men with all diligence as they could assemble together they made them all come into the same Province that they might make use of them against the Enemy and oppose all their designs A good part of their men had mutinied as you have heard and therefore they could not make so great a Body nor so vigorous Forces as so weighty an occasion did require The Spanish mutineers who as you have heard were in Diste were contented to come unto the Army with 800 Foot and 600 Horse provided they might serve under their own Commanders and Officers It was impossible to bring the Italian mutineers at Hamont to this because they were not yet wholly agreed nor gone to Verte as you heard before they were to do By reason of these mutinies and for that the Arch-Dukes souldiers did still diminish they could not assemble on their sides above 12000 Foot and 1200 Horse These came marcing apace and before the Arch-Duke's was come to Gaunt Velasco General of the Artillery was already march'd forwards towards Bruges with 3000 Foot and 300 Horse the rest followed under the two other chief Commanders The Admiral of Aragon General of the Horse Count Frederick de Berg who supplyed the place of Camp-master General in lieu of Count Mansfield who by reason of his great age could no longer exercise that place in his own person The Army was made up of Spaniards Italians Germans and Walloons together with some Burgonians and Irish. The way by which they marched led them close by the walls of Gaunt which the Arch-Dukes were well pleased withal that they themselves might appear in Person whereby the more to encourage the souldiery upon this so great Emergency They therefore went out into the field and the Infanta getting on horse-back and followed by all her Court on horse-back likewise she presented her self before the colours where in particular the Spanish mutineers were She was endowed with a Princely aspect and masculine valors and being so long bred up amidst the chiefest negotiations of the world in the School of such a father she was very knowing therein and capable thereof Suffering her self first to be fully seen and the Army being much joyed with her presence she by her weighty and sprightly words did yet more enharten them against the Enemy Saying There were never any souldiers who fought in the defence of a more just cause That many of them had been in Flanders from the very first beginning of the war and therefore knew how oft by all convenient waies the King her father had endeavoured to reduce the Rebels to their due obedience That now they had peculiar Princes of their own separated from the Crown of Spain according to their ancient desire and were notwithstanding still more obstinate then ever in their Rebellion That they warred likewise against God more then against their Soveraigns having opposed from the beginning and still continuing to oppose Heresie to the Catholick Religion That therefore neither she nor the Arch-Duke could any waies doubt but that the souldiers of that Army who were all of them so Catholick so valiant and so Loyal would shew themselves to be the same men in the present occasion as they had alwaies been formerly That to boot with the certain reward that their service which they should do to God bore with it they might also assure themselves to be rewarded by the Arch-Duke by her and by the King her Brother with whom their cause went joyntly hand in hand That they should not doubt of pay For monies were expected from Spain and some large sums were hoped for from the obedient Provinces of Flanders But that if all other waies should be wanting she would make use of her own Jewels to that purpose and of the very Plate she used for her own service These words were received by the Army with incredible applause each souldier striving who should shew himself most ready to dye for the Infanta with his sword in his hand and especially upon this occurrency Nor was the Arch-Duke wanting in adding what he thought fitting to continue the souldiers the more in their present good disposition declaring at last that he would be there himself in person and run the same fortune with them The Army being marched on the Arch-Duke went likewise from Gaunt and about the end of June came to Bruges where the whole Army was mustered The first counsel they took was to regain the Forts which were faln into the Enemies hands in consequence whereunto that of Audemburg was suddenly set upon with such resolution as the defendants either for want of Forces or want of courage did immediately surrender it From thence the Catholicks went and with equal violence assaulted the other of Sneascherch and being withstood by those within the Fort was soon stormed and all the Garrison put to the sword By this example the Enemies did of themselves forgo the Forr of Bredene From hence without any delay the Army marched towards the Fort St. Alberto which was the greatest and best provided and marched towards the Enemies Camp Count Maurice did then send 2000 Foot the most of which were Scots with some Troops of Horse commanded by Count Ernestus of Nassaw to possess themselves of a Pass wherein he thought to entertain the Catholick Camp longer thinking that it would not so soon advance towards his Army These souldiers of the Enemy gave at unawares upon the Catholicks who finding themselves so much superiour in numbers and with such advantage of fresh success soon routed the Adversary and made a bloody slaughter amongst them This happened on the second of July in the morning and they had yet a considerable way to march before they could come up to the Enemies Camp to assault it Wherefore the Arch-Duke desired to know what his Councel of war thought fittest to be done Velasco the General of the Artillery was so far behinde with above 3000 Foot as he could not come up time enough to the rest of the Army when the Arch-Duke would notwithstanding have marched speedily to the Enemy Who were likewise lessened in their numbers by reason of the late loss of the Scots by reason of those that were either lost or left in the Forts for that Maurice at his coming to Ostend had added to the former Garison thereof When the Archdukes Councel of war came to speak their opinions it was variously disputed Amongst the Spanish Commanders Camp-master Gasper Zapena was particularly well esteemed of for his valour and for his long experience which notwithstanding made him always rather imbrace cautious then hazardous resolutions He was clean against falling violently upon the Enemy then He considered That they were to make above an houre and a halfs march before they could come to where they were that the Catholicks would come thither after their journey and their that mornings fight And what military Maxim said he is it that doth teach to fall with blind resolution upon an
a great suspition of being over-reached by the Spaniards whence it was to be beleeved that they would interpret all that should come from that side in the worst sense You have heard what the number and Government of the United Provinces are and how they are seated How Holland and Zealand are seated in the bosome of the Sea and the other five lie more inwards into the land these therefore did more willingly give way unto the Treaty at the first and did afterwards appear more inclined to continue it The principal and Fundamental Law of their union is That in resolutions appertaining to the common interest the Votes of all of them must equally agree so as their businesses proceed but slowly they being to be treated of apart in every several Province and alike uniform consent to be gathered from them all by long and tedious perswasions as their liberty is in all of them alike The Kings ratification being then sundry times consulted on and with great jealousies these difficulties were objected by the United Provinces That the ratification came in general terms that it did not contain the essential clause touching their liberty but that the King still styled the Arch-dukes Princes of the Low-Countries that the King writ himself I the King as he used to do to his own Vassals that it was written in ordinary Paper and not in Parchment as is usually done in things of great importance and finally that it was sealed with a little seal and not with a great one as ought to have been Verreychin being afterwards sent for in these difficulties were propounded unto him and exaggerated rather in an insolent then free manner and it was at last concluded that the United Provinces would by no means accept of the ratification in manner as it was by him presented The common peoples madness is alwaies very great but more when they are smiled upon by Fortune They are full of arrogancy and rashness in time of Prosperity and as base and abject in adversity So as a multitude must either not be treated with at all or these alternate defects must be patiently born withal Verreychin used therefore such dissimulation as was requisite and endeavoured to remove their suspitions He assured them that such a ratification would not have been sent from Spain did not the King intend to make it good that his intentions were excellent and that he did vie therein with the Arch-Dukes he prayed them to allow time for another to come that he did again promise in the the name of the Arch-Dukes to cause another ratification bee sent in same form as was by them desired The resolution put on in Holland was that the Arch-Dukes should procure a new ratification to be sent from Spain within six weeks which should contain word for word the same Declaration of Freedom Which the Arch-dukes had made in their instrument that it should be written in Latine French or Dutch and should be subscribed by the King with his own name and to the end that no more errors might be run into the form thereof was given to Verreychin in all the three Languages Father Neyen was this mean while returned from the Court he acquainted them how hard it was to procure the King to send the former ratification though in general terms yet he affirmed that he did verily hope that a second would come in particular terms The Spaniards knowing what necessity there was to commence a Treaty thus with the United Provinces since no other way would be admitted of The Arch-Dukes did again signifie this necessity so as not long after the second ratification came from Spain but it was so penhed as it was feared the United Provinces would raise new seruples in admitting it it contained the pretended declaration of liberty and all the other clauses that were desired But in the conclusion this was added by the King that if the matters of Religion should not be agreed upon as well as the other points his ratification should signifie nothing and affairs should still continue in their former posture It was also written in Spanish subscribed as usually I the King and in all things else according to the former manner Yet it was believed that these last rubs would easily be removed by the example of the Kings having done the same in the two Peaces which were lately concluded with the King of France and King of England The other difficulty touching the new added clause was thought the greater And that word Religion seemed to be immaturely put in since it might raise jealousies in the United Provinces as if it were already determined in Spain to make propositions against the liberty of their Government and against that declaration which the King at the same time made in form aforesaid The Commissary and Verreychin were sent both together with this second ratification into Holland who in the presenting thereof made large professions to the States general again of the great good inclinations of the King and Arch-dukes towards the common good and how desirous they were particularly of the Low-Countries welfare The States took time to give their answer and after much consultation their answer according to their wonted arrogance was thus That the Kings ratification was not answerable to the form which they desired and that amongst other things the new added clause could not be allowed of since the King knew very well as did also the Arch-Dukes that the United Provinces were free Provinces and would alwaies be so though no agreement were made That notwithanding the States would acquaint every Province with the ratification and would within six weeks make their resolution known But with this protestation that they intended not that by vertue of such a ratification any thing should be propounded which might tend to the prejudice of the freedom of their Government in case the Treaty went on This answer being given the Commissary and Verreychin returned to Brussels Whilst affairs were thus negotiated in Flanders divers interests passions and ends were upon this occasion discovered to be not onely in the neighbouring Princes but almost in all the Princes of Europe In Germany the Emperor Radulphus the second pretended that no Treaty of agreement could be made in Flanders without his participation and consent taking for granted that the Low-Countries did depend upon the Empire and therefore no separation could be made therein without his Authority Wherefore he had written some Letters to this purpose to the Catholick King the Arch-duke and the United Provinces The King and Arch-duke answered him in general terms as did also the United Provinces save onely that they added a long justification of their cause and of their war against the Spaniard till the present Neither was there any more news heard of the Emperor in the whole progress of the Treaty But Henry the fourth of France was not so negligent in the consideration of these passages He had sent Ambassadors upon this occasion at
King of Spains power And none of them were well pleased to see the Provinces of Flanders joyned to his Crown which by reason of their situation circuit and opulency were of such consideration as when they were only in the hands of the house of Burgundy had oft-times reduced France to great straits and troubled England and the near adjacent parts of Germany more then once In France after the unfortunate mischance of Henry the second who was wounded as he was running a Tilt and died at the celebration of his daughters marriage with the King of Spain and his sisters with the Duke of Savoy Francis the second succeeded in the Crown whilst he was yet a child The Government of the Kingdom was therefore wholly in the hands of his mother Catherine of Medicis but so distracted and so full of factions as it could not be in greater disorder nor more confused Heresie which was first in secret and fraudulently crept into France shew'd it self now bare-faced And her Fautorers hiding their own ambitious ends under the deceitfull visard of conscience proceeded from their first Court-contentions to the taking up of arms to the great detriment of the whole Kingdom Those hereticks were called Hugonots nor is it well known from whence that word proceeded and Lodovick of Burbone Prince of Conde made himself the chief head thereof he was brother to Anthony King of Navar first Prince of the bloud-royal and his chief rather guider then follower was Jasper di Coligni Admiral of France who proved afterwards the plague of that Kingdom and at last his own ruine But the chief heads who maintained the Catholick cause were not less suspected and especially those of the house of Guise out of a received opinion that under the specious zeal to religion they hatched divers designes of bringing themselves to greater power France whilst thus afflicted within her self could not contribute much to the afflictions of others Yet it was evidently discerned that what fomentation from thence could be expected to the troubles of Flanders would never be wanting especially by the instigation of the Hugonots In England the succession of that Kingdom and of Ireland was fallen to Elizabeth daughter to Henry the eight Queen Mary who was wife to Philip King of Spain dying without issue Mary was not more resolute in restoring the Catholick faith in England then Elizabeth was in resuppressing it incited thereunto by the example of her mother Anne of Bullen and for fear lest by the Laws of the Church her succession might prove illegitemate from which fear she thought her self secure under the Dogmata of heresie Elizabeth making Religion thus subservient to State Interest would have heresie to be received throughout all England and Ireland And detesting the Pope and King of Spain by which two she might be the most indamaged she likewise endeavoured to prejudice them as much as she could She therefore persecuted the Church infinitely in England and was very intent upon all those sinister successes which might befall the King of Spain especially in Flanders where his power was nearest unto her and from whence she did most suspect it From those parts of Germany which lie nearest to Flanders all those heretick Princes who were there Masters of any States or Dominions shewed the same disposition against the Church and the King of Spain But the most considerable amongst them and of whom the greatest fear was had for that he was more amidst the Austrian Forces of Germany and Flanders was the Prince Elector Palatine of Rhine 'T was therefore much to be feared that from these external parts all the inward commotions of Flanders were upon all occasions to be fomented This was the condition of Affairs and the disposition of minds in Flanders when the King was there and upon his departure for Spain I will take my rise in the History which I undertake to write from hence after having with as much brevity as I could acquainted you with what hath already been said The King was resolved to go for Spain to the which he was moved not only out of his particular natural addiction to those Kingdoms as out of mature wisdome and advised choice He saw his vast Empire hardly well setled and consolidated after the so many voyages and great pains of his Father and finding it composed of so many members and so far divided one from another he thought it expedient that he should share out and disperce the vigor and spirit of government from out the principall part thereof as doth the heart in humane bodies and certainly Spain was to be reputed not onely the most important but the fittest place for this purpose there wanted not moreover many other urgent necessities which required the Kings presence and particularly those which were occasioned partly by the danger of Heresie which was already begun there and partly by jealousies of the Moors wherewith Spaine was greatly infected and with whom it was greatly feared that upon any intestine commotion the neighbouring Moors of Africa would joyn themselves The chiefest business which before the Kings departure was taken into consultation was to whom he should leave the government of Flanders in his absence Two Ladyes neerly allyde unto the King by blood were taken into consideration the one was Christierna Dutches of Loraine who was daughter to a sister of the Emperour Charls the fifth and the other Margaret Dutches of Parma naturall daughter to the same Emperour great was the contestation before it was resolved which of the two was to be preferred Christierna was the elder very well known in Flanders by reason of the neighbor-hood of Loraine praised for her great wisdom in having worthily discharged the Government of that State remaining still a Widdow and the afore mentioned Peace of Cambray which by her means she being there present in person was managed and concluded had very much increased her reputation By which successe Flanders being freed from the molestation of Arms she won more upon the affection of the Flemings Orange was chiefly for her out of the hopes he had of marrying one of her Daughters and therefore labored her Election as much as he could hoping also by that marriage that the government of Flanders might be more sway'd by him then by Christierna But the Kings inclination bore him at last to like best of Margaret as she who had been born and bred up in Flanders and who having her Husbands Estates of Parma and Piacensa in midst the forces of the Dukedom of Millan in Italy and resolving to send her onely son Alexander to the Court of Spain promised a more absolute dependency upon the King where on the contrary the house of Loraine by reason of the condition of the Country and more in respect of interest was inforced to depend almost wholly upon the Crown of France besides the great desire which the Flemish themselves shewed to have Christierna for their Regent made the King Spanish officers
of the Covenant Petition and of the violences used against the Churches and the Catholick religion He forthwith accompanied the terror of his Threats with the severity of Punishment He caused the Prince of Orange his brother Lodovick Count Hostrate Brederode and Colemburgh and the rest of the prime men who were gone out of Flanders to be publikely cited to appear before him within a certain prefixt time upon pain of rebellion and the loss of their goods in case they did not appear He caused a great many others of all sorts to be imprisoned in sundry parts of the Provinces who were fallen into the aforesaid faults and they were in so great numbers that all the prisons throughout the whole Country were on a sudden full of them To imprisonment he added Death and made the market-places the places of execution to the end that the publikeness thereof might infuse the greater terror At the same time he designed divers Citadels and began to lay their foundations where he thought either the situation of the Towns or the condition of the Inhabitants did most require it The first was placed in Antwerp with five royal Bulwarks upon the Scheld upon which River the City is seated to hasten the which he went in person to Antwerp and made the City contribute towards the expence thereof giving them assured hopes that as soon as the Citadel should be put into a posture of defence Lodroneas Regiment of High-Dutch which were there in garrison should be removed He began to build a Fort in Flushing the chief Haven of Zealand and which opens and shuts the entrance into the Scheld He designed another in Groninghen upon the confines of Germany and another in Valentiennes which lies towards France But unless it were that of Antwerp the rest were not built for so many troubles arose from so many parts as the Duke had not fitting opportunity to doe it He notwithstanding secured the Frontiers on all sides by good garrisons against all innovations which might be endeavoured from abroad and within he disarmed many of the most suspected Cities and distributed forces in divers parts where he thought it most needfull to curb the Flemish more straightly This so rigorous a beginning of Government put the Country every where into such fear as it was on a sudden abandoned by a great number of people of all sorts they were reported to be above thirty thousand Those who were no wayes concerned were affrighted to see the faults of others so severely punished and they groaned to see that Flanders which was wont to enjoy one of the ealiest governments of all Europe should now have no other object to behold but the Terror of Arms Flight Exiles Imprisonments blood death and confiscations The people fled to the neighbouring parts of Germany to France and England But those of best quality retired to Germany drawn thither by Orange who encouraged them more then all the rest to follow his example and run his fortune And who from thence did answer the Dukes citation in writing refusing to submit himself to his Tribunal as to that of a Judge too much suspected and of too inferior a condition to take cognisance of such a cause saying that he was a free Prince of Germany and therefore in the first place a Subject to the Emperour and that being a Knight of the Golden Fleece he was only to be judged by the King himself who was the supreme Head of that Order Hostrat answered almost in the same sort save only that he left out the reason of being Feudatory to the Emperour for he had no estate in Germany Horn had some estate of that nature and therefore his Mother when he was imprisoned had suddenly recourse to Caesars Authority and had from thence procured favourable offices in her sons behalf to the King and Duke of Alva The like is done by divers Princes of Germany in Orange his behalf and those that were joyned with him in the same cause for indeed the Catholike Princes were no less displeased then were the Hereticks of those parts with the Dukes severity and that such an alteration should be made in the Government of Flanders with which Country they had such conformity both in language customs and laws The King promised all fair intreatment so as the Citation might be obeyed But none of those that were cited daring to trust and the time of citation being already elapsed the Duke proceeded to punishment and amongst other things he made Colemburghs house in Brussels be pull'd down to the ground in memory of the detestation of the seditious practises which were there chiefly woven and concluded Orange was Master of divers fair Towns in sundry Provinces of Flanders The Principality of Orange is in France though not subject to that Crown and of a great many likewise in the County of Burgundy in Brabant amongst others he had Breda a noble pâ—ace having a stately Castle in it and of such consequence as the Duke of Alva would suddenly secure himself the better thereof by putting a garrison into it To the confiscation of his goods the Duke added the retension of the Count di Buren a Youth of twelve years of age who was the Prince of Orange his eldest son and who was then at the University of Lovain following his studies and under pretence that the King would have him follow the same studies and exercises in the University of Alcala d'Enares he sent him well guarded into Spain Orange and his companions together with other Nobles who were fled from Flanders exasperated at these proceedings did what they could to shew their resentment Their chief end was to raise Forces and lead them into Flanders hoping assuredly that when any Forces should appear from without they that were within the Country would suddenly rise This was therefore hotly endeavoured and it was managed by their Adherents in almost all the Provinces of Flanders The Duke of Alva's government infused horror into them and by all dreadful exagerations they endeavoured to make the people abhor it From without they themselves endeavoured by all possible means to draw other Princes to favour their cause From England 't was known the Queen had a great inclination to foment whatsoever novelties which might happen in the Low-Countries She considered that if the King of Spain should possess them peacefully his Forces would be too formidable both by sea and land throughout all Europe That she in particular was greatly to apprehend his Forces by Sea since England and Ireland would be as it were invironed by the Fleets which might be maintained on the one side in Spain and on the other in Flanders That the King would not be backward in molesting her having opportunity to doe it as he who knew she sought to indamage him as much as she might as he had already had several experiences These outward dangers appeared unto the Queen to be the greater when she considered also those within She saw
which had happened since the so solemn agreement made between him and the Provinces as if that he had desired to govern rather armed then unarmed and that he believed he might compass some of his own ends easilyer by troubles then by quiet So as by reason of these jealousies which were had of Don John and which had got a little rooting in Spain peace in Flanders was the more desired by the Spaniards Wherefore about the end of August all these Ambassadors met in Antwerp The Count Zuarzemburg from the Emperour President Belliure from the King of France and from the Queen of England Walsingam her first Secretary and with him another called Gobham But it was soon seen that Cesars endeavours wanted authority and the rest candidness For both England and France did sufficiently desire to have the troubles and disorders wherewith Flanders was afflicted continue Nor did this opinion prove vain The meetings were more for shew then substance and their endeavours ended almost as soon as they were begun to boot that in very deed the difficulties which were met with on all sides were very great Each party would justifie all they had done and all that they pretended to Wherefore all Treaty of Agreement being suddenly broken they continued in their former heat of preparing for war The Flemish regained Ariscot and Nevile and tryed but in vain to recover Lovain On the other side the French entring into the Province of Henault besieged Bins and after some assault took it and put it to the plunder But these were businesses of small importance in respect of what the Rebels hoped for from the union of so many Forces which they had received to side with them from all parts Orange laboured more then all the rest to bring them together and herein his adherents used likewise their best diligence Miserable Flanders every where so full of Arms and so lacerated as it was questionable whether she were more afflicted by her own or by foreign Forces and whether those or these in seeming assistance bore the most spetious title Don John this mean while kept with his men within his quarters which he had fortified without Namures to withstand the assaults of the enemy These Fortifications were about two miles and a half in compass and did so much the more shelter the City so as that passage towards Germany and Italy was very well secured and his Army very well provided of all things necessary for the maintenance thereof Wherefore Don John hoped shortly both to receive powerfull aid and to see those disband which the enemy had assembled together for their service These were his designs these were his hopes when in their very hight he fell sick his malady so increasing as he died within a few days When he was near his end he sent for the Duke of Parma and after having in a very affectionate manner recommended the Kings service to him he substituted him in his own place not any ways doubting but that by the so many Prerogatives both of bloud and valour which met in him the King would suddenly confirm him in that Government Thus dyed Don John not being yet full thirty three years old The Emperour Charles the Fifth was his Father and Madam de Plombes a Lady of noble birth in Germany his Mother The Emperour before his death gave the King his Son great charge of him who at first had in his private thoughts destin'd him to an Ecclesiastical life but afterward changing his mind bred him up in the Military profession Wherein by three memorable enterprises he eterniz'd his name In the first he bridled the Moors Audacity in the second the Ottoman Pride and in the third the Fury of the Flemish In each of these his successes did much exceed his years He overcame the Moors when but yet a Youth he abated the edge of the Turk at the very entrance into the flower of his age and he did so master-like suppress the Belgiques as greater skill could not have been shewn by any whatsoever antient and most perfect Commander He had in him very excellent gifts both of body and mind In his aspect Majesty and Grace strength of Body to undergoe labour He was affable with the Souldiery vigilant answerable to his Command wise in the greatest difficulties but having a heart much willinger to encounter then to shun them Many could have desired that he had been less amorous and not so easie to believe reports He was so greedy of Glory as many judged it to be an aspiring after Empire Which made him at last be envied and so far suspected as made his service to the King doubtful as if from being Governour he had aspired to be Prince of Flanders and that to this purpose he had held private correspondencie with the Queen of England and proceeded more secretly to express negotiations of Marriage Which was cause why his death was thought to be rather procured then natural But whatsoever the business was wherein truth might be overclouded by Calumny He dyed with the fame of singular valour and great applause Worthy assuredly to have lived longer and not less worthy to have proceeded from a Conjugal bed and to have commanded rather as absolute Prince then as a subordinate Officer Finis Partis Primae THE HISTORY OF THE WARS OF FLANDERS Written by CARDINAL BENTIVOGLIO The Second Part. BOOK I. The Contents The Prince of Parma is confirmed Governour of Flanders by the King The Prince thought first to draw the Walloon Provinces to side with the King by the way of negotiation but in the interim he applies himself with all fervor to the management of Arms. He stands at first upon his defence The Foreign Forces vanish Alanson returns for France and John Casimir for Germany The Prince here upon passeth from the defensive part to the offensive He resolves to besiege Mastrick The description of that place The Royalists endeavours in oppugning it and the resistance made by the Defendants The Royalists at last prevail and the Prince is master of the Town An agreement between him and the Walloon Provinces It is endeavoured to reconcile all the other Provinces likewise to the King but in vain Small successes of War on all sides The Flemish think of choosing a new Prince and to cast off their obedience to the King of Spain This is chiefly fomented by Orange Their Deputies meet together in Antwerp to this purpose and there is much consultation about it Some of the Hereticks are for the Queen of England other some for the Duke of Alanson The Catholicks opinion in this point The Assembly leans much more to Alanson The Deputies depart and return to their own Provinces to make each of them severally resolve fully upon the choise The war continues this mean while on both sides The King would have the Dutchess of Parma return to Flanders and why She is not well come thither when she earnestly desires to go back to Italy which
