strives to get a pass over the River towards Montcalleri and having gotten it he passeth over the Poe where quitting the Hills he takes up new quarters and thinking to make the French abandon the enterprize by Famine he possesseth himself of the Avenues by which Victuals were brought to the Camp so as they would have been quickly made to remove had not the Prince Thomaso who was impatient of delay made the Governour to fall upon the Enemies Trenches and to relieve him so which falling out unfortunately and the Governour not thinking himself any longer safe in his quarters beyond the Poe returns to his quarters upon the Hills where he tarried assisting the besieged in what he was able till the City was surrendred which hapned two moneths and eleven dayes after the unfortunate assault given to the French Trenches that the besieged City might be relieved Prince Thomaso comes out of Turin and retreats to Inurea where he is desired by Monsigniore Mazzarini who was come Embassadour from the King of France into Piedmont a little before Turin was surrendred to joyn with the French but Count Siruela coming to him from the Governour of Millain he makes new capitulations with him to joyn with the Crown of Spain and the Count Della Rivera being sent by the same Governour to the same purpose to the Prince Cardinal the Embassadour Mazzarini having notice thereof forceth Prince Thomaso to joyn with the French upon conditions one of which was that the Prince should go to Paris within one moneths space which condition was not observed for the Prince instead of going to France passeth secretly to Nice where he and his brother re-conform their union to the Crown of Spain to Rivera the Embassadour Mazzarini who went to Nice to confirm the one Prince and to draw the other over to the French party laboured the contrary very much at the same time the Governour of Millain is sent for into Spain and is succeeded in that Government by Count Siruela the French go to Montcalvo take the Town at their first arrival and afterwards the Castle which yields without expecting succour 686. BOOK XVIII The Crown of France and French Commanders being but badly satisfied with Prince Thomaso for his non-observance of the Capitulation made by him go to drive him out of Inurea which being better defended then assaulted holds out till the Governour sends succour who going afterwards to before Chiavasso Forces the French almost to quit the Enterprise that they may relieve Chiavasso and Don Vincenzo Gonzaga coming to the French quarters before Inurea forceth them to their much prejudice to give over the Enterprise wholly and the Prince enters joyfully into the City The Dowagers Generals recover Ceva Mondovi and the Castle of Carru and then joyning with the French go to before Cuneo and take it The Spaniards take Montcalvo The Prince of Monaco drives out the Spanish Garrison and introduceth the French to the great prejudice of the Spanish Affairs the misfortunes whereof are by a short digression related Cardinal Richlieu dies The Conde Duca falls from all Authority and Greatness in the Court of Spain The differences between the Dowager and the Princes are at last composed The Princes forsake the Spanish party and adhere unto the French Prince Thomaso joyning with the French after some small actions done to the prejudice of Spain goes with the Duke of Longueville with a strong Army to before Tortona which after a long time is taken but some months after is re-taken with much ado by the Spaniards in which interim Prince Thomaso recovers Asti and all the Towns that were held by the Spaniards in Piedmont except Vercelli 744 THE HISTORY OF THE WARS OF ITALY BOOK I. The Contents FRancis Duke of Mantua and Montferrate being dead Charles Emanuel Duke of Savoy pretends the return of his Daughter Margaret Wife to the late Francis into Piedmont together with Mary her only Daughter Cardinal Ferdinando Brother and Successor to Francis retards his Sister in Law 's return and keeps his Niece in Mantua Hereupon differences arise between the two Dukes wherefore the Duke of Savoy renewing his ancient claim to Montferrat which was pretended to by his Predecessors assaults that State at unawares possesseth himself of the Cities of Alba and Trino indeavours the like of Moncalvo but not being able to get the Fort levies people to take it The Condition of Italy is also given in the Prooemium then by way of digression the Duke of Savoys pretences to Montferrate is discoursed upon and many other Interests and Accidents which occurred between the said Duke and the Court of Spain at several Times and upon divers Occasions ITALY hoped long to continue that Peace which She had already injoyed for so many years when by the unexpected death of Henry the Fourth King of France she was freed of the great suspition of War which she had cause to apprehend by reason of the great preparations of that Kingdom
not yet a mind to oppose nor learnt to be contumacious For having endeavoured and peradventure not in vain to make a little delay of the succouring of Nice rather that he might say he had been Master thereof then with intention of keeping it at last seeing the Prince of Ascoli near at hand and Castiglione resolute to defend it he sent the Count of Verâ—…a into the Camp with Orders to Count Guide to remove his men from thence having notwithstanding given notice thereof before to the said Prince to the end that seeming to do it willingly meerly out of the reverence and observancy which he bore to the King his resolution might not be attributed to necessity but as in acknowledgment of the favours he had received Thus the Kings Forces and those of the Duke of Mantua drawing joyntly neer Nice Count Guido began to march off and before he had been gone a mile seeing Prince Ascoli appear with his Army in order he to the end that he might march off with more reputation made his men halt and fâ—…g the Kings Squadrons and ordering his men as if â—…e were ready to receive battle if provoked for he exceeded them in number of men and in Artillery though not in his Souldiers valour having but few paid men with him and all the rest 〈◊〉 gathered together out of the Shops at Asti and Vercelli But Commissary Bernaâ—…o Barbo a Gentleman of Millaiâ—… stepping out with some Spanish Commanders he parlyed with the Counts di Verrua and di St George who did advance to this purpose and it was agreed upon between them that if the Duke of Savoy's men would march off the Kings Forces should not meddle with them Thus Count Guido marched with his men towards Piedmont without giving or receiving molestation Though Nice were freed yet Arms between those of Piedmont and of Montferrat were not laid down for the Duke of Savoy's men did not only diligently keep what they had gotten but proceeded to take in other places And on the other side those of Montferrat being encouraged by the relief of Nice and by the King of Spains appearing for their Prince being also exasperated by the bitter injuries received from the Piedmontesans and assisted by those of Mantua and France drove out the Duke of Savoy's Garrisons and endeavoured to return under the Dominion of the House of Gonsaga and of their Natural Lord. 〈◊〉 Rivara went with some few men from Pontestura to recover the Castle of Gabbiano but Count Guido coming in on one side with a greater number of Souldiers from Montcalvo and many Horse and Foot on the other side from Trino he retreated to Pontestura not doing any thing Monteggio which is seated on a little hill rose and betook it self to defence but being assaulted on three parts by the Colonels Tassino and Permenâ—…to and a woman fighting valiantly amongst the Country people it was re-taken Montemagno Vignale and Casorso which were likewise risen and fortified by Trenches were again brought under by Count 〈◊〉 who was come from Montcalvo The Castle of Vesema was by the Captaiâ—… thereof basely surrendred to the Piedmontesans 〈◊〉 a place â—…er Trino and Casalle being also risen and which trusting to iâ—… plashy scituation denyed to pay tribute was taken sackt and bâ—…t by the Commâ—…ndator della Manta Cassano San Stefano and some other places in the Valleys of Tinello and Belbo were possest by the Dukes men L'Alcare a place within few miles of Savona was recovered by those of Mantua and after re-gained by those of Piedmont The like hapned in other places of less moment and the Mantuan Souldiers being gone to before Canelli and not being able to take it turn'd upoâ—… Moasâ—… Alice and Vesema Towns in Montferrat and drove out the Piedmontesans and passing afterwards to 〈◊〉 a Town in Pieâ—…ont they sackt it Some Horse-Companies of Savoy being aâ—…aulied at unawares in Grana by three Companies of Mantuan Horse led on by the Marquess Alphonso Gaerrierâ—… 〈◊〉 assisted by the Country-people were routed and put to flâ—…ght some of them were slain and their Ensignes and Baggage lost But the Duke of Nevers egg'd on by some of his men who were unwilling to return into France without having given some proof of their valour went with them and with 50 of the Duke of Mantua's Souldiers to surprize Câ—…teniglia by night but being discovered he wheeled about to a neighbouring place called Câ—…lli whither not being able to come before the Sun was up after a fierce assault he was repulst and had some of his men slain and returning back by the Hills lost two small pieces of Ordnance which being sent with a small Guard by the way of the Valley were taken by the Piedmontesans In this interim 4000 Swissers were come to the State of Millain and Don Iohn di Castro had brought 1000 Spaniards from Naples and the Camp-masters Gambaloita and Rho had fill'd up their Regiments so as the Governour had 12000 Foot and 2500 Horse ready to send into the Field There were likewise 13000 Foot and 500 Horse come to Mantua through Garfagnana and Modenese a gallant and powerful aid sent by Cosmo the second great Duke of Tuscany under his brother Prince Francisco and govern'd by excellent Commanders who were likewise accompanied by many of the Tuscan and Roman Nobility and although the Duke of Modena favouring the Duke of Savoy by reason of alliance denied them passage thorough his Territories which he was ready upon his Confines to make good with Arms yet receiving notice from the Governour of Millain that it was for the Kings service that those men were to pass he was contented not to hinder them and yet the Duke of Savoy went from his word and deferring day after day to restore what he had gotten seemed rather inclined to the contrary for he daily re-inforced all the Garisons of the Towns which he was by word obliged to restore he took more men into pay he held intelligence in the Court of France with those Princes who he thought would be desirous of novelties and therefore more likely to joyn with him in his cause either by reason of the ancient emulation which they bore to the Duke of Nevers or being discontented with the present Government and finally keeping his men still in Arms against the Montferrians he intended nothing but preparation for War wherefore the Italians who were jealous of any the least delay began again to waver The proceedings of the Spanish Agents increased their suspicions who dealing very gently with the Duke of Savoy and carrying themselves contrary to the conceived expectation of the King of Spain's orders were not ready answerable to the commands they had received and therefore it was feared that by their being armed they aimed more at the oppression then protection of Montferrat For they did no ways impede the Dukes Forces which as hath been said overran Montferrat without any respect And the Prince of Ascoli who was afterwards boldly
answer in general terms and words relishing more of civility and ceremony then of substance or positive by which it was conceived the Duke was inclin'd to the contrary the Governour dismissing the Swissers and sending the Spanish Horse and Foot to their usual Quarters by a sudden and contrary resolution sent Prince Ascoli with the rest of the Souldiery to quarter in Montferrat Who chusing Villanova for his quarters within four miles of Casalle distributed his men in several parts of that State where he kept them all the next Winter to the excessive damage of those people exhausted already by their former sufferings and by the late War This new and unexpected resolution of the Governours renewed the first jealousies and the Italians conceiving that the King did not proceed so sincerely as they imagined began to suspect him more then before and therefore mistrusting the Spaniards they began to fear that the restitution of the Towns in Montferrat was but a counterfeit shew to lull them asleep and to keep the French Forces from falling furiously into Italy All men did firmly believe that the Spaniards detaining their ancient grudge against the Duke of Mantua and keeping secret intelligence with Piedmont did suffer them to keep armed that so they might have occasion to oppress that State under the honourable title of protecting it or atleast to the end that the Duke of Mantua wearied out with length of negotiation and Court irresolutions consumed by so long quartering and agitated by continual fear of their Enemies and of their Protectors Forces might be brought to desperate conditions and so they might make themselves masters of that State without any noise without fighting and without disturbing the peace of Italy These diffidences were increased by the new and strange comportments of the Kings Officers and Spanish Commanders in Montferrat who believing perhaps that their Kings intention was such did confirm the general opinion with undoubted speeches and as if they were to change condition of Government they sollicited the Montferrians who were weary of so many troubles to desire the Spanish Government that they might be rid of their vexations And adding actions to their words they suffer'd their Souldiers to be licentious arrogating much authority to themselves to the diminution of that Duke whose Officers as being unarmed were fain to wink at divers things to avoid greater mischief wherefore they became of less esteem amongst the Kings Souldiers and Commanders who now seemed to be chief masters All men were likewise scandalized at the daily coming of munition for War from Millain to Piedmont and which was yet worse that Prince Ascold should give them safe conduct thorow Montferrat he and the Governour defending their doing so partly under pretence of friendship between the King and Duke which was not as yet broken partly esteeming any provision the Duke could make against what the King ordained touching the affairs of Montferrat ridiculous as if it were impossible the Duke should ever dare to gainsay it But mens minds were chiefly troubled at the coming of Don Alphonso Piemontello General of the Horse in the State of Millain to Mantua to demand the young Princess in the Kings name With him went not only the chief Officers and Commanders in War to frighten that Prince and to make him part the more easily with his Niece but as if the business were already taken for granted and that they went rather to receive then to demand the young Lady many Coaches were sent along with Pieâ—…ntello to bring her and her train to Millain no man doubted but that this action of the Kings was a strong argument that he was rather minded to alter then to compose the present Affairs For that child was then thought the chiefest means to work novelty And besides that the demanding of her when Montferrat was incumber'd with the Spanish Army was a demand which argued violence and seemed therefore contrary to that good inclination which the King had always profest so much solemnity and such preparations made the Embassie seem rather a protestation or tacite threatning in case of deniall then a simple Negotiation When Pimontello came to Mantua he found the young child sick and the Duke not being able to expose her to that journey without evident danger he made use thereof to deny the sending of her and not so only but he also fenced himself by the Emperours Rescript whereby he was prohibited to deliver her up to any one and yet seeming in general words to be ready to pleasure the King he added that in the interim he would send into Spain to treat of this Affair such a business was not of so easie disgestion or so soon to be granted it being opposed in that Court by the Duke of Savoy's great importunity accompanied with the fresh remembrance of his ready restoring the Towns he had taken by the intreaty and pretentions of the Dowager Mother Nephew to the King by the presence of Prince Victorio and by the Kings word past to the Duke by the Governour of Millain The Duke of Mantua being therefore to make use of some one who might be more then usually wise and industrious to handle a business of such importancy he trusted the managing thereof to Monsigneur Scipio Pasquale di Cosenza a Prelate much esteemed and favoured by him Who being sent extraordinary Embassadour to the King acquainted him and his State-ministers with the merits of the Dukes cause desiring that it might not only be taken notice of by his Majesty as by a just Prince by the way of the known Law of equity but that it might be protected defended and favoured by him as by a Protector He added that to deposite the young Lady especially after the Duke of Savoy had taken up Arms would be an acknowledgement that that Commotion had been just and lawful as also all the other violences and hostilities committed against Montferrat which besides that it did repugne his Majesties most holy deliberations and just Demonstrations the Duke of Mantua could not with honour adhere thereunto since it would always appear unto the world that he had condescended thereunto contrary to all Reason for fear of being again assaulted He then shewed what the Dukes intentions were he did not conceal what the inconveniences were which might be the result thereof he made it be known how much men were scandalized how much Caesars Decrees and the very Laws of Nature were contradicted if that young Lady should by his Majesties command be forced to go out of her paternal Country where she was born out of the Dominions where she was nourisht and separated from their sight and company who were so neer allied to her in blood He wisht it might be considered how much it would redoun'd to his Dukes dis-reputation if his Majesty persisting in his demand should make the world see how little he did confide in his faith and integrity that it was impossible that he who had been so ready and
so zealous in protecting his Dukes Dominions would now so highly injure him in his honour These and other Reasons alledged by the Embassadour were much seconded by the Queen of France her pretentions who sollicited from Mantua made a third in this Affair desiring that the young Lady's education might be allotted to her as to one neerer of kin to her then the King was in case the Duke of Mantua should not be trusted with her Whereupon the King were it either that he approved of the Reasons alledged or to avoid giving dissatisfaction to the Queen dissisted further pursuing his demand Many will have it that the King required this at first more out of his own genius and tender affection to his Nephews the Princes of Savoy then by any advice of his Counsellours or out of any sinister intention to the Duke of Mantua and that it not being intrinsecally approved of by any one no not by the Duke of Lerma from whom he was seldom wont to differ in opinion it had not its just perfection it being known that at the same time when Pimentello was sent to Mantua the answer which that Duke was to make was suggested to him by the Governour of Millain and the manner which he was to observe upon this occurrency to the end that he might retain his Nephew And doubtlesly the Governour did this by order from the Spanish Ministers of State who were desirous to moderate the Kings desires by delays Many were much troubled to think what the truth of this might be the business being spun out at length and what the issue thereof would be not being known During these doubtful proceedings the Duke of Mantua fell sick and there being but little hopes of his recovery it was feared by the Italians that his unseasonable death in these turbulent times might hasten the Spaniards secret designs for he not having any issue and his brother not being likely to have any his Dominions would fall upon the Duke of Nevers the next of kin to the house of Gonsaga who being born in France was for his great adherences and many possessions which he had there esteemed to be more French then Italian Nor was there any that did doubt but that the Spaniards would rather suffer any other condition then that a French-man should possess so great a State in Italy Wherefore all mens minds were possest with fear and confusion foreseeing what troubles and revolutions would insue upon the Dukes death which seemed to be confirmed by bad Auguries and prodigies For in the same year of 1613 on the 11 of October there arose a terrible tempest at Sea the like to which was never seen which beginning at Provence and running along with much terrour to the uttermost parts of the Kingdom of Naples did so agitate the Ligustick and Tuscan seas as entring even into the Havens which were otherwise very safe it sunke almost all the ships therein to the great prejudice of the Merchants and to the terrour of all lookers on the same tempest penetrated into Lombardy where it threw down houses rent up trees by the roots and did such mischief as had never been before so as many as it ofâ—…en falls out when men are astonished with amazement begâ—…n to hold these accidents prodigious as so many signs wherewith the heavens did threaten much greater calamity to come to these Prodigies were added the troubles of France which having been quiet till then under the Queens regency was not a little disturbed For the Princes of the Kingdom were not able to suffer that Concino Concini and his wife both of them being Florentines and the Queens great favourites should be prefer'd before them in Authority and in the conduct of publick Affairs They were likewise much troubled at the Kings Marriage with the Infanta of Spain fearing lest such an union might tend to the diminution of that Authority which they by all means indeavoured to arrogate unto themselves in that Kingdom And the opposition of France being held to be a great curb to the Spanish Forces in Italy therefore that Nation being divided within it self and troubled with civil Wars Italy remained at the Spaniards discretion whose ends and designs not being to be withstood by any other Forces there was no means left of keeping their King from attempting any whatsoever novelty whereby to increase their Kings Empire to the universal prejudice The Duke of Mantua's self whose loss was then chiefliest concerned seemed more to abandon his own cause then any other for not being content to have incens'd France against him and distasted the Princes of Italy by his usage of the Duke of Nevers French he seemed to throw himself too much into the King of Spain's hands and to depend to much upon the Spanish State-Ministers And this course not being commonly approved of then though it proved to be very good afterwards he seemed little to mind the eminent danger of his own Affairs The more for that conferring the Bishoprick of Casalle upon Monsigneur Pasquale a natural Subject of the Kings he had also made Don Alphonso d' Avalos Governour over all Montferrat who though he was an Italian born and a kinne to him yet being originally come from Spain and prosessing to be more a Spaniard then an Italian being also held to be such a one by the King and his State-Ministers the Duke seemed to have but poorly provided for the so turbulent condition of his Affairs by these two Elections at which the Queen and State of Venice were much the more incens'd who publickly seeming to favour the Duke desired to curb the Forces and power of his Protector as much as they could and yet the Queen being careful of her Niece Affairs she sent the Marquess di Coure into Italy a Lord of much authority and reputation and one who had with much grandezza discharged the office of several chief Embassies She sent him with title of Embassadour in extraordinary for the Occurences of Italy to the end that treating as well with the two Dukes as with the Governour of Millain and Commonwealth of Venice he might compose Affairs in a peaceable manner But when he came to Piedmont he could not see the Duke who not desirous to treat with any in this business but the King and Court of Spain from whence he expected much favour he went a little before the Embassadour came thither to Nice in Provence to quiet some commotions which were raised in those parts So as the Embassadour passing to Millain and then to Mantua and from thence to Venice kept in Italy till the beginning of the next year which was 1614. This year produced at last effects which shewed the good intention of the King and did once more free the Italians of the fears which they had conceived by the last years successes For the King having on one side often comforted the Duke of Savoy and on the other side press'd much upon the Duke of Mantua not without
