Philip. Alexander the great Philips wise and â—wâ—reâ— Complaints of diuers people against the Etoliens Warre concluded against the Etoliens The Amphictions Scope chosen Head of the Etoliens Phebidius Enuy the cause of great mischiefe The difference betwixt a priuate and publique iniury The commendation of the Acarnanians Answeres toâ— Embassadours The blame of the Epirotes The Messeniens alwayes friends to the Arcadiâ—ns and Enemies to the Lacedemonians Aristocrates Machate sent Embassadour from the Etoliens to the Lacedemonians Carixeneâ— Timee The murther of the Lacedemonian Gouernours by the young men A league made betweene the Lacedemonians and Etoliens The power of clemoncie in Princes Licurgus chosen King Marchate preuailes in his enterprize Townes taken in Argos by Licurgus Philips Army The scituation of Constantinople The circuit of the Pontique Sea Bosphorus Cimeriques Two causes why the black Sea and the Pontique run continually The Danowe The shelfes in the Sea King Darius The refuge of Europe The Country of the Oxe Chrysopolis The commodities of Constantinople by the Sea of Abydos and Sestes The continuall Warre of the Constantinopolitains with the Thracians Brennus Chiefe of the Gaules The Thracians vanquished by the Gaules An absolute defeate of the â—aules Empire A Tole imposed vpon those that failed into the Blacke Sea by Constantinople Mecatondore Olympiodore Prusias Attalus and Achens The meanes of Acheus raigne Acheus causeth himselfe to be called King Fanum taken by Prusias from the Constantinopolitains An Embassie sent by the Rhodiens to Ptolomy The Death of Thibete Canare King of the Gaules An accord betwixt the Constantinopotitans and the Rhodiens An accord made with Prusias Candy in a manner reduced all vnder the obedience of the Gnosiens and Gortiniens The Lyciens Towne razed and burnt Plator chiefe of the Sclauonians Mithridates The Rhodiens succour the Synopenses The Scituation of Synope Alexander Dorimache Egyrus Oeanthy The scituation of Egire Egire surprized by the Etoâ—â—ens An assault giuen by Dorimache to the Fort of Egire The Etoliens defeated by the Egirates Alexander slaine Dorimache smothered Micchus defeated The Castle of Mure taken by Euripides Athence taken by Licurgus The scituation â—f Ambracia Scope makes an incursion into Macâ—dony Ambracia taken by Philip. The Gulfe of Ambracia Poetia taken by Composition Fifteene hundred Etoliens defeated byâ— Philip. Metropolis taken and burnt An assembly of the â—rolient to keepe the passage of a Riuer Ithoria very strong Peania taken by assault Philip fortifios the Fort of the Eniâ—des The retreate of the Dardâ—â—iant without doing any thing Dorimache chosen Generall of the Etoliens The retreate of Euripides from Sâ—ymphallâ— The Mountaine of Apeâ—ure Thy flight of Euripides A defeate of the Etoliens Arate ioynes with Philip. The scituation of Psophis The Riuer of Erimanthe A sally of the Elienses vpon the Macedonians Psophâ— taken by assault A composition made betweene the Citizens of Psophis and Philip. Philip giues forces to the Acheins Lâ—ssion taken Straton Thalame Thalame yeelds Appelles Tutor to Philip. The malicious policy of Appelles The Nature of Philip. Succours sent to the Elienses by Dorimache The scituation of Triphalia and iâ—â— Townes The scituation of Alphira The Image of Minerua Philip assailes Alphira The Typaneatâ—s yee le vnto Philip. The Phialences yâ—eld to Philip. The 〈◊〉 of the Lâ—preates against the Etoiens 〈◊〉 yeelded to Philip. Townes which yeeld to Philip. Chylon The Lacedemonian Magistratâ— slaine by Câ—ylon The Lacedemonians were vnfortunate after they had left the Lawes of Licurgus Appelles persists in his enterprize Eperate chosen chiefe of the Acheins The Castle of Mur yeilded to Philip. The slander of Appelles The accusation of Appelles against Arate the Acheins The Answere of Arate Taurion dispossest of the gouernment of Morea The conditions of Courtiers Alexandeâ— Chamberlaine to King Antigâ—nus Eperate Chiefe of the Acheins and Dorimachâ— of the Etoliens Mony Corne deliuered to Philip by the Acheins The naâ—ure of the Macedonians The Conspiracy of Appelles and 〈◊〉 The forces which Philip left at Dyme The scituation of Cephalenâ—â—a Leonce Trayâ—our to Philip. Embassadours sent to Philip from the Messeniens and Acarnaniens The Riuer of Acheloe Methape taken by Philip. The order which Philip held to passe the streights of Therme Therme spoyled by the Macedonians The prudence of Antigonus towards the Lacedemonians The â—urtesie of Philip the father of Alexander to the Athenians Alexander the Great The blame of Philip. The Lawes of Warre The practise of a Tyrant The Duty of a King To vanquish an enemy by mildnesse The Etoliens charge Philips Rearward Paphia burriâ— Methape razed by Philip. The Etoliens made a sally out of Strate Megalee and Leonce doe outrage to Arate Megalee and Crinon condemned by the King in 12000. Crownes The condemnation of Magalee and Crinon Licurgus takes the Towne of Elea. Philip comes to Corinthe Menelaie Amycle The great diligence of Philip. The scituation of Amycle The Temple of Apollo The Port of Gythia The Castle of Olympes The Messeniens surprized by Licurgus Philip parts from Elia spoiling all as hee passeth The Riuer of Erota The â—light of the Lacedemonians Embassadours from Rhodes to Chios A mutiny against philip and his men Leonce and his Faction retired to Appelles The misery of Courtiers The flight of Megalee The taking of Leonce Appelles taken Prisoner Megalee kills himselfe The death of Appelles and his Sonne Philip sailes to Corinthe The flight of Licurgus into Etolia The Mountain Panachaique Old Arate made Chiefe of the Acheins The Auâ—houâ—s good intention An order required in all things Ptolomy King of Egypt The enterprize of Cleomenes vpon Ptolomy An Army neere vnto Ephesus Mega Beronice Archidamusâ—layne â—layne by Cleomenes Nicagorus 〈◊〉 seth Cleomenes Cleomenes taken Prisoner and put in Guard The bold enterprize of Cleomenes Ptolomyâ—layne â—layne by Cleomenes TheÌ„odote Antiochus Soâ— to Seleucus The Speech of Hermes against Epigene Antiochus marries Lâ—â—dicea Molâ—n goes to field with an Army The Scituation of Media Liban Antiliâ—ban The Towne of Brâ—chesâ— The Retreate of Molon Xenoete his Army defeated and spoyled A mutiny in Antiochus his Campe. The practise of Molon against â—pigene Antiochus puts his Army in Battaile The order of Molons battaile The death of Molon Molon Crusâ—câ—fled Antiochus goes against Artabazanes Antiochus hath a Soâ—ne Artabazaâ—es makes an accord with Antiochâ—â— Apolâ—phanes aduice to Antiochus Apolophanes aduiâ—â— to â—nâ—iochus Ptolomy the Bâ—nefactor The scituation of Seâ—euciâ— Antiochus corrupts the Captaines of Seleuoia Seleucia assaulted The Towne of Brocâ—es besieged Tyrus and ptâ—lâ—mais taken The policy of Agathocles and Sosibius An Army raised by Ptoâ—omy The distribution of Ptolomes Army to his Captaines An Embassie sent from Antiochus to Ptolomy Reasons of the warre propounded by Antiochus Thâ— answer of Ptolomes Embassadours to Antiochus A leuie of Armies by Antiochus and Ptolomy Embassâ—dours from the Arcadiâ—ns to Antiochus Antiochus his Army diuided into three A Combat at Sea and Land Diuers Townes taken by Antiocâ—us
the greatest part but also a comfoâ—t and assistant This trouble grew when as the Romans made Warre against the Celtiberâ—ans and the Carthaginians against Massinissa King of Lybia and what time Attaâ—us and Prusias were at Warre in Asia And then Ariarate King of Capadocia expell'd his Realme by Roferne by the meanes of Demetrius was soone after restored by him But Demetrius the Sonne of Seleucus lost his Realme and life by the conspiracy of other Kings after hee had held Syria twelue yeeres And the Romans restored the Grecians to their Citties whom they had charged to bee the Authours of the Persian Warre after they had accepted the excuse of their innocency Soone after they made Warre against the Carthaginians for the causes which wee will specifie so as they resolued first to transport them and afterwards wholly to ruine them And for that the Macedonians abandoned the part of the Romans and the Lacedemonians the Common weale of the Acheins there followed the vtter ruine and destruction of all Greece This shall serue for the Preamble of our Worke. I haue neede of the fauour of Fortune to the end that by the meanes of life I may finish this my resolution although I hold it for certaine that if a long life should faile mee yet there would bee alwayes some one found among so great a multitude of wise and learned men that would finish our Worke and endeuour to bring vnto perfection that which suddaine Death might hinder and preuent in vs. As wee haue related at large the deeds which seeme most memorable desiring that our whole worke might bee knowne to the Reader as well in generall as perticular it is now time vnto the declaration of our designe The greatest part of those which haue written the deeds of Hannibal desiring to shew the cause of the Warre which kindled betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians say that the siege of Sagonte was the first and the second that contrary to the accord made with the Romans they had past the Riuer of Ebro For my part I am of opinion that these were the beginnings but not the causes for there is a great difference betwixt the causes and beginning of things vnlesse some will say that the Voyage of Alexander the great into Asia hath beene the cause of the Warre which he made against the Persians Or that the descent which Antiochus made at Demetriade hath beene the cause of that which was begun against the Romans the which is neither true nor likely But what man is so much blinded with ignorance that will affirme and maintaine that the preparations which were made partly by Alexander and partly by Phillip in his life time for the Warre of Persia Or by the Etoliens to make Warre against the Romans before the comming of Antiochus hath beene the causes of the Warre