rest ready to doe the like unless he would reconduct them to Germany Alanson's French forces were likewise much lessend and the Commanders authority on either side did but little avail to retain the Souldiers in their due obedience when once they failed of their Pay Insomuch as both of them were inforced to return almost at the same time Alanson to France and Casimir to Germany leaving it questionable whether of them had with greater hopes undertaken the expedition or ended it with less good The Foreign Aids being thus vanisht the Flemish Forces were likewise suddenly dispersed into sundry parts Fernese dallied then no longer but thinking that it was now time to pass from the defensive to the offensive part resolved immediately to take the Field and to endeavour such success to the Kings Forces as might most strengthen his Cause The Enemy had no more Forces to withstand the Royalists in the Field wherefore Fernese was forced to betake himself to some of their chief Towns by the gaining whereof greater advantages might derive unto the King Consideration being had hereupon in the Councel of War they pitched upon one of two important Sieges either that of Antwerp or that of Mastrick But there was great opposition in the Councel concerning which of these they should resolve upon To perswade to the first it was said That the Acquisition of Antwerp was much to be preferr'd before that of Mastrick That Antwerp lay in the heart of the best Provinces of Flanders and for its so many Prerogatives was esteemed the nown paramount of all the Country that by it the Scheld was commanded in particular so noble a River and so seated as having its Ebbs and Floods it may seem to partake more of the Sea then of a River That from thence a man may soon be in the heart of Holland and Zealand in which two Provinces Rebellion was first radicated and they were the first which ought to be reduced to their obedience That Antwerp and the Scheld had abundantly furnisht Forces which had so often been imployed by water against those Provinces That Zealand was the chief Sea-Port of Flanders which was by all means to be opened for the receiving of such Aids as were to come by Sea from Spain And that though the siege of Antwerp was likely to cost more time more mony and more blood yet all these were to be esteemed but light losses in respect of making so important and so desireable an acquisition But it was said on the contrary That first of all they were to secure the Pass of Germany That from thence the Flemish Army had alwayes received their greatest aids And by what pass but by that which by her Bridge over the Mause the City of Mastrick doth so advantagiously open and shut How oft had that place been made a Rendezvouz not only to receive Aid from Friends but to repulse the Enemy That in the siege of Antwerp it would prove a very hard business to master the Scheld by any whatsoever Bridge by reason of her breadth and depth and by the force which the ebbing and flowing of the Sea would adde thereunto And yet that was the first thing that was to be done to cut off the relief which would be hourly brought to the besieged by that way That on the contrary in the higher parts towards Mastrick the Mause was neither very large nor very deep nor held she any commerce with the Sea so as that River might be shut up above and beneath whereby all succour by water might be cut off from the City and doubtless the Camp would hinder all relief by land That when this Siege should be ended there would be much greater hopes of happily effecting the other And that finally the present conjuncture of affairs did require that the easiest enterprise should be first undertaken and the Army so imployed within as first to secure the Aids which might be received from abroad This opinion at last prevailed and was willingly imbraced by the Prince of Parma He saw that really the Army was not sufficiently furnisht with Arms and provisions to besiege Antwerp wherefore he bent himself wholly against Mastrick resolving to doe his utmost to make himself Master thereof This mean while the year 1579. was begun When the sharpest part of winter being over the Prince began to assemble his Army and about the end of March marched to effect his premeditated design The Kings Army consisted of about 15000 Foot and 4000 Horse all of them men trained up in war and much more considerable for their quality then for their number When the Flemish Rebels had discovered the Prince his resolution they failed not to provide with all diligence for that City being as resolute to use all means for the defence thereof as the others were for the taking it Monsieur de la Nue was then in Flanders with the title of Lieutenant under Orange He was one of the chief Heads of the Hugonot Faction in France But that Kingdom being at this time in some sort of quiet he was come into the Army of the Confederate Flemish and had with great esteem the aforesaid place conferr'd upon him and moreover was made Governour of Mastrick Wherefore he very much laboured the preservation of that place which he thought would chiefly consist in procuring succour from without He therefore thought it not best to keep within the Town believing he might be more serviceable abroad But he did so order it as such Commanders were placed there as questionless would make stout and manful resistance These were Suarzemburg di Herle a Dutch-man and Sebastian Tapine a French-man both of them advised and resolute Souldiers and who were to expect their fortunes only from the hazards of war They had with them about 500 Foot part Flemish part French part English and to them were added a great number of Country-people who were to be imployed in such manual works as should at any time be requisite for defence of the Town to which the Townsmen seemed very well disposed The Kings Army was this mean while drawn near Mastrick and when the Prince of Parma had distributed the Quarters they begon to fortifie them in such order and with such advantages as are used in the best regulated and straitest sieges We have formerly in this our History described the Situation of this City but rather in general then in particular wherefore that you may the better understand what is now treated on it is requisite that we give you here more particular and more distinct knowledg thereof The City of Mastrick lies on both â—â—des of the Mause but not in an equal proportion it is larger on the left side of the River and not so large on the right side The one by reason of the largeness of its circuit retains the name of the City and the other being of lesser compass is called Vich The former looks towards Brabant the other towards the State of
City at last fell on all sides into their hands The Town being taken thus as it were by assault it was impossible for the Prince and other Commanders to refrain the Souldiers fury who fell with exceeding cruelty upon the conquered Passing from anger into rage and from rage almost to inhumanity they put all to the sword without respect of age sex or condition and those who did not perish by the sword perisht by the River whereinto they desperately threw themselves rather encountring thereby death then eschewing it Nor was the Victors greediness of Prey lesser afterwards then their thirst after Blood had been before for they so miserably plundered the City as it was questionable whether avaritiousness or cruelty was therein the greater Yet suffered they Tapine to live out of the valuation they put upon the great valour which he had shewn The City suffered so much calamity as being almost altogether unpeopled it was a long while ere it could be remitted into its former condition Whilst the Prince of Parma was thus diligent about Mastrick he was not idle in the Agreement which was in treaty between him and the Walloon Provinces and at last he came to a happy end therein though he met with such difficulties as he oftentimes had but small hopes All the other Provinces opposed themselves against this Treaty and Orange in particular with all possible diligence endeavoured to cross it But the difficulties arose no less from the self Walloon Provinces and from the obstinacie of the Malcontents they persisted more then ever in their resolution of having the Peace of Gaunt fully made good and especially that the Foraigners should again be sent away and they would have so bounded the Kings authority in other points also as there should hardly have been any the least appearance thereof They pretended among other things That the King should send one of his Sons into Flanders to be bred up there and to be the proper Prince of that Province They would have it in their power to enter into Confederacie again both at home and abroad if the King should fail on his part in performing the Agreement And their end was in fine so far to advance their own prerogatives as they might never have reason to suspect such as should be left for the King to enjoy The Prince of Parma was chiefly troubled to think that he must deprive himself wholly of all his Foreign Forces and be inforced to put himself into the hands of the Walloons For though their Forces should prove never so faithful they would hardly ever be sufficient to maintain the Kings cause so powerfully as it ought to be But as in Don Johns time all the Provinces joyntly would have the same Covenant with him before he should be admitted into the Government so the Walloons were now inflexible in their desire to have the same thing done by the Prince in the first place and that in all things else as it was then so now the Peace of Gaunt should be made good The Prince was in a great strait On the one side he knew how requisite it was to joyn the Walloon Provinces to the Kings party and on the other side he feared lest he might quickly run upon the same rocks as Don John had done He therefore wrote to the King to know his direct pleasure in a business of such weight Who after having weighed all things well resolved by all means to draw over the Walloon Provinces to joyn with him not doubting but that time it self together with his good usage particularly towards the Nobility would make the Walloons willing to receive again those Forces into their company which were now to be sent out of the Country The Prince this mean while still sweetned the Malcontents grievances Amongst others of their Faction the Count de Laleign Governour of Henault and the Marquis of Rubais Governour of Artois who was formerly called Viscount of Gaunt were in great authority with them The Prince had endeavoured to win over these two together with divers others of the Nobility who were in good esteem with the Walloon Provinces to the Kings service and the King himself was not wanting in doing the same by his Letters and other carriages towards them Matthew Mulart Bishop of Arras had been very serviceable in all the Negotiation especially with the Ecclesiastical Orders of those Provinces So as coming at last to the conclusion of the Treaty the Deputies of all sides met in Arras about the end of May and made up the Agreement There were theeein the Provinces of Henault and Artois together with all the Gallicant Flanders under which are particularly comprehended the Towns of Doway Lilla and Orsies The rest of the Walloon Country were not there because they were already at the Kings devotion The chief Articles of the Agreement were these That the Peace of Gaunt should be fully performed That according to the Articles of that Peace all Foreign Souldiers should be gone out of the Country within the space of six weeks and that they should not return without the express pleasure of the Provinces That the mean while an Army should be raised out of their own Country by the Kings mony and by what the Provinces should contribute on their behalf That all the Magistrates and other Officers should swear to profess only the Catholick Religion That the Country should without any violation keep all its wonted priviledges and that the Government in all other points should be maintained in the same form as it was in the Emperour Charles the Fifth's time That the King should alwayes send a Prince of his own blood to be Governour and should be pleased if it might be to confirm for the present the Archduke Mathias in the Government That he would be pleased to give ear unto their earnest desires whereby they beseeched him him to send some one of his Sons as soon as conveniently might be to be bred up in those Provinces who might afterwards succeed his Father therein Thus was the Agreement made at which it is not to be said how much Orange and the rest who were of a contrary opinion stormed At the same time that this Agreement was in agitation and was concluded on apart with the Walloon Provinces other greater practises were had to make a full and general Accommodation between the King and the other Provinces also To this purpose the Emperor was not only resolved to use as formerly all the means he could but Pope Gregory the 13. had shewed the like desire of using all diligence on his behalf that Flanders might be brought to return wholly to the Catholick unity and to their former obedience to their natural Prince The City of Colen was judged a fit place to treat in of such an important business For the better to facilitate the event the Elector of Colen had offer'd to interpose his endeavours as also the nearer Elector of Treves The resolution being taken to
And doubtlesly there was not any one of the Spanish Nation who was as then highlyer esteemed in the Military profession This Fuentes opposed himself with all his might to the propounded marriage with the cession of the Low-Countries But on the other side Christoval di Moura Count of Castel Roderigo who was in great authority with the King did stiffiy maintain the contrary opinion Moura was come out of Portugal many years before the devolution of that Kingdom and came to Madrid with the Dowager Princess Donna Jovanna the Kings sister being in a very good place about her and after her death he was suddenly taken into the Kings Court where he was entertained in many noble imployments When the devolution did afterwards happen the King imployed none more then Moura in the occurrences of that so important Negotiation in so much as the differences which were therein met withall were soon overcom by the Duke of Alba with Forces on the other part and by Moura his negotiating on the other part wherby Moura stil increasing in favor merit and authority with the King none shared more thereof then he in these latter times The King being willing therefore to put on his fall resolution touching this business sent for his Councel one day into his own bed-chamber where for the most part he lay in bed by reason of his great years and the gout which he was troubled withall and where ount Fuentes spake thus The advantage is so great most powerfull Prince which those so many members whereof your Majesties Empire is composed do receive from Flanders as to bereave it of so noble a member now cannot in my opinion but be of great prejudice to the rest Wheresoever the run goes it looks upon some one of your Kingdoms But though the world reverence you in so many parts and bow unto you it is notwithstanding seen that your Enviers and Enemies respect your Greatness and fear it more from that of Flanders then from all the rest What and how great the opportunities of those Provinces are none knows better then your self There were you put into the Inheritance of that so glorious Emperor your Father before you were yet his Heir by that his so memorable Renunciation There you began to take the conduct of so eminent and so painfull a Government And tarrying there afterwards about a year you your self had still better occasion to know how much the possessing of those States did import your greatness together with the rest of your Empire By the Arms of Flanders you did then make an advantagious Peace with the King of France with those Arms you have ofttimes succoured the Catholick Cause in that Kingdom and maintained your own with much honour in these last times against the now present King And how oft have you from thence assisted the Catholicks of Germany and in what a terror from that side more especially did you put England not many years ago The world turns round with perpetual vicissitude and is continually producing new things And therefore it is to be believed that by the occasion of past times other the like will arise in times to come insomuch as the Arms of Flanders are likely to be no less necessary hereafter thereabouts either for the good of the Church or of this Crown or of them both their welfare being seldom severed I know not withstanding how much those Provinces are lessened and confess that dangers may daily grow greater there by the obstinate home-Rebellion and by the malignant correspondencie which hath always been had there from neighbours Yet when you shall well weigh the remainder of the yet obedient Provinces of Flanders and shall add thereunto the other Forces which your so powerfull Monarchy will be able to subminister thereunto wherefore may it not be hoped that your Majesties so just cause may be thereby bettered or at least be secured from growing worse If the wars in those parts should cease by reason of this new propounded Principality and that the expences should likewise cease there this Crown would doubtlesly be thereby much eased and in such a case it might the better be without those Provinces But it being to be believed that War will grow hotter there then ever through the love the Rebels have taken to Liberty and Heresie and through the hatred which they consequently bear unto the Austrian blood and especially to this Kingdom from whence the new Principality is to proceed will not the burthen of the Forces and Expences lie still upon this Crown If otherwise To what purpose should a new Principality be erected if it were not to be maintained by the Forces of Spain So the prejudice which would redound to your Monarchy by the one side would not be recompenced by any benefit from the other And so wanting that advantage which it hath always received from the Flanders Forces it might receive thereby such prejudice as might every day peradventure prove worse Let Spain then keep Flanders and let that your Empires Magazine of Arms be preserved Great Empires cannot be without Arms nor can Wars be made without Souldiers nor Souldiers be bred but amongst Arms. And what more flourishing Seminary of Souldiers can Spain desire then that of Flanders which she hath for so many years enjoyed and doth still enjoy My opinion therefore is that your Majesty shall not doe well to mutilate those so important Provinces from your other Dominions Your Majesties greatness and infinite wisdom will not want other means whereby to accommodate the Illustrious Infanta according to her own high worth and her exalted degree But the Count of Castel Rodorigo was of another opinion and spoke thus I should never be of opinion most glorious Prince that your Majesty should diminish any the least part of your Kingdoms and Dominions if I should not think that that diminishing should tend rather to the advancement then prejudice of your greatness The marriage of the most illustrious Infanta is now the business in hand every one know what and how sublime prerogatives both of blood and of merit meet in her Highness Now if out of the immense body of so many States which your Majesty by Gods goodness are Master of her Highness may be endowed with some of them by the parting wherewith the rest may rather be bettered then impaired wherefore should not your Majesty willingly give way thereunto And this being granted it is not to be doubted but that your infallible wisdom will presently point out unto you your Provinces of Flanders They are most remote from all the rest of your Empire the most differing both in tongue custom laws and all things else It is they who more then all the rest abhor to fall under the Government of Foreigners as they term them and consequently do most desire to have a particular Prince of their own Out of all these reasons hardly was your Majesty gone from thence when Heresie began to creep in amongst them
those that assailed them and came the better to where their help was required They also soon discerned that they were all false Alarms that were given without and that the true Assault was made only in one place To this was added that Count Bucquoy not finding the water of the aforesaid Channel so low as he believed he could by no means pass over them Yet the Catholicks did for a long time continue their assault but the Defendants advantages still increasing the Assailants were at last forced to give over with great loss for there were above 600 slain and wounded part of them being Gambaloita's men who was slain himself and part belonging to Durango who was sorely wounded Nor did those within let slip the occasion of prejudicing yet more the Catholicks as they retreated For plucking up some of their Sluces by which they both received the Sea-water into their ditches and let it out again they turned the water with such violence into the Channel which the Catholicks had passed over before they came to the assault and which they were to pass over again in their retreat as many of them were unfortunately drowned John Bentivoglio Knight of St. John's Order our Brother who was but a little before come from Italy after having served the Emperor some years in Hungary was in this action and therein gave such trial of himself as the Archdukes not long after honoured him with a Company of Lances The year 1602. was already begun and with so bitter cold weather as many advised the Archduke to give over the siege of Ostend as a business which might be despaired of But he would not be perswaded thereunto thinking the Kings honour and his own too much engaged not to continue that siege still and bring it to a good end Wherefore he resolved to raise a great Platform in St. Alberto's quarter which might command the Town as much as might be possible on that side and gave new orders that Bucquoy should from St. Charls his Fort advance with all possible speed that great Bank which was designed to command the Channel of Bredene as we touched upon before Having given out these directions and leaving the Spanish Campmaster John di Rivas a valiant and well experienced Souldier to have the chief government of the Siege the Archduke retired to Gaunt to make such provisions against the Enemy as were requisite who on their side made very great preparations that they might be early in the field with great Forces The Treaty of Agreement which had been formerly on foot and almost at the same time broken as we told you then between the King of Spain and the Archduke on the one part and the Queen of England on the other was this interim continued by many means Great desire of coming to some good correspondencie appeared on both sides And the Queen being now very full of years did particularly shew her self every day more and more inclined thereunto When in March she fell very sick of which sickness she dyed after she had lived 70 years and reigned 4â— Thus dyed Elizabeth Queen of England and Ireland who so much afflicted the Church and who so long and by so many wayes fomented the War which we describe She was Daughter to King Henry the Eighth by Queen Anne of Boloign After the death of her Father being bred up in Heresie she was much made of by her Brother King Edward the Sixth who was likewise a Follower of the new Sects which were formerly introduced by his Father But Queen Mary who soon restored the antient Religion succeeding him Elizabeth ran hazard of her life and was either imprisoned or confined all her Sisters Reign who dying without issue the Crown came to Elizabeth The marriage of her Father with Anne of Boloign was always detested by the Catholick Church wherefore she openly maintained Heresie and persecuted the Catholicks And to secure her self the better in her Kingdom she was not content to favour Heresie in her own Dominions but still joyned with the Heretical Factions of Scotland France Germany and Flanders endeavouring thus to keep her neighbouring Countries still in turmoils that she might be the more quiet at home For what remains it is not to be denyed that by Common opinion such gifts both of body and minde concur'd in her as would have been worthy of the highest praise had she so much illustrated them by the true Religion as she did eclipse them by false worship a comliness of Aspect graceful behaviour weight in her words or a winning speech and a pleasing greatness both in her private and publick actions She was endowed with a rare understanding and wit which made her be a great friend to learning to the choicest and most delightful whereof she applyed her self she was particularly so ready in the Latin tongue as she was often pleased publickly to make use thereof and therein to receive the applause of the most learned in both the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge it may be no marriage was ever more coveted then hers Many Princes in several parts of Europe did for a long time strive to be her husband hoping that the refusal of the one might facilitate the pretences of another and she very cunningly still nourished hopes in them and endeavoured divers waies to honest her excuses thinking her self so much more worthy by how much the more she was pretended unto Coming at last to her declining years those seeming appearances ended and then it was clearly seen that she being full of haughty thoughts not caring for issue would never receive a Companion in her Bed because she could not admit of a Companion in her Throne She exercised her greatest enmities with the Pope of Rome and King of Spain as may have been seen in this our History she kept good correspondencie with all the other Potentates of Europe and was by the most of them continually much honoured She was a woman of a manlike spirit infinitely intent upon Government and desirous of retaining the chief hand in managing thereof as she had the prime authority Great were her expences both within and without her Kingdom It is not to be credited how much she spent at home especially in keeping England well munited with Naval forces being ofttimes used to say That her well arm'd ships in that Island were her Armies and her Citadels She enjoyed good health and that so long as none of her Predecessors lived so long as she and but few reigned so long And although she detested the Queen of Scots whom at last she put to death yet she was pleased that her Son King James who was likewise fallen into Heresie should succeed her and unite the Island of England and Scotland into one body which whilst divided had formerly for so many Ages been cause of so many discords wars and calamities on both sides THE HISTORY OF THE WARS OF FLANDERS Written by CARDINAL BENTIVOGLIO The Third Part. BOOK VII
together with some other of our writings concerning the Affairs of Flanders and that even since then we had a thought of composing this intire present History of the War which happened in those Provinces till by the Truce Arms were laid down we will therefore here insert the same Relation though it were formerly printed it being a member which ought also to be joyned to this body in this place and which will now fully compleat it The Command of the Catholick Army being past into Marquis Spinola's hands great were those designes as you have heard which he brought with him from Spain to Flanders to make the chief seat of the War on the other side the Rhine and to straiten the enemy the most they could in those parts To this purpose were the extraordinary Forces in the two last fields raised But though great advantages were gotten thereby yet fell they far short of the conceived hopes It was seen that Spain could not continue to maintain so excessive an expence That for want of money a new Mutiny had again happened That another might insue and that one of these disorders did much confound and distort the whole body of the Army Spinola was so troubled with these and some other reflections of importance as he at last fell upon those very considerations which already divers of the gravest and best experienced State-Ministers both of Spain and Flanders had faln upon touching the difficulties and dangers which the Warre of Flanders and the going about to weaken or subdue the Enemy by force of Arms brought with it They discoursed thus amogst themselves That all the good they had reaped by forty years War was their having made the Enemy the more strong more resolute to defend their usurpt liberty more firm in the union which they had established amongst themselves and better united to the forein Princes whho sided with them That Nature's self might be said to have fought always for them by their Bulwarks of Sea and Rivers and their strong scituations in all other parts and that where nature was wanting there industry together wih their so many well munited places did make amends That their power by land was verygreat in all things else and their power as sea so great as that the Crown of Spain had been much indamaged thereby even in the East-Indies and was in danger of being a greater sufferer by them in the West-Indies also What amass of strength on the other side and money must it cost the King to maintain the War of Flanders That doubtlesly his Empire was very large but much discunited Flanders the most disunited member of the whole body of his Dominions both by sea and land That the sea was blocked up by the Enemies ships That their passage by land did depend upon many Princes which alwaies caused great difficulties in their sending of aid and destroyed their men more by their marches then by their bickerings Then how many corruptions and disorders had been rooted in their Army and how could they be remedied during the War they being the effects which so long a War had inevitably produced That instead of obedience strife reigned amongst the Nations That there were now more wives then souldiers more mutinies then years that their own Forces were almost as dangerous to them as those of their Enemies And mutinies growing so familiar now of one now of another Nation and ofttimes of many Nations at once what a sad day would that be when the whole Army should mutiny together a day which would bring the Kings affairs in Flanders to their utmost danger as also the Cause of the Catholick Religion for the defence whereof the War at first was chiefly made and hath been so long maintained by the Spanish side If then by so many reasons and so long experience War against the Enemy were to be esteemed so fruitless is it not better said they to come to some fair agreement with them is it not better to order our Army anew and in the mean time to get strength and laying down Arms except what with time would make most to the Spanish advantage Arms being laid down the King of France already grown old might in this interim die and with him that assistance might chance to cease which was subministred to the Enemy by a Prince of such power and repute That after his death the affairs of France might peradventure change face their King being so young the like might be expected in the affairs of England their King being a new King and a Scotchman but ill looked on by that Kingdom the Enemy having likewise received considerable succours from Scotland And in case any of these things should happen how much would the affairs of Spain be bettered But above all it was to be hoped that even peace it self might turn to a secret war against the Enemy That the fear of the Spanish forces was the bond which fastened their union closest so as this fear ceasing through the enjoyment of quiet some domestick evil might arise amongst them which might break the union and some opportunity in favour of the King and Arch-dukes of regaining some of the Rebelious Provinces by underhand-dealing and of subjugating the others afterwards by force These reasons were doubtlesly very weighty and of great consideration and had been oft-times argued in Spain whereupon the King had at last resolved that if he could not effect his ends by arms all possible means should be used to come by some convenient Treaty of agreement with the Enemy in Flanders and the affairs of Flanders may be said totally to depend upon the King For the marriage between the Arch-duke and the Kings sister proving barren and the Provinces of Flanders being consequently to return unto the King again he had therefore chiefly maintained the War with his Forces and consequently all Treaties ' of agreement were chiefly to depend upon his Authority The Arch-duke inclined also very much to bring things to some accommodation he being a Prince naturally given to love his quiet and full of years and experience might comprehend better then any other the dangerous consequences which the War of Flanders brought with it but it was very hard to find out a way how to treat of accommodation A while since the enemy seemed to be quite averse unto any such Treaty and still swelling with prosperity and success they resolved never to listen to any whatsoever Treaty till such time as the King and Archdukes should first publickly declare that they treated with them as with Free Provinces and States unto the which the King nor Arch-dukes made no claim nor pretence whatsoever wherein the Arch-duke found great repugnancy in himself and foresaw the like in the King He thought that to declare those now to be a free people against whom they had fought as against rebels would be to confess that their former war had been unjust and that to seem now so willing to put an end