some sharpnesse to the end that each of them willingly laying aside somewhat of rigour they might come to agreement and finding much backwardness in both these Princes at last that he might not be failing to his protection of Mantua he resolved to declare himself so as no man should have occasion afterwards to doubt his will nor to be troubled at the uncertainty of his inclination He dispatcht away Prince Victorio to whom he made the instrument be given which contained his final resolution Which not being conformable but rather totally repugnant to his and to his Fathers mind the Prince refused to accept so as being offended with the Court and as angry as he durst be with the King he went by Sea into Italy The Instrument ordained that the Duke of Savoy should totally lay down Arms that he should give it under his hand that he would innovate nothing to the prejudice of the Duke of Mantua 's Dominions that he should remit all his pretences to Montferrat to the Emperour as to the Supream Iudge that he should marry his daughter to the Duke of Mantua and that upon this marriage all Rebels should be pardoned and there should be no more discourse of any damage that had been done by the late War To this was added that if the Duke should refuse to consent to the aforesaid things the King would be necessitated to imploy the Forces of his Kingdom in the protection of Montferrat and to obviate the troubles which might insue in Italy The Duke of Savoy was highly offended at this seeing himself not only wholly fallen from the high hopes which he had conceived and hoped to obtain from that Court by his Sons means of getting part of Montferrat but also from that reputation which he had thought to have won by being so neerly allied unto the King whilst instead of being maintain'd by his Majesty of Spain in a business of such concernment he was dealt with all as rigourously as if he had been a stranger without any regard had to his honour or to tde Kings word which as he said was plighted to him Nor was he less distasted to see himself excluded from his pretentions in the young Lady wherein thinking that the justification of his commotion did consist in being the original cause thereof he was no less grieved thereat in point of honour then in point of interest seeing the ends mar'd whereunto he aspired peradventure by the Maidens means And as Pimentello's journey to Mantua had put him in hopes of obtaining her so failing therein he thought himself scorn'd and deluded and led on with vain hopes which he did not a little rescent the great obsequiousness which he had shewed to the Kings Authority by his being so ready to restore and witnessed so many other several ways did imbitter his resentments as also the severity used to his two Sons at Court the one whereof as hath been said was to his so much mortification detained for above a moneth in Montferrat and the other which was Prince Philiberto Lord high Admiral at Sea and who usually resided with the King being without any occasion sent at the same time that his brother came to Court to reside and consequently almost confined at Porto St. Maria the very utmost Precincts of Spain to the end that as the Duke complained afterwards he might fall sick in that ill air and that being deprived of the contentment of seeing his brother he might not then joyn in the treaty of the common affairs All which things as he had already past over which much patience hoping to be at last dealt with the more advantagiously so seeing the same method to be held till the last he could the worse disgest it And therefore joyning these and many other severe passages together he could not indure that the world should know how little esteem was had of him and how little both he and his Sons could promise themselves from their alliance with the King Being thus much disturbed he together with his Son who was come from Spain to Niece went to Turin Where speaking with the Embassadour Coure who was upon his return for France it was believed that bâ—…g scandalized with the King of Spain he would have made any agreement with the Duke of Mantua by the French Embassadours means only that the King of France might have the honour thereof and not the King of Spain and that to that purpose the Popes Nuntio should go from Turin to Mantua by which means the settlement would soon have been had had not the Governour of Millain foreseeing how dishonourable it would have been to the King of Spain that the differences between the Italian Princes should be adjusted by other means then his very seasonably opposed it and wrought so that the Duke of Mantua should not accept of any of the proposed Treaties And the same instrument being sent from Spain to the Governour which the Prince had refused he being ordered to do so by the King sent it to the Duke of Savoy to the end that he might assent thereunto The Duke answered That for his part he was ready to disarm if the King would do so to he demanded that the terms and manner of this Action should be punctually agreed upon He made some difficulty in passing his word that he would not injure Montferrat saying That since he had foregone all his Holds in that State only to satisfie the King all men might be sure that out of the same respect he would not molest it any more He did not consent to remit the differences to be decided by Cesar out of diffidence perhaps of him but said notwithstanding he would refer it to such friends of both sides who being chosen by the Emperour might decide it Lastly He complained that the King should compel him to marry his Daughter contrary to her own will but refused not to do it when the common differences should be decided This last Point was moderated by the King who explained himself that he had propounded the Marriage as a thing which might be acceptable to them both and good for the common quiet and their reciprocal friendship but not that they should be forc'd thereunto contrary to their inclinations In all the rest he persisted and particularly in the first of disarming wherein abhorring all conditions or reciprocalness the Kings pleasure was That if not as Superiour to the Duke in Empire yet as incomparably greater in power and extent of Dominion which made him profess himself to be Arbitrator of Italy and the Moderator of differences between her Princes he should absolutely lay down Arms And yet that if the difference of Montferrat should be accorded all the rest might likewise cease the Governour not having Force enough at his command to compel the Duke to disarm according to the Kings appointment he tryed a new form of composure between the two Dukes each of which having at his desire sent three Deputies to Millain
peradventure that the apprehension of the neighbouring Army the Embassadours intercedings and the fear of having war intimated to him in the King of France his name might prepare him for conditions of peace so all things might be with much honour appeased without any danger or hazzard to the Kings Affairs That this might peradventure also be the cause that when he had got the Victory he was contented with the Dukes retreat and proceeded no further And that thinking that he being superiour in forces and victorious he might willingly listen to the urgent and efficacious protestations of the French Embassadour who acquainted him that the King did not intend he should proceed with loose Reins to oppress the Duke assuring him also that the Duke being overcome in battel could not but accept of the conditions of Peace as the Embassador mingling hopes and promises day by day with his protestations assured him it would succeed This is that which is pleaded in the discharge and defence of the Governour bâ—…sides many other Orders given which are unknown which were secretly sent to the Governour from the Duke of Lerma according to which it behoved him to govern himself for it was then tacitly murmured amongst many which increased afterwards in fame and opinion and was constantly and universally believed That the Duke of Lerma to whose severity the reason of these Commotions was chiefly attributed seeing how much contrary to his expectation and contrary to the Kings affairs they increased and fearing lest the disturbance of peace and the Dukes alienation might at long running ruine his own inteâ—…ests did streightly charge the Governour that setting side all other respects he should wholly mind composition and reconciliation with the Duke and that he was precisely commanded to slâ—…cken the carrying on of the war But these things werâ—… neither then nor afterwards so certainly manifest as that they were able to quench the pregnant suspicions which were formerly had of him Therefore the contrary opinion of those did generally prevail who aâ—…guing either out of self-emulation or out of a sinister impression of his actions said That none of the Kings Orders could be so precise or limited especially the far distance being considered but that they were to be varied according to the variation of affairs nor that the Governours hands ought to be so bound up as that he might not make use of his forces according as time and occasion should require Nor that any Negotiation of peace should with any reason so much impede the heat of war as that the progress of the latter should be lost or slackened in respect of not disturbing the uncertain conclusion of the former They made no account of the apprehension of future evils as being vain and not consonant to these times for the Governour having a well-experienced Army on foot commanded by the best Commanders of these times and provided with all things fitting for war which received greater force and reputation by the assistance of divers Iâ—…alian Princes things were so well asscertained as he might be confident of not only maâ—…ntaining Italy in her wonted fidelity and inclination to the King but to keep forreigners from moving and to suppress such as had moved And howsoever what sinister action said they could ever happen which would not be less then the prejudice which would result from the disbanding of that Army which being kept on foot was able to repair all inconveniencies and which being disbanded did infâ—…llibly draw after it all those mischiefs nay greater then those which were so much feared therefore said they it behoved the Commander in chief to know the condition of his own forces to make use of them to his best advantage by streightning and assaulting the enemy and by keeping him so molested as that he might desire covet nay account it a great favour to obtain a secure peace which assuredly is always most advantagious to those who are most against it That all Commanders and Generals had always govern'd themselves so and that by so doing they had reaped great advantage honourable conditions and much reputation to their Princes affairs but that to keep idle within Works to sit quietly under Pavillions and to expect that the enemy should be inclined to peace to suffer themselves to be wheeled about by words to feed themselves with vain promises of interessed Staâ—…e-Ministers and to shew small inclination to war and a great dâ—…sire of peace was nothing else but to increase the adversaries confidence to make him the prouder and more bold to alienate him from Articles of peace to make him backward and harder to consent to that which he finds to be so much indeavoured by his Adversary These and the like things were spoken of throughout Italy in the very Camp at all assemblies of men who not knowing the final ends of Princes and Commanders and of the Reasons which make them operate or which keeps them from doing so and less knowing what would have happened if they had done according to their intentions and discourses do often arrogate unto themselves to the prejudice of other mens reputations the censuring of humane actions even as if the heart of him that governs or future events were apparent to theâ—…r eye And confining the duty of a Writer to the bare narration of what passeth will not permit of his judgment in the truest and most equitable ratiocination to him who shall be pleased and satisfied with his pains it is most certain that the Governour in the general opinion of men made himself suspected of having at the first instead of extinguishing disloyally nourish'd that fire the suppression whereof if he had more indeavoured he would have shut up the mouth of detraction and have beâ—…ter justified his loyalty to his King and together with his own reputation wherein he suffer'd very much have preserved the Kings honour which beginning from the first to bow did afterwards decline without any stop as the future success will shew But that we may return to where we left whilst the Army wasted as hath been said the indeavours of peace were not given over by the Agents of Princes the French Embassadour did Negotiate it together with Pier Francesco Costa Bishop of Savoy and Nutio resident with the Duke who succeeded Savelli he having for some particular indispositions of his own obtained leave to return to Rome and together with them the same Zeno for the Commonwealth of Venice with whom but apart from the Nuntio St Dudly Carleton did intervene who was come from Venice were he had been Embassadour in ordinary and was come a little before into Piedmont with the title of Embassadour extraordinary from the King of England which King adhering privately to the Dukes affairs at the same time that he Negotiated the peace as a friend to both had taken order for the disbursing of a hundred thousand Ducates to the Duke at Lyons and also seeming as if it were done by the Peers of
the affairs of the Crown in Italy to their former condition and reputation But things being brought to that pass as they could not be repaired either without great maturity of counsel or without extraordinary valour in War this choice proved not a convenient remedy for the malady for when Inoiosa in conformity to the agreed upon Articles laid down Arms and afterwards offer'd himself to be the first who should restore what was gotten in the preceding War it was not agreed upon in express words that the King was to lay down Arms but it was only said that the Governour should so dispose of the Kings Armies as neither for state nor time the Duke or any other Prince should have reason to be jealous thereof nor though the Duke had commanded upon pain of great punishments all forreign Souldiers to depart his Dominions did they really depart for many French under the name of Savoâ—…ards and many Walloons under the name of Swissers by reason of the conformity in their apparel and speech kept concealedly there whereof it was held tâ—…e Duke was not â—…acitely ignorant Many also if all were true which was pretended against the Duke were sent by him into some parts of Piedmont far from the Commerce of Forreigners and unfrequented by them so as the diligence of those that were sent by Inoiosa into Piedmont to certifie the effectual performance of the Treaty of peace proved but vain And many of the French Commanders kept publickly in Turin some by reason of sickness some for their own affairs and others under colour of being the Dukes particular servants And yet Inoiosa being desirous that the peace made by him might be perfected and to leâ—…ve it as little as he could in the power of his successour when he heard wâ—…at relation his Spies brought back he without any more ado dismiss'd his Swissers and the Regiments of the Italian Princes and reforming the Spanish Companies and Lombards which were much diminished he cashiered likewise many Captains and Officers and â—…educed his men to a much lesser number and not to come short of the Duke in his forwardness of restoring such places as were taken he gave order to the Governour of Oneglia that he should be ready upon the first notice given to quit the Town who therefore began to send away some Artillery and Ammunition But the face of affairs alter'd at the coming of his Successour whereof as soon as Inoiosa had notice he went from Millain and not tarrying to see his successour he went with two Gallies into Spain richer in moneys which he had gotten in his Government and by the War then in any glory he had gotten in the last actions whereof to excuse himself he gave out that he carried with him particular orders which he had received from Spain meaning those of the Duke of Lerma and the opinions of many of the Council of War in Millain according to which he professed he had govern'd himself upon all occurrences When he came to Spain he was by order from the King confined in Alcala where his cause being tried by Justice and the Judges who were deputed by the King to examine his actions not agreeing in their sentence he at last after some moneths space was admitted to see the King and was acquitted of all imputations It was thought by many that the Duke of Lerma's favour stood him in much stead who besmeared himself sufficiently in procuring his liberty for the doubt conceived lest by his depression who was a creature of his his own reputation might be concerned especially for that he doubted lest many of his rivals might use all their indeavours to have him condemned rather out of a desire to lessen his the Dukes authority and grandezza then to see the guilty person punished for his misdemeanors but though his Grandezza till now untouched did also in these affairs surpass his corrivals yet envy increasing upon these occasions and the gate to murmure being opened he began from this time to decline and fell afterwards totally Tâ—…e first thing the new Governour did was to revoke the Reformaâ—…ion made by his predecessour in the Spanish and Lombarde Companieâ—… under no other colour but for that the less worthy Captains and Officers were detained and the more deserving and experienced were casheired foâ—… what remained though he in words profest the observance of the treaty of peace yet there appeared many signs which shewed he was otherwise minded for being naturally zealous of the Kings dignity he even with injurious words detested the actions of his predecessour of whom having received ill impressions he in his actions and countenance appeared every day to be more and more offended and broke often out into spiteful speeches against the Duke even to the telling him he would in a short time reduce him to nothing and that he was very certain that the Kings affairs especially for what concern'd him the Duke should be otherwise handled under his Government then they had been It was also observed that as he sailed above the City of Nice when he passed from Antibo to Finale he shewed no friendly intention not resaluting that Fort with shot according to custom being moreover visited by the said Duke by way of Embassie as Italâ—…an Princes are wont to visit new Governours he did not answer with equal civility till delay had made it unseasonable and being offer'd by the Duke to have all places restored as soon as he should have laid down Arms he answered that the Duke ought first to do all that he was obliged by agreement to do before he should pretend to the observancy of any thing agreed upon He moreover rejected Claudio Marini who in the King of France his name desired him to disarm telling him that he was no legitimate person for that King so as the Duke and all Italy were not a little doubtful of his intentions which for what he afterwards manifested was not to break the peace at first nor yet to keep his Army idle for he was by the King forbid to do eitheir of these but were it either for the greater preservation of Dignity in disarming he would seem to do it of his own good will and not as being bound so to do or at the request of any other or that he had really any such injunction from Spain or that he was moved thereunto for tâ—…e honour of his King or out of private glory he delay'd the execution of the agreement not without hope as appeared afterwards so to better the Kings conditions It was notwithstanding believed that he had a mind to bring the Duke to lay aside the Articles of Asti and to humble himself of his own accord unto the King into whose hands if he would totally put himself he should be receâ—…ved into like favour as formerly and treated with more advantagious satisfaction wherein if he should have prevailed he should much to his glory have abolished those abominable conditions and also have
formerly kept secret grew now to be manifest The King of England and many other Protestant Princes of Cermany who seemed to â—…avour him confirm'd him in his belief that being upheld by so many and so potent Princes he might withstand the violence which was thrâ—…atned him and this opinion was increased in many men by the coming of Embassadours at this time to Turin from the King of England and from some German Princes but that which did out do all other appearings and seemings Marshal Deguieres's coming into Piedmont made all men wonder he having been long held to be one of the best Commanders in France and one who took the Dukes affairs very much to heart and more an enemy to Spain then any other French-man this man though he came in a peaceful posture and unarmed as it were to be a superintendent over the French Embassadour's Negotiations and privately to inform himself whether things were in that dangerous condition as the Duke related them to be yet the good correspondency which was held between him and the Duke and his continual assisting him his being nominated in the Capitulations of Asti to see all things perform'd and much more the great desire which he and the other French-men seemed to have of maintaining and backing the Duke upon this occasion so to lessen the Authority of the Spaniard in Italy made it appear manifestly that if the Governour should persist resolute in not disarming he would call the French Souldiery into Piedmont who were said to be ready at his beck upon the Confines of Italy and prepared for Piedmont His coming therefore did not only much countenance the Duke but all the Embassadours future Negotiation and the Duke being very vigilant and ready witted and accustomed to consort the disposition of his genius with outward demonstrations made much use of this present occasion in bâ—…asting of his own Forces and of the assistance which was promised him and which he hoped for wherefore receiving the Marshal with excessive and unusual honour and with singular magnificence and keeping close at very private Counsel with him â—…e seemed to repose much confidence in him not pretermitting any term of honour and liberality to make to himself propitious particularly such who being intimate with the Marshal might further most his ends and his desires but these so many demonstrations did more prejudice then further the conclusion of the agreement for the Spanish Ministers of State being very much troubled at the King of France and King of England's interposing themselves in the affairs of Italy did very much dislike nor could they tollerate the Capitulation agreed upon in France wherein the King swore unto the Prince of Conde and the other confederates that he would cause the Articles of Asti to be performed and the Embassadours and Marshals coming to see them executed and the new preparations which were said to be made in France for Italy being hereunto added they thought that the French did arrogate that authority to them in Italy by rigour and threats which the occasion and conjuncture of times and much easiness of the preceding Governour of Millain had procured unto their King and that the Venetians and other Princes did by declaring themselves to adhere unto the Duke pretend to have an eye unto their Crowns authority so as if the power and dignity thereof were therein too much concerned they thought themselves the more bound to resist what so great a union of wills did threaten for that the danger was greater that if they should give way it might be esteemed they did it out of fear of the French Forces A respect which if it penetrated deep into any one it must needs make a deeper impression in the Governour as in him who being come into Italy wholly inflamed with exalted thoughts who had put himself in a posture of restoring his Kings authority to its former condition would have been too much failing to himself and to the opinion which he had generally won if he had gone less in any thing then what he had at first so openly profest and it would have been basely done by him it seeing his affairs grow worse and worse he had not indeavoured by all possible means to sustain them and if he had not been the more sollicitous in providing for war by how much his enemies bravadoes were the greater Therefore to boot with the moneys which he had already disburst for raising of men that it might be seen he durst sheâ—… his face and to make them jealous who did almost already openly threaâ—…en him he sent some Forces to the Venetians Confines and to the Confines of Piedmont and as if he would assault the Staâ—…e of Venice for the effects of their League with the Duke appeaâ—…ed daily more and more he gave order for a Bridge to be made over the Adda Whereat though the Commonwealth were much troubled yet having a great scarcity of men at that time the Senators not being able to do more were forc'd to commit the defence of that part of the State to the people of the Country Whilst the Governour was thus busied in making preparations every where the Embassadour after having staid some days at Turin came to Millain the substance of whose Embassie was That the King had by reason of the accidents which hindred the laying down of Arms used many indeavours to the Duke and given him his word to secure him from the extraordinary Militia of the State of Millain but that the Duke not being therewithal satisfied the King out of his great desire to publick peace and by the obligation which was upon him by the Articles of Astiâ—… did desire him that he would prosecute the disarming which was begun by his Predecessors to the end that the restitutions of the Towns might be come to and the execution of other things appointed by the peace To this proposal which was given in in writing the Governour replied in a long discourse given also in in writing wherein by a methodical Narration of all things that had occur'd from the beginning of the war of Montferrat to the peace made at Asti he inferr'd That the King had done all things for the protection and security of that State to which he was much sollicited by the Queen of France That the King was not bound by the Treaty of peace to dismiss no not so much as one man and that the Duke had only at the beginning given satisfaction in this point but that he had afterwards openly countervened it by the many novelties attempted against Montferrat by his new Levies of men and by his League lately concluded with the Venetians against the House of Austria So as the King was in all acceptations free from the Articles of peace That the Duke refused the security offered him by the words of two so great Kings not out of any doubt or distrust but in favour to the Venetians and that therefore the King of France was no