These are the opinions of men who doe not obserue how much the beginnings and the cause differ and that the causes in all things are the first and the beginning are the end of causes I am of opinion that the beginnings are called the first workes of things which are resolued and concluded and that the causes are those which preceed the decree and resolution and makes vs so to iudge as are the thoughts the aduices the discourses of reason and such other things This will be apparent for that which followes For it will be easie for any man to see for what cause the Warre of Persia was made and whence the beginning came The first was the returne of the Grecians with Xenophon into their Countrey by infinite fierce and barbarous Nations where not any one durst make head against him in so long a Voyage The second hath beene the Voyage of Agesilaus King of Lacedemonia into Asia by Sea Where hauing found nothing answerable to his forces nor that presented it selfe hee was forced to returne into Greece for the troubles which were kindled there as if he had triumphed ouer the Barbarians For which causes Phillip King of Macedon hauing experience of the basenesse and sloth of the Persians and relying vpon the readinesse of the Macedonians in matters of War being likewise drawne with the hope of great gaine he prepared Warre against them with all his forces as soone as he found himselfe assured of the amity and friendship of the Grecians taking his occasion that the Persians had vsed great cruelty against them And therefore wee must say that the causes of this Warre are those which wee haue first related and the occasions are those whereof we now speake and the beginning was Alexanders Voiage by Sea into Asia And in that which was made against the Romans vnder the conduct of Antiochus the wrath and indignation of the Etoliens was the cause You must vnderstand that for the opinion which they had conceiued that the Romans made no accompt of them as long as the Warre of Phillip continued they not onely called Antiochus vnto their Succours but also resolued to put all in hazard so great their spleene and fury was for that which was past It is true the liberty of Greece was the occasion vnder hope whereof they laboured by all meanes to draw the neighbour Citties to their Enterprize But the beginning of the Warre was the Voyage to Sea of Antiochus to Demetriade Wee haue beene tedious in this Discourse not to blame any one of the auncient Historiographers but for the profit of those which haue a desire to learne For as Phisitians cannot cure their Patients if they haue not knowledge of the causes of the Diseases wherewith they are troubled So they which treate of Histories are altogether vnprofitable if the reason of the place of the time with the causes and occasions bee not knowne There is therefore nothing more necessary nor more to be desired than to know the causes of all things that happen For opportunity doth many times rectifie great affaires and it is easie to preuent their beginnings It is true that Fabius a Roman Historiographer faith that the cruelty and inhumanity of Hannibal towards the Sagontins and the ambition and insatiable desire of Rule in Asdrubal haue beene the causes of the Warre betwixt the Romans and Hannibal Generall of the Carthaginians Then hee sayth that he had much augmented the Carthaginians Empire in Spaine and that being returned to Carthage hee sought to tirannize the Common-wealth and to ouerthrow their Lawes The which the chiefe men discouering they opposed themselues against Asdrubal Wherefore leauing Affricke in a rage hee returned presently into Spaine and afterwards mannaged the affaires according to his owne fancy and without the authority of the Senate of Carthage Moreouer he saith that Hannibal who from his youth had beene at the Warre vnder him was of the same enterprize and therefore after he was Lord of Spaine hee followed the courses of Asdrubal So as this Warre which was made against the Romans was begun by
as they which were lightly armed which had beene sent to succour them met with them that fled they were forced to doe the like being amazed with this new accident and partly broken by them that fled So as the defeate was but of fiue hundred whereas the â—light was of aboue two thousand The Etoliens seeing plainely what they had to doe pursued the Acheins with cries and ioy Who thinking to finde their men in Battaile where they had left them retired to Arate And therefore their flight in the beginning was honest and for their safety But when as they saw them dislodge and to come by files and in disorder then some flying here and there sought for their safety others marching directly to their owne men disordred one another without any Enemy Finally they all flie and saue themselues in the neighbour Townâ—s for Orchomenes and Caphies were not farre off otherwise they had beene all taken or slaine that day Thus the Acheins were defeated neere vnto Caphies The Megalopolitains being aduertised that the Etoliens had planted their Campe neere vnto Methydrie they assembled all with one consent and went to Field three dayes after the Battaile to succour the Acheins but they were forced to bury those with whom they did hope to fight against the Enemy And therefore they made a great Ditch wherein they put all the dead Bodies and performed their obsequies after the manner of the Countrey The Etoliens being Victors past through Mroea without feare of danger At what time after they had sought diuers wayes to gaine the Pellenesiens and had ruined the Country of the Sicyoniens in the end they retired by the streight of the Isthmus These were the cause of the warre of the Allies whereof wee haue formerly spoken whereof the beginning was by a Decree which was afterwards made among the Allies and confirmed at Corinthe where they were all assembled for that cause Philip King of Macedon consenting thereunto Some few dayes after the Acheins being assembled they blamed Arate both in publique and priuate as if he had beene the cause of this defeat and losse and the Commons were the more inflamed for that the Enemies league made it to seeme greater First it seemed hee had committed a great fault to haue seazed vpon the Magistracie before his time and to haue made enterprizes doing another mans office wherein hee had many times before beene vnfortunate But it seemed hee had done worse dissoluing the Acheins Army the Etolien Commaunders being still in the midst of Morea Thirdly that being ill accompanied he had giuen Battaile without force considering that hee might easily haue retired to the Neighbour Townes vntill the Acheins had made a new head and then giue Battaile if he had thought it fit Finally that hee had carried himselfe so inconsiderately that in leauing the Plaines where without doubt his Men had beene the stronger he had assailed the Enemie in the Mountaines with Souldiers lightly armed whereby the Etoliens could haue no greater aduantage Yet suddainly when as Arate was returned and 〈◊〉 into the assembly and that he began to deliuer the things which he had formerly done for the publique good and had made knowne the causes of the last Defeat and giuen them to vnderstand that he was not the cause thereof as his Enemies had falsly slaundred him and that finally hee would haue craued pardon letting them know that if hee had commited any fault the Acheins should not consider the euent of things so bitterly nor with such rigour but with fauour and mildnesse the opinion of the Commons was suddainly so changed as where before they seem'd to be wonderfully incensed against Arate they sodainly turned their choller against his ill-willers so as from that time they followed the Councell and opinion of Arate These things happened in the hundred and nine and thirtieth Olympiade and those which follow in the hundred and fortieth It was then resolued by the Acheins to send Embassies to the Epirotes Peociens Phocenses Acarnaniens and to Philip King of Macedon to let them vnderstand that the Etoliens had entred twice into Acheia contrary to the former accords and likewise to demaund succours according to the league and moreouer that the Messeniens might bee receiued and that the chiefe of the Acheins might leauie fiue thousand Foote and fiue hundred Horse and succour the Messeniens if the Etoliens did reassaile them Finally that he might agree with the Lacedemnians and Messeniens touching the number of Foote and Horse which they should keepe ready for the common affaires of the league After these things thus resolued the Achiens stomacking the Defeate whereof we haue spoken did not forget the Messeniens affaires nor their resolution The Embassadours execute their charge diligently The chiefe likewise assemble the youth as it had beene decreed and agree with the Lacedemonians and Messeniens that either of them should furnish two thousand fiue hundred Foote and two hundred and fifty Horse to the end that the whole might amount to ten thousand Foote and a thousand Horse The time being come when as the Etoliens were to hold their Diet they assembled the Commons and consulted how to make a peace with the Lacedemonians and Messeniens and with other people their neighbours being forced partly by pouerty and partly weakned by the Acheins Allies As for the Acheins they resolued to contract with them if they would leaue the Alliance of the Messeniens But if they would hold it still they were of aduice to make Warre against them which was a most idle and sencelesse thing For being allied to the Acheins aud Messeniens they declared Warre against the Acheins if they contracted any Friendship or alliance with the Messeniens and contrariwise a peace was confirmed if they held them for their Enemies And therefore their villany could not take place by reason of the contrariety of their subtill inuention The Epirotes and Philip hauing heard the Embassadours charge receiued the Messeniens into the league and although they disliked the outrages of the Etoliens yet it seemed they made no great accompt of it for that they had done no new action considering they had beene accustomed to such things Wherefore they willingly continued a peace with them Thus sometimes outrages growne old and continued are sooner pardoned then those of new date The Etoliens vsing this course of life in ruining Greece by their incursions and making Warre many times before they declared it did not vouchsafe to answer to the complaints Many times also they made no accompt and mockt at those which demanded satisfaction for those things which they had done or would doe And although that the Lacedemonians had beene lately restored to liberty by Antigonus by meanes of the Acheins hauing promised to Philip and the Macedonians not to attempt any thing against them yet they sent an Embassie secretly to the Etoliens and confirmed friendship and alliance with them When as the