that the Dutchess was not much troubled to see Granville gone as one who was upheld by the King in too great Authority with her Yet the truer opinion was that she was very much grieved to be deprived of such a man and one so well experienced in the affairs of Flanders To boot that upon any sinister events whereof many and of very great moment did ensue after his departure he might have justified her behaviour therein unto the King and have easily freed her from those accusations which were afterwards often laid unto her charge in the Councel in Spain THE HISTORY OF THE WARS OF FLANDERS Written by CARDINAL BENTIVOGLIO BOOK II. The Contents The Nobility are glad at Granvilles departure Factions in the Councel of State The Regent makes the Councel of Trent be received Orange opposeth it and shews an unquiet disposition Heresie begins to appear bare-faced in Flanders The Inquisition still more detested Egmont goes into Spain The King persists in his former resolutions Egmont returns and the Country is distasted The Nobility do in particular conspire and form an Instrument in writing by the name of Compromise or Covenant Some of the chiefest meet together at Breda a Town belonging to the Prince of Orange The Dutchess grows very apprehensive of these proceedings She understands that a great many of the Nobility meet together to present her with a Petition she endeavours but in vain to hinder the delivery of it Brederodes Oration to his other Companions They present the Petition They take upon them the name of Beggers And why they do so The Marquis of Berghen and Monsieur Montigni are sent into Spain and are not admitted of by the King The practise and profession of heresie is publickly introduced in Flanders The Nobilities audaciousness in defending it Their assembling together at Getrinberg The Regent endeavours to satisfie them And is at last inforced to take away all manner of Inquisition The hereticks and unquiet people are hereby encouraged From whence they come to open violencies against the Churches WHen Cardinal Granville was gone from Flanders occasion of complaining did rather cease in Orange and the rest then a will to complain And therefore seeming very well satisfied with this the Kings resolution they made publick demonstrations of joy in all places That now the Country was freed of him who sought to oppress it The Councel left in its former dignity and the Regent her self in the reputation which was due to her in the Government That Flanders had not a sorer enemy then the Cardinal nor the Nobility a more malitious interpreter of their actions to the King Let him in Gods name carry that pride and arrogancy which he so much joy'd in somewhere else and let him exalt himself where either the obscurity of his birth was not known or where the splendor of others was less esteemed of They accompanied the Cardinals deperture with these words full of bitterness not yet satisfied with the hatred which whilst present they had in so many sorts shewed towards him On the other side they shewed all due observancy to the Regent they never intermitted commg to Councel neither did they let slip any other occasion by which they might reconcile her unto them and make her their protect or unto the King We told you before that the President Vighlio and Barlemont did side with the Cardinal in all things in Councel he had made the King have a great good opinion of their fidelity and wisdom as also the Councel of Spain so as when the Cardinal was gone 't was soon seen that the Regent confided more in these two in many resolutions then in all the rest and 't was easily to be judged that she had Orders from the King so to do and that though the Cardinal was gone yet his Councels remained still in Flanders Vighlio was an upright man and no less pious in matters of Religion then faithfull in what concern'd the King And where it was needfull he opposed the ambition and arrogancy of great ones more then became his condition Succeeding then in Granvilles sence and encouraged thereunto by the esteem which was put upon his Councels in Spain he forbore not to put the Regent in mind How little cause she had to confide in those great ones who having no other end then to make themselves every day greater could not receive any addition to their Authority which tended not to the diminution of the Regal power That their eyes were now upon France and by the example of those Contrivers of Innovations they would introduce the same troubles and Faction into Flanders that they might afterwards fall out within themselves who should have the greatest share of their Country when they had made a prey of her Was there any doubt but that all those pretences were false which they had made use of to remove Granville from Flanders How had he offended them unless they would esteem themselves injured by the service which he had done the King and which with such loyalty and constancie of mind he had alwayes endeavoured to sustain not regarding their complaint nor threats That she would be soon enough aware of this For one pretence failing they would raise up others and after having warred against the Kings Ministers of State they would bare-faced make war against the King himself This speech of Vighlio's proved a prophesie so fully was it confirmed by the event Nor was it long ere just as he had foretold Orange and the rest took up new occasion of Complaints in a business which fell out in Religion and 't was this The Councel of Trent was already published and the controversies which arose between the Catholicks and Hereticks in matter of religion were truly determined by that divine Oracle of the Church neither had her sacred Decree brought forth less fruit in the reformation of Ecclesiastical discipline Of all the Princes of Christendom the King of Spain had made it his particular care to see that Councel take good effect He was alwayes fixed and unalterable not to admit of any Religion in his Kingdoms and States but the Catholike profession For his Territories being so far divided one from another he thought that they might be the easilier united in their obedience under him by the bond of an uniform zeal which might equally fasten them in their devotion to the Church The Councel then being ended the King was resolved for what concerned his Temporal authority that the Decrees made thereby should be observed in all his Dominions and therefore had given such orders as were needfull to the Dutchess of Parma to make them be received and observed in Flanders She propounded this to the Councel of State and there wanted not some who presently opposed the proposition They said That the Conncel was in many things contrary to the priviledges of the Provinces that the Ecclesiastical government would be too much advantaged thereby that the strictness thereof did too much
Flanders and abroad by making it known that when they shall have enthraled our Provinces our neighbours may the more justly fear to be dealt withall accordingly Let us the mean while be fure not to trust them the malice of Princes is then chiefly preparing when they do most conceal it And that they do now deeply dissemble with us in Spain who can know it better then a native Spaniard who is an Ambassador and to whom the Kings most intimate thoughts touching Flanders are known doth not his whole Letter denounce fire and sword against the Flemish and chiefly us who are here and enjoy the greatest Prerogatives but let us primarily remember what hath been often formerly treated of by us and which in this our present meeting is again in agitation They would have all late actions to befelony and to have had it but in thought will suffice to make men guilty thereof Hostrat did adhere to Orange almost in all things and it was certainly thought that Egmont would be of the same mind but he contrary to the expectation of all men shewed how much better it would be to endeavour peace and quiet in the Countrey and to abstain by all means from force What a folly would it be said he for us to move where are our men where is our money where can we hope to have any from the Nobility who are already totally exhausted or from those meaner sort of people who have so unworthily violated the Churches and rob'd the Altars These misdeeds must be attributed to the very scum of people and not to the true popularity The better sort of Citizens and who fit most at ease will not be induced to take up arms but upon necessary occasions Moreover do not we know how great the inconstancie of the multitude is the multitude is apt on the sudden to waver between contrary passions and is always advised either by rashness or abjection And for what concerns our hopes in our neighbours we must believe that considering their own Interests more then ours they will be apt rather to fear then to provoke the enmity of Spain How much better will it be then for us to endeavour to allay the Kings anger and cancelling all memory of late disorders do what in us lies to bring him to his former inclination to these Provinces and to our selves in particular To say the truth the King may with too much reason esteem himself offended by these late novelties For though the fault ought rather to be imputed to the times then to us yet who can deny that the Nobility hath past by many actions of great licentiousness And these last of the common people against the Churches have been such as 't is no wonder if it be generally held in Spain that a will hath rather been wanting in us the Governours of the Provinces then a power to impede them The King may be therefore thought to have just cause to resent them But that he will do it by the means of foreign forces and that he will by violence introduce the Spanish Government into Flanders his own concernment more then ours makes me not believe it Princes ought not to commit that to the uncertain success of violence the fruit whereof they may certainly enjoy by moderation I know how I found the King minded towards the affairs of Flanders when I was in Spain and I cannot perswade my self that he will be disswaded from thence by the particular passions of our enemies Such a one I know Granville to be the Duke of Alva is such a one and it may be that Alva as such a one writes passionately from Paris Neither do I much value Montigni's Letter For in my opinion it is grounded rather upon appearing then upon real threats My vote goes therefore that we ought by all means possible endeavour the Countries tranquility That this doth not only befit the Kings service but the like of the Country and of our selves And that if we do thus he will neither send foreign forces hither nor use any violence to our Government In fine the Spaniards know where Flanders is and those of the Councel who are even most hoodwink'd in their towards us know that in this form of Principality prayers prevail and that here we obey because we will do so All the rest were much amazed and troubled to hear Egmont speak thus They had thought that he would have gone along with them in their designes which were to involve the Country continually in more evils and to increase their own private fortunes by the publick ruines But Egmont were it either that he was won over by the Regents perswasions or that he was thereunto moved out of his own natural goodness or which was of more force with him then all thing else that he was the Father of a numerous family and that he would not seek to advantage himself by the downfall of others was resolved to second the Kings sence by executing the like of the Regents To boot that weighing his services done to the King together with his defaults he could not think the latter such as should make him lose the reward of the former Orange and the rest did notwithstanding endeavour to make him adhere to them in their resolutions by many efficacious replyes but all in vain whereupon much to their grief and whereat Orange did not a little storm the meeting at Terramond was dissolved This division falling out between them Egmont apply'd himself sincerely and the other feignedly to endeavour the peace of the Provinces and to effect it where need should require by the forces which the Regent had already gathered together That they might afterwards expect what time and chance might produce The Regents resolution was that the forces-should move thither first where was greatest cause of punishment They were therefore suddenly prepared to goe against the Town of Valentiennes the Inhabitants whereof were most infected with heresie and occasioned most fear in the Dutchess as well by reason of the apparent signes of disobedience which were already seen as for their being openly fomented from without by the Hugonots of France She therefore gave order to Monsieur Norchermes who in the Marquis of Berghens absence govern'd the Province of Hennault that he should cause so many soldiers to be received into Valentiennes as might serve to bridle the peoples boldness and re-order the affairs of that Town Norchermes marched thitherward and endeavoured to execute the Regents Orders but because the Townsmen were equally doubtfull of being inforced to take in the Garison and Norchermes that he should not be able to constrain them so to do therefore it was agreed before he approached the Town that no Garison should be put in thither provided that no heretical exercise might be permitted there The rabble rout now will and anon will not Norchermes coming near to the walls without any soldiers to the end that he might be admitted to come in and by
his being there in person see the agreement better established a handfull of base people were so bold as not only to shut the gates upon him but to make him keep aloof by musquet shot The Dutchess much moved at this excess commanded Norchermes howsoever to bring the intended Garison into the Town But the Townsmen increasing in their contumacy refused to receive them whereupon the Dutchess declared them presently rebels and made all things be prepared to besiege the Town Their confederate hereticks both within and without Flanders had presently notice of what past Some few Hugonots came immediately thither from the Frontiers of France but from the neighbouring parts of Flanders above 3000 foot and some horse were forthwith gathered together and some pieces of Artillery and all these went to put in such numbers of men into Valentiennes as might suffice to secure the Town in its present condition These people were led on by John Soreas a man of base abstract who had assembled them together between Lilla and Torney Norchermes being hereof advertised he suddenly drew up some Companies of foot together with some horse and with him Rosseghen the Governour of Lilla did joyn Then falling at unawares upon these suddenly assembled tag-rags rather then soldiers they easily routed them Soreas was wounded and many others slain though they had seated themselves strongly in a wood between ditches and marish grounds which made the getting thereinto very difficult The Artillery was likewise taken the rest of the rout sought to get into Torney but Norchermes and especially the Country people reduced them to such straits as they could never make head again and making use of this occasion he went himself in person to Torney entred by the Citadel and reduced things to obedience there where they were not much less likely to have been wavering then in Valentiennes he punisht divers in that City and put some heretick preachers to death who had been the chief incitors of the people to this contumacy And making amends by present rigour for past impunitie he went from thence and turn'd to Valentiennes to lay formal siege unto it and to reduce them by force which he could not do by Treaty yet before the siege was made the Dutchess was content that Count Egmont and Duke Arescot should go to Valentiennes to see whether by their Authority and Offices they could bring the people therein to their wits But all was to no purpose Norchermes delayed then no longer Such preparations as were needfull being made and particularly of great pieces of Artillery he began the siege in the beginning of March a great Battery was made ready and yet they within seemed resolute to defend themselves fed with several hopes of succour but their rashness turn'd suddenly to weakness being in an instant cast down seeing no succour from without and wanting wherewithall to defend themselves they hardly expected the first battery they yielded upon discretion to Norchermes He entred the Town and gave Laws thereunto such as satisfied the Regent as well in what concern'd religion as their obedience to the King He left a sufficient Garison there and put the Government into the hands of a Catholick Magistrate having first cleansed the Town of the most seditious hereticks and of al their preachers He for the example of others punisht some of the prime offenders with death and particularly many of the French Hugonots who bore arms against the King in that siege In the beginning of war fame hath always a great share and the bare reputation of one victory suffices to the getting of many others The news of Valentiennes was suddenly divulged abroad and the Regents forces began to be dreaded every where Fresh Tumults about this time began to be made in divers places and especially in the Castle of Cambresis upon the Frontiers of France in Balduke a chief City in Brabant and in the Town of Mastrick a place of important situation having a stone-bridg over the Mause which makes the passage surer and safer on that side which confines upon Germany Such remedies as were requisite either by way of Treaty or by force were apply'd in all these places and in a few days they were reduced to quiet obedience And as the Kings canse did improve so did the cause of religion by reason of this success of the Regents forces the Nobles of the Confederacy began to stagger the chief head whereof was Henry de Brederode as hath been said Some grew cooler others fell off and many laid aside all unquiet thoughts thus they endeavoured by several ways to be restored to the Regents favour nor did she forbear to use the fittest means for this purpose Yet Brederode growing every day more vain and being drawn by the spirit of heresie to the like of rebellion he used all means not only to re-unite the best sort of Petitioners but also to excite new disorders in those of meaner condition He gave out that nothing was performed which was promised in matter of religion but that the liberty thereof was daily more and more lost and they severely punished who would enjoy it What was there then wanting but to see the Inquisition and the Edicts on foot again and that they were shortly to see their necks not only under the yoke of the Flemish forces but under the intollerable yoke of those which were preparing in Spain He formed some new Petitions full of such complaints as these and made them be presented to the Dutchess The first was presented in name of the People with new pressures for liberty in matters belonging to religion and to facilitate the work they offered three millions of guilders The Regent suddenly refused it as altogether rash vain and disloyal and 't was known that this proceeded only from Brederode and some few of his followers He made another be afterwards presented under the name of many of the Nobility and renewed the former desire of being permitted to come to Brussels and being heard by the Regent but this second prevailed no more then did the first Brederode failing of all hopes this way precipitated himself into a more rash councel which was to try some novelty by force of arms He went to Holland and there endeavoured to incite the people to new tumults especially in Amsterdam which next to Antwerp was at that time the Town of greatest Traffick in all Flanders The Dutchess doubted some sedition of concernment especially since it was generally known that Brederode seconded Orange in all things and therefore though by his presence he caused some alteration there yet the Dutchess took such good order as that all disorders were there soon quieted Brederode being rather driven then gon out of Amsterdam he staid at Vianen a little Town of his own not far from Amsterdam he began to fortifie it and to bring soldiers thither The Counts of Aremberg and of Mega went suddenly by order from the Regent towards that Town who had the Government of
the Heretick government which she had introduced within her Kingdom began to totter that a great many Catholicks were still in England that Ireland was almost wholly Catholick and that to cause innovations in those parts particularly in matters of Religion no Prince would be more forward therein then the King of Spain She therefore desired to see her neighbour Countries involved in Heresie hoping that people withdrawing themselves from the obedience of the Church would the easelier be perswaded to doe the like from that of their Prince and that one rebellion added to another affairs should be so imbroiled in those parts as there should be no design of troubling her To this purpose the Hugonot Faction in France was at first favoured by her and now more then ever who joyed to see the progress thereof so great in that Kingdom But her design in this point was chiefly upon Flanders for from thence by reason of the vicinity of those Countries unto hers both before and much more after the Duke of Alva was entred there with his Forces grew the greatest suspitions which she had of the King of Spains power Wherefore she graciously received all those who fled from Flanders to England and nourisht the complaints which they made against the Spaniard and much more the hatred and ill will which they bore them Nor content to favour them in her own Dominions she did the like with the Hereticks of France and Germany with whom she held continual correspondencie and bore great sway But though these offices did help yet were they more then needed either for the one or the other faction That of the Hugonots was already so increased in France as they designed to ground a popular Commonwealth upon the ruines of the Monarchy The government in Religion which they had imbraced was of this form And desirous that their Politick interests should be guided by the like they pretended that the King should permit them to meet in the general and in the particular Assemblies and to treat of what concerned their body apart which was to make a total separation from the State within the State King Charles was then got out of his minority and shewed himself to be both generously and piously given But by reason of his youth the government was still managed by the Queen his mother who set upon by the ambition of the Hereticks and almost no less by the like of the Catholicks did temporise amongst so many and so fierce storms and sought to shun danger since she knew not how to oppose it Arms had already been several times both taken up and laid down and the King had endeavoured to allay the fire of Civil wars by divers Edicts of Pacification as they termed them since the times would not suffer him totally to extinguish it But the Edicts served but to little purpose to restore quiet to that Kingdom since the factions were more inflamed then ever Nor were Arms laid down but that they might be taken up again with more advantage To this end the Hugonots held close intelligence with the Queen of England and with the Hereticks of Germany And because the King of Spain assisted King Charles and did integrally favour the Catholick cause and especially by the Flanders Forces therefore did not the Hugonots omit to foment the Flemish in their bad inclinations Secret intelligence had ever past as we have already said between the Prince of Orange and Coligni the Admiral of France But after Orange his retreat to Germany their practises grew hotter The one of them plotted the ruine of France which was already begun the other the ruine of Flanders which was shortly to begin Nor is it to be said how much the Hugonots desired to see the like troubles ensue in Flanders as France did already suffer under that they might have companions abroad and to make but one cause of two to the end that it might be so much the better defended by common forces and honested by reciprocal examples So that Coligni and the other Chieftains of the Heretick faction used all possible diligence to make the Flemish who were fled into France suddenly endeavour the like novelty which they greatly desired to raise up of themselves in their Country From Germany likewise the Heretick Princes and the Hans-Towns of the same Faction seemed for the same reasons to have the same ends in the affairs of Flanders Yea before the rise of Luthers Heresie all the Princes and the Hans-Towns of Germany which together with the Emperor their head doe compose the body of the Empire were not well pleased to see that the House of Austria first by the addition of Flanders and then by that of Spain should be so much exalted Till then they had looked upon the fortune of that House with an envious eye When Charles the Fifth was come to the Imperial Crown they turned their envy into open fear lest from being Head of the German government he might become absolute Prince of that Empire They saw that how great soever his design might be his Forces were equivalent in greatness thereunto And their fear in this point was rather increased then diminished by the entry of Heresie into Germany For they apprehended lest under the colour of reordering the affairs concerning Religion he might intend to advantage his own Authority the more easily in those which regarded the State Hence in a great part were occasioned the troubles of those Countries hence their so many Dyets and particularly the Accords which insued in point of Religion And though when Charles dyed the House of Austria was divided and that the greatest power thereof remained in that Branch which was transplanted into Spain and that on the other side the Hereticks had great Forces in Germany yet feared they much the neighbourhood of Flanders They suspected that the Forces of that House might upon all occasions be on that side united against them to boot that by the opportunity of that situation they saw too great advantages arose to the Austrians in Germany to continue the enjoyment of the Empire and that in stead of being elective it might become hereditary in that Family and that the possession might remain in the Catholick part with the exclusion of the Heretical They therefore fauthor'd by all the means they might the Novelties which had insued in Flanders in the Government of the Dutchess of Parma They favoured Heresie fomented Sedition counsell'd their chief Leaders and endeavoured by all other means to cause such Troubles in those Provinces as that the King of Spain might either wholly lose them or not quietly enjoy them They termed Flanders the Lower-Germany and reputed it as joyned to the body of their own Upper-Germany by reason of the connexion of Countries the conformity of speech and manner of living and by the community of Traffick and Rivers of which 't is arguable whether the Rhine be more commodious to higher Germany by the longer course thereof or
to the lower by her breadth In these respects their friendships adherents and allyances were very great in those parts Moreover divers of the best Families of Flanders derived from Germany and amongst others that of the Prince of Orange who afterwards married with the house of Saxony as hath been said The heretick Princes held therefore their streightest corespondencies with him and to him did discover their most intimate sence of the affairs of Flanders because it was most conformable with his own Orange being afterwards gon to them by reason of the Duke of Alva's being come into Flanders he still indeavoured to increase in them a resolution not to tollerate that oppression which he in the most horrid manner he could invent affirmed to be already introduced by the Spaniards amongst the Flemish Affirming that this cause was common to both the Germanies he mingled the Interest of Religion together with that of State and by the strength and vivacity of wit made dangers a far off seem very near at hand He chiefly propounded a meeting between those Princes who were most to dread the Spanish forces in Flanders the Queen of England assisted him herein by her authority and the Hugonots of France by their practices So as the resolution was soon put on and divers Hans Towns joyned therein likewise by sending their Deputies thither particularly those which are situated upon the Rhine in which by reason of their neighbourhood with Flanders the aforesaid power of the Spanish forces was most dreaded Of the Princes the Count Palatine of Rhine was most remarkable his State lay nearest to Flanders he had the best forces and being past on from Luthers heresie to that of Calvin he held greater corespondency with the hereticks of France and with the Queen of England The rest were the Duke of Wittenberg the Landgrave of Hesse the Marquis of Bada the Marquis of Durlack and some neighbouring Counts besides those of Nassaw The King of Denmark and the house of Saxony sent likewise their particular Deputies to the Diet. Business doth still proceed slowly which is to be agitated by many either they differ in their ends or agree not in the means or for the most part are lost through confusion But their progress is more slow then ordinarily in Germany where negotiations are not had without much prolixity more by writing then by word of mouth and where more time is spent in banqueting then in business The Diet proceeded on then but slowly and by reason of the variety of opinions many difficulties were met with in the things proposed Whereupon the Prince of Orange being all on fire himself and that he might set others on fire likewise spake one day thus It is not assuredly any waies to be doubted most Noble Princes and worthy Deputies but that we now treat upon a common cause The one and the other Germany are sufficiently united in situation tongue name traffick life and in all things else And who knows not that in former times they both made but one body their people do chiefly affect liberty And though in Flanders the Prince be heriditory whereas in Germany he is elective yet almost the same preeminence is due by them to their States as is here attributed to your Dyets But how oft and with how much labour and danger hath it behoved the one and the other Nation to oppose themselves to the avaritiousness of their Princes I will leave the pursuit of ancient affairs that I may come to the more modern and those of Germany that I may descend to the present affairs of Flanders When the Emperour Charls the fifth was dead every one knows the King his son's chiefest desire was to leave those parts and settle himself in Spain Being there wholly transformed into the sence and Customs of that people he grew desirous to govern Flanders after the same manner and Empire as Spain was governed And what more imperious Minister of State could he leave behind him with the Dutchess of Parma then the Cardinal Granville Did I say Minister of State nay rather supream Governor since whilst he was there the Dutchess bore only the name of Regent the whole power lay in him base Burgundian The first Author of Flanders's mischiefs and who deserves chiefly to be punished since the fault was chiefly his The Government of the Ecclesiastical and Temporal affairs was suddenly altered in divers sorts by absolute Authority but chiefly by new Edicts still more grievous to the conscience and by introducing the Inquisition The secretest Oracles are come from the Councel of Spain and are executed by secret consultations in Flanders If the Nobility have complained their complaints have proved vain to Petition is counted treachery to seem troubled rebellion and the casual headdy giddiness of the common people a premeditated insurrection of the whole Country In fine nothing but to have a pretence to use force against Flanders was expected in Spain And what more light pretence could be taken then to go about to suppress those tumults which were seen to cease almost assoon as begun When so suddenly hereupon the Flemish are insolently declared in Spain to be rebels to God and to the King and a foreign Army marches to cause Flanders to be treated hereafter not as a successive Nation but as a Conquered Countrey And who could be better chosen to execute such violences then the Duke of Alva the most haughty minded man of all Spain Flanders greatest enemy and who knows better then any other how to extinguish all remainders of religion and in lieu thereof to use all sorts of Tyranny And just so it fell out He hath begun to raise Citadels in the chiefest Cities he hath placed Garisons every where the places of execution run down with bloud in all Towns no more home-Laws are heard of but forein ones The Country is almost unpeopled by exilement imprisonment and running away And nothing but gastly looks complaints misery desparation and calamity is seen every where In this deplorable estate is Flanders at the present How much more happie then is Germany which enjoys her former libertie and which abhorring all forein force knows no other Empire then her own I partake of this felicity for from hence I derive my bloud and my first stem remains still here Nay I am more hated in Spain then any other of the Flemish by reason of my German spirit I am held to be the contriver of Conspiracies the head of sedition the pestilence of those Countries Their greatest anger thunders against me and the severest punishments are already fallen upon me Thus they seek to turn my glory to infamy And what greater glory can there be then to maintain the liberty of a mans Country and to die rather then be inslaved I then most high Princes and Noble Deputies who am both a German and a Fleming after having laid before you the miseries of the Lower Germany whose tears and supplications I bring hither with me
and Monsieur de Lumay and some other Flemish of good quality together with many German Commanders of great consideration The Army was well enough furnisht with Artillery and ammunition for war but had not so much mony nor victuals as was needfull This being understood the Duke of Alva resolved to make his Rendezvous at Mastrick the most commodious place upon the Mause that he might oppose Orange where it should be most convenient There were come unto the Duke from Spain at this time 400000 Crowns and 2000 Spanish Foot which being all of them new Souldiers he placed in the Garrisons and drew out from thence the old ones His eldest son Frederick came likewise then to Flanders to whom he gave the command of all the Foot The Rendezvous being appointed the Kings Army was found to consist of 16000 choise Foot to wit 6000 Spaniards the rest all Germans and Walloons and of 6000 Horse some whereof were Spanish some Italian some Germans some Burgonians and some Walloons and those Train-Bands of Flanders which were commanded by Carlo Philippode Croy Marquis of Haure The Duke removed the Camp afterwards from Mastrick to Haren a great Village not far from thence and seated likewise upon the Mause And here he made a Bridg of Boats that he might have free passage overfit at all hours and receive victuals the better from all those parts This place was almost in the midst between Liege and Ruremonde upon which two Cities Orange his designe was likeliest to be Ruremonde is in Ghelderland as hath been said It stands upon a little River called Ruer just where it fals into the Mause 'T is rather a place of great circuit then much people but the situation thereof is of importance by reason of both those Rivers Liege lies upon the same River a little higher The Mause hath not a City upon it of larger circuit nor better peopled 'T is divided by the River but joyned together again by divers Bridges The Bishop governs the Inhabitants there as well in temporal as in spiritual affairs being also Prince thereof though the City enjoy such ample priviledges as the form of Government therein partakes more of a Common-wealth then of a Principality 'T is one of the most Catholick Cities of all the North fullest of Ecclesiastical goods and most devoted to the Apostolical See Orange desired to try Liege first he wrote to the Magistracy omitting to write to Gerardo Grosbech who was then Bishop of the City and a personage of great worth thinking that he adhered too much to the Kings and the Catholick cause But the same mind and zeal appeared to be in the Magistracy for they determinately answered That the City would not receive in any foreign soldiers and that they had men enough of their own to defend themselves against any violence that should be offered them This practising of Orange with the Ligeois and his marching with his Army towards that City made the Duke resolve likewise to draw near it with his But Orange his designe upon Liege proving vain he without trying Ruremond turned suddenly elsewhere with intention to pass the Mause where he might best foard over it The river happened to be very low that year for the climat of Flanders which even in Summer is very rainy and moyst was of some late months more drie then usual Having found the most commodious foard and making use of the night season Orange in great silence past his Army over the river just against Stocchem in the State of Liege Which when the Duke heard he forthwith went thither also and drew near Orange with his Army Their designes were notwithstanding very different Orange would have fought at the very first for finding himself much streigthned in mony and victuals and with men who he was rather to obey then command he thought he could not long maintain his Army And nothing being done as yet in Flanders in favour to him he knew that if he should not have some favourable success by way of battel the Countrie would hardly rise having so powerfull an Army as was that of the Duke of Alva's within its bowels The Duke out of the very same reasons shun'd giving or battel He saw that Orange in losing a battel could lose nothing but his Army whereas he together with the loss of his Army should hazard the loss of all Flanders Resolving therefore rather to coast along by his enemy then to fight him and to vex him so with sufferings as at last he should disband of himself he only kept near him And because it was already evidently seen that Orange his intention was to enter into Brabant the Duke provided the places of greatest danger with all things needfull which were Tilemon Lovayne and Brussels and had an eye also to all other parts where there was any cause of suspition The two Camps being thus quartered Orange moved towards Tongueren a great Town in the State of Liege intending to possess himself of it and there to get victuals for his men But the Duke did so secure it as Orange durst never assault it Getringberg a very good Town in the same Countrie was more easily perswaded to let him have victuals and to receive his soldiers into the Town Which it soon repented by reason of the insolencies which they committed particularly against the Churches and sacred things Departing suddenly from thence for that it was not tenable He quartered upon the confines of Brabant hoping that when his Colours should be seen so nigh at hand the malecontents within the Countrie would likewise display theirs But the Duke flanking still upon him and streightning him now on one side now on another did not afford him one minutes rest Chiapino Vitelli had the particular care of the quarters which he was very diligent in taking and muniting To which purpose he had a great many pyoneers in the Army and upon occasion he would make the very soldiers work within the Trenches In these the Camps approachings one unto the other in their quartering and disquartering and particularly upon occasion of forrage there happened almost continually some skirmishes between the soldiers of the two Armies Nor was there any considerable advantage got on either side for many days But at last one action proved very bloudie Brabant is watered by many small rivolets which fall almost all of them into the Demer which inlarged by their accessions doth at last disgorge it self into the Scheld Amongst other the Geet runs into it Orange being advanced into Brabant he could not pass this river so speedily and with such caution before that a good part of his Reer ere it could re-joyn with the rest was in danger to be assailed upon great advantage by the Dukes soldiers who did not lose that oportunity The Camp-Masters Romero Bracamonte and Bigli advancing with their Spaniards and Walloons gave violently upon the enemy who seeing the danger had tumultuously fortified themselves in a Village upon the