performance of the Peace of Asti was reserved for the last and for the satisfaction of the Dukâ—… of Savoy Count Gualdo's Restauration to the which none being obliged by the Articles of Asti but the King of France who ingaged himself for it it appeared impossible that the Duke of Mantua should ever be brought to consent thereunto neither would nor could the King of Spain in reason compel him thereunto but as Protector of Montferrat he was bound to defend it as he had formerly promised to do against all the delinquents of that State Yet the King of France being much concerned in seeing the Duke of Savoy satisfied by what he had undertaken by the Capitulations of Asti and the Duke threatning new Commotions against Montferrat which was not likely to have succeeded without the consent and assistance of the King of France who was distasted at the Duke of Mantua's so great obdurancy both the Kings having therefore acquainted the Duke of Mantua with the new inconveniencies which were likely to insue and also desired him by their Embassadours that he would pardon Count Guido the Duke preferring Peace and the publick good before his private revenge and anger and being also moved by the example of both those Kings who as also their Fathers Princes of so great Authority had pardoned more hainous Delinquents resolved at last to pardon him and to restore him to his former Estate and Honour whereby the wished for end was put to the Wars of Piedmont and Montferrat which certainly would have put Italy into her former peaceful condition for there was nothing more desired by the Court of Spain then this had not the Statists in Italy by new and unthought of accidents ingaged her in new Wars against her Will and Genius The End of the Sixth Book THE HISTORY OF THE WARS OF ITALY Book VII The Contents IN this seventh Book you have the condition of the affairs of Italy after the appeasement of the War of Piedmont The death of two Popes as also the death of the King of Spain and of the Emperour The Insurrections in the Valtoline the occasions of new rumours which arose from hence in Italy of new jealousies and of new Leagues made by many Princes against the Crown of Spain The Forts of the Valtoline deposited into the Popes hands The Prince of Wales his Iourney into Spain The Prince of Urbin's death and the approaching Escheate of that State And lastly the seeds of new troubles rising between the Genuese and the Duke of Savoy by reason of their having purchased the Fee farm of Zuccaâ—…ello whereat the Duke was displeased Here are also touched by way of passage some accidents of War which hapned in Germany Flanders and in the East and West-Indies THe present Peace of Italy being procured by the unanimous consent of the two Kings and by the Venetians so great cunning was commonly thought would continue long and that the affairs of this Province agitated by so many and so various pâ—…rturbations would now be in quiet for the two Crowns being taught by the last Occurrences began to know what prejudice their reciprocal fomenting of each others Rebels and Enemies was to their Authority and that being now joyn'd in good intelligence they should give the Law to all and compel all lesser Potentates to reverence them and to depend upon their pleasure and they seemed to â—…e so cemented together by their mutual advantage and interest as no fear was to be had of any future breach between them wherefore though the Duke of Savoy was not fully satisfied with the Peace yet having lost the leauingstock of France and the being fomented by the Venetians his discontentment was not to be feared chiefly since finding palpably by the peaces being concluded by the Venetians without his intervening or participation that that Commonwealth had assisted him more for their own private ends then for the good of the common cause it had totally deprived him of placing any future hope in them and if when he was joyn'd with them and upheld by the French he had got no other good by so many wars by such labours and dangers then the bare venting of his anger and some satisfaction that he had been the first of all the Italian Potentates that had dared to withstand the Spanish Forces which were formerly held so formidable by all Italy and mortal to whosoever should provoke them what could he hope for or pretend â—…nto without them and yet the King of Spain fearing lest the Dukes dissatisfaction might occasion new troubles in Italy and that the unconformity of his humour with that of his the Kings Agents in Italy mighâ—… afford fuel for new fire he sent for Don Pietro di Tolledo back to Spain and made Don Gomez Alvarez di Figuerâ—…a and Cordova Duke of Feria Governour of Millain in his place a Gentleman of a more benigne and temperate spirit not by inclination any way averse to the Dukes affairs as Don Pietro had appeared to be and the King did not only shew some dislikes of Don Pietro's comportments but gave precise command to the new Governour to have a great care to keep peace in Italy and to live neighbourly with her Potentaâ—…es and more particularly that he should study by all possible means how to sweeten the Duke of Savoy and to regain his good will which was much aliâ—…nated by the late acciâ—…ents and not herewithall satisfied he for the same respects removed Rodorigâ—… Orasca Marquess of Mortara from the Government of Alessandria and had like to have done so to by Don Iohn Vives both of them being thought to be well-wishers to Novelty and the Dukes enemies and for that the latter was not very acceptable to the Commonwealth of Genoa But his long experience in the affairs of Italy wherein he had been long vers'd and his not having any occasion to meddle directly in the Dukes affairs kept him in his former place Satisfaction was likewise indeavoured to be given to the Venetians so great a desire was there not to cause any more troubles in Italy wherefore the Marquess of Belmar Resident Embassadour in Venice was at the earnest desire of that Commonwealth removed from thence and sent to be Resident Embassadour in Flanders The Viceâ—…oy of Naples had also precise orders sent him to restore the Mahouns and the Merchandize which was taken in the Gulf and not long after at the pressure of the Neapolitans another was sent to succeed Ossuna and a certain difference arising between the Officeâ—…s in Millain and those of the Commonwealth by reason of the usual passage of Souldiers who going from the Territories of Millain to those of Cremona touched upon some part of a controverted Territory the King caused the business to be decided with satisfaction to the Venetians and the new Governour Feria who was very desirous to preserve peace and to pluck up all occasions by the roots which might occasion new Ruptures between the Dukes of Savoy
Foot between Radolfo Pianta Head of the Grisons that were of the French Faction and Cavalier Robustelli the chief of the Valtoline Faction was much fomented by Feria but with so much secresie as it was not known to any of the Princes Agents that were in Millain This Insurrection of the Valtolinians began the year 1620. The pretence was that they being anciently Confederates with the Grisons the Grisons being the stronger had turn'd their Confederacy into Command and exercised too great Tyranny over them not only over their persons and fortunes but over their Consciences and would therefore introduce the poyson of Calvinism and withdraw the people from their Fore-fathers Religion which they had suck'd in with their milk For after they had driven out those that sided with the French the Grisons as hath been said made their Preachers Arbitrators of their affairs who began to prohibite Indulgences in the Valtoline and to preach Calvinism to possess themselves of Churches and Monasteries and to make Colledges thereof for the breeding up of youth in their Sect to the end that they might totally root out the Catholick Religion And that this might the more easily be effected they put some of the chiefest and most religious of thaâ—… Valley to death Having therefore by Feria's assistance shaken off the servitude suffer'd by the Grisons they put all the Heretical Officers and Preachers to death that they could lay hands on Afterwards the better to maintain the begun Insurrection they possess'd themselves of the Passes whereby the Grisons might fall down upon them and vanquish them and fell to munite them with men and Fortifications wherein they were the more fortunaâ—…e for that Count Iohn Serbellone having by Orders from Feria assembled about 2500 Foot without the beating up of Drum was entred into the Valtoline to assist them But the Grisons preventing these designs fell speedily down with a great many men into the Valley of Chiavenna and from thence environing the upper part of the Lake they woond about into the Valtoline where having taken and fortified some convenient places to keep out relief from the State of Millain they went to Troana a great Town in the Valtoline and coming from thence to the Bâ—…idge caâ—…led Ganda upon the Adda they fortified it and made themselves Masters of Sondrio By which successes the Valtolinians 〈◊〉 the Grisons made more open recourse to the Duke of Feria for more powerful succour in this their so great danger Feria was not deaâ—… to their 〈◊〉 nor backwards in subministring succour for seeing the Proceedings of the Enemy and fearing greater 〈◊〉 commanded Gil de l'Arena to endeâ—…vour the securing of the affairs of the Valtoline who had fortified himself in Morbegno with those men who came in threeves into the Valtoline which he having happily done and recovered the bridge Ganda with the death of the Garrison who opposed him the Grisons forsook Sondrio and retreated towards Chiavenna But to the end that they might not enter another time by that way into the Valtoline Feria ordered Don Ieronimo Pimontello General of the Light-Horse of the State of Millain who by his directions was drawn neer the Confines of the Valtoline with some Companies of Horse and Foot to possess himself of the Shore of Chiavenna which being scituated upon the Head of the Lake lies in the mid-way by which people pass conveniently from Chiavenna into the Valtoline This Shore or Bank was well fortified by some of the Grisons who resenting the Spaniards attempts in the Valtoline were fallen down into the State of Millain and had given upon some of the neerest Towns thereof and carried away some Pillage Pimontello sent about 500 Souldiers in Barques to assault that Garrison which consisted of 300 Foot who landing not far from the Garrison went towards the bank intending to assault it But the Garrison being affrighted at their coming abandoned that Station and not staying to be assaulted fled into Chiavenna so as the bank fell without any disputing into Pimontello's hands which he forth with fortified By such like demonstrations as these the Duke of Feria had plainly declared that he had sufficiently ingaged not only the King of Spains Forces but his name in this Enterprise being moved chiefly thereunto out of two reasons The one because he saw the Heretick Swissers and the Venetians had openly ingaged themselves in the Grisons cause and in recovery of the Valtoline that Senate having sent money into those parts to raise two Brigadoes the one Swissers the other Grisons wherewith to go to the recovery of the Valtoline The other because the King of France his Agents by order from their King who was offended with the Grisons did not only consent unto but had a hand in the Valtoline insurrection and desired Feria to protect them All this was endeavoured from France to the end that the Grisons being molested on that part might have the more reason to have recourse to their King and their King by that means might govern them as he listed and causing them to abandon the Venetian Confederacy might recover his ancient Authority with that Nation wherefore Feria taking courage from the consent and intercession of the French and pretence from the Venetians intermission to meddle in that Affair thought it might be likely to succeed well whereby such conveniencies and safety would redound to his Kings Affairs He notwithstanding clâ—…aked his designs with the mantle of Religion as if he would have it believed that it was rather his zeal to the Catholick Faith and to Gods service than the conveniencies and interest of State and of his King which had made him embrace a business of that importance professing himself thereâ—…ure to be a better Catholick than Polititian he sent Priests of holy and devout life into those parts to preach the Word of God and to convert souls to the Catholick Religion He aggravated the wicked and detestable actions of the Calvinists committed against those of the Valtoline to force them to receive Calvin's Heretical Doctrine and the danger of that disease being diffused abroad in the neighbouring parts of Italy and State of Millain might infect all Italy with the contagion thereof Nor herewithal content he acquainted the Pope with the whole business intreating him and exhorting him by particular Letters not only to approve of but to concur in his actions in so pious and Catholick a business The pretence was very just and the colours very lively and apparent to justifie so great an action nor could there be a fitter occasion to effect it but the slavery of Italy which lay hidden under these religious pretences spoil'd all the glory and good which adorned this action and it being not probable that so many Princes whose liberty was concern'd in this business would ever suffer that the Duke of Feria should insnare their States and Liberties with such conceits as these it might upon better grounds be supposed he would meet with very many
Kingdom being in trouble and by directly entring into war with the King of Spain to kindle new fires at home upon the interests of others the fresh example of his Father King Henry was also sufficient to keep him from such an enterprise who when he was in greatest authority and his Kingdom in compleat peace did not break with the King of Spain for building Fort Fuentes which was so prejudicial to the interests of the same Grisons nor would he meddle in those affairs otherwise then by intercession how much might it be said then did it become the present King in the beginning of his Reign the Forces of his Kingdom being divided amidst so many Domestick troubles to forgo his Fathers example and to engage himself in Forreign affairs against a most powerful King the event whereof being of such weight and importance might certainly be supposed would prove if not altogether prejudicial at least long and dangerous to do this it was requisite to have a powerful Army just as if he went to get the State of Millain back'd by the German Forces Besides moneys the sinews of war were wanting and many other things necessary for such an expedition on the other side he was obliged by being bound to protect his Colleagues and their States which he could not with his honour see abused but his Kingdoms interest did urge him much more theâ—…eunto to the prejudice whereof so great a union of the Austrâ—…an Dominions did redound nor had the example of his Father King Henry alledged to the contrary any thing at all to do in this case nothing being then upon the stage but a Fort built by the Spaniards upon their own ground whereas now the usurpation of States was in question the oppression of a Commonwealth confederate with his Kingdom the manifest danger of the Apostolick See and of many other Italian Princes Friends to the Crown which he could not with wisdom nor honour suffer to fall under the Spaniards slavery as for examples that of the same Henry might serve when not being able to suffer that the possession of Cleves and Iuliers should be disputed with the German Princes nor that the Spaniards should increase their power and reputation by the oppression of those Princes and by usurping those States he took up Arms against the Crown of Spain and against the house of Austria and incited almost all Christendom against them that these examples and respects were to be prefer'd before anger conceived against the Grisons for making League with the Venetians if contrary to custom we ought in important resolutions to have any consideration at all upon private spleens which were never known to be prefer'd in well regulated Counsels before wholsome deliberations To these Reasons which were of great force were added the Venetians and the Sovoiards instigations who shewing themselves ready to concur in the same war wish'd consideration might be had that the authority of the French was at an end in Italy if the King should not be permitted to enter by that way or should suffer those parts to be fortified by which they might enter with a few men into that Province in defence of so many Friends and Clients of their Kingdom for the good of the Apostolick See and to curb the covetousness and ambition of the Spaniards who when they should once become masters of what they had usurped and have thereby joyn'd the King of Spains Forces with those of the Austrians in Germany would grow unsupportable for their natural pride and arrogancy and invincible by reason of their Command Authority and Power insomuch as the Princes of Italy being deprived of the French aid which was the only support of their liberty would be forced wholly and every where to yield to the King of Spains pleasure and to reverence and adore the name of Spaniard as an earthly Deity from whence they were to expect and to acknowledge the life and safety of their affairs or otherwise their utter ruine how great a glory how great an honour would it be to the now King in the first beginning of his Reign and as it might be said of his life to win so much authority in Italy not only by sustaining the Duke of Savoy against the Forces of the Spaniards but by becoming Arbitrator of peace or war between that Duke and the Crown of Spain wherefore then should he not only lose so great an acquisition but by abandoning the Grisons the ancient Confederates of his Kingdom and by permitting all the Princes of Italy to fall under the slavery of the Spaniard make the world see that the King of France had neither courage nor power to defend his Confederates to strengthen so many Princes who expect from him only cure for so mortal a wound to provide against so great prejudice which would redound to himself in his reputation and to his Friends and Clients in their Safety States and Liberties These and the like Reasons very much press'd and vehemently pursued in that Court might peradventure work upon their wills but could not remove the difficulties of the enterprise for how was it possible for that King who then lay panting before Montalban a great Town in the midst of his Kingdom when France was divided into several Factions and the Kings Treasure exhausted to think of Forreign enterprises against the King of Spain and house of Austria who were already possess'd of the Valtoline and almost of the whole State of the Grisons who joyning in the Common Cause the State of Millain would abound in Dutch and by means of their Indian Gold they might turn his Kingdom up-side down now when it was full of ill humours the King and his Council did therefore what was most convenient for their present condition which was to proceed friendly with the Court of Spain and to treat of composing the present Occurrences in a civil way To this purpose Monsieur Bossompier was sent extraordinary Embassadour to the King of Spain and finding there more likelihood of good success then he could have imagined he thought the business happily ended but the French finding afterwards that the effects were not answerable but that the Spaniards sought by sophisticated interpretations to annihilate and overthrow all Conventions and that having proceeded further in Rhetia they had in part lacerated in part subjugated the Liberty and Commonwealth of the Grisons putting new and bitter conditions upon them wholly contrary to what had been by common consent agreed upon at Madrid they thought themselves doubly concerned in this business for to the ancient Consederacy and Protection of the Grisons was added the Capitulation at Madrid which the French could not without a great affront to their King suffer to be so trodden under foot and by the easiness of satisfying their desires which they found in the Spanish Court concerning this business conceiving better of themselves and worse of the Spaniards they thought that when the King of Spain should see them in