affection renuing that ancient Friendship which they had held with his Predecessours At that time the day of the Election was come and the Etoliens had made choice of Scope for their Captaine who had beene the first Author of the former alterations Wherevpon I know not what to say for a warre mannaged by a common consent a spoile committed by souldiers vpon al their neighbours not to punish such crimes to aduance and honour the Captaines and Heads of such actions seemes to mee an absolute villany For how can wee otherwise call this kind of Malice That which I say is manifest herein When as Phebidius had violated the Cadmian league the Lacedemonians punished the Authour of the Crime yet they did not with-draw their Garrisons as on the other side it is fit to make satisfaction for the vniust wrongs committed The Thebains did otherwise For when as by a publique edict they had restored the Townes to their liberty and to their owne Lawes according to the Antalcidan peace yet they did not depriue the Magistrates And when as hauing a league with the Mantiniens they had ruined them they said they had done them no wrong for that they had transported them from one Towne into many Hee is simple and accompanied with Malice who shutting his owne eyes thinkes he is not seene Beleeue me Enuy hath beene a great occasion of the mischiefe of these two Citties the which no man of iudgement should follow in his priuate or publique affaires But when as Philip had receiued money from the Acheins hee retired into Macedony with his Army to leuie men and to make necessary preparations for the Warre Finally hee left a great hope of Clemency not onely in the Allies but throughout all Greece for the conclusion which was generally confirmed These things were done at such time as Hannibal chiefe of the Carthaginians besieged Sagont after that he had conquered all beyond the Riuer of Ebâ—o If then the beginning of Hannibals actions fall out at the same time with those of Greece it is apparent that we haue not vnaduisedly related his vallour in the last Booke considering that wee follow the order of time And for that the Affaires of Italy Greece and Asia had their proper beginnings and their common-ends it hath beene necessary to make a particular relation of either of them vntill wee come vnto the time when the said affaires being intermixt together haue begun to draw vnto the same end By this meanes the relation of euery part is more manifest and the vniting of all more plaine You must vnderstand that they were intermixt and turned to the same end in the third yeare of the hundred and fortieth Olympiade Wherefore we will relate in common that which followed As for that which was before this time we haue deliuered it in particular euery thing in its place in the last Booke to the end that the time should not only follow but there should be an vnion of all things Philip wintring in Macedony made a new leuie of men and necessary prouisions for the Warre he fortified the Townes against the attempt of the Barbarians which dwelt about Sparta Afterwards he went to Scardilaide with whom hee made a league promising him aide and succours to pacifie the affaires of Sclauonia and in blaming the Etoliens he perswaded him to what he would For a priuate iniury doth not differ from a publique but by the number and greatnesse of things which happen It is also an ordinary thing that the alliance of wicked men is easily broken if Equity and Iustice bee not obserued The which happened at that time to the Etoliens You must vnderstand that when as they had compounded with Scerdilaide that the Booty should bee equally diuided if hee would fall vpon the Acheins with them who giuing credit to their words marcht with them to Cynethe where after the taking and razing thereof the Etoliens carried away great store of Gold and a great number of Cattell diuiding the Booty among themselues whereof they did frustrate Scerdilaide Wherefore he grew into choller and indignation and when as Philip put him in minde thereof hee suddainly confirmed the alliance vnder these Conditions that he should haue twelue thousand Crownes yearely and should saile with thirty ships making Warre by Sea against the Etoliens Behold the things with such like which Philip contriued In the meane time the Embassadours sent vnto the Allies arriued first in Acarnania whereas letting them vnderstand what they were enioyned they presently and freely confirme what had beene decreed and make Warre against the Etoliens although they had beene to bee pardoned if they had forborne longer then the rest considering that for their neighbourhood they seemed to haue iust cause of feare and that they had formerly had experience of what consequence the hatred of the Etoliens was vnto them and for that they alone might be ruined It is true and I am of opinion that honest men and such as respect their honour should hold nothing more deare then to giue order that their duty may in no sort be forgotten the which the Acarnanians haue alwayes obserued aboue all the Greclans although they had but a small beginning whereby it follows that no man should forbeare to make this people a Companion in his affaires for they haue naturally something in them that is generous and noble and desirous of liberty The Epirotes on the other side after they had heard what the Embassadours had in charge they allowed of the resolution Yet they made answere that they would not make War against the Etoliens before they were aduertised that Philip had begun it And afterwards they made answer to an Embassie of the Etoliens that they had decreed to maintaine peace with them shewing themselues in such affaires fearefull and inconstant For they sent Embassadours vnto King Ptolomy to intreate him not to furnish the Etoliens against Philip and his Allies with money victuals or any other succours But the Messeniens for whose cause this Warre was kindled answered the Embassadours that they would not make Warre against the Etoliens before they had recouered by the meanes of their Allies the Towne of Phigalea scituated in the Mountaines which then the Etoliens detained from them vniustly Which aduice was giuen by Oenes and Nicippus Gouernours of the Towne with the consent of some of the principall notwithstanding that the Commons opposed Wherein I conceiue they vnderstood not their Duty nor the profit of their Common-wealth I am of opinion that we should flie and auoide Warre but not in such sort that wee should choose to endure and suffer all things rather then to enter into it But why should wee commend an equality in a Common-wealth or Faith or the name of liberty which is so pleasing if there were any thing to be preferr'd to peace I doe not commend the 〈◊〉 who in the time of the Warre of Media made choice of
Romans were vanquished and defeated neere vnto Cannes by the Carthaginians For there wee haue left the actions of Italy and haue written in this Booke and the precedent the proceeding of the same time in Greece and Asia The Warre being ended when the Acheins had made choice of Tymoxines for their head and Gouernour resuming their ancient kind of liuing they gaue order by little and little for their Common-wealth The like did the other Cities of Morea So as they laboured their lands and restored their Games and Sacrifices to the Gods All which things were in a manner forgotten by reason of the continuall warre It is certaine that as they of Morea among all other men are inclined to a milde and curteous kind of life the which in precedent times they did not enioy Being as Euripides saith alwaies tormented by their neighbours and without rest Yet it seemeth reasonable for for all they which tend to a Principallity and haue their liberty in recommendation haue continuall quarrels amongst them they tending to a superintendency The Athenians freed from the feare of the Macedonians seemed to liue in great Liberty but following the besenesse of their Commaunders Euriclides and Micion they payed Tribute in a manner to all Kings and namely to Ptolomy who soone after that time made Warre against the Egyptians For as hee had beene assisted in the Warre against Antiochus they presently abandoned him For that growne proud with the Battaile giuen neere vnto Raphia they would no more obey the King seeking only a Commaunder as if they had beene able of themselues to mannage the Warre the which was soone after done Antiochus during Winter had leuied a great Army and the Summer following past Mount Tauris where making a League with King Attalus he renewed the Warre against Acheus And although the Etoliens found the peace good in the beginning for that the Warre had taken a better end then they expected Hauing chosen Agelaus of Naupacte for their Chiefe Commaunded by whose meanes the peace had ensued yet after some time they blamed him much complayning that by his meanes they had lost the great profits they had drawne from Forreine parts For that he had made a peace not onely with some Prouinces but generally with all Greece But Agelaus bearing their blame with patience abated their fury And so they were forced