even one of the chiefest of all Flanders That from that Line of the Confines which was towards France it lay far enough inward in the Kings Territories but yet not so far but that it might be easily succour'd from without That it might easily be made very strong being on one side in a very low and spongy situation and well provided of Walls and Ditches on all other parts That being near the very Province of Flanders and that of Brabant it might easily further the Tumults both in the one and the other of them and consequently make the fire more lasting which was to be kindled in so many parts He therefore with much fervency apply'd himself to the sudden regaining of it and hoped well therein by his having so easily recovered Valentiennes He saw that Lodovick of Nassaw might be succoured on two sides to wit by the way of Germany by the Forces which Orange prepared and by the way of France by the Forces raised by the Hugonots these were doubtlesly the nearest and therefore likely to be the speediest The Duke therefore resolved to make his quickest opposition on this side of France hoping that when he should have interrupted that succour he might more easily impede the other but such and so grievous commotious happened suddenly in Holland as they put upon him new and greater necessities and rendred him much perplext touching what he was to resolve upon The Town of Eachusen had there led the way first to open disobedience which Town lies very opportunely for situation as lying upon the point of a great Gulf which the Sea makes in Holland towards the North and no less for the quality thereof and number of shipping which are continually built there and which makes it one of the best and most esteemed Arsenals of all that Province Nor was it long ere other greater revolts followed For Dort Harlem Leyden Gouda and almost all the other Cities and chief Towns did at once the like except Amsterdam which continued then and long after in Allegiance to the King Great raising of Arms was likewise heard of in Germany and that Orange having past the Rhine grew still stronger in men intending to enter Flanders again by the same way he did before To obviate so many evils which threatned him in so many several parts the Duke of Alva betook himself suddenly to raise great levies both of horse and foot and gave order for the taking of 5 or 6 thousand horse into pay in High Germany the chief care whereof was had by Henry Duke of Brunswick formerly imployed by the King upon like occasions by Salentine Count of Isemburg Archbishop of Cullen who shewed himself very faithfull to the Catholick Cause and the Crown of Spain and by Peter Ernestus Count of Mansfield who came originally from Germany and who had yet many friends and kindred of great esteem there he gave order for the raising of 18 thousand foot in six Regiments to wit 3000 in the Upper and 3000 in the Lower Germany The first were taken into pay by Ottone Count of Erbestein by George Baron of Fronsberg and by Nicholas Purvighliere all of them natives of the same Country And the latter by Giles Count of Barlemonte by Maximilian Count of Bossu and by Lancelot Count of Mega all of them the Kings Vassals in the Provinces of Flanders These levies required great store of money whereof the Duke was very much exhausted But he had represented unto the King the affairs of Flanders to be in so dangerous a condition as he was in some sort presently furnisht therewithall for his necessities and the King promised him to see him continually furnisht with what should be requisit for maintaining the Churches Cause and his own which was now become one and the same in those Provinces The new Insurrections which had happened in Holland bore with them very bad consequences to boot with the former in Zealand And the Novelties which had succeeded and which still grew greater in the Frontiers towards Germany and France required powerfull and speedy remedy The Duke of Alva consulted therefore with the chief Commanders of the Army to what part it was best to bend the Kings Forces or if by dividing them they might suffice for both occasions 'T was generally thought that there were not enough to be divided And as for the turning to the one or the other place Marshal Vitelli Camp-Master-General who was greatly esteemed in the Army as well for the prerogative of his Place as for his Valour was of opinion that they were to bend all their Forces immediately towards Holland and Zealand saying That by good reason of War Forces were to be turned thither where their imployment was of greatest consequence And how much did it most import first to secure the Maritine Country That in those parts which lay more inward in the Country the people were neither so infected with Heresie nor so inclin'd to Rebellion And though some loss might be suffered by the Forces from Germany and France it was to be hoped that they might be easily regain'd That the Hugonots Forces were of no substance of themselves nor was it to be thought that the King of France would favour them if for what might concern the good of Spain at least for what might respect the service of his own Kingdom so grievously infested by them That the heretick Forces of Germany which were to enter Flanders were to be esteemed of the same nature being tumultuously raised ill provided of men and worse of money more ready to pillage then to fight and that prey and pay failing they would soon forgoe their obedience and insteed of carrying their Colours against their enemies they would turn them against their Commanders That for these reasons it was to be believed that the noise was greater then the blow would be from either of both those parts and that those foreign Forces being soon scattered by the opposition made by the Kings Towns which to that purpose were with all diligence suddenly to be munited Mons would easily be recovered as also whatsoever other damage might insue in any other part upon those Frontiers But on the contrary how firmly was heresie radicated both in Holland and Zealand how much were the people alienated from their former devotion to the Church and to the King That by reason of the Sea and Rivers Merchandise did very much abound there as also monies and victuals and that every Town there was so strong by Nature that allow but a little time to Industry every Pass would require an Army to overcome it and every Siege almost an Age to finish it That by the opportunity of the Sea new Forces might continually be sent unto the Rebels on those sides from Germany and France But especially from England And they being Masters of the Maritine parts what advantages might they by other designes work unto themselves in the more inward Countries What difficulties would the succours
the Country That it was sufficient for him that he had compast his end in the same manner as he desired Orange left a strong Garison in Malines intending to keep that City which lying in the heart of Flanders might serve him for many purposes His Army afterwards wholly disbanding and he luckely escaping out of their hands whom he now suspected more then the enemy he at last by way of a fugitive rather hiding himself then retiring got to Delfe a City in Holland there to put on such new resolutions as time and necessity should administer When Orange was gone from about Mons the Duke of Alva began narrowlyer to begirt the besieged He re-inforced the begun batteries and used all other necessary diligence to the end that being rid of this siege he might the sooner also recover thole other places which Orange had made himself Master of The besieged did notwithstanding valiantly and constantly defend themselves for some days but at last all hopes of succour failing them they resolved to yield having received such honourable conditions as upon such occasions are usually articled and agreed upon between the vanquishers and vanquished Count Lodovick went sick out of Mons and passing into Holland to see his brother he departed suddenly for Germany to move every stone there which might serve to disturbe Flanders Whilst affairs went thus about Mons many important novelties had happened in Holland Zealand and in other places Monsieur de Seras was Governor of Flushing being sent thither as hath been said by the Prince of Orange and many hereticks were come from the neighbouring Countries to joyn with him He therefore borne away with greater designes and desirous in particular to lend his helping hand to the besieged in Mons by entring into Flanders and afterwards into Hennault betook himself thereunto He gathered together 3000 foot and easily imbarked them in the maritine coasts of Flanders he had not notwithstanding sufficient Artillery to force any place wherefore he placed his hopes more in the peoples rising then in his own forces But the Duke having used all needfull care to secure that Province and Seras meeting with good resistance in all parts he came from thence almost as soon as he was entred and laid aside all thoughts of doing any good on that side The chief end of the tumultuaries in Zealand was to possess themselves of Midleburg They thought that the Town of Targoes placed on the Northern parts of one of those Islands called Southbeverlant would be a hindrance herein unto them This Town was guarded by some Spaniards and Walloons and Midleburg might better be relieved by the Kings men from thence then from any other part Seras applying himself to get this place brought a good number of men with him and endeavoured to enter it by force but he found such opposition as he soon forsook the enterprise And being despised by his own men for these two unfortunate successes as also for some other things those of Flushing would no more receive him nor the rest any longer follow him so as he was fain to forgoe the Province with as much shame as he was at first received thereinto with honour At the same time that Count Lodovick had possest himself of Mons the abovesaid insurrections had happened in Holland and except it were Amsterdam the whole Province was almost revolted To the Brill where Lumay had raised the first tumults of those parts many heretick souldiers were come from the neighbouring Countries especially from England People were likewise raised by the Rebels in other parts of the Province who fortified divers other Passes which lay more inward in the Countrie to the end that they might be Masters of the best Avenues on both sides The Duke of Alva had taken with him to the relief of Mons and to oppose Orange almost all the whole Army as hath been said especially the Spaniards in whom he did most confide So as Holland being as it were abandoned to the will of the tumultuaries it was no wonder if having so large a field to break forth in into novelties they were both so easily contrived by them and so easily executed Divers notable alterations to the Kings prejudice arose likewise in the contiguous Provinces of Utricht Friesland Overisel Groninghen and Zutfen At Orange his entrance into Flanders many of the chiefest places in each of them followed him and his fortune not meeting with almost any opposition by the Kings men And the people baited by the spetious titles of common good run almost from all places to assist his cause as if it had been their own The Count de Berg one of the chiefest Lords of all the Low-Countries had married a sister of the Prince of Orange who had great adherencies particularly in Friesland and the parts thereabouts He was likewise apparently inclin'd to favour heresie and joyned with Orange no less in Councel then in Bloud He therefore came into the aforesaid Province beyond the Rhine at the same time that Orange past from them to the other more inward Provinces and made divers places of importance rise and placed Garrisons in some of them which were most considerable either for their Situation or Inhabitants amongst others the City of Zutfen was fallen into his hands which gives the name to that Province and which being seated on the River Isel is held for one of the chiefest of all those parts He had taken and sackt the Town of Amersfort upon the Frontiers of Holland and indeavoured thus to draw the people by force where they would not of themselves be wrought unto it to joyn with him Orange and the other Flemish exiles It is not to be believed how ill they observed their promise which Orange in the aforementioned Manifesto made to the Catholicks in point of Religion For the first thing the hereticks did when they were entred into any Town was to violate this promise nay growing more outragious then ordinarily against Ecclesiasticks and especially against Votaries not content to use scorn they proceeded to rapine to imprisonment to torments and with unheard of cruelties even to death The end which to the praise of Martyrdom some Franciscan Votaries made in the Towns of Alckmar and Gorcham was very memorable The affairs of the abovesaid Provinces were at this pass when Mons was delivered into the Duke of Alva's hands A little before this siege was ended the Tumultuaries in the heat of the advantages they had gotten and whilst the Duke was busied about Mons with all the Kings forces had resolved to attempt the taking of Tergoes in Zealand They despaired of getting Middleburgh if they had not Tergoes first Putting therefore 8000 Foot together many whereof were French Germans and English and being provided of Artillery to batter they shipt the one and the other at Flushing with all other things necessary for the enterprise and from thence went to the Island of Southbevolant and incamped themselves underneath Tergoes
will prove rather so in shew then in substance Why shall not we endeavour the relief hazarding to wade through the drown'd part of the Island A passage of terrible length doubtlesly but yet it may be happily effected if we observe well to endeavour it at the Seas lowest ebb I who so boldly give the advice doe with the like boldness offer to be my self the first that will execute it The quality of the man who was held experienced and known to be faithfull added some force to his proposition though both Avila and Mandragone thought it bore with it important difficulties They knew already by experience that the Country which was drowned and through which they were to wade was neer upon seven miles over that the bottom of those drowned grounds was very muddy that before the inundation happened there were other running waters which past through the Country That in propositions of this nature the difficulties proved alwayes greatest in the practise and how troublesome would so long a passage be what breast or what breath would be able to go through with it and how could the ebbing and the flowing of the Sea be so justly measured as that the Souldiers might not run danger of being lost Nor would their dangers have here an end for if the Enemy should either know of or but suspect such a design they might assault the Kings Souldiers upon great advantage as they should draw neer the dry land and slaughtering them at their pleasure hinder them from fixing their foot there In which case what would it avail them to be well gotten out of the water if they must at last be a prey unto the sword of the enemy Plumart did not at all go less for all these difficulties mentioned by d' Avila and Mandragone But still making good his opinion said his minde gave him that the passage would be safe and that he would be the first that would venture upon it That the chiefest importance lay herein and that the business was to be carryed on with all secresie and done before it was known Avila and Mandragone made then no longer delay Plumart together with two Spaniards and another Country fellow well verst in those parts went and found the passage for their purpose It was about the end of October and the season was yet very fair seeming as if it did also applaud the designe The tryal proving so well they resolved forthwith to venture to succour the Town by that way To this purpose a great many sacks were prepared to carry match and powder and bisket and the souldiers were carryed into a Village called Aggier in that Angle of the Island which lies nearest the firm land most commodious for that passage The people that were to make it were 3000 chosen out of the three abovesaid Nations Avila stayed in another neighbouring Village with Minhere Seroscherche Governour of Berghen and the care of the succour was left to Mandragone They took their time to enter into the water at the first ebb for the time of its being at the very lowest would not serve the turn He commanded the sacks to be distributed according to the number of the souldiers who were to carry them upon their backs to the end that not being hurt by the water the souldiers might at their coming out take some refreshment after their so grert labour and use their musquets against the enemy in case they should meet with any unexpected opposition In War nothing is more requisite then secrecy as well to advantage the fight as to overcome without fighting The enterprise was therefore till then kept very secret to the end that the enemy being taken at unawares might not disturb it The time determined being come and Mandragone being now to make the business known he by way of incouragment spake thus unto the souldiers Fortune could not shew her self unto us my fellow souldiers with a more favourable aspect then when she seemed most to frown You know we have oft-times in vain endeavoured to relieve Tergoes and now when we were in despair of doing it Fortune hath pointed out a way unto us how to do it Do you see this spatioâ—s water Whereinto we are now to enter This in former times was all drie land which hath since been miserably drowned by the sea yet ever since then the waters have been so shallow in some parts as when the Sea ebs it may be waded thorough And that there may be no doubt of this the tryal hath been lately made Which of you doth not know Captain Plumart and his fidelity in the Kings service which of you knows not that he is better practised in these parts then in his own house he accompanied with some others hath past forwards and backwards over these waters through which we are to bring in the relief He will be my guide I will be the like to the first file and so one to another till we shall all come upon drie land which being done the business is effected The enemy will dream of nothing less then of being assulted by us on this side so as astonished at our boldnesse and overcome more by their own feare then by our Forces they will betake themselves rather to flie then to fight and say they should fight how can we doubt the victory These are the same Rebels as at first Rebels no less to God then to the King And altogether as cowardly at their Arms as perfidious in their Cause These are the very same whom we but lately saw besiege Midleburg and in despight of them we relieved the Town by unexpected ways and they running away before we were well got up unto them yielded us the victory without any gainsaying Then 't is only the water that we are now to fight with and to overcome and some of you peradventure will fear this more then you would do the enemy So many miles of drown'd land blind ways through so blind an Element and chiefly the terror which the Tide brings with it These doubtless are all of them dreadfull objects and I confess the enterprise is difficult but glory is not won where there is no danger Yet these are not such as may not assuredly be overcome The Ford as I told you is already found the tryal thereof hath already been faithfully made and the ebb will allow us time enough for our march before the flood come For what remains our patience will be more requisite then our courage and yet our courage will herein so clearly appear as such an action cannot be more apprehended by the enemy nor more celebrated in the mouths of all others We shall be famous throughout all the world as contemners of dangers as vanquishers even of Natures self and of her proudest Element And what shall our deserts be hereby from God what from the King moreover we may hope for great booty from their precipitate running away as assuredly the enemy will do from the
being likewise come up had brought the whole burthen of the war on that part hither but the hereticks still giving ground they at last began to run The business was better disputed between the horse of both sides the Kings horse Harquebusiers were so furiously assaulted by Lodovicks Rutters and especially the Germans led on by Schinck who stood forwardest as being first broken and then totally disordered they did not only forsake the place but running away to the next neighbouring Towns they gave out every where that the enemy had won the day The Rutters having discharged their first Volly of shot wheeled about to charge again and make a second more furious assault but the Kings Lanciers afforded them not time who fell on with such violence and did so vigorously charge them on divers sides as breaking their orders they forced them back and opened them In this the foot-wing played their part miraculously by whom the Rutters being gauled on their flank were put yet into greater disorder Lodovick and the Palatine couragiously endcavoured to re-order them and incouraged them by their own examples acting the parts rather of common souldiers then of Commanders in chief But the Kings horse still more inheartned both by the apparent victory of the foot and by the advantage which they themselves continually got did so closely pursue the Rutters as not being able longer to be withheld and fear getting the upper hand of shame they turned their backs and at last ran directly away Fortune would likewise have her share in this battel as usually she hath in all For just as the Rutters began to give back three Company of Lanciers came up to the Catholicks led on by Nicholas Basti by George Macuca and by Peter Tassis all of them Captains and this new inforcement finisht the business so as instead of fighting they fell to execution The Kings men being masters of the field slaughtered the enemy horribly in all places and it was commonly believed that above 4000 of them perisht About 200 of the Kings men were missing This success was particularly innobled by the death of the two brothers of Nassaw and of the Palatine which being all of them joyntly resolved either to make their way by their swords or by indeavouring to do so to lose their lives were slain fighting valiantly The Kings forces got great advantage and reputation by this victory For though the battel was not between numerous Armies yet the chief consequences of Flanders lay at stake on both sides And those which concerned the King being particularly considered 't is no doubt but if the enemy had got the better of the day their Forces being joyned with those of the Prince of Orange would have overrun the Country every where and would have made the Stanshest raise new rebellions But this so important victory was not well gotten when they who had been the chief Authors of it spoyled the effect thereof Instead of expecting their reward from the King the Spaniards to the great disservice of his Majesty would be their own pay-masters The very night after the day of battel and upon the very place where the battel was fought they resolved to mutiny And the effect thereof was seen before the thing it self could be imagined It began at first to be whispered by a few afterwards it was put in practise by many and at last it was fully consented unto by all They complained and seemed much incensed to see their labours so ill rewarded 'T was their hands and their bodies by which Towns were taken Battels won and all other actions of greatest danger done The honour and advantage redounded to the Commanders their reward was only wounds and poverty That their bare pay was given them rather as a reward then as of due Which yet being so far in arrear they could not fully receive How could so miserable a condition be longer tollerated that it was in their own power to satisfie themselves for the monies which were every day promised them and never paid And that therefore they were now rather to have it at their command then to wait for it any longer and that perhaps in vain They made no long delay they in a great hurly-burly flew to their arms and violently laying aside their former Officers they chose new ones This being done they went immediately from Mouch and marched towards Antwerp intending to enter the City and there with all safety and commodiousness to cause their whole pay to be given them Sancio d'Avila and all the Camp-masters used all possible diligence to remedy so great and so unexpected a disorder but they could do nothing that would prevail And because after this mutiny so many others of the like nature insued in the progress of this war whereby the Kings affairs in Flanders were more prejudiced by the arms of his own souldiers then by those of his enemies It will not be amiss to relate here anticipately with as much brevity as may be what is best worthy knowledge in a business which we shall so often have occasion to treat of An Army in the field is a great moveable City governed by Military Laws within walls of Iron this City is distinguished into personages of divers qualities The chiefest place is possest by the Captain-General who hath supream Authority in the Government thereof The other chiefest Commanders follow after him and after them the lesser And in the last place remains the inferior order of common Souldiers who having no share in Command are only to obey In this popular order of the Army if I may term it so do mutinies fall out the usual cause whereof is the want of pay In the meaner sort of souldiers Interest prevails more then Honour wherefore being unpayed first they complain then they grow angry and at last mutiny In long Wars this is oftner seen by reason of the excessive expences which they occasion This length of time makes souldiers mary whereby they have children and in that respect grow still more necessitous and this necessity at last turning into corruption they mutiny many times rather because they will do so then that they have any just occasion to do it The Laws of obedience being then broken this popular order riseth up against their Superiors and out of their body do tumultuarily chuse new Officers This happens usually when the Armys are in the field because it would be almost impossible to compass it with security in Garisons In the change of Government 't is commonly seen that we degenerate from the better to the worse And thus it happens upon this occasion The supreme Command of one only passeth then into the whole multitude which being composed of horse and foot makes a body of each of them which they call the Squadron of the incensed so to shun the always ignominious title of mutiners The Authority consists then in the Squadron and all the command in the united body thereof This tumultuous Commonwealth
military administration And indeed he was a Commander of very great renown who to his honour won first in the Wars in Italy had made the like correspond which he did purchase in the wars of Flanders But this loss was added unto by another of much greater importance which insued within a few days after to wit the death of Rechesens the Commendador who about the beginning of March falling suddenly into a violent feaver died within five days at Brussels His bodily sickness was preceded by a great malady of mind for being brought into a very great streight for want of mony he was not furnisht with any from Spain neither was Flanders any ways able to supply him there withall In so much as a little before his death a part of the Spanish horse mutinyed to the Countries great indignation for which he was forced to suffer the people to reassume their arms which were formerly taken from them by the Duke of Alva knowing that they would have done so of themselves though he had not given them leave Four ordinary ships were at this time only come from Spain with some few souldiers the maritine preparation from thence not any ways answering expectation By reason of all which obstructions the Commendador had reason to fear that the siege of Zurickzee would end unfortunately and that other sinister events would befall the Kings affairs in Flanders Whilst thus agitated in mind he fell sick and died with a reputation rather of great goodness then of great valour and of being fitter for peacefull imployments then for those of War in the manageing whereof so great a Paragon as was the Duke of Alva proved to say the truth too disadvantagious to him Many and especially the wiser sort of Spaniards thought that a mixture of them both might have done well if joyned together the one had been wholly imployed in Military the other in Civil affairs Here insued one of the greatest and most tempestuous agitations that ever Flanders felt in the whole pursuit of the war which we will now describe You shall see a Government without Government the whole Country about to revolt the Kings Forces at enmity within themselves and his cause more oppugned then defended by them More Governours then one bear his name at once in Flanders and use his Authority the Provinces of various sences and no less differing Councels Neighbouring Princes manifestly aspiring to the Government thereof A new introduction of foreign Forces No publick nor no private faith observed Cruel sacking on one side fatal sieges on the other More then hostile violence and fury every where and in fine the successes in these revolutions of affairs will prove such and so strange as will doubtlesly move great curiosity here in the expectation of them but much greater compassion towards Flanders hereafter when they shall be come and seen One of the greatest mischiefs which the affairs of Flanders suffered by the death of Rechesens was that he died without declaring who should succeed him in his Government He had a Patent from the King to that purpose with a blank left for the name But he was so suddenly surprised with the violence of his sickness as he could not do it It was notwithstanding discovered by some appearances that he would have left the Military Government to Count Peter Ernestus Mansfield and the Civil Government to Count Barlemonte which two of all the Lords in the Country were those the King did most confide in and from whose valour and wisdom most might be expected The Commendador failing thus the Councel of State took upon them the Government who presently dispatched away an express to Spain to give the King an account of what had happened and to represent unto him at full the present condition of the affairs of Flanders The King approved of the Provisional resolution taken by the Councel and declared therewithall that he would forthwith send a new Governor and such a one as should be fully to the mind of those Provinces The administration this mean while began by the hands of the Flemish themselves But nothing is more to be despised in Government then wavering and divided Authority Nor doth any thing hurt more then interessed and disagreeing Councels And it is seen in the Government of Kingdoms that State-Ministers by their private passions do usually ruine the common Cause The Councel of State had no sooner taken upon them the Government but great troubles began to be seen in all things for their orders were not observed as they ought to have been and the orders themselves were given with apparent discord which appeared much more in their minds then in their Votes Philip de Croy Duke of Ariscot Governor of the Province of Flanders did for his Nobility riches and adherence hold the chief place amongst those of the Councel And with him the greatest part of the Councel did go along in their Votes All these leaned towards the Liberty of the Country as well out of their own nature as out of a particular alienation which they had to the Spaniards Orange was not this mean while idle neither but seconding by his lively wit the favourable conjuncture from the very day that the Commendador died he incited all his followers in all the parts of the Country to imprint such opinions in the people as might draw them most to be of his mind Alleadging That this was the time to reunite all Flanders in one will That by fortune and more by justice the Government was now in the hands of the native Flemish and therefore it was not to be suffered to pass any more into the Spaniards hands That the yoke of so sore a servitude had lasted too long already imprisonments confiscations deaths sackings firings and so many other deplorable calamities too long That Liberty would notwithstanding be so much the more welcome by how much it was formerly more desired Then let the Flemish resolve unanimously to recover it and so to enjoy it with the greater contentment That the Cause could not be juster in it self nor of greater applause both within the Provinces and in all other places Finally to what worser end could affairs be brought since though the designe should not succeed the present miseries were so great as greater were not at any time to be expected Out of what fault shall we declare this Rebellion If the Spaniards have fallen thereinto by mutinying this is not the first time they have done so nor will it per adventure be the last War causeth expence Expence want of Pay Want of Pay the Souldiers anger and the Souldiers anger Mutiny As long as the wars continue these disorders will fall out other Countries have had experience of it as well as ours hath now But when was it ever heard that in such a case the Mutiniers were esteemed Rebels aay how often have whole Armies rather commended then condemned their cause insomuch as at last it hath been thought the best course