a friend to them all insinuating the Popes Brother or Nephew Proposals which he listened very willingly unto as being much inclined to the exaltation of his kindred but they were mightily abhor'd by others particularly by the Venetians who grew as suspicious of the Pope after the Marriage as they were confiding in him before for the constancy which he profess'd in the common Cause To this was added That the Principality of the Valtoline being of it self but weak and lying open towards the State of Millain it would too necessarily depend upon the Spanish Authority and if this were not satisfactory in any other person the Venetians must needs abhor it in the Popes Nephews by reason of the Wives Estate held in Fee which being by the Marriage to fall unto the Lodovisian Family and to be annexed to his person who should be Prince of the Valtoline they were too pregnant proofs of the necessary dependance of that Principality upon the Crown of Spain Neither could the French though they stormed at the Popes alteration any ways resent it the business being by the Covenants of the Depositure reduced from Forces to Treaty wherein the French were to carry themselves cunningly lest they might exasperate the Pope and alienare him the more from their Kings interests The Treaty of Marriage which was near concluding between the Prince of England and the Infanta Maria Sister to the King of Spain did not a little trouble the French and suppress their pretentions which Treaty being one of the most memorable and signal Negotiations of those times and for that it was also of great concernment in the present Occurrences it will not be unnecessary nor will it swerve from our present Narration to give you a short account of it The King of Spain being deeply concern'd in the Bohemian wars did not only send men and monies to the Emperour through the Valtoline before it was deposited but commanded Marquess Spinola his Captain General in Flanders and in the Low-Countries to enter the Palatinate and wage war there in the Emperours name In obedience whereunto Spinola with incredible speed and prosperity possessed almost the whole Palatinate and suppressing the Forces of the numerous Army of the Protestant Princes associated in assistance of the Palatinate who durst not give him Battel forced them at last to forsake the Palatinate upon the Rheine and to receive Law from him By which prosperous success the parts of the Palatinate and of the other Confederates being overcome they were afterwards totally ruined by the Emperours Army and by that of the Catholick League in Germany for these two Armies jointly entering Bohemia and joining Battel with the Palatines Army before Prague they routed it totally and the Palatine having lost his new Kingdom and all hopes of regaining it he fled with his Wife Daughter to the King of England towards Holland that he might go from thence to his Father in Law and obtain favour from him or at least monies to recover his Paternal Estate which was possess'd and confiscated by the Emperour for Rebellion and high Treason The King of England could never be drawn to approve of his Son in Law 's resolution of accepting the Crown offered him by the Bohemians and professing that he could not with a just conscience assist him in that Cause which he thought to be unjust and a pernitious example to all Princes forbore sending aid or succour to him which he did profess at first and with miraculous constancy and faith made good unto the last whereby he deserved very well of the Emperour and of the House of Austria who were so deeply concern'd in those Revolts But afterwards commiserating the exile of his Son in Law Daughter and Grand-children and yet resolving not to assist their afflicted Country by Arms nor by joining with the other Princes of Germany who prepared to repair the Prince Palatine with new forces he thought he should be able to do him better service by Negotiation wherein he had placed no small hopes by marrying his own and only Son to the Infanta of Spain and by his having deserved so well of the House of Austria And unusual means being to be used in unusual enterprises he with a sudden and very secret resolution sent his only Son to the Court of Spain to desire in his own person the Infanta for his Wife thinking that by the Authority of his Sons presence and by his generous shew of honouring that King he should cut off all difficulties and hinderances which might obstruct a business of so high concernment And that the Court of Spain being overcome by so magnanimous a favour should not only consent unto the Marriage but in savour thereunto restore the Palatinate which the Prince intended to demand and hoped to obtain amidst the Festivals and Jollities of the Royal Marriage The Prince of England departing from England privately past with a very small attendance disguised through France and came to Madrid before the knowledge of his departure and of so strange a resolution was arrived there The King and the whole Court being astonished and confused at the arrival of such a Guest knew not whether they were to be glad of the Princes coming in respect of the great Honour they received thereby or to be sorry for it being necessitated to grant him whatsoever he should desire though peradventure they were not thereunto well inclined Yet being received with all the demonstrations of Honour and with the greatest applause that might be he found a first very good correspondency of good will in the King and in the whole Court and already desire to please him in what concern'd the Match and for what concern'd the Palatine such demonstrations were used as he had reason to conceive hopes that he should obtain his whole desire by that voyage As for the Marriage all difficulties giving way to the Authority and presence of the Prince the point of Religion was the only Remora wherein the King of Spain desiring much satisfaction many debates were had about it But at last the English being desirous of a conclusion consented to whatsoever the Spaniards did demand so as the Marriage was held as good as concluded and for such divulged Very rich Presents past between the Prince and his Mistress as an earnest-penny of the future Marriage and many signs of rejoycing and of reciprocal affection and union past between the two Crowns There rested only one scruple on the King of Spains part which delayed the Consummation which growing daily greater became an invincible difficulty and afterwards reverst the whole business and did wholly defeat it For the King of Spain desirous to proceed cautiously in so weighty a business and which was on his side irretractable required security for the performance of what was agreed upon And the King of England offering his Princely Word and Solemn Oath which was all that he could offer or the other could pretend unto the King of Spain was
Spain for the space of almost one whole Age have had trial of the good and sincere publick correspondency and of the acceptable and faithful service of the privaâ—…e Genoeâ—…es great were the conveniences and advantages which they thereby got both in publick and private On the other side those Kings having always born much respect towards the Commonwealth and having eveâ—… endeavoured the preservation of her Liberty the Genoeses did so confide in their affection and good will towards them as the neighbourhood and greatness of the Kings Dominions wherewith their are invironed and the powerful Forces of that Crown both by Land and Sea sufficient to begeâ—… diffidence in greater Potentates then the Commonwealth were not only no cause of fear nor terrour to her but they by long experience began to confide in them and they served as a Bulwark and defence to the Commonwealth against all hostile violence No foot of the State of Genoa was ever seised on no point of her jurisdiction injured nor the least part of her liberty and whereas the Commonwealth when she began to adhere to this Crown being then newly got out of Forreign subjection was faint hearted weak in Forces rent with intestine discords and both publick and private fortunes were exhausted by her regained liberty and by this new contracted friendship she did not only recover her former spirit and health but reassuming her native colour and being restored to her ancient splendour appeared in publick and in private as formerly and whereas having been formerly molested sometimes by one some times by another Potentate and troubled by intestine discord she had much ado to preserve her self but undergoing great storms was subject to many dangers after the union and good correspondency with the Crown of Spain she was brought into a safe Haven secure from Domestick and Forreign tempests she was respected by her neighbouring Princes honour'd by those that were further off not molested by her rivals nor offended by any and if at any time she hapned to be molested by any she was protected and defended by all the Forces of the said Crown as if she had been one of its Patrimonial Dominions The Nobility of Genoa prosper'd no less in their private affairs then in the publick some of them were honoured by that Crown with great Honours and Imployments others were favoured with Offices Dignities and great Rewards the City her self was embellished with stately Edifices which were not inferiour for Ornament or Magnificence to those of â—…ny other private personages private houses were strangely beautified none were like to them for Plate Jewels nor Moveables neither in quality nor quantity for the fortunes of private men some amounted to the yearly rent of a hundred thousand Ducates many to half as much and very many to less but still very considerable sums by which riches and splendor the Commonwealth being become very powerful she might justly be adjudged to be brought to a better condition in all respects then ever she had formerly been for though in paâ—… Ages when she was wholly intent upon Maritime Affairs she was become very glorious for famous Victories made by her numerous powerful Fleets yet the vivacity and refinedness of the Genoese spirits being become fierce by continual use of Arms wanting Forreign Enemies she could hardly keep from civil dissentions the result whereof was the ruine of Military knowledge and the common Countries destruction the same vivacity and acuteness growing wanton by the continual peace of latter times and being refined in civil Arts hath made them study publick Government the more and more desirous to preserve their Country and Liberty as the Spring-head of all their good and as the only stay and foundation of their private fortunes and being hereby become so happy both in publick and in private she had no reason at the present to envy the condition of former times her Subjects were no less glorious then those of former times in Military Affairs and for what concerns the Gown and Civil Affairs undoubtedly far beyond them she had plenty of men excellent for learning and for all kind of Erudition very wise for State-Government and which is seldom seen in so great affluence of private Riches and Authority singular for Religion Piety and Charity towards their Country so as though in point of greatness of State she may yield the upper hand to some of the modern Commonwealths yet can she not be thought inferiour for unanimity of mind for a solid and well regulated Government nor for the love of Liberty The Legislators of antient times and those who in their Rules of Philosophy have left excellent Precepts of Policy always thought private riches and excessive power in private Citizens to be the corrupters of mens minds wherefore as if it were a Plague or pestiferous Venome in a well regulated Commonwealth they did so abhor it as Licurgus the wise composer of the Spartan Commonwealth not being content with an equality of Land amongst the Citizens of his Commonwealth he would not permit them the use of Silver or Gold In process of time the same Spartans did of their own free will yield up the command of Maritime Fleets which the Confederate Cities of Greece did maintain in common to the Athenians for fear lest their Citizens being accustomed to so great a command might become contumacious to the Orders of the County and might some time or other have some Plots upon the publick Liberty therefore they provided against too great power and authority in their Citizens by the Law of Ostracism and how much did the Agrarian Law trouble the Commonwealth of Rome It is too clear and manifest how the Roman Liberty was at lâ—…st overthrown first by the too extraordinary power of Marius and Sylla and afterwards by the like of Caesar and Pompey some of the modern Commonwealths out of the same respects give the command in chief of their Land Armies only to Forreigners and the Supream Government at Sea which they cannot take from their Citizens they confide it in them so allaied as they cannot exercise it within a hundred miles of the City nor is it permitted to their Citizens to receive Pensions or take imployments or dignities from other Princes nor yet to purchase estaâ—…es or fortunes in other Princes Dominions lest their dependency upon that Prince may prove prejudicial to the Commonwealth The Commonwealth of Genoa by a singular and happy example which doth confound both the precepts of the ancient and the institutions of modern Commonwealths doth not only sustain her 〈◊〉 by the greaâ—…ness of the private fortunes of her Citizens but doth from thence take â—…orce spirit and splendor and by means of her Citizens great power recovers sometimes her lost liberty sometimes preserves it and becomes considerable to Forreign Nations and to neighbouring Potentates The Citizens of this Commonwealth treat with the greatest Monarchs of Christendom they get Revenues in Forreign Countries they are admitted into
lessen the glory of what is gotten prefer'd the increase of reputation before the advantage of retention whereunto they were perswaded by their no want of Artillery nor Gallies and chiefly because the Duke had shewed the like respect to them in the Artillery which were taken in Riviera greater difficulties remained about the principal point of Zuccharello the Duke requiring that it should be restored to him as a thing bought by him before or else that he might be recompensed with as much Land elsewhere and the Commonwealth refusing both these the difficulty was reduced to be decided by moneys wherein the Mediators at last agreeing they disagreed in the sum The Duke did not only demand what he had disbursed but the interest which amounted to too immoderate a sum wherefore and because the French demanded reparation should be made to Claudio Marini for the prejudice he had suffer'd in having his house pul'd own whereunto the Commonwealth not consenting the French Embassadour departed speedily for France and left the business undecided but whilst the business concerning peace was thus negotiated in Spain affairs did not pass with that quietness and safety in the River of Genoa as was hoped for by Castagneda's Negotiation Mark Antonie Brancacchio Camp-master and Governour for the Commonwealth in Ormea went by leave from his Uncle the General with 600 paid Foot and as many of the Militia to surprise and sack Briga a great Town not far off belonging to the Duke of Ormea being come to a Bridge neer the Town which contrary to his opinion he found well munited he met with stout resistance which spun out the business to such a length as though the Genoese had possess'd themselves of the Bridge and of some neighbouring Houses yet some Souldiers coming from Tenda to defend it they worsted the Assailants and slew a hundred of them so as the rest were forced to sit down by their loss and to retreat to Ormea from whence they were come the Duke pretending that this was done in time of Truce exclaimed much against it without whose knowledge this dissaster had hapned and being desirous to know how it came to pass found that Mark Antonio by License from his Uncle General Brancaccio before he had received Orders from the Senate to abstain from doing any offence had done this the General having forgotten to recall his License a frivolous excuse and which would not have kept the Fact unpunished had not the Dukes Captains violated the suspension of keeping from doing any injury made by Castagneda a little before for one of the Dukes Gallies going from Villa Franca had given chase to a Barque of Genoa and had taken it neer Albenga and brought it to Villa Franca the Masters of the Merchandize nor of the Barque never having received any satisfaction but the Duke impatient of affront watched for revenge and having had private intelligence with the Captains of the Garrison in Zuccharello he sent 600 Horse with Musketeers encroupe to Garessi a Town neer Zuccharello with intention that being let in by the Conspirators in the evening privately by the Conspirators and killing as many of the Garrison as should resist them they should make themselves masters of the Town which being done they should go that very night being guided by one that was of the Plot to Albenga about six miles off where General Brancaccio relying upon the Garrisons of Pieve and Zuccharello did carelesly reside and as if he were to acquaint him with somewhat of great importance whilst he could not have advertisment of what had hapned at Zuccharello he should beat down the Gate of the City and let in his companions who should not be far off take the General prisoner make himself master of the City and make way for the taking of Pieve and of all the Towns till you come to Porto Mauritio which Towns were not likely to make any long resistance when Albenga should be taken The design had prospered had not the Conspiracy which was very neer being effected come to light but it being suppress'd and the Author and Complices thereof imprisoned they according to Military custom were made to pass the Pikes and the Garrisons being changed and the places of greatest importance re-inforced the Dukes men were forc'd to give over the enterprise and to retreat The peace of the Commonwealth was likewise disturb'd by the Duke of Guise his sudden coming from Marcelles with seven Galleoons amongst which was l' Almirante a Vessel of great burthen and very well munited with Artillery the end thereof was never known for Guise meeting with a tempest whilst he was under sail neer Corsica he was driven by the violence of the wind to within sight of Genoa The Commonwealth sent speedy Orders and Advertisment to Corsica where it was thought the blow was aimed and presently Rigging out 12 Gallies part her own part the King of Spains and furnishing them with excellent Souldiers and with all warlike preparations they put to Sea two days afterwards conducted by Don Carlo d' Oria who upon this occasion was chosen General of the Fleet but it being presently known that Guise being forced by tempest was got to Ligorne where he staid to make some repairs for what he had suffered by the violence of the Seas Don Carlo made thitherward and came to Anchor at Marzocco a safe Habour within two miles of Ligorne after two days Guise put to Sea again and made strait for Marcelles being still pursued by Doria within Cannon-shot till going out of the Ligustick Sea he came into that of Provence and so retreated to Marcelles Many men thought that he had only made this shew of coming out wherein nothing of hostility past except the making some shot to no purpose afar off at the Gallies which pursued him to satisfie the Duke of Savoy for the moneys he had received from him The year 1626 pass'd over with these petty accidents about the end whereof Ferdinando Duke of Mantua died who having no Sons was succeeded by his Brother Vincenzo the third Son to Vincenzo the only issue that was left of the Line of his Grand-father William and of his Brothers The year 1627 insued a year which proved very calamitous to many private Gentlemen of Genoa in their fortunes for those that did Traffick with the Court of Spain having about ten millions of moneys owing them which they were appointed to have received out of the moneys which were to come in the Plate-Fleets the King alter'd their payment giving them satisfaction in lieu thereof in juri with irreparable prejudice and loss of the Contract for these particular Genoese owing great sums of money to other men since they were not paid in ready money by the King could not satisfie others but with the same juri or with much delay of time when selling those juri they might pay them in ready money The Conde Duca was the chief cause of this great grievance to the Genoese whereby
the Arms of France which demand being made when the Army before Casalle was in greater want of men then ever it had been he wish'd they might not be granted him that by that denial he might have a fair pretence to forego friendship with Spain and to abandon the Cause which till then he held in common with that Crown And that when Spinola had punctually satisfied his demand and sent the men contrary to the Dukes expectation he was troubled at their coming which made him not only make them keep upon the Confines but by hard usage endeavoured to make them return back but when he saw his Counsels prevented by the King of France his speed he speedily summoned them in to his defence against the Kings Army which he saw came suddenly upon him and by their help made what defence so short a time and the imminent necessity could permit him to make for though there was no collusion in the conflict at Susa yet the unseasonable demand made by the Spanish Agents the little satisfaction he seemed to receive by their coming the preceding Negotiations and the Conclusion of the subsequent Agreement shew that the Duke was much more inclined to imbrace friendship with France upon new terms then according to the observance of his Ancestors to keep union with the Crown of Spain But it may be said that the then so dangerous condition of Affairs forced the Duke to put on this resolution and it being usual with Princes to make all change lawfull not onely when their State is in danger but where they may better or increase their condition there was not any one that blamed the Dukes Counsels nor his Actions How ever it was the King of France his name was generally exalted to the skies throughout all Italy in several Writings and Composures they said he deservedly merited the title of Just for having assisted an oppress'd Prince the title of powerful for that he had opposed himself in Arms to the oppressors of generous Protector because without any private end or interest nay with such inconveniency to his own affairs with so much trouble and hazard of his own person he could not tolerate the oppression of a Prince who was his friend Some praised the speed of his advancing others the undaunted execution others his miraculous happy success they wonder'd how so many difficulties of the season Alps sterility and opposition yielded to his fortunate Arms and Genius how he had had the courage being tired both himself and Army in hardships undergone before Rochel to pass armed over the Alps in the midst of Winter and to come into Italy to free her from imminent slavery and to assist his Petitioner in his greatest extremity they could not comprehend how at his only presence so many Forces such preparations of Arms and so many Plots against a Client of his Crown should vanish just like a shadow before the Sun some called him the Protector of the oppressed others the avenger of the liberty of Italy and expecting greater proceedings from such a beginning they promised unto themselves great alterations almost all the Princes of Italy sent Embassadours to him partly to congratulate his so happy success and to thank him for having freed them from the imminent slavery they apprehended if Casalle should be taken partly to purchase his favour in case as it was much feared he had any further intentions then the freeing of Cassalle and that he might not prejudice their Dominions some and particularly the Venetians to incite him as it was said to advance further with his Arms offering to joyn their Forces and Intelligence with him against the Spaniards with whom they were very ill satisfied in what concerned the Valtoline and this new commotion against Montferrat but the King did soon free all men from such suspitions and by his sudden and unexpected resolution broke off the thred of his so prosperous Fortune for on the last of April he return'd into France leaving the Cardinal and chief Officers of the Court in Susa not tarrying till the business of Montferrat should be ratified from Spain but leaving the things unconcluded and unperfect for which he had with so great fervour and preparation entred Italy The Cardinal and the rest soon followed after the King leaving Marshal Cricky in Susa supream Governour of the affairs of Italy with 6000 Foot and 500 Horse The occasion of this so sudden and so unexpected departure was variously interpreted some allotting it to the Kings vivacity of spirit some to his moderation as if content with having freed his Friend with having secured peace to Italy and to so many Princes who apprehended the contrary he had with a Prince-like magnanimity let the world see not only how just his thoughts were but how moderate and content upon such an occasion and so great an opportunity of affairs and how far he was from dreaming of novelties or of disturbing the publick peace but these specious pretences not being able to prevail with those who could have desired more constancy and resolution in the King and much less with those who desirous of novelty had conceived great hopes by the Kings coming the French gave out that the Duke of Roan head of the Hugonots in France seeing his party ruined by the loss of Rochel and that he could not get ready help to sustain himself from Spain whither he had dispatch'd Messengers of purpose by reason of the great scarcity of moneys began to cry Peccavi and would render obedience to the King which because it was likely to put a final end to the troubles of France was of so great moment to the Kings affairs as that all other enterprises set aside it forced him to return to secure them which though by the soon ensuing accidents appeared might be true yet not being then believed it was not sufficient to maintain the reputation of the French Forces which being but a little before formidable to Italy by reason of so prosperous success began after the Kings departure to decline and the rather for that it was soon known that it was a new tumult of the Hugonots who had fortified themselves in the Mountains of Auvergnia and not Roans surrender which had forced the King to return thither to suppress them This the Kings so sudden departure afforded also occasion of belief and this was afterwards judged to be the truest cause that the King was come into Italy with far smaller Forces then fame gave out which not being fit for new enterprises he had done more wisely to content himself with the glory which he had won then to hazard the loss thereof by falling upon new enterprises But be it what it would that occasioned the Kings departure it sufficiently lessened the reputation of the Kings Forces and on the contrary the Spaniards who seemed to be totally quel'd began out of these respects and other favourable accidents to hold up their heads The Duke of Savoy though he appeared