contrary to their nature to pacifie their Choler Scerdilaide vnder colour of money due vnto him had spoild all those he met and as we haue sayd had taken shippes of Leucade and had rifled a Towne in Pelagonia which they call Pissea with diuers other Citties of Dassarete as Antipatria Chrissndion and Gertonte Hauing moreouer gained a good part of Macedony aswell by perswasions as by force Philip after the peace concluded hauing imbarqued himselfe and his Army to saile thither and to encounter Scerdilaide he tooke land being wholy bent to recouer the sayd Townes Finally when he had fully resolued to make Warre against Scerdilaide holding it necessary to Conquer Sclanouia as well for other Enterprizes as chiefly for his passage into Italy The which is an aduice whereof Demetrius laboured to make him susceptible saying that he had seene Philip do so in a Dreame He did not presse this for any loue he bare him but for the hatred he had to the Romans Thinking by this meanes to recouer the Country about Pharos from whence he had beene expell'd Philip recouered all the sayd Townes approaching neere them with his Army For in Dassarate hee tooke Creone and Geronte and neere vnto the Fennes of Lychnide Enchelane Cerece Sation and Boies and Bantia in the Prouince of the Calicenins and towards the Pissantins and Orgysse This done he sent his Army to Winter It was the same Winter when as Hannibal had spoiled the best Countries of Italy and past his Winter in Daâ—nia and the Romans making their Election created Gaius Terrentius and Lucius Emilius Consuls Whilest that Philip spent the Winter he drew together a hundred Vessels which neuer King of Macedony had done before him thinking it necessary to make prouision Not so much for the Combate at Sea for that he did not hold himselfe equall in forces to answere the Romans as to passe his Army into Italy Summer being come and the Macedonians in-vred to the Oare hee parts with his Army At the same time likewise Antiochus past Mount Tanris Philip then passing by the Euripus and Malea came vnto the Countries which are about Cephalenia and Leucade Where planting his Campe he fortified it with Ditches and Pallisadoes for hee feared much the Sea Army of the Romans But when he was aduertised by his Spies that it was neere vnto Lylibeum his Courage increased and hee proceeded in his Enterprize taking his course directly to Apolonia When as hee was neere those Countries which are about the Riuer of Loia which passeth neere to Apolonia he fell into the same feare which doth many times befall Armies at Land For some of his Vessels which followed in the Reare and had sailed towards an Iland called Sason lying at the mouth of the Ionian gulfe came by night to Philip telling him that they had spoken with some of the Sycillian Sea who aduertised them that they had left the Roman Quinqueremes about Rhegium bending their course to Apolonia and Scerdilaide Philip immagining that the Army was not farre off was amazed And weighing Anchor retired with great feare and disorder hee came the next day to Cephalenia sailing continually by night Where assuring himselfe he stayed some time making shew that his returne was for some pressing affaires in Morea It hapned that this was a false Allarum For you must vnderstand that Scerdilaide aduertised of the great multitude of Vessels which Philip had drawne together in Winter and fearing his comming by Sea had obtained succours from the Romans by his Embassadours So as they sent him ten ships out of their Fleete which was at Lilybeum the which passing neere vnto Rhegium were discouered If the King had not beene amazed without reason he might well haue vanquisht them and performed his Enterprize against Sclauonia And the rather for that the Romans had receiued a wonderfull losse neere vnto Cannes against Hannibal where they were in a manner quite ruined But being then terrified without cause he made a safe flight into Macedony and remained infamous At the same time Prusias did an Act worthy of memory For when as the Gaules whom Attalus had drawne out of Europe into Asia for the Warre of Acheus had abandoned him for the causes aboue mentioned they spoil'd all the Townes of Hellespont with too much auarice and cruelty And when in the end they had besieged the Townes of the Elienses then they of Alexandria neere vnto Troade performed an Act worthy of memory for sending Themiste against them with foure thousand men they not onely rais'd the siege of the Elienses but chast all the
haue spoken or shall speake shall change presently or hereafter they may not in any sort derogate from our opinion Next after the Senate hath the ouer-sight of the publique Treasure For they may dispose of the Reuenewes and Expences It is not in the power of the Questors to imploy mony no not in perticular Affaires without their order but for the Consuls Finally the greatest and heauiest expence as that which many times the Questors are accustomed to imploy at the returne of the Quinquinall or space of fiue yeares for the repairing of publique Buildings the Senate decrees And whatsoeuer is allowed the Censors depends thereon Of all offences committed throughout Italy which deserue a publique punishment as Treason Conspiracy Poysoning and Murthers by secret practises the punishment belongs vnto the Senate And moreouer if any priuate person or any Citty hath neede of thankes or blame or of succours and assistants the Senate hath the whole charge Finally if they bee to send an Embassie into any part out of Italy to reconcile some or to admonish them be it to Commaund any thing or to declare Warre the Senate hath the power In like manner when as Embassadours come to Rome the Senate giues order for their entertainment and what answere shal be made Finally the Commons haue no hand in all that which wee haue sayd So as whatsoeuer thou shalt see done in the absence of the Consull will seeme to bee an Aristocraticall gouernment The which many Grecians and Kings imagine for that in a manner all their affaires are vnder the Authority of the Senate without any contradiction whatsoeuer For this cause some one will demaund with reason what portion of the Common-weale remaines to the people Seeing that the Senate hath the Gouernment of things which wee haue deliuered in perticular and that it disposeth which is much more of the Reuenewes and publique expences And that moreouer the Consuls making Warre without the Citty haue a Royall power ouer the preparations and all other affaires which are in the Campe. And yet there is a part reserued for the people the which is of greater esteeme For they haue the authority of honours and punishments wherein is contained the power and gouernment and finally the generall life of men Beleeue me there is nothing that concernes the Subiects that can be ordered by reason by such as haue not the knowledge of this difference or hauing it doe abuse it What reason were there that the Wicked should be equall in Honour with the Good The people therefore iudge and many times diuersly when as the iniustice which they are to punish is of great consequence and namely in those which haue had great and Honourable charges They alone condemne to death Wherein there are some actions past worthy of praise and memory For vsually they suffer those that are accused of a Capitall or haynous crime to retire in the sight of all the World although there remaine an opinion in some which confirmes the iudgement and Sentence by the which a free and Voluntary Banishment is taken quite away Fugitiues are in safety in the Townes of Naples Preneste Tiuoly and in other Confederates Finally the people giue Principalities to the most sufficient which in a Common-wealth is a goodly reward of honesty They haue also Authority to confirme the Lawes and Peace and Warre lies in their will Iudging of the Succours Reconcilliation and Accords of their Allies Finally the people confirme these things in approouing or disannulling them So as now some may iustly say that the greatest part of the Common-weale is in the peoples hands and that it is Democraticall We haue deliuered how the diuers formes of Common-weales are diuided among them Wee must now shew how they may assist and giue comfort one vnto another When the Consull hath receiued his power and drawne an Army to Field hee seemes a King yet hee hath neede of the people and Senate to bring his resolutions to an end without the which hee cannot possibly finish his Affaires It is certayne that hee hath neede to furnish and prouide Victualls pay and munition for the Armies But it is not possible to furnish him with Corne Apparrell nor pay without the will of the Senate So as the attempts of the Consulls are of necessity made fruitlesse if the Senate doth willingly faile him or hinder him By this meanes it is in the resolution of the Senate to make the Enterprizes of the Commaunders effectuall or not It is also in their power to send another Commaunder when the yeare is past or continue his Authority that doth enioy it Moreouer the Senate may make his Exploits seeme great and admirable and augment and increase his Actions in like manner they may blemish and disgrace them In regard of that which they call Triumphes by the which a certaine visible shewe of their Actions is brought by the Consulls to the view of the people they dare not attempt them as it is fitting neyther to speake plainly bring them to an end vnlesse the Senate allow of them and furnish the charge The consent of the people is wonderfull necessary be they neuer so farre off for it rests in them as were haue formerly sayd to confirme or disannull all Accords and Leagues But behold another case For after their Gouernement is ended they are forced to yeild and submit their actions vnto the iudgement of the Common people so as they ought not to bee carelesse of the loue and good liking of the Senate and vulgar sort Although the power of the Senate be very great yet they must of force haue respect vnto the multitude of publique affaires and drawe them to their ends and intentions Neyther can they put generall and great doubts in Execution nor punish crimes committed against the Common-weale if what the Court ordaynes bee not confirmed by the Common people Matters which concerne the Senate it selfe are of the same condition For if any one propounds a Law by the which it doeth in any sort abridge the Authority and power of the Senate or ouer-throwes their Prerogatiue and Honour or pursues them in their liues all these things are to bee done by the power of the people It is likewise certaine that the Senate cannot execute any of their resolutions not hold a Councell nor assemble themselues if any one Tribune of the Commons opposeth The Tribunes must alwaies doe according to the opinion of the people and obserue their will In regard of these things the Senate feares the people and obserues them In like manner the people are bound vnto the Senate and forced to winne them For as there are many Farmes which the Censors dispose of throughout all Italy for the great multitude of publique repairations and many places of Riuers Pooles Gardens and Mines and finally all other things of that nature which are vnder the Roman Empire they are all mannaged by the people hiring all the Rents and profits