to suffer something in accommodating them then to run hazard of greater dangers by going about to punish them too severely I heartily wish that in the like cases as also in divers others of the world Necessity prevailed not too much above Reason Kingdoms give way and Empires bow to this force To this we must now likewise submit The Spaniards are too much incensed to see Flanders every where so hatefully bent against them they storm already for being declarea Enemies how much more will they doe so when they shall be declared Rebels The other Spaniards will flock to defend the Mutiniers and will make this a common interest And with whom is it that we shall contend What Nation is there to be found which hath been longer trained up in Arms more acquainted with blood and more accustomed to fight and overcome To what a rage will despair carry them I therefore am of opinion that this wound is to be cured by the accustomed ways Armies as well as humane bodies are liable to infirmities And if this may be easily cured we ought not by danger of so great an impairment make it our selves incurable The Reasons alleadged by Vightio and divers others other Considerations offered by the two Counts did no whit avail to alter the opinion of the opposite part of the Councel which was the more numerous and the more powerfull But these accusing the other of perfidiousness injuriously said that they were Spaniards and no longer Flemings and broke forth into open threats against them Nor were they long in putting them in execution taking new pretences and still palliating the appearances thereof the more they imprisoned the three above-named Councellors as also Signior d' Asonville and made the Duke of Ariscot President of the Councel I hey then proclaimed on Edict of Rebellion against the Spaniards the Contents whereof was in substance this That all the mischiefs of Flanders had proceeded from the Spaniards That to have the total domination thereof they had taken away the government from the Dutchess of Parma and given it to the Duke of Alva That from that time forward the Country was opprest in all parts by sad and fatal chances Amongst which that of Mutinies was to be accounted among the most fatal That one of these was now on foot in the very heart of the Provinces and that under pretence of having their Pay the Spaniards design was generally to devoure the substances and to drink the blood of all the Flemish That therefore the Councel of State which by order from the King did now govern judging it necessary to withstand with Arms this threatening ruine had therefore put on the most convenient resolutions That notwithstanding in this so great necessity there were some Councellors who shewed themselves averse to the common good so as the rest had thought fit to secure them That the Spaniards desired now more then ever to bring in the Inquisition into Flanders That out of their zeal to the Kings service the Councel of State had published this Edict whereby the aforenamed Spaniards were declared Rebels to the King and whereby it was ordered that they should be pursued every where and slain as Enemies The Edict concluded with an invitation to all the Provinces to joyn in the same sense and opinion since the same was the cause amongst them all It is not to be believed how much the minds of the Flemish were moved after this publication and how as if the Edict had been a general Trumpet which had summoned them they strove who should shew themselves readiest to goe against the Spaniards and drive them out of the Country The Councel of States chief intention was to call together the States Generall to the end that the resolutions which they had already taken might be of greater authority as also those which they should hereafter take Nor was there need of any great trouble herein At the very first invitation every Province except that of Luxenburg as hath been said shewed themselves willing to meet in this General Assembly either by express Deputies or by open consent In Governments where the Kings Prerogative and the Subjects Priviledge doe interfere the one fide is usually glad to get the advantage of the other And therefore in Flanders Princes have alwayes been unwilling to have the Generall Assembly of the Provinces meet it being a time wherein they pretend rather to give Laws then to rceive them And on the contrary the Provinces have always imbraced such occasions wherein by the meeting of their whole body together they might keep the power of Princes within its precincts And the Flemish did this now the more readily for that they thought it a fit conjuncture of time having no Kingly Governour amongst them who might oppose them or at least be over them When then the Edict against the Spaniards was published and the convocation of the States Generall made Hostility began suddenly on all sides The chief design of the States was to have Mastrick and the Citadels of Antwerp and Gaunt in their possession hoping that by their examples the other Castles would soon doe the like On the other side the Spaniards studied chiefly how to keep all the aforesaid strong Holds and Towns but especially Mastrick and the Citadel of Antwerp for the reasons above mentioned Many Souldiers were mustered together in Gaunt to besiege that Castle and a greater number were gathered together in Antwerp because they thought that would prove the harder work The Governour Champigny and Colonel Erbestine had already discovered themselves to be for the States and received all that came into the City who were sent from them But the States chief endeavour was to keep the Spaniards and also such Germans as adhered to them from meeting together The Walloons as natives of the Country did already intirely obey the orders of the Flemish Nay after the surrender of Ziricsce those Walloons who were at the taking thereof seased upon their Colonel Mandragone and kept him forth-coming The Flemish Commanders did then to the aforementioned end shut up all the Passes and fortified them and placed many men about them in sundry parts The Spaniards on the contrary were very diligent in getting together as many of their Forces as they could and to quarter themselves in some of the most commodious parts in Brabant From this opposition of designes they came quickly to the like of arms and the first effect thereof fell out about Lovain The Spaniards had assembled together a good strength of horse in the parts about Mastrike towards the Country of Liege and came towards Lovain that they might get to Alst and by new endeavours try whether they could get the mutiners from thence or no and make them joyn with the other Spaniards Which they refused to do till they should have received their full pretended pay The Councel of State had notice of this their moving and speedily dispatched away the Seignior di Glimes with
Officers of War That he might confer the Offices of the Country as the precedent Governours haa done and above all he required that in case the Prince of Orange and the two Provinces of Holland and Zealand should not perform to do what became them on their parts that then the States should break off from holding any Intelligence with them and should joyn with him to use such remedies therein as should be requisite The States reply'd That in the first place Don John should return to Brussels where he should receive all fitting satisfaction But he persisting in the resolution he had taken and they on the other side being no less firm in their resolves jealousies increased suddenly on all sides It was this mean while every where known that Don John was retired to Namures whereat Orange you will easily believe was not any whit displeased thinking that from this novelty many others might suddenly arise which might make for his purpose Yet he appeared in publike to be very much grieved for it and complained very much of it in all parts He inflamed the States to resentment And to aggravate Don Johns offences he divulged certain Letters which as his Associates said were come into his hands by the King of Navars means who they affirmed had intercepted them in Gascony upon occasion of their being sent by Don John and Escovedo through those parts into Spain These Letters contained divers particulars which not without reason might render Don John suspected if they had been true as Don John affirmed them to be false The Contents thereof were chiefly this That he exhorted the King to make himself be obeyed by Arms in Flanders for that otherwise he would lose all authority there These Letters were held to be very true by the States and as such were by them disperst throughout all the whole Country and were translated into divers languages that they might be the better understood by every one Orange growing hereupon daily into more credit with them he strongly perswaded them to Arm representing the danger which might insue if any delay were made Affirming That assuredly Don Johns actions in Namures were anticipately plotted in Spain and that therefore it was to be presupposed that the Kings forces brought but a little before into Italy would suddenly be led back to Flanders That therefore they must be prevented Don John must suddenly be driven from Namures A passage of such importance must be taken from him let him then go into his so faithful Province of Lucemburg and let him try how much he would be bettered by that Provinces not joyning in uniform consent with all the rest This counsel was soon imbraced and with equal readiness executed The States gave out divers Commissions to raise men and prepared to use force against Don John unless he would return to Brussels in his former condition The mean while they wrote a long Letter unto the King laying all the accusations they were able upon Don John and offered to justifie the cause which they would by all means maintain on their sides They did inlarge themselves particularly in the business concerning the Germans in that of Namures and upon the Letters which had fallen into their hands That Don John by artificial practises had hindred the auditing of the Pay with those of that Nation that under false pretences he was gone to Namures and upon falser suggestions of fear had made himself Master of that Castle That doubtlesly the aforesaid Letters were written by him and Escovedo he not being able to deny his own Characters which were found in some of them That his evil mind to the Country did here by appear his intention of not standing to the Agreement made between him and the States and that his desire of bringing all things again to Arms was thereby manifestly discovered That Escovedo had nourished this opinion in him and that being a Spaniard he did strangely maligne and hate the Flemish They therefore desired the King that he would shew his heavy resentment by his proceeding against him and that he should injoyn Don John duly to observe what with so many circumstances he had solemnly agreed upon with them Otherwise they should be inforced to protest that he failing on his behalf the mischief and disorders which would necessarily insue to the prejudice of the King Religion and of the Countries welfare were not to be imputed to them Don John writ likewise into Spain endeavouring to clear himself of the imputations laid upon him in that Letter adding what was most needfull to what had formerly been represented by Escovedo He shewed That the difficulty in the German business rise from Orange his Faction who endeavoured to gain that Souldiery to themselves That having miraculously saved himself from so many treacheries and conspiracies he with much adoe had got with some of his trustiest friends into the Castle of Namures That those Letters which were ascribed to be written by him or by Escovedo were certainly to be judged as either wholly fained or in a great part altered by the same faction And what greater contradiction could there be then that he should first send the Spaniards away and afterwards advise the King to proceed with violence against the Flemish That at that time such an advice would have been very much contrary to the season to reason and to his Majesties service But that now instead of giving it he did avow it was very requisite to doe it For that if his Majesty did not suddenly by his forces prevent those dangers which did so eminently threaten Flanders all the Provinces would revolt which when they should once be lost they would not be so easily regotten This was the opposition between Don Johns Letters and those of the States but neither of them forbore this mean while to advantage themselves by preparing Arms for it was almost impossible ever to return to a new agreement Don John endeavoured to get the chiefest places of the County of Namures into his hands and in particular secured himself of Charlemonte and Mariamburg both of them very well fortified and which had taken their names the one of them from the Emperor Charles the fifth and the other from his sister Queen Mary He likewise held very secret intelligence in the Citadel of Antwerp to draw over the Walloons who had the keeping of it to side with him and so to become master of that so important strength He dealt likewise with some German Companies who were in the Town and which were of Fromsberg and Fouchero's Regiments and did the like with other Officers of that Nation which were in Bergen ap Zome in Tolen in Breda in Balduke and in other places But in the government of these negotiations the event shewed that Fortune did favour the States much more then she did Don John The practise in the Citadel of Antwerp was discovered and prevented And the Flemish having a vigilant eye every where and having better
was the Duke of Alanson wanting in nourishing all hopes of good assistance from his side The noise of these succours were greatly amplified by Orange and his faction to make the States Generall still the more resolute in not listning to any accommodation with Don John The Bishop of Liege now become Cardinal had by Commission from the Emperour endeavoured to begin a new Treaty of Agreement and though the difficulties grew daily greater yet he would never give over the Negotiation hoping that it might one day prove more successfull On the contrary that it might be the harder to effect Orange caused the States to publish an Edict against Don John wherein in bitter tearms they declared him to be a Violator of the Peace and made all those that followed him subject to the punishment of Rebellion if within 15 dayes they did not resolve to leave him Don John this mean while leaving a sufficient garrison in Namures was gone into the Province of Lucemburg that he might be the readier to receive the Forces which were to come to him from Italy and which were raised in the other neighbouring parts And mightily encouraged by reason of the resolutions which were put on in Spain according to his desire he had designed the Town of Marks for his Rendezvouz that he might be the nearer to relieve Namures if need should be and afterward to enter with all his Forces more into the heart of the Country This design which was soon known by the Flemish Commanders made them hasten the more to besiege Namures and to keep Don John from re-entring into Brabant They therefore approached the City on divers sides and possest themselves of divers places that they might begin to begirt it But neither had they as then men enough nor did their condition correspond with the imployment Their men were almost all of them of their own Country taken up where they could find them and the most of them ill provided and their Horse consisted of the old Trained-bands of Flanders which were but seldom wont to go into the field and to be imyloyed in war They notwithstanding made some progress For Bovigni a Town upon the Mause and not far from Namures fell by Treaty into their hands and in some skirmishes which hapned between their men and those of Namures they had somewhat the better But all these were but petty businesses in respect of what they had proposed unto themselves as their chief design The year 1578. now followed In the beginning whereof all the men being arrived which Don John expected from Italy and those being added unto them which he had raised in the neighbouring Countries he would no longer defer drawing near the Enemy At first he temporised till he was better provided of Forces but now that he was so well furnished he thought it made much for his advantage to fall upon the Enemy as soon as he could and fight them before they should have received the foreign Forces which they expected The Flemish Commanders changed likewise their designs For whereas before they thought to have besieged Namures they now decermined to retreat to Brabant and to put themselves into some safe quarter till strengthened by foreign forces they might face Don John They had about 10000 Foot the most of them Walloons the rest Flemish unless it were one English Regiment wherein were some Scots and French They had not above 1500 Horse composed of the Train'd-Bands of Flanders of 300 Rutters and as many Dragoons In the Kings Army there was about 15000 Foot and 2000 Horse the most of which were Spaniards and Italians all of them choise men and all of them long practised in military affairs in Flanders At the Kings first resolution of taking up Arms Alexander Fernese Prince of Parma appeared in Flanders being desired so to doe by the King himself and Den John having very much desired it Don John had had sufficient experience of this Prince his valour in the memorable League against the Turks and particularly in the Battel at Lepanto wherefore he assured himself he would prove as valiant now in Flanders Nor was he deceived in his expectation Fernese was no sooner come then laying aside all prerogative of blood wherein he was so nearly allied to the King and to Don John he applied himself wholly to those military actions which were to make him appear as much superior to others in 〈◊〉 as he was in quality None could be more carefull then he in providing for all things from time to time in receiving of the Kings men as they came into the Province of Lucemburg in quartering of them in bringing them to the rendezvous and in all other imployments of the Army He applied himself to those of every Nation he spoke almost all their languages He was the first in undertaking any labour the last in giving it over He was no wayes curious in his diet nor sleep in his apparel more a Souldier then a Prince and always more intent upon the Kings service then his own The vigor of his body was no whit inferior to that of his mind and his martial aspect did promise Victory before it was won When the Army was come to the Rendezvous Don John desirous to make the justice of the Kings cause appear and thereby the more inflame the Souldiers to defend it he with a chearful countenance spake thus unto them Hardly had Don John done speaking when the whole Army filled the air with shouts of joy and gave all such signes as might shew both will to fight and hopes to overcome The Kings Camp marched from their Rendezvous towards Namures and Don John advancing himself was the first that came to that City eg'd on by his desire of knowing the enemies proceedings To this purpose he sent Mut. Pagano an old souldier towards them with his Company of Dragoons who brought him certain tidings that the enemy did already quit their quarters and did depart from about Namures That never the less they seemed as if they would make an orderly retreat and that their intention was to fortifie themselves at Geblurs a Town upon the Confines of Brabant towards Brussels towards which place they had already sent their baggage When Armies are near at hand retreats prove usually dangerous and Fortune makes the Commanders vie most for valour and industry then whilst the one seeks to retire with honour and safety and the others to beat up their quarters with ignominy and loss But the latter have still great advantage upon the former Don John would not therefore let slip the occasion Count Peter Ernestus Mansfield was Camp-master-general of the Army and Octavius Gonzaga General of the Horse He ordered Mansfield to hasten his march towards Namures and Gonzaga to come up speedily with the flowre of his horse that he might advance at least some of them against the enemy and entertain them in the reer whilst the rest of the Army might come time enough to
go on with this endeavour the Pope determined to send John Baptista Castagna Archbishop of Rossano to be present there on his behalf A man of great fame for the many Nunciatures which he had with much reputation discharged Who was afterwards created Cardinal by the same Gregory and after Sextus Quintus ascended though but for a very few dayes to the Popedom Otto Henrico Count of Suarzemburg was by the Emperor deputed to this Negotiation together with two other Commissioners And the King himself would likewise send some Personage of quality thither which was Charles of Aragon Duke of Terranova one of the chiefest and most esteemed Subjects of Sicily and joyned some Flemish Deputies with him The Duke of Cleves and Bishop of Liege by reason of their neighbourhood sent likewise particular Deputies on their behalfs to the same Treaty All these together with the two abovesaid Electors met about the beginning of May at Colen to treat of the aforesaid business The Heretical faction of the Flemish Rebels were unwillingly brought to listen to this endeavour and they particularly Orange used all possible means to disturb it for they feared that such Mediators would favour much more the Churches and the Kings cause then theirs But because the Catholick part was as yet maintained by the Rebels the contrary part could not sufficiently withstand the necessary deputation to the Treaty Wherefore by authority of the Archduke Mathias as Governour of the Confederate Provinces and chiefly by their own a good many Deputies were chosen to this purpose and the Duke of Ariscot for their Head and these met at the appointed time and in the same place with all the rest There was great expectation had of this Treaty but it was soon known that the event would not be answerable For coming to the Treaty they fell upon the same difficulties which were formerly met withall when the Emperor likewise interceded in the Conference at Breda Nay they were the greater on the Rebels behalf for that they thought they had got advantage by the since succeeding novelties They therefore appear'd more resolute then ever in point of Religion that they would have Liberty of Conscience especially in Holland and in Zealand which were already the Heretick Sanctuaries And for what concerned their obedience to the King they would mingle so much of advantage therein for themselves as the Government should partake much more of a Commonwealth then of a Principality And even then it was seen that the common sense of the Rebels was to bring themselves to that form of Free-government which now the United Provinces of those Countries enjoy after having totally withdrawn themselves from the obedience of the Church and King Those who intervened in the Treaty used all diligence to moderate the difficulties and to bring them to some fair agreement but all was but lost labour especially for what concerned Religion for the stiffer the Deputies of the Flemish Union were for the Liberty of Conscience the more resolute were the Royalists in not admitting that any Religion save the sole Catholick should be professed throughout the whole Country For all things else the King would have been willing to have used those same favours towards such Sectaries as would depart the Country which were so largely offered in the Conference at Breda But the contrary Deputies sometimes cunningly dodging sometimes plainly denying and most commonly turning the Proposals into bitter complaints against the former Spanish Governours and against the whole proceedings of that Nation shewed apparently at last that the Rebels would by no means be drawn from their former resolutions Wherefore there being no hopes of agreement the Treaty after some moneths broke up In which because the same things were treated of which were discust formerly in the Conference at Breda and afterwards in Gaunt in the Peace concluded amongst the Provinces and lastly with Don John in what was lately establisht between them and him therefore to shun the prolixity of saying the same things over again here we have only given you an incling of what may suffice to know what was done in this new Meeting at Colen Yet in it the Kings cause was greatly justified in that the Duke of Ariscot resolved to take part no longer with the Rebels as did also some of their Commissioners especially those of the Ecclesiastical Order who at last discovered plainly that Orange and the other Fautors of the Heretical faction would have beaten down too much the Kingly Authority together with the Catholick Religion Whilst they were in Colen upon the Treaty of Peace they did not any whit omit the managing of Arms in Flanders The Prince of Parma had ended the Siege of Mastrick as you have heard Upon the which he got another considerable place which was Malines This City was in the Rebels hands but therein was a great dissention amongst the Citizens some of which won by the Prince wrought it so as they conveyed in some of the Kings men by stealth and drove out the States garrison The Village of Villebruck which the States had fortified as being a place of importance between Antwerp and Brussels fell likewise into the power of the Prince And on the contrary the Rebels grew every day stronger beyond the Rhine The Count of Rinemberg commanded for the States in Friesland Who not only in that Province but every where else thereabouts endeavoured the advantage of the Flemish Union Deventer in the Province of Overisel was fallen into his hands and afterwards Groninghen more luckily And on this side the Gaunteses in their particular war against the Malcontents had by surprise recovered the Town of Menin And the Malcontents had made themselves masters of Alst. Insomuch as the Hostility grew hotter then ever on each side The Agreement being made between the Prince of Parma and the Walloon Provinces and all the Foreign Souldiers being sent out by the Prince according to the Articles the Kings Forces were so weakned as the Prince could no longer be Master of the Field nor besiege any considerable place The Walloons laboured to gather men together who might be sufficient for their numbers to prevail over the Enemy But neither had they sufficient monies for their expences not other such preparations as their need required there was particularly such wants in point of the Cavalry as the Prince was inforced to keep some Italian horse called Albanois under the name of his Guard to which the Walloons had given way till such time as they could raise so many of their own men But howsoever the contrary Forces were no whit the stronger For the Flemish having likewise cashier'd their foreign Aid their Forces were but weak and those without any Commander in chief of their own Country The Count Bossu was dead a little before and the other principal Walloons who were most considerable next to him had imbraced the Kings side Archduke Mathias young in years and yet younger in experience could only undergoe a
make for our advantage For the most of us having resolved to imbrace the Refoâ—med religion doubtlesly the Queen of England will in that respect much more concur in our defence then will the Duke of Alanson who is a profest Catholick Together with this advantage in matter of Religion we shall also receive from her all other things which we stand most in need of her Kingdom abounds in People nor wants she Mony proportionably How much ought we to esteem her so near and so potent Maritime forces We may by that means expect at all times all manner of Aid in a very few houres and by that means that Country will be joyned to ours as well as if we were both one firm land And how much is England and our Province already joyned in Commerce May not the English-House here in Antwerp be envied by their own hamber of London And if we consider the Form of Government how much more conformable to ours is that of England then that of France For in France the Kingly power may be said to be almost absolute whereas in England it is so limited as in al affair of greatest weight the Princes there can resolve of nothing without the supreme authority of Parliament Which ought to make us expect a much more moderate government certainly from the Queen of England then from the D. of Alanson who hath already too much drunk in the too haughty and Kingly spirits of France This my short comparing of the present condition of these two Kingdoms doth sufficiently discover my opinion touching the business now in hand Yet all private opinions ought to submit to the publike interest And so shal I do when the contrary shal be approv'd of by this most wise Assembly for I have no consideration of any foreign good which is not altogether subordinate to what concerns our selves This discourse wrought very much upon the Deputies But the Lord of St. Aldegonde one of those that was deputed for the Nobility one of the best esteemed amongst all those of the Flemish Union took upon him to defend the contrary opinion And spake thus I wish it had pleased God most worthy Deputies that our calamities had not clearly taught us what the remedy is to free us thereof This remedy consists in having one for our Prince who being amongst us in person may rather with a Fathers then Princes affection imbrace maintain and govern the concernments of these our Provinces as if they were altogether his own And to pass by the more ancient examples let each of us consider what happiness they enjoyed in more modern times 'T is very well known to all how they flourished under the House of Burgony And that out of no other respect but for that the Princes did then of themselves and in their own persons steer the Government and shewing themselves from time to time in almost every of our Provinces did both give and receive such satisfaction as was most to be desired by each in each of them The Government then altered and began to grow worse under the House of Austria nor was it to be otherwise expected by reason of the many States and Nations which fell under the Empire thereof A great bulk cannot long maintain it self and when one part thereof is wrested all the rest are usually out of frame So in States which are too far divided a sunder the good of Government not being able to be joyntly united in them all the most remote must needs suffer therein and afterwards those that are nearest joyned will rescent it But notwithstanding in the times of Maximilian of Philip the first and of Clarls Flanders enjoyed such a share of their own personages and presence as look how much it sometimes suffered by reason of their absence it reaped other whiles as much advantage by their being present And each of them did still retain as well the sence as the bloud of Germany and Flanders Countries both of them almost alike seated and of the same nature The â—ow King being afterwards born in Spain and being become a Spaniard more by will then by birth he resolves to keep there and not to absent himself in any manner from thence What our miseries have been since then and what those in particular which we have suffered through the pride and cruelty of Spanish Governours we may all very well know since we have all too well tryed it Then to conclude as I said at first that the only help for these our Provinces consists in having here a Prince of their own to govern them I confess I cannot see who can be fitter for that purpose then the Duke of Alanson The Dukes of Burgony descended as it is well known to all from the Royal bloud of France then since Fortune presents us again with a new Prince of the same bloud wherefore should not we greedily imbrace the occasion of receiving him would not the very Government be by this means rather continued then any other of a different Form instituted How great a part of our Provinces do yet retain the French tongue and the Customs more then the tongue Are not all the confines of the Walloons and half the Province of Flanders it self called more by the word Gallican then Flemican so as in respect of the conformity of nature 't is clearly seen that the French are much more conformable to us then the English who had never any dominion over us That France is now in great turmoyls cannot be denyed but what better remedy then this can be found out to rid her of them to wit by drawing Alanson himself out of her and with him so many others who at the present do molest that Kingdom In which case it is not to be doubted but that the Duke will abound sufficiently in Forces and that the King his brother will largely maintain them in so just a Cause Every one may clearly see how much better these of France will be then those we should receive from England France doth over-abound with people every where especially in gallant Cavalry The coming from thence into this our Country can receive no impediment neither by the seas nor wind since both their confines by land joyn together And how opportune for us ought their neighbourhood now to be thought since almost the whole Walloon Provinces being re-united to the King of Spain the French Forces will prove very commodious on that side to force that Country to return to their former Union with our other Provinces and to joyn with us in chusing the Duke of Alanson for our Prince For what concerns all the other rubs me thinks they may be easily removed As for the Kings having no children his age is such as may certainly promise enough The mean while the Duke his brother will likewise marry and have sons of his own to succeed him but say that the Duke were to succeed unto the Crown wherefore may not we in such accse oblige