the peace made at Lubeck the Army was not onely superfluous but grievous to the people and prejudicial to Germany which ought now to be eased of so great a burthen aâ—… permitted to injoy the fruit of peace The Emperour did not incline to these so weighty and important demands knowing very well whereunto they tended nor yet the Spanish Agents who were resident in that Court who were much concern'd in maintaining the Emperours authority and the Austrian name wherein their King was interessed but the King of Sweden a powerful Northern King having about this time past the Baltick Sea and being come into the lower Germany with an Army of 20000 Foot and 2000 Horse the Electors made Protestation that they would never contribute to the charge of that new war unless they were satisfied in their demands The Empeour and Spanish Agents being badly advised gave way thereunto at last but it was not long ere he repented himself soundly for though Arms were laid down by by the peace of Lubeck yet discontents and hatred were not laid aside nor yet the ardent desire of more absolute liberty and the conditions of that peace being advantagious for the Austrian Empire did rather serve to incite the male-contents to novelties then keep them within the limits of that peace the disarming of the Emperour was no better then to put Arms into the Swedes hands and into those of the male-content Princes and such as were mortal Enemies to the Austrian name The Electors having obtain'd their desire were backwards in chusing the King of the Romans which though it were not openly desired by the Emperour yet being negotiated privately began to be found so hard a business as the Emperour thought it not fit to demand it openly and the Electors made use of several pretences to put off the Election nor now that the Emperour was disarmed did they let slip the occasion of shewing their resentments and of endeavouring some better condition of liberty The Protestants began to lay plots against the Austrian power and by little and little began to hold intelligence with the King of Sweden who having by their adherence gotten greater forces in a short time took many Cities subdued many Provinces and having gotten many famous Victories overran Germany within the space of a few moneths not without great danger to the Austrian authority and to the Catholick Religion nor content with such a continued course of Victory he drew neer Italy and made her fear the renewing of those miseries which she had formerly felt by the Goths and the other Northren Nations The affairs of the Empire and of the Catholick Religion were never so perplex'd in Germany nor brought to so neer a ruine as after the coming in of this Northern King all the Hereticks and male-contents adhered to him who in his Military Ensigns writ himself the Defender of the Faith and Protector of the German Liberty The Duke of Pomerania first of all and afterwards the Elector of Brandenburge and lastly the Elector of Saxony joyned openly with him against the Emperour and after them many other lesser Princes and almost all the Hans Towns of the Empire joyned with him as with their deliverer and the Emperour having laid down his Arms could hardly raise a new Army to withstand so apparent ruine almost all the Souldiers that he had cashiered took pay under the Swede allured by the fame of his valour by the Victories he had got by his grateful genius to the Souldiery who was received and followed with unspeakable applause as if the heavens had sent him to be their Deliverer The Armies of the Catholick League and of the Emperour which were joyn'd together were defeated in a great Battel before Lypsick and Tilly chief Captain of that League a famous Commander for many Victories which he had gotten against the Protestant League and against the King of Denmark and who now succeeded dismiss'd Wallestein was therein hurt so as the Emperour seeing no other way to withstand the ruinous condition of the Empire nor how to defend the Austrian Dominions was forc'd to recall Wallestein from Bohemia whither after his being dismiss'd he had withdrawn himself to lead a private life and restoring him upon what condition he could desire to his former dignity he opposed him to the Swede who like a swift torrent overrun all Germany The Emperours Army commanded by Fritland and the Swedish Forces led on by their King came to a pitch'd Field neer Lutsen a City in Misnia wherein the King being victorious had prescribed Laws to Germany had he not been slain by some Musketiers whilst with his wonted valour he pursued Victory he died in the latter end of the year 1632 thirty moneths after he had set his foot in Germany But to re-assume the thred of my Discourse the Diet at Ratisbone freed France from being insulted over by the Germans for Fritland who had order as hath been said to fall upon France expecting what would be the issue of that Diet instead of turning with his Forces upon France would be himself present at Ratisbone to obviate the violence which he foresaw would fall upon him but not being able to decline it and the Emperour being forced not only to depose him but to cashier his Army and foreseeing another war threatned from the North France escaped being assaulted also on that side and the Electors who held intelligence with the King of France favouring Nevers his Cause as the most just approved not of the Emperours actions but complain'd that contrary to the Laws and Institutions of the Empire he had sent Armies into Italy without participating the business with them wherefore the resolutions and provisions of that Court growing colder the King of France had better conveniency to mind the wars of Italy and to send strong succours to Nevers he destined the Cardinal of Richelieu to be the Captain General of the Forces which he sent into Piedmont with full power to manage war and peace The Army those being comprehended who were in Susa and Montferrat consisted of 22000 Foot and 2000 Horse and the Cardinal had three Marshals of France for his assistants Cricky la Force and Scomberge The King had already bargained with the Duke of Savoy for provision of Victuals and Ammunition for war together with conduct moneys for the passage of his Army and had agreed with the same Duke that he should assist in the enterprise with 15000 men and as for Victuals he had agreed to deliver unto him 15000 sacks or quarters in Nizza di Provenza which the Duke was to present unto the Army in Piedmont three crowns of gold being allowed for the conduct of every sack or quarter so as the Cardinal being very hot upon the business and thinking to find all things ready for the enterprise in Piedmont parted from Paris in the time of Christmas and coming to Lyons in the beginning of the year 1630 tarried there some days to receive the people
the Sacred Empire which they publickly said were broken and violated as well in this as in many other things they tacitely reproved him for having by the Cesarean Arms and Authority assisted the rather violent then just ends of the Spanish Agents against a Vassal who was ready to acknowledge that he held those States from Cesar and did with all submission desire to be invested thereinto they exaggerated the strange consequences which would result to Germany from these commotions for the King of France and Prince of Italy being desirous for their own safety sake to maintain those States and that Duke though they could not directly oppose the Cesarean and Spanish Forces in his defence did notwithstanding hold intelligence together and did assist the German Princes underhand who were desirous of novelties that they might alienate themselves from the Emperour and incite the people against him and that they did also administer aid to the King of Swedland to the end that the Emperours Forces being held play in Germany might not foment the Spaniards in Italy they persisted the more confidently in these their complaints for that they saw the Emperour unarmed and themselves favoured and set on by the King of France with whom they held strict and secret Intelligence That King had sent Monsieur Leon Embassadour to the Diet to justifie in appearance his assisting a Vassal of the Sacred Empire against the Spaniards who under the colour of the Sacred Empire strove to oppress him and to possess themselves of his Dominions to make way for the Monarchy of Italy which they so much coveted but in effect to sollicite the Electors and Princes of Germany who were ill satisfied with the present condition of affairs and to encourage them to joyn in beating down the Austrian greatness and to favour the Duke of Nevers his cause which the Pope did also favour who was veâ—…y desirous to keep those States in the House of Gonsaga to the end that by excluding the Spaniards from thence Italy might not hazard the loss of Liberty but he chiefly favoured the emulation which all the German Princes bore to the Spaniards by reason of the excessive authority which the King of Spains Agents arrogaâ—…ed unto them selves in Cesar's Court wherein pretending to be above all they seemed as if they would govern the affairs of Germany as they listed and the Emperour as well for his conjunction in interest as for his necessity of being supplied with moneys was forc'd to adhere unto them which the Germans not being able to tolerate they did oppose their ends and interests so as under colour of the justice of Nevers his cause and of preserving the rights of the German Empire they cross'd the Emperor in this very cause and would maintain it against the Spanish Agents who endeavoured to suffocate it by power in Cesars Court as they did to oppress it by Arms in Italy wherefore they reiterated their former Protestations not to joyn in the defence of the war made by the King of Swedland whose actions increasing in fame and reputation began to make men bethink themselves The Duke of Savoy also and Collalto fomented the speedy conclusion of the peace who both of them writ to that Diet and told the Emperour and the Electors that Piedmont could no longer maintain the war whose affairs running manifest ruine the Duke was forced either to succumb to the King of France or to agree with him if either of which should happen all things would necessarily be ruined The Emperour who had no Forces on foot and saw such an aversion in the Electors and in so many other Princes to the wars of Italy being scandalized at the unjust proceedings against Nevers the Emperour being also touched in conscience and desirous of his Sons election for which he had already given way to much greater things easily consented to all their desires many things were therefore treated of many things pretended and neer concluding in favour to the Duke of Nevers and to the great prejudice of the Spanish pretensions Don Carlo Doria Duke of Turcis was then Embassadour in extraordinary from the King of Spain in Ratisbone being sent to that Diet to further the Election of the King of the Romans in the person of the King of Hungary Son to the Emperour married at this time to Mary Sister to the King of Spain but this Election not being to be treated of in this Diet because it was not in imated therein as was necessary by the Laws of the Empire and for that the Electors of Saxony and of Brandenburg disgusted by the Emperour and almost quite alienated from him were neither come thither nor had sent their Proctories thither And after Orders taken in the Diet for the Affairs of Germany and of the Empire the Negotiations were reduced to the Affairs of Italy and particularly to the Duke of Nevers his Cause Doria who saw upon what disadvantagious terms the Peace was treated on for the King of Spain and how far the French prevailed by the help and Intelligence held by the Electors and that the Emperour being forced by the leudness of the Times and of his own Interests could not govern his pretensions as he would have done but was forced to incline towards giving them satisfaction even much to the prejudice of his own Affairs he earnestly desired and obtained it That he not being sent to Treat of Peace in the Kings Name might be permitted to acquaint the King upon what Conditions the Agreement was negotiated before it was concluded Thus having gotten a suspension for two moneths they forbare to conclude what they were already agreed upon Whilst the peace was treated on in Ratisbone it was not abandoned by the Nuntio Panciruâ—…lo in Italy wherein all parties were well inclined unto it the King of France Duke of Savoy and Collalto for the same reasons for which they did sollicite it in Germany and the two last because they liked not the business of Casalle The Duke by reason of the great prejudice which would result to him if it should succeed happily and Collalto out of the emulation he bore to Spinola and his hatred to the Spaniards which respects on the contrary made Spinola very much desire it lest that the bad correspondency with the Duke and Collalto's emulation might ruine it to his great discredit Collalto having appeared so averse unto it as that he would not grant him one bare thousand men though he cashiered them after Mantua was taken and Spinola needed them much before Casalle so as Spinola being inforc'd by so many difficulties and diffidences had promised the Nuntio to quit the enterprise if the French would forego the Dukes Towns which they had taken and would retreat to beyond the Mountains which Agreement being accepted by the King of France would have been effected had not his authority been restrained by new Orders from Spain for Abbot Scaglia who was sent as hath been said by the late Duke
all that had been taken from him and moreover satisfaction and recompence for his pretences to Montferrat for the King of France finding what difficulty and danger there would be in relieving Casalle by reason of the Dukes opposition laboured to win him over from the contrary party and if the Duke could be safely re-possess'd of his own by peace wherefore should he wait for the recoveâ—…y thereof by the uncertain and ruinous events of war moreover by favouring the business of Casalle he made fetters for his own slavery since then by preserving that place he might recover his own State and have satisfaction for all his pretences what reason had he to endeavour the getting of it with so much loss to his Subjects and prejucice to his own Dominions but these practices met with these difficulties the Duke would not part from the Cesarean and Spanish side without being effectually restored to all that had been taken from him and the King would keep it as a pledge for the restitution of Mantua already lost and of Cassalle if for want of relief it should chance to be lost Yet this treaty being on foot made the Duke more remisse in his joyning with Spain and desirous to handle the businesse so as that the Spaniards should desire a general peace whereby he was sure to be restored to his former condition and that Cassalle should not fall into the Spaniards hands yet he wisely cloked these his ends with several artifices He answerâ—…d the French who promising speedy possession of all that he had lost earnestly prest him to declare for their King that â—…e could not in honour passe so suddenly from the friendship of the King of Spain to enmity with him and that it would be too great an indignity that the same Sun which at his rising saw him a Friend to that King should at his setting finde him his Enemy That there should some time be allowed between the one and the other as Summer turnes not suddenly to Winter without the interposing of Autumn nor Winter to Summer without the like interposal of the Spring he offerâ—…d notwithstanding to declare himself neutral for a while till businesse might be brought to some reasonable composition and that in case the Spaniards should fail of doing what became them he would be ready to declare for France and to oppose those who would oppose reason These were the points discus'd in these present negotiations but neither was Collalto right to the King of Spain's cause for though now that his rival Spinola was removed it appeared that he might more favour the enterprize of Cassalle had it been for nothing else but that the easinesse of the success wherein he had cooperated might double the glory which he pretended to by the taking of Mantua yet through the hate which he bore to the name of Spain he held better intelligence with the new Duke then with the Spaniards and persisting in his first resolution of minding the defence of Piedmont and the opposing of the French more then the taking of Cassalle he would not afford any help thereunto This his ill will proceeded not from the aversion of the Cesarean Officers to those of Spain but from ill offices done him by the Spanish Agents to the Emperour for thinking that he bore no good will unto the King they had used all the means they could to remove him from his charge and that he might be sent for back into Germany and eertainly it had been done had it not been for his Wife whose favour with the Emperour defended him against the endeavours of the Spaniards The Duke being therefore inclined to the French for the recovery of his State or to the preservation of Cassalle for his own indempnity and knowing that the losse of that Town would mar the general peace which was the onely thing which could put him into his former condition and Collalto being totally inclined to favour the Dukes interest and Sancta Croce not being of so warlike a disposition as was Spinola but being rather mild and remiss and much addicted to civil negotiations much lesse to the troubles and dangers of war it was necessary that those that looked asquint upon the taking of Cassalle having more field-â—…oom allowed by the weaknesse of the present Government should openly vent their dissatisfaction and shew the greater resentment The first action of want of respect towards Sancta Croce and of great prejudice to the main affair was the Truce and suspension of Arms which Spinola refused and which was now accepted of by the Duke in favour to the French and by Collalto in favour to the Duke which had it been never so little a while delay'd the City and Citadel of Cassalle would certainly have been surrendered This suspension being by them accepted and subscribed without Sancta Croce his knowledge nay contrary to his will was presently sent to Sancta Croce to be by him subscribed This appeared to Sancta Croce and to the other Commanders to be an action as indeed it was so proud and arrogant as if the Duke and Collalto did thereby arrogate unto themselves the supream arbitracy of things even about Croce's self Yet wanting Courage to contradict it or to resent it he unwillingly gave way unto it and the fear of the Dukes and Collalto's alienation prevailing over his dignity he subscribed the Truce and suspension of Arms For had he done otherwise the common cause being by them abandoned or indeed cross'd might be reduced inâ—…o great streights The Truce being thus by common consent accepted the King of Spain's Forces quit Piedmont retreated to the State of Millain Collalto staying behind with the Cesarean Forces Those who were before Cassalle retired likewise into the State of Millain to refresh themselves after the labour which they had taken in the siege except 2000 who entred the City the Castle which by the Articles of Truce were assigned over to Sancta Croce and some few Foot who stay'd to guard the Artillery and quarters Sancta Croce spake with the Duke and with Collalto in Pontestura after that the Truce was subscribed They seemed to be both of them willing to refer all things belonging to the management of the war to him and by respectful and reverent behaviour sought to mitigate his anger and to excuse what they had done it was not known whether they did this really to make satisfaction for what they had done or to draw money from him which they very much prest for for they were known to be in truth otherwise minded Yet so weak of counsell was he as he did not onely take all in good part but sought to buy their good wills with ready moneies whereof though he himself were in great streights he disburs'd 200000 Ducates part whereof the Duke received part Collalto And because by the Articles of Truce all making of Fortifications was forbidden Sancta Croce imploy'd himself in making provision of faggots and of other
that the Towns of Mantua and Piedmont being to be restored on the 23 of May it might so fall out that neither of the parties either out of their own wilfulness or for fear of being deceived would make restitution or that if the one party should do it the other party might not do so which would redound much to the prejudice of the things agreed upon as also of the satisfaction of all and of the publick peace it was therefore concluded that within the 15 dayes prefix'd for the demollishing of the Forts Hostages should be delivered up to the Pope by the Emperour and by the King of France to be detained by the Pope till all things were performed The Pope refused to receive Hostages for restitution of the Towns in Rhetia for that it did not suit with Religion nor with the Majestâ—… of the Popedom to co-operate in making Towns be restored to Hereticks which were posses'd by Catholicks and the French not being to be satisfied in this point without caution it was agreed upon by an Article apart between the Duke of Savoy and the French Agents to which Gallasso seemed to give his consent That the Duke at the same time should restore his Towns to him should put into Susa and Avigliana a Garrison of Swissers confederates with the King and Valleggiany who were to be chosen and pay'd by him the Duke and who should swear to restore them to the Duke after the due observance of what was agreeed upon at Cherasco Though this capitulation seemed to be the Emperours intention and that of the two Kings who would have had freed Italy of the Dutch and French at one and the same time that without disadvantage of either party all places retained should be restored yet bâ—…bâ—…cause for assurance of this agreement it was resolved in the 16 Article of the Peace at Ratisbone that hostages should be given who were to be named by the Iâ—…alian Agents who were likewise to chuse to what Prince they should be given and moreover the said Agents were allowed liberty to do any thing else therein which should seem best and safest to them and they choosing the Pope who refused to receive Hostages This accommodation was found to satisfie the French who received some prejudice in the point which concerned the Grisons but the more the French were therewith satisfied the more unsatisfied were the Spâ—…niards and by their means the Emperour The judgement given at Chirasco was also suspected by reason of the exorbitant assignment made unto the Duke of Savoy of so many great and noble Towns in Montferrat which to boot that by the common present calculation they came to 100000 ducates annual revenue it was too prejudicial to the Duke of Nevers and weakned the rest of his State so much as not being able to undergo the burthen of maintaining Cassalle nor to supply it with sufficient victuals the Arbitrators who were aware of it ordered that the Duke of Savoy should permit Nevers to extract 10000 sacks of corn yearly at the price of the Market which extraction to boot with the limitation of time prefixed reduced the maintainance and nourishment of that Town to be at the Duke of Savoy's pleasure who by denying it might besiege it and bring it into great streights It therefore seemed strange that the Agents of the King of France who had by his Arms profest himself to be Nevers his Protector should consent to what was so prejudicial to their Kings Client and the restoring of 500000 ducates together with the freeing of Nevers from payment of the Infanta Margarits portion being nothing else but a forcing of Nevers to alienate so great a part of his Sâ—…ate at so mean a price as those two sums came to made more for Nevers his prejudice and consequently made the Arbitrement more exorbitant and the conditions more unjust At this time the Duke of Feria was again made Governour of Millain in the place of Sancta Croce with whom the Court oâ—… Spain was very ill satisfied by reason of his ill government of the Kings business And though Feria did not like the thus dismembring of Montferrat especially since the Duke of Savoy being possest thereof by the King of France his means he was in appearance likely to depend more upon him then upon the King of Spain who would never condescend that he should be Master of one foot of ground in Montferrat yet Feria and the other Spanish Agents dissembling their inward resentment of this point as not appertaining to their King they exclaimed mainly and protested against what concern'd the Garrison of Susa and Avigliana and Feria writ to the Emperour and to the King of Spain that they should not allow of the Articles of Chirasco nor to the restitution of Mantua he also complained of Gallasso in the Emperours Court as if adhering too much to Collalto he had inclined more to the Duke of Savoy then to the King of Spain And it was bruted abroad that Gallasso having received great sums of money from the Duke had joyned with the French in being so favourable to the Duke of Savoy in the assigning of the Towns And as if affairs had been in a worse case then ever Feria staid the Brigadoes which were sent for Flanders and the Dutch who according to the Articles of Chirasco were ready to depart notwithstanding that the Emperours affairs being ill handled by the Swedes at this time did very much require succour The business being thus interrupted and all parties being much incens'd by this backwardness in Feria it was thought he the more desired to embroil business that he might have occasion to exercise his warlike â—…alent then to appease them wherefore as a friend to novelty he was commonly noted to be of an unquiet spirit And this was observed even in the Court of Spain which was held to be very ill satisfied with the peace of Ratisbone and worse with the agreement of Gasalle it was therefore thought that Feria coveted to repair his Predecessors fault and to signalize the beginning of his Government by actions contrary to his But a Decree made by the Emperour after the peace of Ratisbone did much trouble all mens minds by which he conferr'd all the authority of the Sacred Empire which could be conferr'd in amplest manner upon the King of Spain against contumacious and rebellious Subjects A Decree commonly practised in Germany against disobedient Princes by which that Prince who is warranted to make War is permitted to possess himself of the disobedient Prince his Dominions no restitution being to be made till he have paid the whole charge of the War By virtue of this Decree all Princes and Officers who are Subjects of the Empire are bound to pay obedience to him who hath this Commission as they should do to the Emperour and also to deliver up unto him all Towns and Forts and without making any reply to turn their Arms and Forces whithersoever that King commands This