and the knowledge would bee common to all But as the afore-said things haue a difference not onely betwixt them but also in themselues it is most necessary to know what bee their augmentations and diminutions How can the course and perfections of the Day and Night be knowne without the consideration of the said difference No man can without their experience attaine vnto those things which concernes a competency of time being otherwise forced to worke sooner or later then is needfull Haste in these affaires is more defectiue then the delay of an Enterprize Hee that exceeds the time appointed is frustrated of his hope But hee may repaire it in giuing good order knowing after what time it may be done whereas hee that preuents the opportunity of the approaching time and being discouered not onely failes of his Enterprize but is in danger to be wholly defeated Occasion is the Mistresse of all humane affaires and especially in the Art of Warre A Commander therfore of an Army must haue knowledge of the Soâ—stice of Summer and of the Equinoctials and of the intermixt increases and decreases of Dayes and Nights By this onely meanes hee may hold a meane in things which are to be effected as well by Sea as Land Moreouer hee must know euery point of the Day and Night to the end that hee may vnderstand the time when to plant his Campe and to raise it It is not possible that hee shall attaine to a good end which doth not consider the beginning It is not impossible to see the houres of the Sunne by the shaddowes whilest he makes his course and the distances which are made by it in this world In regard of those of the Night it is a difficult thing vnlesse some doe follow and obserue the Starres after the disposition of the Heauen and the order of the twelue Signes in the Zodiacke It is in truth easie for those which diligently obserue the Celestiall Starres For although the Nights be vnequall yet in euery one of them sixe of the twelue Signes do mooue so as it is necessary that to euery part of the Night an equall portion of the Zodiacke be turned and as daily it is apparent what part the Sun driues behind which is that which it separates from the Diameter it is necessary that accordingly there should be so much consumed of the Night that after this part it appeares eleuated from the rest of the Zodiacke The Signes of the Zodiacke being knowne as well for their number as greatnesse it falls out afterwards that they shew themselues such all times of the Night But when the Nights are cloudy we must obserue the Moone for her greatnesse her light appeares vniuersall in what part of the world soeuer she be And wee must sometimes search by the times and places of the East and sometimes of the West for that in this part there is a knowledge so as she followes the Diurnall differences of the East There is also in this knowledge a manner of easie consideration There is likewise the same end almost within a figure and all are of Sence For this cause they iustly commend the Poet who brings in Vlisses an excellent Prince taking coniecture of the Starres not onely to direct a Nauigation but also to mannage Warre at Land Wee may in truth exactly fore-see vnexpected chances although that many times they be of great preplexity as inundations by Raine and Riuers Snows and violent Frosts and finally Fogs and Clouds with such like things Shall we not with reason be destitute and voide of many things by our owne fault if wee disdaine those which wee may fore see Wee may not therefore contemne or despise any of these things lest wee fall into such a consideration which they say hath happened vnto many others Concerning which wee must now speake by way of Example Arate Chiefe of the Acheins labouring to surprize the City of Cynethe appointed a day to them of the Towne which had the same intelligence who comming by Night to the Riuer which fals to Cynethe he was to stay there with his Army and they of the Towne taking their occasion about Noone should send forth one of them secretly out at the Gate couered with a Cloake and should command him to stay before the Gate vpon a Dunghill and in the meane time the rest should take the chiefe men sleeping who were accustomed to guard the Gate about Noone Which being done comming out of their Ambush they should plant their Battalion against the Gate These things thus concluded Arate came at the time appointed and keeping the accord he laid his Ambush neare vnto the Riuer But about fiue of the Clocke a man hauing weake Sheepe of those which are accustomed to feede about the Towne came forth of the Gate in a Cloake as it was needfull who according to the reason of the time enquired of the life of the Shepheard And staying vpon the sayd Hill looked where hee was Arate thinking they had giuen him the Signe makes haste to gaine the Towne with his men But when the Gate was suddainly shut by the Guards that were present for that they within had nothing ready it happened that Arate was not onely frustrated of his purpose and intention but was the cause of extreame calamities to the Burgesses with whom hee had intelligence For being apprehended they were presently chased away or slaine What shall wee thinke to be the cause of this accident Doubtlesse for that this Commander had executed this agreement with more lightnesse then was fit who being young had not an exquisite knowledge of these two accords nor of the things annexed The affaires of Warre haue an alteration in a moment wauering from one side to another in the Euents When as likewise Cleomenes the Lacedemonian had resolued to take the City of Megalopolis by practice he agreed with the Guards of the Walles that hee should come in the Night with his Army to the Gate which they call Pholee at the third renewing of the Watch. For they which held his party had then the guard of the Wall But when he had not foreseene that the Nights were shorter at the rising of the Pleiades hee parting from Lacedemon with his Army at Sun setting and as hee could not come thither in time arriuing when the Sunne was vp he was repuls'd making his attempts in vaine and without reason with a great and shamefull losse of his men and in danger to lose all Whereas if hee had aim'd truely at the time appointed by the agreement and had brought his Army when as his Confederates had power to let him in he had not failed in his Enterprize In like manner Philip as wee haue formerly sayd hauing plotted a secret surprize of the City of the Meliteens failed doubly He brought not Ladders of a sufficient length as the businesse required neither did he obserue the time For hauing resolued to arriue at Mid-night
and pleasure by History Wee will therefore make the beginning of this Booke at the first Voyage which the Romans made by Sea which is subsequent to those things which Timerus hath last written which was in the hundred and nine and twentieth Olimpiade We must therefore relate how and what time they ended their Quarrels in Italy and what meanes they had to passe into Sicily For this is the first voyage they euer made out of their Territories whereof wee must set downe the reason simply and without disguising to the end that by the search from one cause to another the beginning and consideration of the whole may not proue doubtfull The beginning also must bee agreeable to the Time and Subiects and that it be knowne to all the which they may consider by themselues yea in seeking out those things which were past long before and in the meane time relate the Actions summarily For it is certaine that the beginning being vnknowne or obscure its continuance cannot perswade nor purchase beleefe But if the Opinion of the beginning be true then all the subsequent Narration doth easily content the Auditors eare Nineteene yeeres after the battell wone vpon the Riuer Aegos and sixteene yeeres before the Warre of Leuctra where the Lacedemonians treated a peace with Anâ—alcides King of Persia when as Denis the old held the Citty of Rhegium in Calabria besieged after that hee had defeated the Grecians inhabiting vpon the limits of Italy neere vnto the Riuer of Elleporis and that the Gaules hauing wholy ruined Rome held it except the Capitall During which time the Romans hauing made an accord with them which they found good and profitable and had recouered their liberty contrary to their hope and expectance and had in a manner taken a beginning of their increase they declared Warre against their Neighbours As soone as the Latins had beene vanquished aswell by their prowesse as by the fortune of the Warre they turned their Armes against the Tuscans then to the Celtes which are in Italy and finally vpon the Samnites which confine the Region of the Latins towards the East and North. Sometime