him to leave us one of his sons to be our Prince in his stead As for Religion every one knows how great a freedom France enjoys therein Wherefore it is not to be doubted but that the Duke will allow a greater liberty therein in Flanders For though our intentions be that the Reformed Religion should be the most prevalent yet it will behove us to allow of the Catholick there being so great a part of our Provinces which is obstinate therein and chiefly the Walloon Countrys to the regaining whereof we must with all our industry apply our selves And as for what authority the Duke may assume unto himself by the example of what the Kings of France enjoy in their Kingdom May not we limit it as we shall please so as he may know he hath the Flemish to Govern and not the French and that he must use our Laws only without any participation of theirs I therefore conclude that all the reasons considered in this present affair make much more for the French then for the English And this is likewise my opinion The which I am not notwithstanding so far in love withall but that I shall be ready to quit it when I shall hear a better None shall be more ready then I to adhere unto the sence of this most vigilant Assembly nor be more willing to endeavour the fulfilling thereof after it shall be maturely advised upon This opinion of Aldegonds bore great weight with it And to enjoy a Prince who was in his own person to sustain the Government and the Interest of the Provinces was a business exceedingly considerable This so important business was not agitated without the Catholick Deputies For though those of the Walloon Provinces were wanting and that there was no respect at all had to the Ecclesiastical Orders yet were there a great many Catholicks in the Provinces who leaned more to heresie wherefore in this Assembly there were divers Catholick Deputies chosen together with the Hereticks The Propositions which were made by the others were generally very ill rescented by these For though they did likewise greatly hate the Spaniards yet they thought it a too desperate business to treat of changing a Prince and almost altogether Religion They shewed How much the King would be irritated by both these That if he would never tolerate any liberty at all of consequence in Flanders how much less then would he suffer heresie to domineer every where And what more unworthy thing could there be then to make Religion subservient to the State the ancient Church to the new Sects and the Piety for so many years professed in those Provinces to rescent Doctrins which had involved almost all Europe in mighty troubles To this injury which should be done to the Church and which certainly the King would own as his own how much would the other add which belonged wholly to himself of bereaving him of his due soveraignty which after so long a succession of his ancestors was past into him and so strictly acknowledged and solemnly sworn unto by the Provinces That therefore it was to be believed he would rescent both these injuries with the whole Forces of his Kingdoms That his Forces had been formerly formidable but how much more now that he had gotten the Kingdom of Portugal That there could no relyance be had upon those of France by reason of the divisions by which that Kingdom was at the present so terribly rent in pieces And say the King of France could he would not assist his brother lest he might thereby draw upon him the Forces of the King of Spain That the Catholick Faction in France held already great correspondency with the King of Spain And now having so justifiable a pretence how much more might that King foment it and how many foreign evils might he add to those home-bred ones That from England they could not receive the benefit of a Prince of their own So as the administration must pass by the hands of Governours And what certainty was there that the English would give better satisfaction then the Spaniards especially in a new Principallity wherein they would never proceed so far by fair means but that they would much more use force That the same King had great commodity of making diversions likewise against the Queen and to incite England to some insurrection either by open war or under-hand practises and much more easily Ireland a Country which was almost altogether Catholick greatly devoted to the Church and well affected also to the Crown of Spain And thus the Provinces having no foreign helps would be wholly exposed to the indignation and forces of a potent and injured enemy from whom they were afterwards to expect the greater punishment in that they had given so just an occasion thereof For these reasons the Catholick Deputies past on to this opinion That above all things an agreement between the Provinces should be endeavoured for that if they were well united their own union might furnish them with sufficient Forces at least to defend themselves That they should never lay down their Arms till the ancient form of Government were first restored by the King That touching Religion the peace of Gaunt should be observed which was so maturely handled and concluded by the full consent of the Provinces That if things should be brought to that necessity as that the Provinces of Flanders must needs be severed from the Crown of Spain they should procure as it was most reasonable a Prince of the House of Austria or one of the Kings sons if he should have more then one or some other body who should marry with a daughter of the Kings upon whom the Dominion of those Provinces might be transferred And that at last if they should fail of all these means the Provinces should take the Soveraignty into their own hands In which case it was not to be doubted but that they should have a much better Cause more justifiable to the world better made good by their people and more favoured by their neighbours But the Hereticks did so far prevail in this Assembly as there was little regard had to this opinion of the Catholicks so as the question remained between the other two But at last that which Aldegonde had maintained in the behalf of Alanson was preferred Orange out of some private considerations of his own to boot with what concerned the Publick leaned more willingly likewise to this side For his Principality of Orange lay in France his wife was at that time of French bloud And great correspondency was had as had always been between him and the chief of the Hugonot Faction in that Kingdom Yet by reason of the weight of the Affair the ultimate conclusion was not at that time taken but the Deputies departed that they might first acquaint each Province with their Opinions and to bring from thence an integral resolution This mean while the business of War past on but coolly on both
sides as hath been said To say truth the Walloons could not shew more willingnesse to defend the Kings Cause but they had not Forces answerable to their wills Wherefore the Prince of Parma made no considerable progress He took Cortray by surprise a Town of some moment in the Gallicant part of Flanders But Count Egmont who had laid the plot was soon after taken prisoner by the enemy who entring by stealth into Nienove where he recided with his wife and a brother of his they seased upon them all and took them into their own power The Walloons took likewise Mortagne and St Amonde places of but small concernment and overrunning the Territories of Torney and Cambrey they endeavoured to streighten both those Cities of victuals that they might the more easily bring them into the Kings power Cambray looks upon the Frontiers of France more towards the extream on that part and Torney lies more inward towards the Gallican part of the Province of Flanders They are both of them principal Cities and Fernese desired very much to recover them for only they two in all that Tract of the Walloons Country adhered to the Flemish Rebels and he feared moreover lest Insy Governour of Cambray might put that City into the hands of the French But the Prince having not as then Forces sufficient to besiege either of them he suffered the Walloons only to annoy them with inroads On the other side the City of Malines fell again into the hands of the Rebels For the heretical part prevailing lately there they brought the enemy in who meeting with little resistance made themselves easily Masters thereof and in hostile manner plundered it They took likewise Diste Sichem and Ariscot in Brabant rather by Treaty then by force But at the same time the Marquis of Rubays who had the chief command over the Walloons much to his praise deprived the enemy of one of their prime leading Commanders He had intelligence that Monsieur de la Nue was gone with a good body of men to surprise Lilla and that failing thereof he returned to his former quarters Rubays not letting such an occasion slip set upon Nue at unawares as he retired and pursued him into his quarters where Nue made what resistance the time and place would permit him But such was Rubays's violence and especially that of the Albanois horse as La Nue was at last forced to yield himself with some other personages of quality and was brought prisoner into the Castle of Limburg where he was kept for many years and during his imprisonment composed the greatest part of those his Politick and Military Discourses which are of such esteem in France For which he receives this praise from his Nation That he knew as well how to handle his pen as his sword and to be as worthy in peace as in war The same Rubays endeavoured under-hand to surprise Brussels but because his practices were mingled with deceit they proved fruitless The Signor di Selle had worse success in his plots against Boucain a considerable Town upon the Scheld between Valentiennes and Cambray For being come near unto the place he was by double dealing taken prisoner together with divers others But the Walloons soon after besieged the Town reduced it to a necessity of surrendring and much to their advantage took it The King as we told you before had it in his thoughts to send back the Dutchess of Parma into Flanders intending that she should have the total administration of the Government and that the Prince her Son should have the particular charge of the Militia And although the King had afterwards confirmed the Prince in Don Johns place yet his mind ran still upon it And resolving at last to doe it he had by his own Letters and by his Agents in Italy acquainted the said Dutchess with his intention herein and had earnestly desired her that she would again take upon her the Government of those Provinces She was much troubled hereat She was beset on one side by a desire to satisfie the Kings pleasure as also to procure new glory to herself and on the other side by her desire of seeing her Son more glorious in the full Government of those Countries But in fine the Kings pressures were so instant as she could not keep from condescending thereunto Wherefore beginning her journy and leaving Italy she came to Namures where she staid and would go no further till she might more fully understand the Kings pleasure She found that the affairs of Flanders were in a very troublesom condition that she herself was well advanced in years and therefore much fitter to desire her quiet then to thrust herself into new troubles that the Prince her Son was in the full strength of his age and had given such proof of his wisdom and valour in this the beginning of his Government as that the like progress was undoubtedly to be expected Her motherly affection was so much the greater in her by his being her onely Son So as setting aside all self-respect she turn'd all her endeavours to the King as so many intercessors in his behalf He went immediately to Namures to meet her and to pay her such affection and reverence as in duty he was bound to doe But being also full of generous thoughts he could not well endure that his Government should be any way diminished after having had so full Authority therein and so prosperously exercised it The Mother thought this her Sons resentment very just which confirmed her the more in her own opinion Wherefore she reiterated her desires to the King and wrote him a Letter the Contents whereof were these How ready I have been to obey your Majesty by returning into Flanders your Majesties self hath vouchsafed to witness by being graciously pleased to like well of it Now that I have obeyed your Royal commands in this behalf I shall for what concerns the Government humbly lay before you again my sense thereof and that the more freely for that it shall clearly appear I aim only at your Majesties service therein I came not long since to Namures as I quickly signified unto your Majesty And though whilst in Italy the troubles of these Countries were not unknown unto me yet I confess I find them now as an eye-witness thereof to be much greater then I had conceived them Which inforceth me humbly again to beseech your Majesty as I did in Italy to consider how little available my service will be unto you in this Government Here is no more way left for fair means all hope of accommodation is lost the Rebellion grows every day hotter This wound must be drest by the sword and cured by fire Since then this Government is wholly to consist of Force your Majesty cannot chuse but see how much fitter my Son is to serve you therein then my self He is in the full strength of his age After having spent his younger years in your Majesties royal Court he
in the King his brothers Court the Nobility ran from almost all the parts of the Kingdom to be with him upon such an occurrancy Wherefore the Duke having in a short time gathered together a gallant Army of 12000 foot and 3000 horse he marched towards Cambray to relieve it and free it from the straits wherein it was Fernese knew he could not withstand so powerfull a strength having so few Forces as he could neither incamp himself in face of the enemy nor sufficiently fortifie himself about the walls of the City Wherefore forgoing the Forts he resolved to retreat Some slight skirmishes happened upon this occasion between the two Camps and the Country being finally left wholly free to the French the Duke had leasure to relieve the City and to furnish it aboundantly with all things necessary He himself entred thereinto and being solemnly received he made a large Declaration that he was come into it as into a City of the Empire and that as such a one he would keep it and defend it He upon this occasion took likewise the Castle of Cambresis From hence he suddenly returned to France though he was earnestly desired by the Flemish Rebels who were now become his Subjects to come further into the Country and make good use of the so many Forces as he now had upon that occasion But because they were really to be esteemed rather lent Forces then any of his own being hastily and tumultuously gathered together and be not having monies to maintain the Army any longer at that time he could not satisfie them in their desires but made such excuses as were necessary He assured them notwithstanding that he would be suddenly with them with good Forces And that to that purpose he would not only use all possible dilligence and industry with the King his brother but go himself if need should be into England and use all other efficacious endeavours with his neighbours These Forces of Alansons being vanished sooner then it was believed they would be the Walloons took courage again and hoped for good success Yet was the Prince of Parma very much troubled within himself as well by reason of his retreat from Cambray as also for that he verily thought he should never do any thing of consequence by the sole help of those Countries who kept loyal to the King He had upon divers occasions endeavoured to make this known to those who were of greatest power amongst the Walloons and had dexterously suggested unto them how much they themselves ought to desire not only for the Kings service but even for the good of their own Country that the foreign souldiers might again return But he could not so represent the necessity thereof but that they had their equal jealousies for all the Country desired very much to be free of Foreign Forces The Prince found not therefore such a disposition in them thereunto as he desired The Marquis of Rubays was in great esteem amongst the Walloons as you have often heard And doubtlesly he deserved to be so by reason of his bloud valour and adherency of friends The Prince had contracted a particular friendship and trust with him wherefore he resolved to use all the means he could to draw him over to his opinion of fetching back the Foreign Souldiers into Flanders He therefore took him one day by the hand and after a Flemish familiarity joyn'd with a Military Authority he spake thus unto him How weak the Forces are most valiant Sir which we have now here in the Kings Service cannot be better known to any then to your self who have so great a share in the Command thereof The Agreement made with the Walloon Provinces hath certainly been of great advantage to the Kings Affairs It is every day seen that their Forces can neither be more faithfull nor more valiant But every day likewise confirms that which was then feared that their forces alone would not be sufficient to carry on the Warre And to descend to particulars tell me I pray you What thing of consequence have we done since the taking of Mastrick wherein the Foreign Souldiers did intervene Have we ever been able to take the field with any considerable Army or by any sufficient Siege forced any place of importance rather how shamefully have we been compelled to rise from before Cambray and also with how much loss The French before our eyes have not only relieved the Town but fully taken possession thereof which was the strongest out-work your Countrey had towards their Frontiers How much is the union of the Rebeis also encouraged by our weakness Is not their rash perfidiousness come now to the greatest height what more execrable thing could they devise to do then so affrontedly and by their own sole authority to chuse unto themselves a new Prince Then since reason requires that such enormous faults should be punished and that this cannot be done by the sole forces of the obedient part of the Country why should it not be thought necessary to be done by strangers Why should not the former souldiery be suffered to return again and an Army be thereby made which may be worthy of our King worthy of the Cause which he maintains and by which this still renewing Hidra of Rebeliion may be tamed When this wicked Monster shall be corrected and Peace and Loyalty shall be every where established throughout the Country it is not to be doubted but that the King will presently of his own accord remove all foreign souldiers and leave the Custody of the Country to their own Militia And thus when the Kings forces shall be returned hither in their former vigour how great shall our advantages be together with his Then when we with a flourishing Army shall be able to be Masters of the field storm all places win all battels and compass all our desires I who am the Commander in chief and you who next to me have the chiefest Command what shall our share of glory be in all these successes what rewards are not we to expect from the Kings bounty and goodness and how triumphant shall we be in the Church by suppressing Heresie Out of all these considerations Sir I most heartily desire you that you will be pleased particularly to interpose your endeavours and your Authority where need shall require it that the foreign souldiery may return hither again with the good will of the obedient Party Your desert was certainly highly valued by the King when you reconciled your Provinces to his Royal Crown but how much will it now be increased and how glorious shall I make it appear And I already pawn my faith unto you that if this may be done the King shall acknowledge it chiefly to be your work for what remains you know the friendship that I have promised you which you may be sure shall be inviolably observed by me in fine either I shall be of no power in this Government or your part therein next mine own
Gauntesses resolved to come to an agreement which followed about the end of September the preceding year They obliged themselves to give all due obedience unto the King to admit onely of the Catholick profession as formerly to rebuild the Castle which was slighted on the side which lay towards the Town and to pay twenty thousand pound for maintenance of the Kings Army and Fernese on his part did in the Kings name grant them full pardon they were restored to their former priviledges and those who would not profess the Catholick Religion had two years space allowed them to be gone and to carry away their goods whether they would That in the first place their Provinces did in all integrity of soul thank her for her having been so gratiously pleased to favour them and protect them against the King of Spain 's violence since the very first time that he used any against them That be continuing more then ever to oppress Flanders and those Provinces not being able of themselvs to defend themselves from so powerful and cruel an enemy were inforced to seek for necessary protection elsewhere That therefore they had resolved to fly unto her for it A Princess so conjoyn'd to them in territories so united in religion and so interested in the cause That to say truth they were then in a very low condition that notwithstanding they were yet possest of Oestend and Sluce in the Province of Flanders which were both of them Maratine Towns of great concernment That Holland Zealand and Freisland Provinces which lay all of them upon the Sea were yet wholly free from the Spaniards and that within land there were yet many of the most secure places under their union and a great part of the best of the Country That they doubted not but that so puissant a Princess as she would Patronise their defence much more out of magnanimity then out of Interest so as leaving the first part to her and considering themselves the second they represented unto her how great an advantage the addition of such Provinces and particularly those of the Maritine Coast would be to England And what doubt could it be but that these two Naval Forces being joyned together would give the Law by sea to all the Western yea and Northern parts That they then offered to submit themselves wholly to her Soveraignity so to injoy not onely her ordinary protection but to be defended by her absolute authority as by their Princess hoping that she would be pleased to admit of such an offer under such fair and reasonable conditions as their people were to enjoy according to the moderate form of their ancient Government for what remained she might assure her self that the Flemish would alwayes vye for Loyalty towards her with the English in readiness in concurring to all her greater exaltations and in joy to see all her ends effected according to her own desire This was the substance of their Proposal Having said this by word of mouth they presented it in writing to the Queen who graciously received it and did in as gracious a manner reply That she would with all attention study to send them back as speedily as might be to their Provinces well satisfied That such an offer bore with it matter of great conseqnence and that therefore she would take particular care that it should be diligently discust by her Councel The English had at first seemed very much to desire this But as usually seen things move more then such as are but meerly imagined so when the weight of this affair was seen nearer hand the Councels differed much in their opinions concerning it Some more boldly were of opinion That so fair an offer was by all means to be imbraced That the United Provinces had already lawfully made themselves their own Soveragins out of their so requisite necessity of not being able to suffer the King of Spains so great oppression They might therefore lawfully dispose of that their Soveraignty as they should best please That they had once already confer'd it upon the Duke of Alanson and wherefore might they not now confer it upon the Queen The King of Spain would undoubtedly be scandalized hereat and would peradventure make war again upon England But how oft had he already offended the Queen Were not the Insurrections in Ireland fomented by him had he not a designe to do the like in England Did not he favour the Queen of Scots Cause as much as he might and did not he upon all other occasions shew his ill will to the English That if he would fall into open war with the Queen it was to be considered how greatly her usual strength at sea would be increased by this new Maritine addition of Flanders Let therefore the King of Spain assault England when he should please he should finde it as secure in forces as inexpugnable by situation But there wanted not those that were of a contrary opinion They said It was the common concernment of all Princes that their subjects should keep within their due obedience what a ruine would it be to Principality if the rendering or denying of obedience should be at the Subjects pleasure That hitherto the Queen had favoured the Flemish not as free people but as those that were opprest that she might still without proceeding any farther do the same justly for the future but to acknowledge a Soveraign power in them and then to accept of that Soveraignty offered by them was an action of bad example for other Princes and particularly of very dangerous consequence for the Queen her self How much more just reason would the King of Spain have in such a case to make her taste of the same evils at her own home How great a disposition was there generally thereunto in Ireland And how great in the so many Catholicks which were yet in England By her example the King would doubtlesly pass from fomenting secretly into open invasion To his Temporal Forces the Pope of Rome might likely enough add his Spiritual ones And it would then be seen what would be got by making so uncertain an acquisition in neighbouring Countries when by doing so certain hazard must be run at home in her own Dominions Amidst these two contrary opinions there was one in a middle way between them which was That the Queen without accepting of the Soveraignty or using any other title of Protection should assist the Flemish with a good strength of men That for security of the expence which she should be at in assisting them they should put some good Town of Zealand into her hands and some other also in Holland And that the Forces which should be maintained by the United Provinces should be under his command whom she should send in Chief with her men Thus having gotten footing in those Maritime parts and her Authority likewise being in the above said manner extended further within Land the Queen might wait for what time would produce who is the
manner as it will be too hard a matter for any Foreign Nation to land there much more hard to keep there when they are landed That Kingdom is inclosed and fortified on all sides by the Sea the Havens there are but few and any Fleet may be easily kept from entring thereinto The English yield not to any Nation of the world for skill in maritime affairs and their maretime Forces together with those that will be added to them by Holland and Zealand may without doubt oppose whatsoever Fleet Spain can set forth at least by way of defence But say that our men were landed in the Kingdom how can we hope to establish them there Usually in the making of Conquests some internal disposition is required and there is a continual necessity of external aids to maintain them There can no safe correspondencie be hoped for from the English it being a Nation which will suffer no other Government then its own And succours from elswhere will be so hard to be effected so expensive and so uncertain as the Forces of Spain which are already so distracted will never be able to supply them Hath not your Majesty experience by your marriage with Queen Mary how much the English doe hate all manner of Foreigners and how contrary all the Laws of the Kingdom are there unto Is not the Rebellion of Flanders sufficient to let out the best blood of Spain without adding thereunto that which you shall suddenly see arise in England Then since there is so little hope of any good success in this affair methinks it were better to let it alone and so to resent the wrongs done unto you by the Queen as fighting with her at her own weapons not to come to open war upon her States If war shall be made and the design not succeed how much more will she oppress the Catholicks of England and of Ireland How will she foment the troubles in Flanders nourishing still her own desire of usurping the government thereof And how much more justly shall she plot all manner of mischief with the Hollanders and Zealanders to the Crown of Spain in the Indies and in all other parts So as by this enterprise no glory or advantage will redound to your Majesty but shame and loss Let your Majesty therefore bend all your might to end the Rebellion of Flanders The Duke of Parma's Army being reinforced by Land and the Provinces of Holland and Zealand being set upon by Sea with the same Forces which would be imployed against England your Majesty may safely believe to see that Rebellion subdued and the Church restored to its former right as also your Royal Crown If in the mean while the Queen of England shall continue to aggravate her offences yet more against your Majesty then may you resent your self against her in open war with more expedition more advantage and more happy success The former success will doubtlesly very much help the other where as on the contrary if the design of assaulting England misgive as it is to be feared it will for my part I fear and I wish my fears may prove false the Rebellion of Flanders will never have an end The Duke of Parma being desired to signifie his mind in this point seemed to incline to this second opinion And howsoever if the business concerning England were to precede he said that some Port or Haven in Zealand was first to be won and this out of two very important reasons The one that upon any occasion the Spanish Fleet might have some safe and near refuge and the other that the Kings Havens in the Province of Flanders might not be hindred by the Hollanders and Zealanders in the Duke of Parma's transporting his Army into England The King staggering between these two opinions was a while in dispute with himself which of them to follow But in fine it appeared that the securing of England did so absolutely draw with it the putting an end to the Rebellion of Flanders as it was resolved in Spain to make all the speed and all the greatest preparations that might be for the execution of this enterprise The King was afterwards the more encouraged herein by the disposition he found in the Pope not only of approving but of favouring the design Sixtus Quintus was then Pope who appeared very zealous in maintaining the universal cause of the Church In the particular of England he considered what had befaln in the time of Pius Quintus by whom he had been made Cardinal When Pope Pius found that the Queen of England grew still more perverse in prosecuting the Catholicks and to doe all ill to Religion both at home and abroad he at last published an Apostolical Bull wherein was contained such punishments against her as the Church in like cases had alwayes wont to inflict But instead of being thereby bettered the Queen grew more cruel and impious Nothing was seen or heard of in that Kingdom but a perpetual irremissible fury against Catholicks some were banisht others imprisoned others deprived of their goods together with their Country and many bereft both of goods and life The Priests were chiefly persecuted and Heresie triumphing over their punishments and to see their Ministery already wholly routed out 't was thought the Queen intended fully to extinguish all the remainder of Catholick Religion and all the footsteps of that Piety which for so many Ages had so exceedingly flourisht there Nor was her hatred towards the Church bounded within her own Dominions it was known how greatly and how continually she fomented the Heretical factions of Germany France and Flanders to nourish troubles there and particularly to beat down the Catholick religion by her means likewise Scotland was greatly subverted and her beheading of the Queen of Scots who had been alwayes very zealous in the Catholick cause was generally detested by all the Catholick Princes of Europe and in particular had caused much horror in the Pope Wherefore joyning this with many other actions whereby the Queen did so cruelly afflict the Church and disturb the publike peace almost every where he considered he was not to let slip the occasion now presented of favouring the King of Spains aforesaid enterprise thereby to advantage the Catholike cause universally over all Europe and particularly in England and Ireland To this purpose he thought it fit to make a Subject of England Cardinal and this was Doctor Allen who was one of the antientest and most qualified Ecclesiasticks both for learning wisdom and goodness of all those of that Nation that were abroad Allen was then at Rome and the Popes intention was to send him into Flanders and then into England in case the design should succeed there to exercise such Ministerial duties as should upon such an occasion be most needfull for the service of the Church and particularly for those Catholicks The Pope being thus minded the King applied himself with all fervencie to the business and to make very