Decree was occasioned by what had hapned before Casalle after peace was made by the King of France his protesting that he held himself not bound to observe the Articles of that peace and by the agreement of Chirasco which gave little satisfaction for the Emperour finding that the French were not content with the peace but that the King of France at the same time that that peace was made had made a new League with the Swedish King clean contrary to the Articles of Ratisbone and that he furnish'd him with moneâ—…s for the Wâ—…r of Germany and knowing that he could not possibly repair the affairs of the Empire both in Germany and Italy at one and the same time he thought fit to leave the care of the affairs of Italy to the King of Spain the greatest Prince and Feudatory of the Empâ—…e And the Duke of Feria being substituted by the King in this Commission Gallasso who managed the War and Aldringer who had Mantua in possession as also all the 〈◊〉 Princes Feudatories to the Empire were to obey him and to assist him as they would have done the Emperours self and Aldringer was bound to deliver Mantua unto him and all the Towns which he held in that Dukedome for that Nevers who having incurr'd the penalty of High Treason by reason of his contumacy and disobedience had no right to that peace but was relapsed into his former fault and the Duke of Feria by virtue of that Decree might proceed against him with all the Forces of the Empire For fear that this should be put in execution the Venetians the French and all Princes who cared for the affairs of Italy apprehended that all things would be ruined if Mantua should be assigned over to the Duke of Feria they were therefore necessitated to endeavour by all means that the peace might be observed and ratified in the first place and afterwards reform the Articles of Chirasco in satisfaction to the Emperour and Spaniards Thus the agreement of Chirasco being of force it was instituted touching the restitution of the Towns and places belonging to the Grisons whereof the doubt remained that the French instead of the Garrison which by the agreement they were to put into Susa might keep Bricherasco but that Gallasso should be constituted in Mantua and Toras in Turin for hostages the one for the restitution of Bricherasco the other for the Towns and places belonging to the Grisons And because this new agreement was made on the 19th of Iune the time of the former agreement being already expired others were made like unto the former In this second agreement the Duke of Feria was likewise limited more precisely touching the Garrison of Millain and the number of the men were lessened which he was to keep there for Garrisons contrary to what in the preceding peace and particularly in this last of Chirasco was observed for whereas in the former it was said that the Kings Forces should not so tarry in the State of Millain as to cause jealousie in the Neighbours in this last they obliged the Governour precisely to send 6000 Foot and 1000 Horse out of Italy and Rhetia of the extraordinary Forces which were in the State and that if after the restitution of the places there should yet remain a greater number of Horse or Foot then is usually kept in that State they should be dismiss'd or should be so disposed of as no more should remain there then was usually kept in Garrison in the time of peace This agreement was perfectly observed At the time appointed the Duke of Mantua was re-invested and restored to the City and State of Mantua freed of all the Dutch who shall for the future be no more called the Duke of Nevers but Duke of Mantua The Towns of Piedmont were also restored to the Duke of Savoy and lastly for full and entire performance of what was coveâ—…anted the Hostages were set at liberty so as Italy was likely to return into her former serene peace But new clouds soon appeâ—…ring amidst this cleer weather drew all meâ—…s eyes upon them and seeming big of thunder lightning and storms made it be feared they would break out into some dangerous tempest The King of France some few days after the Towns and Hostages were with satisfaction to all parties restored demanded some things of the Duke of Savoy which being directly contrary not only to the Covenants but to the fundamental points of the peace of Ratisbone and of the Agreements made at Cherasco did disturb the Affairs in several manners perplex'd the minds of the Italians and gave the Spaniards more cause of complaint and greater reason to think themselves injured then before he demanded the assignment over unto him of Susa and of Avigliana or Pinarollo and Perosa or of Dimone and Cunio or lastly Savigliano together withall the Towns that are upon the passage to Castle Delphino the reason of these his demands he said was that he might have a way open to come into Italy upon any novelty that might be attempted by the Spaniards to the prejudice of his Confederates and to secure himself of the Dukes friendship whom he once more saw inclined to joyn with the Spaniards against him The occasion of these demands were alledged to be for that together with the ardent desire which the Spaniards as â—…e said seemed to have to exclude the new Duke of Mantua out of Italy that they might unjustly usurp the States which did by right of succession devolve upon him and besides that they for the same purpose had gone against the Articles of Susa and with their own Forces and those of the Dutch called into Italy by them and paid by their moneys had assaulted his Dominions and taken Mantua from him they now endeavoured to come to a third assault when by reason of the restitution of the Towns of Piedmont and the French their retiring into France they were themselves alone in Italy arm'd in the Field the Duke being weak and unable to resist them for want of moneys and men who were consumed by War and by the Pestilence wherewith his States had been so sorely afflicted The King justified these his doubts and jealousies for that though the Duke of Feria had given his word to Galasso that he would cashier the extraordinary Forces out of the State of Millain and reduce the Souldiers to the number that were usually kept in Garrison in time of peace according to the last Article of Cherasco he on the contrary had retained most of the Foot to boot with Scomburgs Regiment and the Neapolitan Horse which he had not only not dismis'd as he was obliged to do but had raised others by the Marquess Rangone and drawn them neer the Confines of Millain and that many Captains and Officers under colour of Reformadoes were sent by him to Naples to raise more men and bring them into the State of Millain that il Signore Merodes a Captain of the Emperours in Alsatia
which they aspired to give Laws to all men and to suffocate thâ—… Liberty and Sovereignty of the Princes of Italy and though the double and clandestine dealing between the King and Duke were contrary to the peace of Ratisbone and to the Treaties of Cherasco yet winking at so great a gainsaying they allowed of the Kings justification and on the contrary the Declaration made by the Emperour touching the investment of the Duke of Mantua the day before was judged to be clandestine and yet he who shall justly consider the cause which moved the Emperour to make that Declaration will find that he was not to be blamed for it nor had any and much less the King of France reason to complain of the Articles which were granted before for the Articles of Ratisbone being reciprocal between the Emperour and the King it was clear that the one party observing them when the other did not it was lawful for the observer to withdraw from what he had on his side done but the original fault of the first moving against the Duke of Mantua conveighing sinister influences into all actions which did depend upon that moving did little justifie any action which might any ways prejudice the Dukes interest and the Italians minds being incumbered by fear that the former wars of the Valtoline and then those against Mantua and Montferrat aimed at the inslaving of Italy they allowed no place to any more subtile interpretations or considerations to define what was just and honest since justice and honesty seemed to have taken up the highest seat in the balance which did secure the Liberty of Italy and whatsoever co-operated to lessening the Spanish greatness being held good for the common liberty and safety was esteemed just and honest according to that saying salus populi suprema lex esto for this respect the Duke of Feria's suspition was not thought just who seeing the French brought into Mantua and Casalle and the Grisons parts gartison'd with French pretended that it was against the Article of Peace the events soon shewed that the pretence was not vain since it was seen that those places fell into the hands of the French so as their actions were applauded and the Spaniards suspitions blamed some of the Iâ—…alian Princes joyed to see that the French were became as it were Arbitrators of Italy and little less then masters of Mantua Montferrat and Piedmont and Concha if for no other cause at least for that they thought them by reason and opportunity to be of equal power and authority to the Spaniards and peradventure superiour to them by reason of the adheâ—…ence which those Princes would rather have with him then with the King Spain for they desired to keep the Spanish Forces curb'd by those of France the Spaniards being grown jealous and hateful to them this was the success of the ill advised ill govern'd and worse justifiable Spanish Forces this was the fruit they reaped of their so much stirring to no other end but that they could not tolerate that a Prince who depended upon France should have any possessions in Italy nor were the King of France his Forces less fortunate out of Italy for to boot with the Garrisons put into the Grisons Country whereby they depended no less upon his arbitrement then did the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua he did at the same time assault Lorrain with a powerful Army being offended with that Duke who had received and fomented the Duke of Orleans who as hath been said was fled from the Court and the Duke of Lorrain having no means to defend himself the Emperouâ—… and all Germany being sufficiently molested and a great part of Germany possess'd by the Swedes he was forced to humble himself to the King and to sue for peace which was not granted him without parting with some of his chiefest Towns and being thus received into protection he obliged himself not only to give free passage to the King through Lorrain whensoever he would go with an Army into Germany but to joyn with him in that war and assist him with a certain number of men whilst he went to defend the liberty of the German Princes the ancient Friends and Conâ—…ederates of his Crown wherefore when the King drew neer Germany with his Army the Ecclesiastick Electors and many other German Lords and Princes put themselves under the protection of the Crown of France pretending fear of the Swedish Forces but in effect to have a Protector of their greater liberty to which they aspired against the Austrian authority Much about the time that the Peace of Ratisbone was concluded a League as hath been said was made between the King of France and the King of Swedland in defence of all common Friends and of all the German Princes in their oppressed Liberties and to restore Germany and the Princes thereof to the same condition they were in before the war began in which League the King of France obliged himself to pay 400000 Crowns a year unto the Swede for maintenance of his Army which was as much as to set up a Standard in maintenance of the German Rebellion unto which all male-contents might have recourse nor did the design prove vain for after the famous Victory of the Swede and Duke of Saxony before Lypsick as hath been elsewhere said wherein the Emperours Army and that of the League was discomfited and almost all slain and wherein Tilly was also sorely wounded the Protestant Princes openly adhered unto the Swede and joyn'd with him against the Emperour and those who in respect of the Catholick Religion could not openly adhere unto an Heretick Prince who was manifestly bent to take â—…he Empire from the house of Austria and to overthrow the Catholick Religion and who were unsatisfied with the Austrian Dominion taking pretence from their fearing the Swede had recourse to the King of France by whom being taken into protection they covenanted neutrality between the Swede and the Emperour and to permit the King of France to pass armed through their Territories by means of which protection they were secured from the Swedish Forces and the Emperour who was by this means bereft of the adherence and help of almost all the German Princes and also openly assaulted by the Swede and his adherents and molested under-hand by the King of France was brought to so low a condition as not being well able to withstand so many enemies the affairs of the Empire were in a very sad condition to this was added that the Duke of Bavaria who was head of the Catholick League and the greatest maintainer of the Catholick Religion and who next to the Elector of Saxony was the greatest support of the Empire and of the house of Austria especially after Saxony his revolt was also though very secretly confederated with the King of France which King by Articles of Confederacy was bound to maintain the upper Palatinate and the Electoral Dignity for ever in this Duke and in the
abandon so well deserving Souldiers whose deserts he had upon so many occasions known and whose valour he had tried but that he was much more displeased and that it did very much afflict his soul that by abandoning them he should be a means of their losing so excessive expences which by his Orders and upon his Paroll they had been at in the raising of men which expences together with the pay and rewards due for so signal service who was it that would pay them if he should abandon the Army who was better acquainted with the merits of every particular man then he who had seen what pains they had taken what blood they had shed what dangers they had run hazarding their lives so often and so generously for the common safety that they might easily see how little the Emperour valued their deserts the blood which they had spent in his service the sorrow they had suffer'd and dangers they had undergone for the safety and maintenance of his Imperial Diadem since he more esteemed the keeping of every Housholder of his Patrimonial Dominions from being never so little troubled then the disbanding of that Army which had done and suffer'd such things for his service that these were the things wherewith their General was grieved and not the laying down his charge that upon this occasion he wish'd he had the wealth of Croesus or the Mines of Potosie that he might make good his word unto them so to satisfie them for what he ow'd them but that having nothing now left after so many disbursements which he also had been at for the common cause unless it were the Plate destined for his own use he was very ready to offer it them to satisfie them in part for a much greater sum which he acknowledged he ow'd them that he desired them they would accept of it at least as an argument of his good will that as he was always desirous to remunerate them all and each of them for their deserts so did it much afflict him that through the injuries of the times they were to be defrauded of their merits as well as he to these and the like Speeches spâ—…ead abroad in the Camp by those he imployed they added and minded them of the extraordinary parts and of the other excellent parts of their Commander in Chief how upon so many occasions through his means they had been Conquerors his good usage of them his civility and liberality used to them all his relieving them in their greatest necessities his affability and humanity and on the other side they mentioned the bitter injuries and persecutions of the Court the nets that were spread abroad for his ruine by his enemies how ungratefully his so high deserâ—…s â—…ad been acknowledged and finally they instil'd into the Souldiery all the affection tenderness and piety which might make them compassionate their Generals misfortune and all that might move them to sedition so far as to exhort them to joyn with them and to interest themselves in his just cause that they should not suffer themselves to be abandoned by their General nor consent to so unworthy and so unjust oppression of a Commander so full of Victory Merit and Valour who for his part would always side with the Emperour under whom he had waged war so faithfully that he would persevere in his innate devotion towards his Imperial Majesty but that notwithstanding they were obliged not to suffer him to be trampled upon by the common enemies and not permit that he who was the upholder of the Empire the honour of the German Nation and who was the common safety should be unworthily suppress'd by the envy of a few strangers and enemies to the German Nation Wallestein was wont to confer the Captains places and the Offices of the Army upon such as did wholly depend upon him insomuch as if any were recommended to him by the Emperour they were sure to be denied wherefore these things prevailing much with the Army the Souldiers were all joyntly ready to go to the Generals quarters ready to offer up their lives and bloods in preservation of his welfare and dignity to vindicate the offences which were unjustly done him and to receive the sign of sedition from him but it was thought a more moderate way that the Captaâ—…ns of the Army only should acquaint the General with the common sence of the Souldiery and with their earnest desires that he would not abandon their hope and interests by laying down his place of General The General seeming at first unwilling to grant their desires said he would once more readily obey the Emperours commands but seeing the Souldiers pressures more fervent by his denial he suffered himself to be overcome and as if inforced condescendded to the general desire of the Souldiery But upon condition that the Captains of the Army should subscribe a certain writing whereby they should swear not to abandon him but to keep firm to him upon all occurrences and to follow him in all enterprises which might tend to the preservation of his Person State and Dignity and to the good of the Army in observancy whereof they were to spare neither blood nor life and in the last place they protested they would prosecute those as Traytors and disloyal persons and punish them severely in their lives and goods who should not subscribe to this Oath All the Captains who were in the Camp readily underwrit this writing and it was said that some would not swear but upon condition that this new Oath should be understood in service to the Emperour and that this condition was rejected but in fine all swore in the Generals words some willingly some for fear of their lives for the Souldiers stood in a tumultuous manner about the Generals Lodging ready to make those that should not subscribe pass the push of Pike Gallasso and Picolominy who were present underwrit as did the rest but instantly going from the Camp under pretence of going to their quarters to gather all their Forces into a body they went to the Emperour to acquaint him with what had hapned complaining and protesting that they were compel'd to do what they had done and offering their ready service to obey his Imperial Majesties commands in extinguishing this commencing sedition Aldringer was not then in the Camp though Wallestein had used all means to have him there the Emperour being much moved at this novelty presently published a Proclamation wherein he proclaimed Fritland a Traytor making Gallasso General in his place and freeing the Commanders from the Oath they had taken and pardoning all such as had subscribed so as they would in a short time joyn with the new General and swear loyalty to him in Cesars name but he excepted Fritland out of this pardon and some few who were his confidents and had incited him to this sedition and conspiracy At the first news of this Edict divulged through the Army every man began 〈◊〉 bethink themselves some for
introduce a Vote absolutely depending upon the King of France into the Electoral colledge A thing which though it was sufficiently contrary to reason and to the preeminence of the German Empire and repugnant to the Votes of the German Nation yet would it not have been ill looked upon by the Protestant Princes in those times and to such as were ill affected to the Austrian Name And the Emperour fearing these plots which he saw were a framing by this Electory he ordered the Infanta that he should secure his person In order whereunto the Infanta put 2000 Souldiers in some barks cover'd with cloth like to Merchants vessels which pass upon those Rivers and sent them down the Mosell towards Tryers which is seated upon the bank thereof whither being come by night and telling the Sentinels that they were boats come from Lucemberg they fastned two Petards to two Gates by one of which they entred and by the other 200 Horse which were sent by land to that purpose by the Infanta who coming to the Gate at the same time that it was beaten down by the Petard the Horse and Foot entred the Town at unawares cut the French Garrison in pieces who were overcome with fear and the darkness of the night and easily made themselves Masters of the City and of the Elector who being speedily carried to Lucemburg and from thence to Namures and so to Brussels was honourably treated there as an Archbishop and Elector but was diligently guarded as a Prisoner The King of France held himself highly offended by this action as if it had been done in a resentment of the new Protection whereinto that Prince had put himself he therefore made the Electors liberty be demanded of the Infanta by his Resident who was then in that Court to which the Infanta answered That what was done at Tryers was done by the Emperours express command and that therefore he was to address himself to Cesar. The King not being satisfied with this answer sent an Herauld to the Infanta who did intimate War against him and against the King of Spain expresly declaring and protesting That that intimation should serve as effectually for the King of Spain as if it had been given to his own Person in Madrid Many Discourses pass'd about under the Names of the Kings themselves and of others as they stood severally interessed or devoted to either of the Courts wherein each side sharpely defended their cause The most solid and most ascertained Reasons of this breach publish'd in print by the King of France in his own Name were That the Elector of Tryers being abandoned by the Emperour when the Empire beaten by the Swedish Forces was not well able to sustain it self not knowing whom to â—…ly unto for refuge had put himself into his protection to free himself from being suppress'd by them wherefore he deserved not to be made prisoner for doing so without citation or being condemned he therefore accused it as not only unjust but unworthy being committed against a Sacred Person an Archbishop and one of the seven Electors of the Empire and that since it redounded not only to the great offence of his Crown in respect of the protection whereunto the Elector had put himself but to the like of the Apostolick See and of the Electoral Colledg the Pope and Electors were to resent it as well as he To this was answered That that Elector had never put himself into the protection of the King of France but had only desired some assistance from him as from a Prince that was his friend against the Swedes so as even by the Electors own confession the title of protection was faulty which was the chief foundation of the complaint and of the injury pretended to be done to the King and if the Elector had desired or received help under the name of protection he ought not to have withdrawn him from the natural Sovereigâ—…y of the Emperour nor from the protection of the Dukes of Luxenberg he being a Prince of the Empire and under the protection of the ancient Dukes of Luxenberg it being a clear thing That a natural Subject cannot withdraw himself from the Jurisdiction of his Sovereign Prince nor prejudicate it by any action of his and that howsoever his protection against the King of Sweden did not extend against the Emperour or King of Spain the one being his Sovereign the other his ancient Protector no otherwise then fealty by a natural Subject of a Prince sworn to another Prince from whom he holds any Town or Castle in Fee shall never be of force to engage him against his natural Prince nor to withdraw him from his obedience That therefore the King of France ought not by title of new protection to intermeddle with what the Electors Sovereign Prince was pleased to order The ground-work of the breach seeming to be shaken by these Reasons the King of France pleaded other former injuries which he had at several times and upon several occasions received from the Crown of Spain and beginning from the reciprocal Marriages made between the two Kings it was said that the Spaniards had never ceased to make plots against the quiet and safety of France and in the first place That the King of Spain had waged war with the Duke of Savoy under the honourable pretence of protecting the House of Mantua against which the same King did afterwards conspire himself for no other reason but because the Duke would not joyn with him in making war with the King of France To this was added the revolutions of the Valtoline to the prejudice of the Grisons ancient Clients and Confederates of the Crown of France which were endeavoured for no other end and somented by the King of Spain but only that he might carry the war more commodiously through the Valtoline from Germany to Italy and from Italy to Germany and to make himself Master of the parts confining upon the Valtoline That the Court of Spain not being able to endure the good correspondency which was held between France and England had by means of Marquess Mirabello his Embassadour at Paris sowed dissentions and discords between them and fomented the Rebellion of the Hereticks of France to the end that the King being busied in suppressing them might not have leisure to defend Mantua and Montferrat which were then powerfully assaulted by the Spaniards and that when the King of France had by the success of his Forces and by the Peace of Susa freed Cassalle the first time the King of Spain had not only let slip that occasion of preserving Peace in Italy and of securing the liberty of the Client of France but had called in the Dutch against the City of Mantua whilest his Commanders endeavoured once more to take Cassalle by force whereby the King of France was forced to send his Arms back again into Italy to secure his Confederates and to keep the Spaniards within some bounds wherein faring as successfully as