after the Tarrentines seeing the outrage which they had committed against the Romane Embassadours not relying much vpon their owne forces they called in King Pyrrhus the yeere before the Descent of the Gaules into Italy and before the Retreate of those which were defeated in Battell neere vnto Delphos Then the Romans after they had vanquished the Tuscans and Samnites and beaten the Celtes often began to make warre against the rest of Italy not as contending for another mans Lands but as for their owne and formerly â—â—â—onging vnto them being now growne warlike by the Warres which they had had against the Celtes and Samnites The Romans then after that Pyrrhus and his forces had beene chased out of Italy taking this Warre to heart they pursued such as had followed his party Being suddainly become Maisters of all according to their desires and that all Italy was wholy subdued except the Celtes they presently besieged some of theirs which held Regium One and the like fortune befell two Citties scituated vpon the Straight of that Sea that is Messina and Rhegium Some Campanois hauing beene lately in pay with Agathocles in Sicily wondring at the beauty and wealth of Messina they suddainly when they found an opportunity assailed it breaking their Faith they hauing beene receiued into it by Friendship where they expell'd some of the Cittizens and slew others After which wicked act they shared their Wiues and Children among them as their fortunes fell out during the Combate Then they diuided their goods and lands But after this suddaine and easâ—e Conquest of so goodly a Countrey and City they soone found others that did imitate their villanies They of Rhegium amazed with the descent of Pyrrhus at such time as he past into Italy and fearing in like manner the Carthaginians being then Maisters of the Sea they craued a Garrison and men from the Romans Those which they sent vnto them were to the number of 4000. vnder the command of Decius the Campanois they kept the Towne for a time and their faith in like manner with the Cittizens in defending them but in the end moued by the example of the Mamertins who solicited them to coÌ„mit this base act they falsified their faith being aswell incited by the opportunity of the deed as by the wealth of Rhegium and chased away some Cittizens and slew others finally they seased vpon the Citty as the Mamertines had done And although the Romans were discontented at the misfortune of the Rhegins yet they could not relieue them for that they must settle an order for their precedent VVarres But after they had ended them they besieged them of Rhegium and afterward they entred it by force whereas many were slaine who being certaine of the punishments they were to endure defended themselues valiantly to death Aboue three hundred were taken aliue who presently after their comming to Rome the Commanders of the VVarre commanded them to be brought into the Market-place where they were whipt and in the end their heads strooke off after the manner of the Countrey They did vse this punishment to the end that their Faith as much as might be possible might be confirmed towards their confederates Presently after they caused the Towne and Countrey to be deliuered to the Rhegins But whilest that the Mamertins youmust vnderstand that the Campanois caused themselues to be so called after the taking of Messina were relieued by the Romans which held Rhegium by force they not onely enioyed the Countrey and Towne peaceably but they committed great spoiles vpon many other Townes their Neighbours aswell of the Carthaginians as of Saragosse otherwise Siracusa The greatest part of Sicily was tributary vnto them But soone after when they were depriued of those succours and that they which held Rhegium were besieged they were in like manner by them of Saragosse for the causes which follow As a little before the men of warre of Saragosse camping neere vnto Mergane being in dissention with the Goutrnours of the Common-weale they chose for their Captaines Artemtdore and Hieron who afterwards was their King being yet very young But finally so well endowed with all the graâ—es of Nature and Minde as hee wanted no Royall conditions but the Crowne Hauing accepted the Magistracy and made his entry into the Towne very well accompanied by his Friends where hauing vanquished the Burgesses of the contrary faction hee vsed the Victory with so great clemency and modesty as by a common consent of all in generall he was chosen their Commander although they did not allow of the Election made by the Souldiers It is true that Hieron made knowne to men of iudgement and vnderstanding that he had conceiued greater designes in his minde then to be their Leader First knowing well that the Saragossins were mutinous and desirous
drawes his Army out of Heracleum and causeth the Numidian Horse-men to march before giuing them charge to skirmish and to doe all their indeauours to draw the Romane Horse-men to fight vpon whose charge they should turne head and not cease to flye vntill they were returned vnto him The Numidians failed not to execute the Command of their Captaine nor to skirmish with one of the Camps to draw them to fight Presently the Romane Horse-men charge them and pursue them indiscreetly But the Numidians obseruing the Commandment flye backe to Hanno and re-charging the Enemy againe slew many chasing the rest vnto their Campe. After these things the Carthaginians marched and planted themselues vpon Mount Torâ— which was not tenne Furlongs from the Enemies Campe. Continuing in this manner for the space of two Moneths they attempted not any thing but skirmished daily with their Arrowes and Darts In the meane time Haniball made fires often in the Night and sent men to Hanno to aduertise him that the Army could endure hunger no longer and that many of his men were retired to the Enemy for want of Victuals Finally Hanno moued by these reasons put his men in Battell wherein the Consull vsed no lesse dilligence in regard of their necessities Either Army drew forth in Battell into an equall place Then they came to combate whereas they charged one another with great fury The Battell was long and cruell Finally the Romans brake the Vanguard and forced them to fly among the Elephants who being terrified opened the rankes of the Carthaginians The Captaines of Hundreds following the Route of the Elephants forced the Enemies to turne head By this meanes the Carthaginians hauing lost the Battell and part of them shine the rest retired to Heracleum and the Romans after the taking of most of the Elephants and all the baggage of the Carthaginians retired to their Campe. But for that they were negligent to keepe a good Guard the night following aswell for the great ioy which men vsually haue for their good fortune as for the toyle of the Battell past Haniball being frustrate of all hope thought this a fit and conuenient time to saue himselfe and his Army for the reason aboue mentioned Wherefore he drew all his forces out of Agragas and passed thorough the Enemies Trenches filling them with straw By this meanes he escaped without any losse and without their priuity At the breake of day when as the Romans 〈◊〉 advertised of this Retreat they followed the Enemy a little but returning soone to take the Towne they gaue an assault vnto the Gates where they found no resistance The whole Army entred and spoyled It was a rich Towne where as the Souldiers tooke many Slaues and got great Wealth When as the newes came to Rome of the taking of Agragas after the defeate of the Carthaginians the Romans lifted vp their Heads and beganne to conceiue greater Designes They did no longer insist vpon the reasons for the which they were first mooued neyther were they satisfied for that they had preserued the Mamertins and Messina or to haue much weakned the Carthaginians in Silily But hoping for greater Matters they desired to chase them away wholly which done they had a great Hope and opinion to inlarge their Empire much They were therefore very attentiue to this businesse and had no thoughts but of Sicily knowing well that they were vndoubtedly the stronger at land After the taking then of Agragas Lucius Valerius and Titus Octacilius being chosen Consulls they were sent into Sicily with a great Army Thus the Warre was in a manner equall for that the Carthaginians were Maisters of the Sea without contradiction whereof this is the reason for after the taking of Agragas most of the Townes which were in the heart of Sicily yeelded to the Romans fearing their Army at Land But when as the Carthaginians Army by Sea was arriued many more Sea-townes yeelded for feare to their Obedience Thus their forces were equall Many times also the Sea coasts of Italy were spoyled by the courses of their Army at Sea the which Affricke did not suffer The Romans considering carefully of these things resolued to fight with their Enemies by Sea This is the thing which hath mooued me most to Write this present Warre more at large to the end the Reader may not be ignorant of this beginning that is to say in what manner and for what causes and in what time the people of Rome were induced to put an Army to Sea and to fight with their Enemy Seeing then that there was no probabillity that the Warre should be otherwise ended the Romans speedily made sixe score Vessels for the Sea whereof a Hundred were Quinqueremes or of fiue bankes and the rest were Triremes It is true that the Quinqueremes were more difficult to make for that they had neuer vsed any such Vessels in Italy vntill that time Wherein the excellency and great courage of the Romans is worthy of admiration considering they had neuer beene inclined to actions by Sea neyther had they euer thought of it vntill that day yet they aduentured it with such courage and resolution as they had sooner fought with the Carthaginians then made triall of the dangers of the Sea Although the others held at that time in that circuite of the World the principallity and commaund of the Sea