that the same impediment being put on St Getrinbergs side the Town could not make any long resistance Mansfield endeavoured to take the Fort but in vain Wherefore he raised up another in opposition to it and began afterwards to begirt the Town Count Maurice had provided very well for it yet for his greater security he betook himself to the usual remedy of Diversion He therefore went with very considerable Forces towards Niminghen and threatned a siege This loss which would have been much greater then the other made Fernese use all means to prevent it wherefore he ordered Count Mansfield to rise from before Breda and to go with all speed to relieve Niminghen Count Maurice had this mean while past from threats to effects and had begun with great vigilancie to begirt that City Yet Mansfield came time enough to bring in succour nor would he depart from thence till he saw it totally secured And Maurice on the other side before he would depart from thence would leave a curb there which might keep it in great subjection To this purpose the Enemy had formally endeavoured to build a Fort on the opposite bank of the River but were always hindred Maurice returning now with greater resolution to the same design resolved to erect there a Fort-royal which might command Niminghen and which might serve as then as it were for a siege at large which as soon as might be he might reduce to one much straiter Having therefore got together a great many Pioners and making the Souldiers work as well as they he began to erect the Fort in the very face of Mansfield to secure the work placed sufficient guards wheresoever it was requisite Mansfield had orders from Fernese not to hazard the Kings men which were the Flower of all his Army but to return when he should have relieved Niminghen Fernese gave him this Commission because he himself had received a very strict one from the King to go into France with all the speed he could to assist the Catholick League in that Kingdom wherefore Mansfield would not adventure further to keep Maurice from building the Fort though he knew how much the making and keeping of it would redound both to the honour and advantage of the Enemy and that undoubtedly it would at last be the loss of Niminghen All which fell out For the Enemy were puft up with pride to see the Kings Forces withdrawn thus Niminghen by the continual playing of the Enemies Artillery was forced to leave the commerce of that River free and ere a year was over Maurice returning to straiten that City compell'd it to yield and to come under the Flemish Union The Duke of Parma was again returned to the Spaw-waters hopes being given him that the more he should use them the more good he should receive by them But he could not tarry there so long as he ought A little before this the Duke De Mayn Head of the Catholick League in France had received a sore defeat by the King of Navar at the Battel of Jury where Count Egmont was kill'd who had brought a great body of Horse from Flanders to assist the League by order from the King of Spain who began already openly to favour it with his Forces After this misfortune the Duke de Mayn was gone himself in person into Artois to speak with the Duke of Parma and to agree with him in what was best to be done for establishment of the Cause which the Catholick King had publikely declared he would imbrace as his own Wherefore setting all other things apart the Duke of Parma was gone to treat with the Duke de Mayn upon the obcurrent necessities of the League and the result was that Fernese should goe himself in person with powerful Forces as soon as possibly he could to assist it Wherefore applying himself wholly to this so important expedition the affairs of Flanders must of necessity be very much weakened every where in so much as before the Duke departed Count Maurice made many incursions to advantage himself particularly in the Provinces of Brabant and Flanders by the taking of many places but yet not of such weight as requires any more express declaration of them here July was now well nigh over and Fernese was still sollicited to pass into France and to provide against the danger of Paris about which City the King of Navar was incamped threatning to reduce it to such necessity as it should soon fall into his hands At this time Pope Sixtus had likewise very fervently imbraced the Catholick cause of that Kingdom and Cardinal Henry Cajetan was already in the City of Paris from the Pope by title of Legate a personage who for the nobleness of his blood and for his personal adornments made that imployment the more remarkable Bernardino di Mendoza was at the same time likewise there as Ambassador from Spain to whom the King would have John Baptista de Tassis come from Flanders Muster-master General of his Army in those Provinces both of them men excellent at councel and government Fernese was continually more egg'd on by all these to pass speedily into France He foresaw to his infinite displeasure how prejudicial this would be to the King in his own States of Flanders and had oftentimes with much efficacie represented the danger thereof and shewn the natural instability of the affairs of France and how uncertain the event of affairs then on foot in that Kingdom was to be reputed But the contrary opinion being more prevalent in Spain he could not chuse but must apply himself to execute the Kings commands with all vigilancy and industry Preparing then for his departure he by the Kings appointment left Count Peter Ernestus Mansfield father to Count Charles to execute his place in Flanders and with him was his son who had the chief care of the Forces and with such men as were thought more necessary for defence then offence during the Dukes absence To follow then this so great and so memorable diversion we will accompany the Flemish Forces and will pass into France with them not medâ—ing notwithstanding with any other negotiations of which that Kingdom was then full for we will not have this our History to transgress its confines and we do beleeve that as it will not be irksome to us to relate so it will not be unpleasing to others to read the successes of war which upon this occasion happened between two of the most famous Commanders and doubtlesly the most cryed up that were then in Europe The King of Navar was not as yet full forty year old and the Duke of Parma was some few years above forty each of them in faces very much differing had an equal Martial aspect each of them were naturally addicted to arms the King was upon occasions bred up therein and the Duke likewise did upon occasions spend his time therein they were both of them popular in winning the souldiers love but no
according to custome they fell to work upon their Trenches and to prepare for Battery The ground was rather moyst then dry on the one side and therefore they began their works there where the ground would best permit them so to doe The two Camps contended in the making of them and especially in that of Flanders the Spaniards Italians Germans and Walloons strove according as usually to outdoe one another in opening and in advancing the Trenches The besieged made some sallies but with weak forces and weaker courage by which it was judged the City was not in condition to make any long resistance One of their best defences was a Ravelin without the walls built about with good stone and furnisht with a Platform The Batteries were therefore chiefly turn'd upon that Ravelin Nor was it long ere they fell with their Trenches into the Ditch where Mines being joyn'd to the Batteries so great a breach was soon made in the Ravelin as it was now thought fitting to make an assault Which hapned luckily The Spaniards and Walloons did herein particularly signalize themselves and of all others the Camp masters Luis Velasco a Spaniard and Claudius Barlotta a Walloon Barlotta and divers others were wounded and some were slain The Ravelin being taken those that won it lodged there and planted some peeces of Artillery upon it to play upon the Town nearer hand and with the more terror A certain strength of Horse and Foot was still maintained by the Apostolike Sea who were commanded by Appius Conti who plaid his part valiantly But a quarrel arising between him and the Baron Chateaubrain a Lorainer and Colonel of the Germans and falling from words to blows Appius was wounded whereupon he quickly dyed to the grief of the Army which held him in great esteem This occasioned some disorder in the Pontificials for Chateaubrain's German Regiment was maintained by the monies of the Apostolike Sea Yet was the Siege so hotly continued by all parties as those within were within a few dayes reduced to parley and at last yielded upon honorable terms their hopes of succour failing them though the King of Navar had often endeavoured it but more by stealth then openly After the taking of Noyon the Duke Du Mayne went suddenly towards Paris The Catholick States-Generall which followed the League were then met in that City and this meeting was chiefly had for the chusing of a King that would be obedient to the Church and who would preserve that Kingdom in the antient Religion The two aforenamed Officers of State Mendosa and Tassis were then in Paris for the King of Spains service in the business then on foot and a little before Don Diego d'Yvara was come thither likewise on his behalf a man of courege and who was likewise thought very fit for the conducting of that business But to give it the greater reputation and advantage the Duke of Feria was at last sent by the King of Spain to Paris A personage who to the prerogative of his family had the addition of all others which upon such an occasion were to be desired Their chief endeavour was to overthrow the Law Salique which excludes Women from succeeding to that Crown In which case the Infanta Isabella the Kings eldest daughter was to have succeeded as daughter to Queen Isabella who was the eldest daughter to Henry the 2 King of France and who had been formerly wife to the King of Spain And as for a Husband for the Infanta since she could not have one of the House of Austria as the King her Father would have desired but it may be all in vain by reason of the invincible repugnance of the French it was discovered that in such a case the King would condescend to the choice of some one of that Nation and particularly of the House of Lorain upon which the League in France was chiefly built It was foreseen by all the aforesaid Agents how much advantagious it would be for the maintaining their negotiation that the Flanders Forces which entred France in favour of the League should be vigorous wherefore they prest this point hard upon the Governour Mansfield and upon Fuentes who as we have said was next under him But these on the contrary represented That the affairs of Flanders were not to be abandoned that the Enemy began already to move with potent Forces on that side and that it behoved to maintain the Kings cause there likewise as much as might be And yet the event shewed in a short while that the thus dividing of the Kings forces did so weaken and disorder them as that they did little or no good in France and were the cause of very great losses in Flanders And that which greatly increased the disorders was that almost at the same time divers Mutinies broke forth by occasion whereof the King of Spain was more indammaged by his own Souldiers then by his Enemies Now to return to the affairs of Picardy When the Duke Du Mayn was gone from Picardy Count Charls parted from thence likewise and went with his Camp towards the Sea-side into the lower parts of that Province where there were yet some places which held for the King of Navar and especially the Castle of Rue strong both by situation and handy-work as hath been said And because to besiege it would be a business of long time and which did require greater Forces then Count Charls had with him he therefore contented himself with making easier acquisitions Hembercourt a weak place and more within land and S. Vallery more considerable as being seated upon the Some where that River falls into the Sea fell into his hands Here when the Count would have made Further progress he must sheath his sword by reason of a Truce which was at that time made for three moneths between the King of Navar and the Duke Du Mayne Arms being laid aside in Picardy the Count distributed his Army in the parts of that Province which lay towards Artois The expences which the King of Spain was then at in France was excessive wherefore the Souldiers being but slowly paid it was impossible to keep them from rapine so as those parts found more of damage by the cessation of Arms then they had done in the time of war Neither did the mischief rest here licentiousness increasing every day and pillage degenerating by degrees into disobedience at last they fell into divers mutinies The first fell out amongst the Spaniards which being first practised with great secresie was soon after concluded and except it were the Officers and some Souldiers of more respect then the rest it was exactly performed by all others They murmured according as is usual to see their labours so ill requited And to honest their Error they endeavoured to excuse it by Necessity Having then gathered together a sufficient number of men and horse they designed to possess themselves of some of the nearest Towns in Artois and there afterwards to fortifie and
side they resolved to assail them though they had small hopes or none of doing any good For making the Trenches he surveyed on several sides they found them to be so strong as the enemy had no reason to fear any thing And to this was added the inundation almost on all sides with which it was first to be contended before they could come to try the Trenches Mansfield passed notwithstanding from Steeloune with all his Army divided into squadrons and halted in sight of the Quarter where Maurice himself was lodged where a certain point of a chief Dike stood out which was fortified by a great Trench which Mansfield would endeavour to take from the enemy as he by assault did but not without much adoe by reason of the opposition of the water and of those that did defend it but he soon lost it again and therewithall all hopes of effecting the succour on that side Upon these occasions some skirmishes happened between the two Camps and Mansfield staying but a little while there went to the Village of Waestech towards which Count Hollack was quartered The Kings Army was not well got thither when it was unexpectedly set upon in the reer by 800 of the enemies horse who were come to this purpose a little before out of Breda and who put their quarters into some confusion but suddenly re-ordering themselves and opposing the enemy they beat them back and with some slaughter put to flight They then with all diligence endeavoured the succour on this side to facilitate the which Mansfield sent for some further provisions and particularly for some Artillery from Antwerp But the difficulties appeared alike here also All this while Count Maurice slack'd not his proceedings against the Town on the inside One battery play'd continually after another and oft-times they thundred all together And the enemy falling out of their Trenches were already lodged in the Ditch which being very large and deep Maurice had formerly caused the water to be drained from thence and drawn into lower situations Wherefore the besieged found themselves not only weakened in their defences but in danger to lose them Nor was it long ere they lost a Ravelin against which Maurice had made a great battery and accompanied it with a fierce assault yet did the defendants make valiant resistance and Gesan their Commander in chief dyed in so doing But the Town not being able to hold out longer of it self and no succour appearing from abroad they treated of surrendring which upon good conditions was done about the latter end of June Count Maurice being entred into Getrinberg and made all fitting provisions for the City he distributed his men into the adjacent parts that he might observe the Royalists designs and oppose them the best he might This mean while the abovesaid Recruit which Mansfield expected was come from Antwerp Wherefore desirous to try whether he could make any acquisition which might at least in some part make amends for so great a loss he resolved to turn upon the Fort of Crevecoeur This Fort is situated upon the mouth of a River called Demel which taking its rise in Brabant and having past through the City of Balduke or the Busse falls about a league from thence into the Mause The Country thereabouts was infested from this Fort and particularly Balduke was thereby indammaged great was the advantage moreover which the Enemy received from it by the further command of the River Mansfield advancing with his Army made some of his men draw nearer the Fort intending to possess himself of some convenient seat These men had much adoe to pass forward for they found the fields overflown and the Fort so well defended on all sides as Mansfield despairing of ever getting it drew quickly off from it again He then disposed of his Army as he thought best And because the Enemy did already openly threaten Friesland and in particular the City of Groninghen he therefore sent new men to Verdugo to sustein the Kings affairs in those parts as well as for the present they might be Verdugo commanded the Kings Forces thereabouts who was not wanting in using all his accustomed diligence as well in doing what might be for the service of his party as also in impeding the Enemy from advantaging themselves The two Counts Hermano and Frederick de Berg did every day signalize themselves more and more with him in the Kings service And Verdugo making use of them chiefly was in continual action on one side or other But to say truth he was so inferior in Forces as the Adverse party prevailed for the most part in all that was undertaken But the successes on neither side were of such consequence as that by making a distinct relation of them here that of the greater and more important events ought to be retarded One of the greatest and most prejudicial which hapned on the Kings behalf at this time was the Mutiny of the Italians Walloons who were with Count Charls for the service of the League in France A good number of the Spaniards which were with the Count in those parts had mutinied as you have heard before And because there was some discourse had of giving some Payes to the rest of the Spaniards who kept under the obedience of their Commanders the like respect not appearing to be had to the other Souldiers who had kept in the like obedience therefore the Italians and Walloons resolved to mutiny as they easily did afterwards They made up a body between them of 1500 Foot and 700 Horse and possessing themselves unexpectedly of the Village of Pont in Henault upon the borders of France they diligently fortified themselves there and providing for their necessities by excursions they resolved not to return to their former obedience till they were fully satisfied for their pay Count Charls his Forces were so lessened by these Mutinies as they could be of no longer service neither for the affairs of France nor yet of Flanders Thus ended this year and the next of 1594 began In this interim Archduke Ernestus brother to the Emperor Radolphus was come from Germany to be Governour of Flanders The King had very much desired that a Prince so near allied to him both in blood and affection would take upon him the care of those Countries and the Emperor joyning with the King in the same desire the Archduke was easily perswaded to please them both Parting then from Vienna about the beginning of the year he came to Flanders and was received in Brussels with all demonstrations of joy and honour by the obedient Provinces At his arrival he found the affairs of the League in France very much declining For the King of Navar having at last declared himself to be a Catholick and having setled his Cause well in this point wherein he stood in most need it was not hard for him afterwards to advantage it in all others Wherefore being received without any expence of blood into Paris
by the example of this chief City of the Kingdom not only the Cities but the Provinces in all other parts strove who should most follow the King and more submissively acknowledge his authority To which his gratious making use of Victory even to those who had most highly offended him served him in good stead Growing therefore stronger every day both in Cause and Forces he made daily further progress throughout the whole Kingdom But he endeavoured to doe it most in Picardy and in the parts thereabouts where the French League was still in some power and where it was most fomented from the Frontiers of Flanders On the contrary the Archduke the new Governour and the Spanish Ministers of State who were in greatest authority under him judging that the more the League declined the more it needed to be sustained resolved to send back Count Charls with new Forces into Picardy who at the Archdukes arrival was come also to Brussels The King of Spains affairs were then in a very low condition for the reasons which have been often alleadged Wherefore to keep from wholly neglecting their own peculiar affairs of Flanders Count Charls could assemble no more then 8000 Foot and 1000 Horse for the occurrences which summoned him again into France With which Forces staying in Picardy after he had well observed the Enemies proceedings he thought he might be able to get La Chapelle which is seated on the very utmost precincts of that Province towards the Flemish frontiers of Henault This place is four-square well flankt in all the four angles and with other Defences on almost all the sides of the Curtains it hath likewise a good Ditch round about it and in all other circumstances it is held one of the best-Towns in Picardy Count Charls resolving to besiege it sate down before it and in a few dayes with the wonted winding of Trenches he came near the Ditchs whereinto that he might the easilier fall and facilitate the Assaults which were to succeed the Batteries he drew away the water thereof to where the ground was lower He then began to play upon the Town which had but a weak Garrison in it and was found to be but ill provided of all things else Yet were not they within wanting in preparing to make what defence they could Count Charls put them presently to the test The Myre which yet remained in the Ditch was very deep and there was no such breach yet made in the wall as afforded the Assailants sufficient commodity to mount thereupon Wherefore the Count failed the first time in his design and his men being beaten back with the loss of much blood and with the death of some Captains and other Officers he must prepare more maturely for a second assault But they within would not wait it For fearing lest they should not be able to maintain it and that they must then be all put to the sword and the Town be sackt they yielded upon good Conditions and the Garrilon was suffered to go freely out This mean while the United Provinces on Flanders side had diligently made their Forces ready to turn to some new important design The Royalists feared Groninghen most wherefore the Archduke gave order that Verdugo should be assisted who prest very much to bee so and shewed in what danger the Kings affairs in those Parts were The Archduke caused likewise requisite provisions to be made in other places where it was most needfull But this was but weakly executed every where so great was the scarcity of monies amongst the Kings men such the disorder of the Mutinies which had hapned and such the daily fear of new Mutinies Amidst these preparations which were made for the continuance of Arms the Archduke would notwithstanding try whether there could any way be found out for the introducing of Peace He was naturally given to love quiet and the King having always shewed the same inclination he thought that the King being already weary and disdeceived in the affairs of France and having so little hopes to advantage himself in those of Flanders by the way of Arms would willingly imbrace any Agreement which with safety to his and the honour of the Church might reduce the affairs in those Provinces to some tranquility Two Councellors at Law the one called Ottone Hertio and the other Jerolimo Comans were by reason of some private occurrences at this time in the Hague where the Confederate Provinces had established their chief Councels representing the General Union The Archduke thought that by their means without making any further noise he might come to some Treaty of accord with those Provinces And thinking it fit to invite the United Provinces thereunto he writ them a Letter the Contents whereof were That he had left the Emperor his brother and was parted from Germany with a particular desire of seeing the Peace of Flanders restored by some good accommodation during the time of his Government That he knew the King would very graciously incline thereunto likewise to the end that the people there might once be free from so many calamities of war and might enjoy the fruits which might so largely be expected from Peace That the United States would consider how uncertain the fortune of war was and how dangerous it was to promise unto themselves still the same good success therein by reason of some happy ones which they had already had That it was now time to come to some agreement That for his part he offered all sincerity in the Treaty thereof and allconstant application towards the effecting of it That therefore they should reduce their demands to so just a sense as that he might the more willingly propound them unto the King and use all means afterwards to have them granted This was the contents of his Letter in the end whereof the Archduke referred himself to what the two afore named Councellors at Law should more at large add In the Archdukes Councel of State there were divers opinions concerning the introducing of this Treaty The Councellors of the Country who had propounded it did still favour it shewing a great desire that all means might be used whereby to free Flanders from Arms. Alleadging that the King himself was of the same mind and that let the event be what it would this would serve to justifie the continuation of the war on his part But the Spanish-State Officers were opposite hereunto especially Count Fuentes who was of more Authority then all others next to the Archduke He said That the enemy did very well know in what condition the Kings affairs were then in Flanders That doubtless they would account this Proposition an effect rather of weakness then humanity That peace was then advantagiously made when there was an advantage in the war Wherefore it was better to expect awhile till such time as the King might have the better of the business as it might be hoped he would have and that then it would be his part
men could not march so concealedly as upon such an occasion was requisit it was resolved that Gusman only should attempt getting into the City with his horse He marcht away by night but being discovered when he was got near the Ditch and the French men moving furiously against him he would have had much ado to have got into the City had not the Defendants who fallied out in great numbers and did valiantly withstand the Enemy received him In this action those of the Town lost Captain Fernando Dezza a Spaniard and Captain Tomas an Irish-man two valiant Souldiers with divers others of ordinary rank The number of the French that were slain was greater but of meaner quality Portacarrero that he might have the Field more free and might the readilyer go out to skirmishes resolved to pluck down the Suburbs and all the houses which were near about Amiens which he did chiefly by fire It was a miserable spectacle to see such and so many delightfull contentments the blessings of Peace consumed in an instant by the fury of War There was above 3000 choise Souldiers in Amiens and therefore Portacarrero thought good not to suffer the Oppugnors to breath but to endeavour by frequent and fierce Sallies to hinder their Fortifications which every day increased so as the Cardinal might have time to come and relieve the Town with a full succour Nor was the Cardinal wanting in making all possible preparations to that purpose A Levy of 4000 Foot was expected from Italy which Alphonso Avalos was raising Other Levies were made to the same purpose in Germany and the same diligence was used in those parts of Flanders which were under the Kings obedience But the monies requisite for such an affair fell far short by reason of the Kings so many former excessive expences and by reason of the charge he was forced to be at in consideration of the vastness of his Empire And just at this time there had hapned a great disorder in this point For the King desirous to curb the insatiable covetousness of Merchants had who traffickt Mony with him he had in those dayes published an Edict whereby he moderated the excessive gain which they formerly made The Merchants therefore retired themselves and Antwerp which was wont to furnish such monies as were requisite to maintain the Kings Army was so pincht as the Cardinal could no longer find necessary supplies there And this as shall be seen hereafter was the chief cause why he could not lead up the Army time enough to Amiens and preserve the purchase he had made of so important a City Now to return to the Siege The Fortifications without increased exceedingly every day Biroun being continually very sollicitous therein He munited the two aforesaid Bridges with good Forts on the one and the other bank but especially on that side which looked most towards Flanders He raised likewise such Forts as were requisite to defend the innermost Line of the Trenches and did the like in the outward Line which looked towards the Fields And because succour was chiefly to be kept out on that side therefore the more Forts and the more nobler were raised there and greater care was had of all those Works Birouns souldiery increased also daily so as he would no longer delay opening Trenches against the City He intended to lead them on just upon a great Ravelin which sheltred the Gate Montrecurt and upon the adjoyning Ditch which was dry and where he thought he might easiliest fall in But Portacarrero was as vigilant as might be all this while in making defences His chief design as we have said was to annoy the Enemy as much as he could by Sallies and hinder their Works The Marquis Montenegro fallied therefore out one day with 400 Horse he having the command of all the Horse in Amiens And placing a Company of Carabins in the first Front commanded by Captain Francisco Fuentes a Spaniard he gave in so fiercely and so unexpectedly upon the Enemy as he slue above 200. some Souldiers some Pioners without losing almost any one of his men This Sally was pursued almost every day with some other the like which being so very many to shun prolixity in relating every least passage and to maintain the Decorum due to History we will acquaint you only with the chiefest Affairs were in this condition both within and without when the King of France came himself in person to the Camp attended by many Princes and great Lords who were then at Court particularly by the Duke Du Mayn from whose valour and councel as much good was expected upon this occasion as the Kingdom had experimented prejudice in the late troubles thereof Biroun was not very well pleased that the King should come so soon unto the Army for he would willingly have brought the Siege first to better perfection But the King very much approving all the Works and for a sign of honour confirming him in the same superiority of Command did so far satisfie him as he continued more fervent then ever in his former endeavours The King being arrived it was resolved by the Councel of War that the business should be orderly carried on and that winning ground by the spade and mathook leasurely great care should be had in preserving the Souldiery and that the rashness of too immature assaults should be shunned The number of Pioners was therefore mightily increased by whose handy-work the further the Trenches were advanced the broader and the deeper were they made and to boot with the usual windings thereof many and greater Redouts then ordinary were raised in them for their better defence The King lay in the aforesaid Hermitage and the Constable the Duke Du Mayn the Duke of Espernon the Prince Jeanvile Brother to the Duke of Guise and other great Personages were lodged in the several Forts whereof the Marshal Biroun kept that for himself which was nearest the Works that he might from thence hasten their progress the more The Kings Army did not as then exceed 16â—00 Foot and 4000 Horse but it increased every day for it is not to be said with how much impatiencie he desired the recovery of Amiens nor how much he was seconded therein by the inclination of the Kingdom and particularly by the desire of the Nobility His Forces consisted of 3000 Swissers 4000 English sent by the Queen in relation to the aforementioned Confederacie which was concluded but a little before and the rest were all French Foot and Horse Monsieur de Montigny commanded the Horse and Monsieur de S. Luke the Artillery which were brought unto the Camp in great abundance Both of them Commanders cry'd up and of a cleer reputation And the King willing that they should no longer forbear annoying those within with the Artillery they began to play furiously upon the City and Batteries were disposed of in divers places which were afterwards to indamage the Besieged nearer hand Amidst these publick works appertaining to the
the Rearguard he made his Army march leasurely and in good order off The French endeavoured more then once to indammage the Rear but the Flying-Squadron facing about and with miraculous discipline now handling their Pikes now their Muskets and being sheltred by the Horse likewise on both sides all the Enemies assaults proved vain Thus they marched for above two houres after which the Cardinals Camp being free from all molestation took up its quarters with all security and was by degrees divided in the neighbouring Frontiers of Artois At the Armies retreat the Cardinal signified to the besieged in Amiens that it being impossible to relieve them they should immediately surrender the City and not lose any more men to no purpose He infinitely praised their pains and promised them reward leaving them to make such conditions as they could at the surrender Which when they came to be treated of were granted them by the King in as ample manner and upon as honourable terms as could be by them desired He highly commended the worth they had shewed in defending themselves which had made the like of his Army appear in oppugning them The Marquis Montenegro marcht out of the Town with 800 sound Souldiers and above as many more that were wounded and was very graciously received by the King at his coming forth as also the other Commanders that came out with him When the King came into Amions he presently caused a strong Citadel to be designed there which was soon after built that it might serve for a greater curb to the people and be a greater safety to the City Then leaving Picardy he went to Paris where he was received with great applause by that multitude of people for his new atchieved glory in having so happily conducted so difficult a Siege for having hindred so powerfull a Succour and recovering a City of so great consequence to the interests of that Kingdom The Cardinal Archduke being retreated to Artois he presently sent some of his Forces to take Montalin the onely Town which remained in the French hands within the precincts appertaining to Calis and from whence Calis was much incommodiated The care of the enterprise was given to the Admiral of Aragon who finding the place not very strong nor yet well guarded took it within a few dayes The King of France was already gone from Picardy nor was it known that he had as then any further end upon that Frontier Wherefore the Cardinal resolved to leave Artois likewise and to give some satisfaction to the Province of Flanders which did very much desire that Ostend might be besieged The Cardinal would therefore go thitherward himself and causing the Town to be well surveyed he thought it was impossible to keep it from being succour'd Wherefore as also because Autumn was already well advanced the Cardinal determined to leave the enterprise till a better conjuncture Nor having any other in which it was fitting to imploy his Army at that time wherein there was hapned a new Mutiny again he resolved to send it to its winter-quarters and came himself with his Court about the end of November to Brussels But the United Provinces lost not the opportunity this mean whiles which offered it self so favourably to them The Cardinal by reason of the siege of Amiens being gone with so many Forces towards the Frontiers of France and having left the peculiar affairs of Flanders in a forlorn condition Count Maurice took presently to the Field And having speedily raised about the beginning of August an Army of 10000 Foot and 2500 Horse together with a great Train of Artillery and whatsoever else was requisite for his designed ends he went to besiege Reinberg a Town situated upon the left side of the Rhine It had but few Souldiers in Garrison and was but weakly provided of all things else Wherefore Maurice coming without any difficulty to the Walls and playing upon them with his Cannon he forced the besieged in a few dayes to surrender the Town From thence he went to before Mures a Town not far from thence but somwhat remote from the Rhine And meeting with the like weak defence he with the like easiness won it He this mean while had thrown a bridg of Boats over the Rhine and passing with all his Army to the other side he sate down before Groll a strong Town both by nature and art He found some greater resistance there yet many provisions being wanting which are most necessary for sustaining a siege having dryed the Ditch on one side and threatening a furious Assault he forced the Defendants to deliver up the Town From thence he turned to Oldensel a weak Town which he therefore soon took And no Town remaining now at the Kings devotion in those parts but Linghen a place well flanked and fortified by a good Castle Maurice incamped before it and besieged it straitly on all sides Count Frederick de Berg defended it which he did very valiantly for many days But that place being but ill provided as were the rest he was forced to surrender it upon very honourable conditions So to boot with Reinberg and Mures all the whole Country on the other side the Rhine fell in a short time under the Dominion of the United Provinces which in acknowledgment of so advantagious successes did forthwith give the same Town of Linghen with the Territories thereunto belonging which make up a very noble Lordship to Count Maurice and to his heirs for ever About the end of Autumn Maurice returned with his men to their quarters and passing himself afterwards to the Hague he was received there with demonstrations of great joy Which afforded new occasions to such Provinces as were yet obedient to the King to complain and grieve considering that for the interests of France which were very uncertain the self-affairs of Flanders were so much neglected And they were more scandalized that to defend the Catholick cause in that Kingdom for the advantage of strangers the same cause was abandoned in the Kings own Country suffering so great a part thereof to fall into the hands of Rebels and Hereticks who by all the most desperate means would implacably maintain their double perfidiousness against the Church and King Thus ended this year and the year 1598 insued memorable for two of the greatest events which could then have hapned The one Peace concluded between the two Kings after so bitter war and the other the Marriage between the Cardinal Archduke and the Infanta Isabella the King of Spains eldest daughter to whom the King her Father gave the whole Low-Countries for her Dowry As concerning the Peace Pope Clement the eight had mediated it awhile before moved thereunto by the same zeal whereby he had already so happily reconciled the King of France to the Apostolick See and afterwards indeavoured to reconcile the two Kings by making such a peace as might conduce to the establishing of universal quiet in Christendom To this purpose having first wisely