he had done the first time which the Spanish Agents were not able to indure they had betaken themselves to sow discord in his Royal family making the Duke of Lorrein their Instrument therein and that thus they had endeavoured to Arm France against France that the same King of Spain had sent a powerful Fleet to Sea to assault Provence and that he was neer assaulting it several times had he not been sometimes detained by the season of the year sometimes by storms that moreover he had furnished the Duke of Orleans with Forces to pass armed through France to the end that being back'd by the Army of Catalogna and by the Fleet at Sea he might trouble France then falling upon the Affairs of Germany they complained mightily that the Austrians ends tended only to make the Elective Imperial Diadem hereditary and that therefore under the specious pretence of the Catholick Religion they aimed only at the abasing and annihilating of the Catholick and the Protestant Forces to the end that having extinguished the latter they might the more easily subdue the others and so arrive at that Monarchy whereunto though they had no reason to pretend yet did they thirst after nothing more and that the King of France not being able neither in justice nor for the safety of his Kingdom nor in respect of his ancient and hereditary adherence to the German Princes to tolerate that the house of Austria should make way to so great advantages by the ruine of his Colleagues lest when he should have compassed his defire he might pretend superiority over all Christian Princes had desired to see the affairs of Germany reduced into such a condition by civil means as that the German Princes might live in safety and not fear being ruinated and that so he might not be necessitated to defend them by Arms and that therefore upon several occasions discourses of peace he had always propounded a general peace wherein all might be comprehended and all things might be amicably composed for said they no peace is otherwise truly made but like fire buried under ashes breaks forth into a greater flame that it made not for the King of France nor for his honour to compose differences with the Emperour without including his Confederates who might be overcome afterwards by the Austrian Forces and that the same consideration was to be had touching the affairs of the Valtoline the King having made it be treaâ—…ed of in the peace of Cherasco and of Madrid that some course might be taken to remedy what was done to the contrary at the peace of Monsone but that these endeavours not being listned unto though they were propounded with much zeal to the publick peace the King was forced to take up Arms so to get such satisfaction which he could not do by friendly mâ—…ans But the Court of Spain complain'd no less nor did they cease to oppugne the accusations and complaints made by the French these began from before from the peace of Vervin which was made the year 1601 wherein all reciprocal offences being laid aside it was agreed that neither of the Kings should protect any one to the prejudice of the other but should renounce all Leagues and Intelligences contracted to the prejudice of either of them and that notwithstanding this the year was hardly ended when the French appeared in Holland under the King of France his own Colours against the King of Spains Forces nor did King Henry the Fourth with whom that peace was made ever re-cal so open Hostility save only in appearance and by vain Edicts which were never put in execution insomuch as the French continuing in that Militia the King cared not for the complaints made by the Spanish Agents but was wont to jest and mock at them whereby they infer'd that that King was the first breaker of peace and the original occasion of any hostility which had been afterward either tacitely or openly committed against him if any such had been committed and that therefore the French had no just cause to complain they added that King Henry did contrive a League with great Potentates afterwards against Philip the Third which was unperfected by the said Kings sudden death and that though Philip the Third might easily have resented these so open Hostilities and gainsayings of peace after Henry's death making use of the pupillar age of the then present King and of the ill humours and factions of France yet publick peace prevailing over all resentment he pass'd by so great an offence and became the defender of the young King and of the Queen Dowager and consented to the reciprocal Marriage to the end that peace and union might thereby be the better established between the two Crowns passing from hence to the League of Avignion the year 1623 whereof the present King of France was pretended to be the Author they said that from thence proceeded the following wars of Germany and of Italy against the Emperour and King of Spain which being happily ended for the Austrians the peace of Monsone insued which the King of Spain did not only not countervene but when it was concluded had assisted the King of France with a powerful Fleet in the so important business of Rochel and had assisted him therein at the same time when the King of France did openly assist the Rebels in Holland against him then coming to the last wars of Mantua and Montferrat they complained that the King of France had taken upon him the protection of the Duke of Nevers a Vassal of the Empire against his Sovereign the Emperour and against the Spanish Forces imploy'd in defending Cesars Authority that the King of France had no occasion to interest himself in that business which did not at all concern him but was proper to the Emperour and much less reason had he to meddle in dividing Montferrat between the Dukes of Savoy and Nevers though he had done it with much prejudice to the Emperours Authority in the peace of Susa Wherefore the Emperour nor King of Spain had no reason to ratifie that peace that then they came to the peace of Ratisbone wherein the Affairs both of Germany and of Italy being setled it was soon broken for what concern'd the Affairs of Germany by the King of France by the League which he soon made with the King of Sweden and as for the Affairs of Italy it was not sincerely observed since he extorted Pinarvolo from the Duke of Savoy contrary to the Articles of that peace and here heaping up all the accusations against the King of France touching his protecting the German Princes the Elector of Triers and the Duke of Nevers they said that these protections did foment the Subjects of the Empire against the Emperour just as if the Emperour of King of Spain should take upon them to protect the French who had taken up Arms against the King of France and should foment and assist them so as the King of France numbers
Hollanders not without much satisfaction to Spain which was then desirous to see an end of so expensive a War So as the Spaniards had no reason to complain of any assistance given to the united Provinces wherein the chief foundation of their Justice lay That therefore when France was free of Civil Wars and had regained her former vigour the King not being able to be wanting to the just cause of the German Princes who had recourse to him touching the succession of the States of Iuliers and Cleves though it was conceived that he had contracted several Leagues against the Austrians Yet if that Kings life had not been cut off in the nick of time all those Leagues and Unions spoken of would have soon been seen vanish into smoak and it would have been known that they served for nothing but appearing threats since it made not for that the King who was then well in years whose issue was young and his Kingdom not yet seled to enter into new Wars for the interests of other men and leave his Kingdom to his young children involved in forreign Wars For he might be sure that Regal Authority which curb'd civil dissentions ceasing together with his life the Kingdom which seemed now to be united would fall into its former disorders which would draw forreign Forces into the Kingdom That the present King growng in years had given the King of Spain no occasion of complaint but had alwayes corresponded with him as became Princes that were friends and joyn'd in affinity That the first encounters arose from what had hapned in the Valtoline wherein the King had interested himself out of his being bound to protect the Grisons and out of the great prejudice which was thereby occasioned to his own affairs and to the German and Italian Princes That the first intermission was in a civil manner not by Arms which the King took not up till the first conventions of Madrid were undervalued and that notwithstanding the King of France did temporise to ripen some difficulties But that seeing no satisfaction given he was forced to betake himself to Arms the business not being yet well adjusted he was once again necessitated to take up Arms for the just and necessary defence of the Duke of Nevers who was by violence kept from succeeding in the State of Mantua and Montferrat and for no other reason but for that that Duke was born in France was of kin to the King and held great possessions of the Crown of France That if the Auxiliary Forces of France in the behalf of that Duke if the Peace of Susa ought to be accounted violence or injustice meerly for that they wanted the Cesarean Authority that the appearing of the Spaniards against that very Duke not the division of Montferrat made between the Spanish Agents and the Duke of Savoy were not countenanced nor corroborated by the Emperour that if the merits of the cause if the intention of Arms and dissention between these two Kings were to be balanced without byass those of France would appear to be more just and less concerned then those of Spain Since the later tended to the offence the other to the defence of an assaulted Prince so as the Spaniards had nothing to object against the Arms of France nor could the Emperour account his authority more injured by the French then by the Spaniards And that the award of the cause made on the behalf of the French by the Peace of Ratisbone did more justifie the Proceedings of the French then of the Spaniards For what concern'd the affairs of Germany many other reasons were alledged amongst the rest that there was a difference to be put between the Princes of France and the German Princes that the Regal Authority of France was Monarchical to which all the Princes of France are Vassals that Germany on the contrary was Aristocratical consisting of several Sovereign Princes and free Cities who chusing the Emperour for their Head obey not as Subjects to a Sovereign but as Members and Colleagues of the Empire enjoying many priviledges and exemptions which suit not with Sovereign Authority from which exemptions the Emperour not being able to derogate if by any excess of private power exceeding the known Authority of the Laws heâ—…at any time endeavour to derogate from them or not observe them they hold themselves as much injur'd by him as the Citizens of a Common-wealth would do if their Head abusing Authority and contemning the publick Laws should aspire at Tyranny That all Germany did at the present groan under the burthen of the excessive Austrian authority that she had lost not only the substance but the very shadow of her original Liberty and was therefore forced to send for the King of Swedeland from the utmost Northern parts to recover their almost lost Liberty That this defence did anciently belong to the Kings of France to whom upon like occasions the German Princes had wont to have recourse That the present King out of his too great respect born to the House of Austria had neglected this his duty to the German Princes that he could not without much loss of reputation degenerate from the Kings his Predecessors nor by abandoning those Princes suffer the King of Sweden to prevent him in that office which did of due belong to him nor would the Concernments of his own Kingdom tolerate that the Austrian Authority should extend it self further by the oppression of those Princes And as concerning the conclusion of peace with the Emperour it was neither strange nor new that the King should not make peace without his Colleagues the German Princes since there have been so many both ancient and modern examples seen of peace solemnly concluded between Princes and Vassals that have risen up against their Sovereign Prince The peace of Constance made between the Emperour Frederick sirnamed Barbarossa and the Cities of Italy which had rebelled against him the Truce between the King of Spain and the Hollanders so many peaces made between the very Kings of France and their contumacious people in the last Civil Wars and the peace made not many years ago between the Emperour and the Elector of Saxony are sufficient proofs of peace made between a Subject and a Sovereign It was therefore concluded that the King of France his interesting himself in the civil dissentions of Germany and in the several peaces that were to be concluded was not only just and usual but more necessary then that which King Philip the second undertook in the troubles of France which could neither in justice nor for convenience be parallel'd to this and though the King appeared to have undertaken them only for Religion it was at last discovered that it was more govern'd therein by State interest then by Religion and that therefore if there were any parallel to be made between the countenancing of Germany and that of France France might be said to have learn'd the the Doctrine of fomenting the differences
to the way of his predecessors obsequie and devotion they made him stray the farther out of it for when mention was sometimes made of this Prince in that Court they would talk of his elder Brother who being a natural fool was declared incapable of succession sometimes they took Don Octavio into consideration another elder Brother of the Dukes made legitimate though a fool and inabled to succeed in the Principality when his Father Duke Ranutio had not nor hoped not for any lawful heirs which things were brought upon the board rather to threaten the Duke with the doubt of succession if he should persist in these novelties then that there was any thought to put them in practice and Duke Alexander Grand-father to the present Duke having done homage to King Philip the Second when the Citadel of Piacenza was restored to him by the said Philip and having been invested therewith upon condition that he should keep a Governour there in whom the Crown of Spain might confide he thought that the King might have some pretence or colour to be judge in the controverted succession and that he might see his sentence perform'd by force of Arms when he should by the Dukes comportments be constrained to renew those things touching the succession which should he persevere in his forefathers devotion would be laid aside This medling with a part so sensible and which could by no means endure to be handled occasioned quite contrary effects to what was imagined for the Conde Duca who having framed such conceits forbare not upon occasion to speak of them openly whereas he thought thereby to suppress the eager desires of this Prince found afterwards that they served for bellows to make flame higher for the Duke thinking that the Court of Spain meant under these pretences to make use of these â—…etters grew so inraged as any the least commotion he heard of in the State of Millain much more the taking up of Arms by the Duke of Feria and by the Infanta moved him beyond measure as if they had been undoubtedly prepared for his ruine so as the fear of losing those possessions he had being added to the hopes he had fancied unto himself of augmenting them by joyning in League with the King of France he began to raise men for his own defence to munite his Forts and to hold closer intelligence with the King of France that he might the better secure himself against such threats and raising his thoughts yet higher being big with conceit of the liberty of Italy he like another Charles Emanuel did so zealously covet the beating down of the Spanish Empire as not only one but many Charles Emanuels seemed in all mens opinions to be risen up in this young Prince and his actions shewed in the progress of time that Count Fabio was not the Author of these sprightly counsels but that they were the proper and natural conceptions form'd in the Dukes own Idea The Alienation of this Prince and of the Duke of Modena though they were none of the greatest in Dominions nor in Forces did notwithstanding discompose the affairs of Spain in Italy and were of no small moment to the safety of the State of Millain Commerce by Land being totally separated by their States from between the Kingdom of Naples and the State of Millain which was so necessary for the conveyance of Horse which could not be carried by Sea without much inconvenience in which case the State and Havens of Genoa which by reason of the good correspondency between the Crown of Spain and that Commonwealth had formerly been a safe landing for the Spaniards being now become doubtful as shall hereafter be said by reason of the bad satisfaction which many of the Genoese Citizens received from the Court of Spain or not safe by reason of the French Fleets which were upon the Mediterranean and the Valtoline being in the hands of the French Italy and the State of Millain were subject to be invaded by their Armies so as the affairs of Spain were subject to manifest danger and strange events The Spaniards therefore apprehending what might happen strove to re-gain at least the Duke of Modena who drew along with him the Lord of Mirandola who depended much upon him for if Modena should be wrought upon Commerce with the Kingdom of Naples was sufficiently secured since his State confined on the one side with the State of Bollognia on the other with that of Crema so as Horse which are not usually denied passage by the Popes through Romagna entring thereby into the Dukedom of Bollognia and from thence into that of Modena they may enter into the Territoriâ—…s of Cremona and from thence into the State of Millain without touching upon Parma Don Francisco di Melo one of the chief of the Nobility of Portugal descended from the noble house of Braganza and consequently famous for birth but more for worth and dexterity and great abilities which he had in the concernments of Italy where he had lived long with the title of Embassador in extraordinary from the King of Spain in the Commonwealth of Genoa was return'd now with title of Embassadour in extraordinary to the Princes of Italy wherefore being thought a fit Instrument for such a business by Cardinal Albornoiz he was sent to Modena and to Mirandola where having treaâ—…ed successfully with both the Princes he deviated the intelligence which both of them had contracted with the French the Lord Mirandola was by agreement made with the King of France to have received shortly a French Garrison into Mirandola but Melo withdrew him from those treaties and reduced him under the perpetual protection of the Crown of Spain and he prevail'd so much with the Duke of Modena as foregoing also the treaty of League with France which was already either concluded or neer concluding he made him joyn in League with the Crown of Spain upon condition that he should forthwith send his Brother Prince Reynaldo who was afterwards Cardinal to defend the State of Millain with a Brigade of Modeneses and on the other side deliver'd him possession of Correggio which had been the reason why that Duke had been displeased with the Crown of Spain he moreover promised him in the Kings name many honours and dignities upon which promiseâ—… the Duke ere long went to Madrid where he was honourably received and made General of the Ocean with a stipend of 24000 Crowns a year The great Duke of Tuscany either was not desired by the French to enter into the League or being desired refused it was not to be feared that he would enter into new Counsels were it either that with the wisest he did think them good for the common good or were it for that being Son to a Sister of the present Emperour he thought himself in honour interessed in what concern'd the Austrian Family which was the cause why in the late wars of Mantua and Montferrat he had openly declared for the Austrians and