as formerly gotten by their Predecessours and left it vnto them as an hereditary right which is a singular testimony of the things which we haue Written of the Romans boldnesse and courage Beleeue me when they first aduentured to passe their Army to Messina they were only a Hundred ships of War and moreouer they had not one Galley nor one Briggandine It is true when they vndertooke the Voyage of Sicily with an Army they made vse of the Quinqueremes and Triremes of the Tarrentines Locreins and Neapolitans At that time many Carthaginian Ships scoured the Seas about Sicily whereof a Quinquereme straying farre from the rest was broken by casualty and afterwards taken by the Romans which afterwards serued them for a patterne to make the like so as all their ships were made in that manner Wherefore if this had not hapned they would haue â—ound themselues much troubled in their enterprise Whilest these were a making they did practise a number of men to the Oare after this manner They did set bankes in order vpon the Sand vpon the which the men that were to Rowe were placed being attentiue to the voice of the Patron or Gouernour who was in the middest of them where as they did learne to stretch foorth and pull backe their armes altogether and did draw their Oares in the Sand finally they beganne and ended altogether according to the Patrons whistle By this meanes hauing learned the Arte to Rowe and their ships finished they put to Sea and within few dayes after made a Tryall And when as the Consull Cornelius lately appointed
courage and the like desire of glory It is true the Romans had the better Souldiers But Amilcar Generall of the Carthaginians surnamed Barca Father to Haniball who afterwards made Warre against the Romans had not his equall in prudence and vallour When as the peace had beene concluded either of them fell in a manner into the like inconueniences for Ciuill war followed after The Romans had presently War against the Inhabitants of Mount Flacon the which was soone decided and their Towne taken But the Carthaginians being assailed at the same time by Strangers Numidâ—ans and other people of Affricke who reuolted with â—hem were in a manner quite ruined Finally they were forced to fight not onely for the Prouince but for themselues for their liberty for their Children and for their owne Country This is a warre which we will relate summarily and briefly for it is worthy as we haue promised in the beginning So they shall easily see by the deeds of these times what this warre was and of what fury which they call iâ— reonciliable And they may likewise obserue to what thâ—ngs the Commander of an Army ought to haue care and to be wary how he imploies Mercinary men And moreouer what difference there is betwixâ— the confused manner of liuing of Barbarians and those that are bâ—ed vp vnder Discipline Lawes and Policy And wiâ—hall they may easily see by the knowledge of this warre the causes for the which Haniball made warre against the Romans which is a principall poynt whereof in opening the truth wee haue not done little for those which desire to see our worke For that they haue not onely beene doubtfull and obscure to those which haue written but also to such as haue beene present After that Amilcar had treated the peace with the Romans he â—ed his Army from the Towne of Erix to Lylibeum and resigned his charge giuing the conduct thereof into Affricke to Captaine Gescon who was at Lylibeum who fearing that if so great a multitude of men should passe together into Affricke there would grow some mutiniy and contenttion for that there was much due vnto them for their pay the which they could not satisfie for want of treasure Wherefore he prouided long before that the troupes should not passe altogether but at diuers times leauing some respite of purpose to the end that they might with more ease prouide in sending them backe by troupes and that the first might be retiâ—ed to their houses before the second ariued The Carthaginians had consumed their treasure in their former charges and did not send them backe to their houses but commanded them to attend within the City vntill the returne of their Companions to the end they might make some accord with them altogether concerning their Paye But when as the Souldiers committed many Royots day and night within the City and that the insolencies of such a troupe were insupportable the Carthaginians called the Captaines and iurreated them to leade all this multiâ—ude assembled in their City to the Towne of Sicca vntill they had giuen order for their Prouinces Moreouer they caused some money to be deliuered to euery one of them to the end they might tolerate their expectance the more easily The Captaines obeying the will of the Carthaginians drew forth their Men. But for that euery man desired to leaue his baggage within the City as they had done hoping to make a short returne for their paye the Carthaginians doubted that if they should allow that some would not budge for the loue of their children others for their wiues and by this meanes they should bee nothing bettered within the City Wherefore in the end they forced them to depart with their baggage Being within the Towne of Sicca they liued at pleasure in idlenes and basely which is a pernicious thing for an Army and in a manner the onely fountaine and beginning of Mutinieâ— Some began to demaund their pay more audatiously then they had beene accustomed and much more reducing to memory the promise of Presents which the Captaines had made vnto them at need when as they intreated them to fight valiantly More ouer they expected much more then their Pay amounted vnto But they were frustrated of their hope For assoone as they were all assembled in Sicca Hanno Pretor of the Carthaginians was sent vnto them Who bringing no presents vnto them intreated them moreouer for some abatement of their Pay shewing them the pouerty of the Treasure They generally mutining at this speech began to rise suddainly so as there was a great tumult and sedition in the Army considering the great diuersity of their manner of liuing and languages It is true the Carthaginians had some reason to raise their Army out of diuers Nations For by this meanes so diuers an assembly could not easily make a Conspiracy Moreouer the Captaines better obeyed And likewise if there did rise any mutiny or sedition in the Army they should not finde meanes to pacifie them for ignorant men are mooued with fury Beleeue me when they are once in choller they increase it more and more like bruite Beasts with an vnrestraine cruelty The which happened at that time in the Carthaginians Campe For some were Spaniards others Ganles some Geneuois and others of the Islands of Maiorqua and Minorqua There was also a good Troope of Grecians most of which were fugitiues and slaues and the greatest number were Affricans Wherefore it was not possible to draw them altogether at that time although they could not haue taken a better course Moreouer Hanno could not vnderstand all their languages and it seemed in a manner more impossible to imploy many Interpreters at one time to draw the Army together and withall to vse the same speech vnto them foure or fiue times The last remedy was to mannage this by the Captaines the which Hanno attempting preuailed nothing For some vnderstood not what their Captaine sayd vnto them others related it otherwise then they had spoken although they had consented vnto the cliefe some did it of ignorance but the greatest part through malice Wherefore all was full of perplexity inhumanity and distrust Among other things they complained that the Carthaginians of purpose did not send one of the Captaines vnder whose charge they had made War in Sicily and who had made them so many promises but one who had beene in those actions Finally they runne to Armes being all in a mutiny making no accompt of Hanno nor of the other Captaines and marcht directly to Carthage planting their Campe neere vnto the Towne of Tunes which is fifteene miles from Carthage being aboue twenty thousand Men. Then the Carthaginians began to looke one vpon another and to acknowledge their great errour when there was no redresse in their affaires In trueth it was a great fault in them to haue drawne together so great a multitude into one place after the War was ended They committed another which was no
lesse when as they did not retaine their Wiues Children and baggage whereof they might haue made vse in necessity as of Hostages Being in no small feare of so great a multitude of Men they omitted nothing which they thought be hoouefull to pacifie their Rage causing Corne to be carried vnto them and all other things necessary and to be deliuered vnto them at their owne prize Moreouer the Senate sent Embassies often vnto them promising to do according to their commaund so as it were in their power But the Souldiers who are now growne more insolent did â—orge daily new Quarrels perceiuing the feare of the Carthaginians especially for that they had bin trayn'd vp in the War of Sicily and that the Carthaginians nor any other durst looke vpon them in order of battel Wherfore whereas formerly they had made their quarrell but for the pay that was due they now demaunded Recompence for their Horses that were slayne and not content with that they pretended there was Corne due vnto them for many yeares for the which they demanded payment at a prise whereof vntill that day they had neuer heard them speake Finally they daily pretended new quarrels to enter into War for the most Wicked and Mutinous had the greatest credite in the Army And when as the Carthaginians had made promise vnto them to do all things possible in the end they agreed that for any thing that should be doubtfull they should Refer themselues to that which the Generall should decree vnder whom they had made War in Sicily They did not much affect Amilcar Barca vnder whose charge they had bin for that he came not to see them during this dissention and that he had formerly