the first into Holland the truest and most intrinsecal end whereof was that he might have a share in what was to be done and specially to cause jealousie in the Spaniards and by this means to induce them to make use of him and to make him Arbitrator in the differences The King of France was then in his chiefest greatness and prosperity and enjoying his Kingdom in perfect peace and honour after having arrived thereat through many difficulties all which he had overcome with incredible constancy and valour He considered the Affairs in Flanders after several manners on one side he could have wished that the war might continue and that thereby the affairs of Spain might still be impaired even till at last they might lose whole Flanders On the other side he saw himself well stricken in years his children very young and that in case he should fail fresh troubles might in a short time arise in his Kingdom which might chiefly be fomented by the Spanish Forces of Flanders that the disorders of those Forces were not so many but that if the war should continue very necessity would force them to finde out a remedy nor the danger of their losses such as might not be evaded by the power of so great a Monarch which made him desire to see Flanders without war and the Spaniards without Forces so near at hand Neither did he like that the United Provinces who were already become so formidable at Sea might by their growing too great be as dreadful at Land For the Hereticks of his Kingdom could from no part else be better fomented to rebel The King amidst these various considerations had his eye fixt upon these passages of Flanders and because his authority was very great in the United Provinces he beleeved they would never come to any accommodation with the Spaniards without his consent At the first he seemed to be averse to the affairs in hand though to say truth he did not well know what he had best to do but he did this of purpose to enforce the Spaniards to put the Negotiations into his hands Great dexterity and cunning was requisite to the leading on of these designs He therefore chose for this so important affair the President Jannine a man of great experience and abilities and one who was then chieflyest employed by him in State affairs He sent Mr. de Rosse along with Jannine who was then extraordinary Ambassador into Flanders to continue afterwards his ordinary Ambassador in the United Provinces Having both of them exercised their Offices in the entrance into the affairs spoken of they stayed in Holland Jannine did diligently observe the whole carriages and wrought himself every day more and more into the affairs which still increased the jealousie of the King of Spain and the Arch-dukes who then began to see clearly that it behoved them to have recourse to the King of France his mediation who already had complained to the Commissary General in his return to Flanders that the King of Spain and the Arch-dukes had proceeded so far without his knowledge in the aforesaid business Almost the like passions and artifices appeared in James the first King of England who was newly come to that Crown The same reasons appeared in him for desiring the continuance of the war in Flanders as did in the King of France for the King of England being strong at Sea and confiding in the strength of all his Kingdoms situation as also in the conformity of his ends with those of the United Provinces in favouring heresie he could not much fear their Forces though they should grow greater He was the more secure likewise by having Flushing and the Ramechins in Zealand and the Brill in Holland Sea Towns of great importance in his hands as pawned for monies lent by Queen Elizabeth to the United Provinces and for that their chiefest strength consisted in English and Scottish souldiers who were in their Army He foresaw he should have greater cause to be jealous of the Spaniards if being free from the war of Flanders they might endeavour to molest him in any part of his Dominions especially in Ireland an Island which is almost wholly Catholick well-affected to them and much dis-affected to England Out of these reasons it was believed that the King of England desired the war in Flanders might continue But being a great lover of Quiet and much given to Hunting and to his Book and wholly fixt in warring by writings with the Church it was therefore judged he would not at last shew himself totally averse to see the affairs of Flanders in some sort pacified To boot that not being able for scarcity of Monies to give any considerable succour to the United Provinces his power would be but small in perswading or counselling the continuance of war since he could not much assist it by his Forces Yet it very much imported those Provinces to preserve his friendship were it onely that they might raise souldiers out of his Kingdom Wherefore they entertained his Ambassadors which were sent into Holland at the beginning of this Negotiation with very much respect and treated with them with all confidency The King of Englands end in sending of them was almost the same as was that of the King of France To wit that he likewise would have a share in the business which was in hand and to enforce the Spaniards to make use of him likewise therein The King of Denmark sent likewise Ambassadors to Holland as also the Prince Elector Palatin the Elector of Brandenburgh the Lantgrave of Hesse and other German Heretick Princes who all of them seemed to shew their good affections towards the united Provinces in so important an occasion These businesses which were thus begun grew very hot in Holland every thing was in motion and great was the expectation what the united Provinces would resolve as well touching the second ratification come from Spain as also whether they would continue or break the Treaty But of all others Count Maurice of Nassaws thoughts were most busied at this time His father the Prince of Orange being dead he being yet but a youth of sixteen years of age had got into all his fathers Military and Civil employments with the great good will and approbation of the united Provinces And encreasing no less in valour then in years after so many enterprises and prosperous successes his authority grew daily greater amongst them He had won it by arms and he thought he could best preserve it by arms And by means of the publick trouble of war he hoped some favourable conjuncture might the easilier be opened unto him of making himself one day Prince of those Provinces It is not to be doubted but that his ambition carried him thus high for his Father was very near attaining thereunto and his own deserts being added to his Fathers his hopes ought rather to be augmented then diminished To boot with the Supreme Government of the Army he had
discuss affairs with an intention to come to a perpetual peace if it were possible The Vnited Provinces offered one Article in the first place wherein they pretended that the King of Spain and the Arch-dukes should acknowledge them to be absolutely Free States and should at large renounce all right or claim which might be pretended unto by them or any of their successors to or over those Provinces with an obligation not to make use of their Arms or Titles or whatsoever other appearance This last addition appeared too arrogant to the Catholick Deputies who complained very much thereof to the Ambassadors of France and England with whom from the beginning they had had communication in what concerned the Treaty alleadging That it was an usual thing amongst Princes still to retain the Title of States or Kingdoms though they were lost or but pretended to whereof there was examples in the greatest Kings of Christendom That the Catholick King stiled himself King of Hierusalem and Duke of Burgony the King of France King of Navar and that the King of England did still keep the Title of King of France That the Vnited Provinces would be they alone who would introduce new Laws in the world and not content to pass from rebellion into liberty would pretend as it were by usurpation to such and so rash advantages in fine that this was a cause common to all Princes and wherein they were all by this one act injured The answer which the Catholick Deputies gave hereunto was that they had no Authority to admit of the Article in manner as was desired That they would acquaint the Arch-dukes therewith and expect their Answer but the Ambassadors thought these their complaints to be artificials they imagined that the Catholick Deputies meant to indear the said renuntiation as much as they might that they might the easilyer induce the Vnited Provinces to give way on their parts in other things in which opinion they were confirmed by the Answer which came from Brussels which was that the Arch-dukes would consent to the Article in the same manner as it was propounded if the Vnited Provinces by acknowledgement of so great a benefit would in lieu thereof abstain from their sayling into the Indies The Vnited Provinces seemed to be as much moved by this answer and their Deputies made equal complaints thereof to the Ambassadors of their Confederate Kings and Princes What do the King of Spain and the Arch-dukes grant said they more then what the Vnited Provinces do already possess that what should be granted by the King and Arch-dukes was nothing but wind and a bare Title whereas if the Vnited Provinces should give over their sailing to the Indies they should deprive themselves of the principal and most important part of their Traffick That they had begun and would continue that their Navigation which by the Laws of Nature and right of Nations is allowed to all men That some other thing might be thought upon which in this point might give reciprocal satisfaction to both sides But that they should exclude themselves from sailing into the Indies was neither to be thought on nor hoped for and why ought not the spoiles of that new world be common to all That it was of that immence vastness as more thereof was undiscovered then discovered as yet and that the right of the occupiers in those parts differed only in the better knowing how to manage what they possess Both parties argued this point touching the East Indies with great stifness and pertenacity nor would the Catholick Deputies ever discede from their first answer At last the Deputies of the United Provinces made three Propositions The first that according to the nature of all peaces Commerce might be free both by sea and land to both parties The second that for the space of seaven years the United Provinces might continue their Navigation to the Indies and that one year before the expiration of those seaven years some new composition might be made The third that upon the insuance of peace and due observation of all things on this side the line the Vnited Provinces might at their own peril continue their Navigation on the other side The Catholick Deputies were not pleased either with the first or the third Propositions Not with the first because it left the Vnited Provinces absolutely free to Traffick in the Indies Not with the third because they saw a peace mixt with hostility was not likely to last They did not appear to be totally averse from the second so as they would now agree that when those seaven years should be ended the United provinces should for ever forbear from their Navigation to the Indies To this their Deputies would by no means consent this point of the Indies was much stood upon and the difficulties thereof inlarged by the particular Company of Merchants in the Vnited Provinces which traffick into those parts The Company was chiefly composed of the Merchants of Amsterdam and of Midleburgh and one was sent in the name of that Company to the Hague to shew how great the gain was which they made by their trafficking in the East Indies and how much the continuation thereof did import in other respects They alleadged that they had already introduced Commerce in sundry parts of those Countries that many were the frienships and confederations which they had established there and that those seas were already frequented by above 150 of their Vessels and by above 8000 of their Mariners and Souldiers that great was the gain of particular men and the advantage no less which the publick received thereby that to keep so many of the baser sort of people imployed who would be alwayes troublesome when at quiet what was it but to purge their Publick of so much ill bloud ready to grow corrupt That the Navigation of the United Provinces into the Indies had already made Lisbon groan that the Merchant Towns of the Portugueses in those parts went to wrack and that their ships were seen to go and come much possest with fear and apprehension and were inforced to be at much greater expence then formerly for they had wont not to be greatly vigilant in that their Voyage not meeting with any contestation save from the seas and wind These and many other considerations were represented by the Company to keep the Vnited Provinces from consenting to the Spaniards demands touching the Indies So as both parties adhering to their opinions nothing was done therein The Catholick Deputies resolved therefore to send Father Neyen into Spain to acquaint the King with what past and particularly to receive Orders for what they should do concerning the Indies having first declared to the other Deputies that they had no Commission to conclude any thing in that business They told them also how that the Commissary should be back within two months whereupon he suddenly took his journey for Spain and I to shun the tedious prolixity of the less important affairs
almost after the same manner he had at this time made also a new League with the united Provinces and though his Authority was nothing near so great with them yet was it such as it might much impede the proceedings of the new Treaty for a long Truce and he had already complained to the Spanish and Flemish Ambassadors who were resident in England that the King of Spain had sent Don Piedro de Tolledo to Paris putting thereby so great an esteem upon the King of France and that he had made no manner of address at all to him For these respects the King of Spain resolved to send likewise Don Fernando Girone who was then in Flanders and who was one of the chiefest Commanders in his Army to the King of England who seemed to be very well satisfied therewith and made large promises to intercede for the continuing of the negotiation in Holland being thereunto perswaded by his natural addiction to peace as also for the aforesaid Reasons Before the Catholick Deputies departed from Holland the Ambassadors of France and England began to set again on foot this new Treaty of a long Truce insomuch as the Ambassadors meeting one day Jannines in the name of both the Kings made this insuing Proposition in the Councel of the States General That both their Kings had alwaies considered the affairs of the United Provinces as their own particular concernment having maintained them all this while as such by their Councels and defended them by their Forces but that the end of War must be Peace That to this purpose the United Provinces had been assisted by both of them and that both of them were therefore much troubled to see the Treaty of Peace which was begun thus broken and that they thinking it howsoever much better for the United Provinces to enjoy a commodious and honorable quiet then to return to the former difficulties and dangers of war were pleased to propound unto them by their Ambassadors joyntly a long Truce instead of Peace That notwithstanding in this Truce in the first place and before all other things it should be declared both by the King of Spain and by the Arch-dukes that it was made with the united Provinces as with free Provinces and States unto which they made no pretence at all and that they should be left Free in point of their Navigation to the Indies That both their Kings did believe that the United Provinces might be content with a Truce which was to bring with it such important advantages for them and not onely these but peradventure some others also That greater difficulties were to be foared on the other part but in case the war were to continue by reason of the Spaniards fault the Forces of the United Provinces would be thereby the more justified and both their Kings still the more obliged to mantain their Cause The States General took time to advice upon the whole with their Provinces The Ambassadors with like conformity applyed themselves to the Catholick Deputies who having lost all hopes of Peace did very much desire to come to some other accommodation or composition so they willingly listned to this new proposal of a long Truce though they thought many difficulties would be met withal in Spain touching the form thereof They promised the Ambassadors notwithstanding to use all the diligence they could to overcome them and having received assurances from the Ambassadors that they would do all good offices for the continuation of the Treaty and especially from Jannines on whose means and authority they did chiefly relye they at last went from the Hague after having been eight months entertained there and went to Brussels The Negotiation of the Truce lying then chiefly on Jannines hand he did all he could to perswade the United Provinces to allow of it in the same manner as had been propounded by him and the English Ambassadors Those Provinces seemed well inclined in general toward the Truce though they wanted not some amongst them who would have had the King of Spain and the Arch-dukes make the same renunciation in the Treaty of Truce as they pretended unto in that of Peace but the wiser and more moderate men amongst them considered that this would be too unjust a pretention due regard being had to the difference between a Truce and a Peace This difficulty proceeded chiefly from Zealand and was Fauter'd by Count Maurice by reason of his abovesaid power in that Province and the almost absolute dependency which Maldereo the particular Deputy of Zealand had upon him Maldereo had been a menual servant of the late Prince of Orange and to say truth the Interest of Zealand did accord with Count Maurice his particular ends for the Traffick and wealth of that Province was greatly increased by the war the choice Marriners who had served and did as yet serve in the voyages to the Indies were likewise Zealanders and next unto Holland certainly this was the chiefest and most considerable of all the United Provinces The same difficulties out of the same reasons were insisted upon by the City of Amsterdam in Holland but it was thought that at last the rest of that Province would prevail over the particular opposition of that City in a favourable acceptation of the Truce which Zealand did still pertenaciously resist And Maldereo very zealous in the cause endeavoured to make those words suspected wherein the King of Spain and the Arch-dukes were to denounce the United Provinces to be Free-States in form abovesaid Whereupon one day that this Clause was treated on he with great fervency broke forth into these words Are we Free-men or still Subjects If we be Free-men why ought we not to be publickly acknowledged for such Shall it depend upon the Spaniards to allow us what sort of liberty they please now that they cannot impose that slavery upon us which they would To wit a liberty more servile then our former servitude since it must depend upon the interpretation of their own words Do not we know what interpretation they have already given to those words Do not we know that they take them in such a sense as doth not take from them any pretended right to our Provinces At this rate we shall get nothing more by this long Truce then what was had in the bare suspension of Arms And yet this Truce shall rather look like a Peace and it may so fall out as by often prolongation it may at last be insensibly turned into the nature of a Peace Then as in the Treaty of Peace we did pretend in the first place That that absolute abnegation should be made by the King of Spain and the Arch-dukes which is now Treated of so ought we still to pretend unto it and in that form which may clearlyest declare our Provinces to be Free and Soveraign Shall not he ackowledge them when all the world Treats with them as such To what corner of the Earth or of the Sea is it that
kinde of clauses instead of making it more clear This form is not onely sufficient but best And if it be not sufficient with the contrary party think you that if the Spaniards would not observe the Truce for some other end of theirs they would ask your opinion first before they would break it And that they would first argue whether they have any right over you or no This is the custom of private suites not of publick Causes The controversies whereof are at last reduced to Field Forces where hee that overcomes hath the right and no account of the victory is given So as you need not care what interpretation the contrary party will give to those words wherewith they do acknowledge you to be free That which imports you is That your people hold themselves to be confest to be free by those words not to be made so And that the Princes your friends understand them in the same sense So as if it be needful to fall to arms again your people may be more ready then ever to reassume them and that your Friends may shew themselves more disposed then ever to favour your cause But it is too well known how much more easie it is to use constancy in troubles then moderation in prosperity Tell me I beseech you those who are the most zealous amongst you when did they ever think that the King of Spain and the Arch-dukes were to condiscend to Treaties so advantagious for your Provinces And will you lose this so happy occasion Shall vain shadows prevail more with you then essential reasons Shall seditious Papers which are every where scattered abroad be of more validity amongst you then the sincere and wise Counsels of two Kings who are so affectionate unto your Cause Now is the time then to resolve upon and to embrace this agreement which is now offered Do you see how the Swissers have fared Take them for your example And by the similitude of their affairs and yours hope for the like success The Swissers took up arms at first against their Princes not being able longer to undergo the grievances of their Government nor were they above two or three Cantons at the beginning and those the weakest amongst them but their People gasping for Liberty and defending it with equal vigor both of body and minde they made invincible oppositions to their Enemies Forces till being unconquerable by the Forces of the other Cantons and the strength of their own Alpester situation their Enemies despaired of ever subjugating them At last they ceased fighting and from tottering agreements they came to a firm and continual peace And who will now dispute the Swissers Liberty Why may not your Provinces hope for the like success The severity of the Spanish Government made Holland and Zealand take up arms at first their People valiantly withstood their Enemies The Sea Rivers and the strength of their Natural situation fought for them your other Provinces came in afterwards unto them and all made such resistance to the contrary Forces as there is not any example to be had of so long a war The successes have been various but at last they have proved so propitious to you as a Treaty of accommodation was sought for by your Enemies and now we are upon the point of a long Truce which if it succeed will doubtlesly prove very advantageous for your affairs and will easily be hereafter renewed upon the same advantages or turned into a perpetual peace which may prove yet better for you That which I have hitherto said seems to me to be sufficiently clear In fine there will be no doubt of your liberty by this Clause which is propounded Nor is it less to be doubted that a Truce will be more advantageous for you then unnecessitated to subject your selves to the uncertain events of a new war Fortune is generally seen to have too great a sway in war and that mocking at humane arrogancy she too often makes the more powerful give way unto the weaker and losses insue where victories were expected To witness which and pass by so many other examples What more memorable president can you have thereof then what so lately befell here before your own eyes in the Arch-dukes own person at Newport Where instead of being Victor as it was assuredly hoped he was overcom wounded and very near being taken prisoner By means of this Truce you will escape so many and so-dangerous uncertainties of war you will in the interim establish your Government the better you will ease your people of their disbursements you will continue your former Traffick into the Indies and you shall finally see an end of those hateful titles of Perfidiousness and Rebellion which hath hitherto been given by a great many in the world to your motions and proceedings in arms And who can doubt but that your Provinces will hereafter willingly concur in such expences as shall be needful since they will be so easie in comparison of what they have been And so much the more willingly by how much men do more naturally desire to enjoy quiet then to live in troubles and by how much liberty is the sweeter after having made tryal of servitude And surely it is to be believed that those to whom the Government of your people shall be committed will use the same care and vigilancy in the administration of publick affairs in time of Truce as they have prudently done hitherto in the time of war their chiefest care will be still more to establish the present concord which is the soul which gives life unto the body and the heart which maintains it and hence proceeds that miraculous temper which of many makes but one and of but one many but yet such as whether they be severed or conjoyned do alwaies conspire to the same end Thus your affairs being well ordered within your selves you shall have little need to fear forraign dangers and thus your Truce being at last turned into peace as 't is to be hoped it will be my King shall see the same success in your affairs as he hath seen in his own and whereby his Kingdom is now made happy to wit after war peace after troubles rest and after the sacking and burning of Towns and all the other miseries of Arms the commodity security and felicity of quiet and peace The Majesty and presence of the King of France himself seemed to break forth in the President Jannines countenance and words He afterwards gave what he had spoken more fully in writing to the end that the People might come to the better knowledge thereof and that they might the easilyer effect the agreement which was in Treaty The like offices were done by the Ambassadors of England and to overcome fully the pertenacy of the Zealanders it was resolved that Deputies should be sent into Zealand in the name of the six other Provinces to induce that Province to conformity with the rest which after muc difficulty was
at last effected and all of them concurring now in the same resolution the Ambassadors began again to labour to overcome the difficulties in dispute Continual correspondency was had by Letters between Jannines and Richardotto so as the Negotiation of what was needful past between them but the King of Spain needed no less labouring to be brought to give way to the Truce news was sent to the King of Spain of the Proposition made by the Ambassadors of France and England and of the new Negotiation introduced by their means The King would have been well enough pleased with the Truce had it been according to usual form and all things left in the same terms on both sides as they were at present but to declare the United Provinces to be altogether free and to suffer them in express words to traffick in the Indies seemed to put too great a difference between the present Treaty and ordinary Truces yet 't was seen that 't was impossible ever to come to any accomodation without this Declaration of Liberty and that if the United Provinces had stood so absolutely upon it before they would be brought to a bare suspention of Arms for a few months they would now be much more resolute in it in a Truce which was to endure for many years The Arch-dukes who saw the difficulties and dangers of the war in case it should be continued at a nearer distance were easilyer induced to give way to the Proposal made by the Ambassadors and Jannines both by word of mouth and by Letters had endeavoured to perswade the Catholick Deputies that to declare they made Truce with the United Provinces as with free Provinces and States unto which the King and the Arch-dukes made no pretence at all did not any waies prejudice the right which the King or Arch-dukes might pretend to have over them He had shewed how that it was a general Declaration that the word as bore with it a sense of similitude and not of propriety That in the declaring of one mans being friends with another 't was never said I hold him as a friend that the adding in the last words not to pretend unto any thing had reference to the ambiguity of the former words And finally that such a Declaration could not admit of any interpretation save onely during the time of the Truce That then the King and the Arch-dukes ought to be content to make it since it was involved in words which might satisfie both parties First The unskilful multitude of the Vnited Provinces for the outward appearance of their pretended Liberty then the King and the Arch-dukes for the true substance which was retained in them of leaving their former right still unhurt Then opening himself more freely Jannines said My King in such a case would not make any difficulty in granting this Declaration for if the Vnited Provinces when they shall betake themselves to Arms shall not have better Canons and Muskets words and interpretations will avail them but little In this manner and by these wary and wily waies Jannines as a good mediator endeavoured to draw both sides to a Truce to which the Arch-dukes were easily perswaded and endeavoured to bring the King to be so likewise shewing that by this neither they nor the King should do any thing more then what was yeilded unto at the first suspension of Arms much repugnancy did notwithstanding appear in the King 'T was thought in Spain that the Clause wherewith the Vnited Provinces were to be declared Free States though it were limited vvould generally be interpreted in savour of their Liberty and that vvhen they should have got their desires in that behalf the King vvould not obtain leave for the exercise of the Catholick Religion in their Country vvhich he vvas resolved to have by vvay of interchange and moreover if the Article concerning the Indies should be condiscended unto how much would the King be thereby damnified How much reputation would he thereby lose To which difficulties the Archdukes replyed shewing that when the King resolved to have the abovesaid requital 't was onely to be understood if the peace should be concluded and that the King and the Arch-dukes having absolutely renounced all their right the Vnited Provinces were absolutely free that the present Negotiation of the Truce did differ very much by which the King nor the Arch-dukes could not lose any piece of their former right that it was not to be doubted but that a clause so general and so limitated would be interpreted rather in favour of them then of the contrary party That the Ambassadors themselves thought so as also divers of the Inhabitants of the Vnited Provinces who were against the Truce as that which would be no whit more advantagious for them then was the bare suspension of Arms. And as for the point of the Indies they seemed to have hopes to end it so as it should be no considerable prejudice to the King These reasons were not taken as fully satisfactory in Spain but on the other side the King did very much desire the Truce and that the so great and so unnecessary expences of Flanders should cease The Duke of Lerma was then in great authority with the King and having gotten the sole power over the King by such arts as were available in peace he was unwilling to share it with them who might gain it by such means as war affords which made him from the very beginning very earnest in endeavouring the Negotiation and he did now no less labour that it might come to some good event of agreement the same desires were known to be in the Arch-duke who therefore resolved to send his Confessor to the Court of Spain to answer all the difficulties which were insisted on in Spain the which was thought necessary also to put an end to so long a Negotiation wherein above two years had already been spent which had so tyred the two mediating Kings as they began already to protest that they would meddle no more therein if it were not all the more speedily ended Father Inico di Brazuela of the Order of the Dominicans was the Arch-dukes Confessor a very learned and upright man and one who had been long experienced in the affairs of Flanders so as men hoped well of him and of his fidelity that he might reconcile affairs with the King and State-Officers he being a Spaniard a Votary and of a very noble Family and commendable life He was particularly to take all scruples from the King in the point of pretending by way of interchange the exercise of the Catholick profession in the time of Truce whereof he was to press the necessity even for the cause of Religion it self By representing That if they should return to Arms again manifest hazard would yet be run of losing more then formerly on the King and the Arch-Dukes behalf in Flanders and consequenly of quite losing the Catholick Religion in the yet obedient Provinces instead of