State of Millain and which were of great worth a resolution which was ill resented and worse digested for none being almost prejudiced under the name of Forreigners but the Genoeses against whom the King had no just pretence at all the injustice did the more appear for that the natural Subjects goods were not retained this afforded occasion of several discourses as whether the Kings Exchequer got more discredit or advantage by it whether the Kings designs were more advanced or more retarded thereby whether it did fasten or slacken the devotion of the Genoeses towards the Crown Contrary effects arising from the same cause which brings profit and shews Penury which is a help to the Royal Revenue and darkens Majesty captivates the goods and alienates the affection leaving it in doubt whether there be any thing of Royalty or Monarchy in that Project which is neither order'd by Justice nor accompanied with Generosity and because for justification of such a Decree provision might be had for repairing the loss they talk'd of assigning reparation to such as were grieved but the restoring was not so ready nor equal to the dammage undergone as was the benefit of the second retention efficacious in behalf of the Kings Exchequer to make the Officers desirous to reiterate it to the prejudice of the same Genceses the second decrâ—…e was therefore determined which was the more felt as the disease was more confirm'd and touched many in their livelihoods and families which was stomack'd by many and began to corrupt that confidence and trust which was formerly had of the punctuality of that Crown touching the payment of the Revenues thereof which were sold for ready monies Wherefore they bethought themselves of being more backwards in interessing themselves again with that Crown and to listen more to novelties and finding what great defalcations were made in their principles by the retention of the Revenues they began to fear what hapned that the malady would be everlasting and grow dayly worse They therefore studied as much as they could to rid their hands of the Revenues by selling the Principal that they might imploy the price thereof in other States in whose justice they mought more safely confide since such vast sums could not be imploy'd in the Territories of Genoa So as some thought of sending their monies to Rome some to Venice but this was presently hindred by the same Spanish Officers For being desirous to keep the Genoeses subject to the Kings interests out of their own concernments they by indirect means hindred the sale of their principal which proved very prejudicial to the Genoeses who not being able to receive their Revenues nor to make use of their principal were forc'd contrary to all right to keep it subject to a continual diminution and the retention continuing many Citizens lost their greatest wealth whereby they maintained their families Wherefore the Common-wealth which heard continual complaints hereof and evidently found how much the prejudice of private persons which was insufferable did redound to the publick loss was forced to complain thereof to the King by Cesaro Durazzo whom they sent Embassadour in extraordinary to him to that purpose And he bringing back no satisfaction but in words and faithful promises of making reparation for what loss had been suffer'd and of desisting from being so in the future which was not made good for the retention continued and the Citizens began again to resent yet more and to grow cooler in their affections to that Crown This ill disposition was yet more fomented by but bad satisfaction which the Common-wealth it self received at the same time from the Officers of the Crown Which beginning as hath been said elsewhere from the impunity of the Conspirators which the same Officers with such eagerness press'd for was resented with no little admiration and grief by the private Citizens and as constantly denyed by the Common-wealth And as it was seen that this earnest pressing of the Spanish Officers arose from the immense desire they had to satisfie the Duke of Savoy's ardent desires who was then a bitter Enemy to the Common-wealth and the chief favourer of the Conspiracy so did the Common-wealth think her self the more injured by that Crown for that preferring the Duke of Savoy's reconciliation before the sincere and never interrupted friendship of the Common-wealth it had concluded peace with the Duke of Savoy whilst the differences between that Duke and the Common-wealth were not yet well composed To this was added the ardent desire of that Crown that Monsieur Di Sabran Resident for the King of France should not be permitted to tarry in Genoa which was interpreted by the Spaniards as a beginning of the alienation between the Common-wealth and the Crown by which occurrences the Kings Officers believing that the Genoese fell much off from the union and good correspondency towards the Kings Affairs and fearing lest the wound should fester which might occasion more mischief they bethought themselves of a means by which the generality of the Citizens should be inforced to be better inclined to the Crowns concernments then they held them to be and more desirous to joyn with the Court Agents in their desires which was an excepting some of the Citizens who were held to be most affected to the Crown from the retention of Revenues thinking thereby to insinuate unto the rest that they might be the better able to get their rents if they would appear partial to the Kings interest This caused great commotion amongst the Citizens all of them detested it as seeds of civil dissention sow'd by the Spanish Agents amongst the Citizens And the Common-wealth knowing how deeply this struck at the foundation of publich Concord did at the first hearing very much resent it thinking that the solid and well regulated Government of the Common-wealth might be thereby much disordered since those that were excepted might mind more their private then the publick good And those that were excepted were as much displeased thereat as were the rest who thinking themselves to be more noted then favoured by that exception seemed particularly offended The Common-wealth therefore that she might countermine and render this decree vain which was so pernicious for her ordered that whatsoever rents should be paid to those that were excepted should be shared equally by all that were concern'd in the like rents So the Common-wealth making use of her Native Liberty would make Italy see and all Christendom how far she undervalued any Interest in respect of the liberty The proceedings of the Marquess Sancta Croce Generall of her Spanish Fleets at Sea did likewise much irritate all the Genoeses who though in respect of what he had done for the Common-wealth when he was made by the King Captain General of the Forces that were sent to relieve her he had received all the satisfaction both of honour and gratitude that she could give him yet the seeds of bad satisfaction being already sowed as hath been said
would ensue which would make him subject to perpetual wars and much expence being desirous to get quit of this trouble he had a design to win the hearts of the Valtolinians and by granting them all that they had from the Crown of Spain to alienate them from that Crown and make them wholly depend upon his Crown and by this means to spare the continual expence he was at in maintaining that Valley at his devotion embracing therefore the cause of their Liberty he offer'd the Valtolinians more advantagious conditions then they could get from the Austrians whilst they should depend upon his protection this course did totally alienate the Grisons from the Crown of France nor did it gain the Valtolinians who could never be brought to confide in the Kings promises which if they should have done they were sure they should be more prosecuted by the Arms of Austria which confined upon them then by the French which were so far from them and the Grisons did believe that the unexpected conditions so contrary to that absolute Dominion which they pre ended to under the Valtolinians and which they expected to obtain from the King of France were but cunningly propounded to cause delay which would at last end in a manifest exclusion of the promised restitution so as they were highly offended and moreover the Fort which Rohan did still keep well munited with French Garrisons in Rhetia seemed to them to be but formal fetters of the publick liberty which they saw was reduced to greater subjection whilst the Valtoline was possess'd by the French they likewise observed Rohans residence in Coira the Metropolitan City of Rhetia where he carried himself imperiously with them rather like a Princely Governour then like a Guest or Embassadour seeming as if he labour'd to overthrow the publick Liberty To these publick distastes other private grievances were added by reason of detaining the Pensions which the King was used to pay to the principal men of that Nation to the end that by their authority they might keep the people well affected to him so as failing of those advantages they did by contrary endeavours strive to divert those that did depend upon their authority from the French these people being therefore much incensed and weary of this usage they hatched ill will and persevering but untowardly in the ancient League with that Crown they consulted with themselves how they might throw off their present condition which they thought was reduced to slavery and shun the worser which they feared they should shortly be brought unto but having well debated these things and finding that they could not compass their ends without being upheld by some great Potentate they quietly dissembled the iniquity of their present condition the best they could expecting some opportunity whereby they might free themselves from this imminent subjection On the other side the Court of Spain and her Agents in Italy knew as well the necessity as the difficulty of recovering the Valtoline especially in times of such insufferable troubles and considering the jealousies and suspicions and afterwards the hatred and enmities that the recovery thereof if they should get it would bring upon them from the Venetians and from all the Princes of Italy who for their own safety sake did not well endure the Spaniards superiority in that Valley they considered also the continual wars which they must have upon this account the expence of moneys the shedding of blood the great disturbance which that Valley occasioned to the Kings Affairs which like a Bone out of Joynt did discompose the whole Body of the Austrian Monarchy Things being in this posture Don Frederick de Henriques the Spanish Embassadour happened to be in the Court at Ispruch and a Deputy of the Grisons who was named Granazza one of great credit and Authority in that Common-wealth between whom occasion being acdentally offered of discoursing of the Valtoline something arose between them touching the composure of those affairs which like seed sown in well prepared ground took root and produced the fruits of those Agreements which did afterwards insue for the business being well discuss'd and digested between them they agreed that the French should be driven out of the Valtoline by the joynt Forces of the King of Spain and of the Grisons and that the Catholique Religion and the profession thereof being allowed to the Valtolinians without any mixture of Heresie the King of Spain should adjust businesses between them and the Grisons which if the Valtolinians should not agree unto they should be no longer assisted by the King of Spain's Forces They likewise agreed upon a perpetual Confederacy between the Crown of Spain and that Republick with free leave for the King of Spain's people to pass thorow the Rhetian State and upon obligation of serving the Crown of Spain in the Wars of Millain with a certain number of men to be paid by the King of Spain together with many pensions promised to the prime men of that Nation Things being thus rather rough-cast then perfected the Grisons who were impatient of the Company of the French took heart and causing some Forces to come from the State of Millain they made themselves masters of the Valtoline and drave the French from thence and being assisted from Germany they recovered the Forts of Reno and Steinc which were yet held by the French and afterwards coming to a general insurrection Rohan himself was taken prisoner from whom when they had got him into their power they got by Agreement stipulated the restitution of as many Forts as were yet in his hands and the withdrawing of all the French out of Rhetia upon tie that he should remain Prisoner till all that he had promised were performed This news being heard in Millain the Spaniards were not so much delighted therewith as they were afraid that the Agreement made at Ispruch would vanish to nothing if during six weeks time the King of France should get power or authority in that Diet nor did they fear in vain for that King leaving the way of War as too tedious and costly fell to Treaty to keep those people in their loyalty and to this purpose besides moneys given about he offered to give them the Valtoline freely without any condition belonging to Religion or Justice but nothing would do any good for the Governour of Millain having sent Agents into those parts with monies and power to offer much more then the French did he prevailed so as the Grisons stood firm to what was agreed on at Ispruch for being weary of their ancient friendship with France they desired to try new Fortune which they assured themselves they should find more prosperous in the Confederacy with Spain The Grisons knew that the possession of the Valtoline which was the principal point of this Negotiation was to be held more safely by the friendship from Spain then from France for their Confederacy with Spain secured them from any disturbance they should have in
banish'd from his Paternal Country which God and Nature had given him and complaining of the imputations wherewith he was charged that he held intelligence in the Towns of Piedmont and of his being threatned with the French Army he added that as the small company which he brought with him into Piedmont did fully demonstrate the vanity of the imputations which were laid unto him so it shewed how little he feared the French Forces building upon the peoples love and favour against any attempt of the French he finally desired her not to credit such imputations and not to shew any resentment upon those who were maliciously blamed to have held treaties with him but this his intercession prevailed not for being found guilty they were by the Senate condemn'd to be put to death process was made against the Governour who was kept prisoner in Turin till such time as he was set at liberty by the Princes when they took Turin as shall be said hereafter and he died afterwards of a natural death whilst he took up Arms in the Princes behalf whose quarrel he embraced as soon as he was at liberty The Princes forbore not for all this to pursue their pretences and being desirous that their justification might precede their taking up Arms they made use of the anger which the house of Austria had conceived against the Dowager for her having renewed the League and for her having joyn'd in Arms with the King of France and by the favour of the Court of Spain which had embraced their cause they obtained a Monitory Decree directed to the Dowager from the Emperour as from the Sovereign Lord of Savoy wherein she was fairly exhorted to forego the League which she had renewed with France and to appear before the Cesarean Tribunal to justifie the Guardianship of her Son and the Regency of the State which she had taken upon her The Senate and Nobility and people of Piedmont were also ordered by the same Decree to perswade the Dowager that Cesars Orders might be duly executed but all this would not do the Dowager would not admit of such Decrees or Citations pretending them to be novelties and attempts upon the Sovereignty of the Piedmontese Principality no Emperour having ever formerly interssed himself in Guardianships This mean while Prince Thomaso about the end of February in the year 1639 came from Flanders to the State of Millain to prosecute his and his Brothers pretentions whither as soon as he was come they agreed upon the manner and way of making war upon Piedmont The whole business was by the Emperour refer'd to Don Francisco di Melo the King of Spains Plenipotentiary to the Princes of Italy with whom after many discourses it was concluded that war should be made to possess the Princes of Savoy in the Guardianship of their Nephew and in the Regency of the State and amongst other things it was agreed that the King of Spain should assist them herein and should work with the Emperour to declare them to be their Nephews Guardians and Regents of the State to the exclusion of the Dowager that the Towns whereinto the Princes should be received by the peoples free will should have Garrisons put into them by the Princes and that those which should be taken by Force of Arms should have Garrisons put into them by the Governour of Millain he being bound to restore them to whom they should be decreed by the general Peace and that howsoever the Politick Government of Justice and the Revenues should belong unto the Princes as Governours of the State but the Governour who was to make the war refused to subscribe these Capitulations for he said he was ordered by the King of Spain to make the War of Piedmont upon his Majesties account wherefore he could not alter the title without new Orders but he assured the Princes that he would connive at and underhand allow them whatsoever was contained in the Capitulation The Princes might clearly see by this that the Spanish Agents were not to fight upon their interests but upon those of the King of Spain and that they were to make use of the favour and assistance which the Princes had with the people for the more happy progress of the Kings Forces in Piedmont and they might have known it better by the very substance of the Agreement though the Governour should have subscribed it but the necessity which the Princes were brought into made them care the less for future danger so they might escape the present or were it that they did assuredly hope that all the Towns even those wherein the strongest Garrisons were the Garrisons and Governours being Piedmontese would willingly receive them when they should appear with convenient Forces for they were so confident of the peoples favour as they thought it would be always in their power to dispose of them as they listed wherefore being desirous to forward the business they thought good to give way to what the Spaniards desired The Governour making use of the pretence of putting the Princes into the Government of the State did not only think to drive the French out of Piedmont but to make himself master of the chief Towns of that Principality and so to make the Princes and all Piedmont depend upon the King Things being thus established the Princes plainly let the Dowager know their intention which was to come to Turin to keep there to serve her to take order for their own and for the common affairs to defend the Vassals to free the State from the imminent danger of Forreign Forces and to preserve it for the Duke to whose Guardianship as also to the Goverment of the State they were chosen and deputed by the Emperour even to the exclusion of her the Dowager and yet they added that they would be contented to take 〈◊〉 in for a third in the Guardianship and Regency declaring finally that nothing less would content them and that they were resolved to do their utmost and to lose their lives rather then not compass this that was so justly due unto them The Dowager who neither in respect of the King of France his authority nor for her tie of consideracy could not only not receive the Princes who adâ—…ed to the Spaniards in part nor in whole into the Guardianship or Regency but neither suffer them to tarry in Piedmont thought this answer to be an intimation of War but was not thereat any whit abash'd but gave order that Proclamations should presently be made throughout the State that the people should take up Arms for the defence of their Lord the Duke whose preservation was concern'd in this War and for the defence of their Country which was shortly to be assaulted by Spanish Forces led on by the Princes she hoped by this means to prevent their intentions but she failed therein for the people as the sequel will demonstrate were much devoted to their natural Princes and more inclined to be govern'd by them then by
holding the State of Sienna in Fee from the Crown of Spain upon obligation to succour the State of Millain with a certain number of men he could not well joyn in Confederacy with other Princes against the said State and therefore soon after the war was begun upon the same Melo's going to him he entred into League with the Crown of Spain which was after establish'd by his Secretary Dominico Pandolfini and sworn unto in defence of that State and was bound to send the Brigade of Foot which he was to have sent to the State of Sienna and which was accordingly sent under the Marquess Camillo dal Monte and moreover he of his meer will and pleasure obliged himself to pay 4000 Swissers and to send 500 Horse which he soon did under the Marquess Ricciardi for which noble and generous action the King made Iovan Carlo Brother to the said Duke and who was afterwards Cardinal Supream General of all his Majesties Fleets in the Mediteranean the French therefore had no hopes of prevailing with that State They thought they might build more safely upon the State of Genca by reason of the displeasure which many of those Citizens at this time conceived from the Court of Spain by means whereof they thought they might divert that Common-wealth from that good corâ—…espondency which so many years had been held between her and the Crown of Spain so happily And that it may be known how this dissatisfaction hapned it will be necessary that repeating somewhat that hath already been touch'd we make a particular discourse thereupon the which may serve not so much to acquaint the present Age with what hath hapned in these our times as the future The Common-wealth had held for an undoubted Maxime of State that the King being concern'd in that State by reason of her negotiations with that Crown should stand for ever well affected to the liberty thereof And the King likewise out of the same considerations was of the same opinion that the Common-wealth should alwayes stand well affected to his Crown From this conformity of opinion did that perfect and affectionate correspondency result which made them never weary of assisting one another reciprocally and a whole Age of experienced happiness being past there was nothing done either by the Spaniards or Genoese whereâ—…n the dignity of that Crown and the preservation of the Common-wealths liberty was not joyntly intended The Genoese allowed the Kings of Spain to maintain a great number of Gallies in the Haven of Genoa whereby those Kings kept their Dominions in Italy joyn'd to their Kingdomes of Spain which were so far divided both by Sea and Land Passage was granted easily at the request of that Crown by the Genoese through their Common-wealth Those Kings made use of the Genoeses in their Affairs and Imployments of greatest importance trusting them with the supream command of their Fleets at Sea and of their Armies by Land being enlivened by this nearness and affiance the Genoese brought home all that by their industry and negotiation they had formerly gotten in several of the parts of the world into the States and Dominions belonging to that Crown And the richest and wealthiest of them having imployed their riches and fortunes in the service thereof were both a great help to the Spaniards and received much honour and advantage thereby By these mens industry those Kings turn'd all the Indian merchandize into Gold and they conveyed not only the Spaniards Gold but their own and the like of all Europe whither soever the occasions of that Crown required as oft as the treasures of America came not time enough or were not sufficient to supply them And all things went succesfully by reason of the credit and great correspondency which they had gotten in all the world by their real and punctual proceedings a most happy Age wherein nothing was contended for between so great a King and the Common-wealth but reciprocal zeal and passion how to serve each other The War made these late years by the Duke of Savoy wherein he was assisted by France against the Common-wealth added new and stricter tyes to this so great an union wherein the King having been very ready and zealous to defend and preserve the Common-wealth she found she had not placed her hopes of preservation formerly in vain in the union of that Crown for the Common-wealth finding her self abandoned in those necessities by all the Princes of Italy nay by the Pope himself not without apparent scandal she found no Arms ready to fence her self against so great a Tempest but those of Spain which coming in both by Sea and Land to her assistance the Common-wealth being assisted only by the Forces of Spain was able so to withstand the Assaulters as she had the better of the business by all which successes the King and all his friends might easily perceive that the joyning of the French Forces to those of Savoy against the Common-wealth was not only to resent the buying of Zuccharello but to bound the Austrian greatness and to begin the abasing thereof in the ruine of Genoa and that likewise the fall of that Common-wealth was not affected by the Rebublicks and chief Princes of Italy for any other end save only that holding her to be too cordially united to the interests of that Crown they thought they could not safely build upon her for those ends which they were intent upon which were to pull down the Spanish Grandezza the preheminency whereof they could not see and patiently suffer So as the ones security and the others greatness which were apparently practised against being joyned to the reciprocal advantagious bonds of such an union it seemed that no future chance could interrupt it But the felicity of this world is not so secure but that when it is come to the height it declines for the storm which troubled Genoa was not well over when on the sudden the so well grounded union was disturb'd and indangered it is hard to penetrate into the true and intrinsecal cause of this change of this Scene But the Spaniards thinking that they had merited exceeding much of the Genoese by the assistance which they had given them pretended mighty matters from them which not being granted neither by the publick nor by the private persons begot ill blood in them and particularly in the Conde Duca who was of a high spirit one who naturally abhor'd ancient customes inclined to novelties no wayes desirous to give satisfaction to such Princes as were friends to the Crown and chiefly not to the Genoese Neglecting therefore that good correspondency which Charles the fifth and Philip the second and the third had still endeavoured to preserve he began on the sudden and under colour of the emptiness of the Kings Exchequer to seiase upon their riches which by reason of their greatness being become odious in that Court were also esteemed hurtful and prejudicial as if they had been accumulated by wasting the Kings