Relinquisht his commaund ouer them of his owne motion Contrariwise they all in generall loued Gescon who had bin their Captaine in Sicily and who had intreated them curteously aswell in all other things as in their passage to Affricke wherefore he had the charge by a common consent Presently being imbarked with Mony and aâ—iuing at Tunes he called the Captaines then he caused euery nation to Assemble and blamed them for their faults past and admonishing them for the present and giuing them aduice by a long speech for the time to come to continue good friends to the Carthaginians who had intertayned them so long Finally he perswades them to Rest satisfied with their pay the which he desired to diuide among the Nations There was by chance a Campanois in the Army called Spendius who being lately a slaue vnto the Romanes had fled into Sicily This was a bold and hardy Man and a good Souldier Who fearing that if they agreed with the Carthaginians he should be Restored to his Maister and then put to Death according to the Roman Lawes vsed Audacious speeches and laboured by all meanes to mutine them all desiring troubles rather then any accord and Wars then Peace Moreouer an Affricaine called Matho a free Man who had beene in the Wars of Sicily for the Carthaginians feared to be punished for that he had much incensed the Munity during the Dissention This Matho ioyning with Spendius drawes together all the Affricaines and Aduises them to consider well what they had to doe in this Action and that they should rest assured that presently after the Retreate of the other Souldiers hauing receiued their pay the Carthaginians would be reuenged wholly vpon them labouring by this meanes to terrifie all the Affricanes with punishment and for this reason they should looke well to themselues The whole Troupe being much mooued with this speech and likewise for that Gescon had onely spoken of their bare pay without any mention of Recompence for Horses dead nor of Corne for so many yeeres they drew presently all together to consult of their Affaires And when as Spendius and Matho vsed very bad speeches against Gescon and the Carthagintans they easily gaue eare vnto them And if any one sought to shew the contrary they had not the Patience to heare them if it were contrary to the opinion of Spendius but beat them downe presently with stones By this meanes the Murther was great not onely of Captaynes but of simple Souldiers so as there was nothing heard in the Army during this Mutiny but all cryed out together Charge charge And although they did this continually yet their fury was greater when they parted drunke from the Table By this meanes as soone as any one cryed Charge the stones flew about so as there was no meanes of Retreate Wherefore when no Man durst speake any thing in the Assembly they made choise by a generall consent of Matho and Spendius for their Captaines And although that Gescon saw this great trouble and mutiny in the Campe yet he desired to prefer the Publicke Vtility before all other things Wherefore seeing that by the mutiny of the Souldiers increasing daily more and more the Carthaginians were in great danger he resolued to pacifie it and to trye all meanes with the hazard of his life One day he called the Heads of the Conspiracy another day some Nation apart labouring to pacifie their fury by prayers and promises But for asmuch as they had not yet receiued the Corne which they sayd was due vnto them and that they quarrelled continually Gescon desorous to restraine their contempt commaunded them to set downe their demaunds to their Captaine Matho At which words the Commons incensed grew so insolent as they presently seized vppon all the Siluer which was brought thither for their pay laying hold vpon Gescon and the Carthaginians that were with him But Matho and Spendius Captaynes of the whole Troupe thought presently to commit some Act of great Villany to the end that the War might be the more inflamed And therefore in commending the insolency of the Souldiers they tooke with the Money all the baggage of the Carthaginians and gaue order to shut vp Gescon with all his company after they had done them many outrages After this they made open War against the Carthaginians with the most cruell Conspiracy that euer had beene heard speake of vnto that day Behold the causes of the beginning of this War made against the Souldiers which they call Affricane After that Matho and Spendius had done as wee haue sayd they sent Embassies to all the people of Affricke moouing them to liberty and intreating them to giue them succours against the cruell and tyrannous Empire of the Carthaginians who in a manner all found the enterprize good and sent Men and Victualls in aboundance And after that the Captaines had diuided their Army in two one part went to besiege Bisarthe and the other Hippona for that they would not consent vnto the Conspiracy The Carthaginians who had beene accustomed to feed their families only by Tillage and to draw their publicke Treasure from the Tributes of Affricke and moreouer to mannage their War by Mercenaries being then not onely frustrated of all these things but
moreouer seeing they were all turned to their Ruine found themselues suddainly in great difficulties not knowing which way to turne them And they found them the more desperate for that they had hapned contrary to all opinion It is true they were in hope after they had beene tyred with the long Wars of Sicily and had in the end made a peace with the Romans that they might rest for a time and take breath but it succeeded otherwise Beleeue me this War suddainly kindled was more dangerous than the other For that in the first they did not fight with the Romans but for the Conquest of Sicily but in this they were forced to vndergoe the danger for themselues for their families and their Country Moreouer they were vnfurnished of Armes of a Fleete at Sea and of Equipage for shipping for that they had lost many in their battels at Sea They had no more hope of Tributes nor in the succours of their friends and Allies Finally they saw then what difference there was betwixt a Forraine and Transmarine War and the mutiâ—y of a ciuill sedition of which mischiefe vndoubtedly they themselues were the cause For in their first War they did Lord it ouer the people of Affricke with too great Tyranny and coâ—etousnesse for that they were of opinion they had good cause so as they leuied a full moiety of all their fruites They also doubled the Tributes and did not pardon those which had offended through ignorance They gaue Offices not to such as were milde and gracious but to those which augmented the publicke Treasure although they had tyrannized the people like vnto Hanno of whom we haue spoken By this meanes it hapned that the people of Affricke seemed glad to Reuolte not onely at the perswasion of many but at a simple Messenger There is nothing more true that euen the Women of euery Towne conspired for that in former times they had seene their Husbands and Children led into seruitude for that they had not payed the Tribute so as they made no reseruation of their goods which they had remayning but moreouer they did contribute their Iewels a hard thing to belieue to supply the payment of the Souldiers By this meanes Matho and Spendius gathered together so great a quantity of siluer as it was not onely sufficient to satisfie the promises which they had made to the Souldiers from the beginning of the Conspiracy but they had more than was needfull to mannage the War Wherefore a wise man must not looke vnto the present time but also vnto the future And although the Carthaginians were enuironed on all sides with so many miseries yet they fainted not but gaue the conduct to Hanno for that formerly they held he had ended the Warre neere vnto Hecatontophylon of those Souldiers they could leuie in this necessity of time They also armed the young men of the Towne and caused their Horses to be practised They repaired the remainder of their ships and old Triâ—emes and caused new to be made In the meane time Matho and Spendius to whom three score and ten thousand armed men of Affrica had ioyned after they had deuided their Army in two as wee haue said held Bisarthe and Hippona bâ—sieged yet not abandoned their Campe neere vnto Tunes By this meanes all Affricke was shut vp to the Carthaginians You must vnderstand that Carthage is seated vpon a Promontory which aduanceth into the Sea and is in forme of an Island but that it ioynes vnto Affricke by a little space of land In regard of the Citty it is enuironâ—d of the one side by the Sea and on the other by Marishes The breadth of the Countrey whereby it is ioyned to Affricke containes not aboue three miles whereof the Towne of Bisarthe is not far off from that siâ—e which looks towards the Sea And that Tunes ioynes vpon the Marishes The Enemies hauing planted their Campes at Tunes and Bisarthe tooke from the Carthaginians the rest of Affricke and making courses sometimes by Day and sometimes by Night vnto the walles of the Citty they gaue them great Allarums and put them in feare In the meane time Hanno made preparation of all things necessary for the Warre Hee was a diligent man and well practised in such things although that soone after hee had gone to field to finde the Enemy he committed an act of little iudgement in not discerning the times You must vnderstand that assoone as he was sent to succour the besieged in Bisarthe he forced the Enemies at the first charge being terrified with the multitude of Elephants but afterwards his conduct was so bad as hee drew the besieged for whose succours hee was come into great danger and extreame misery For when he had brought greaâ— prouision of all sorts of Engins for battery and had lodged his Campe neere vnto the Towne-walles hee fought with the Enemy who could not endure the violence of the Elephants Wherefore they abandoned the Campe with great losse of their men and retired to a little Mountaine strong of it selfe and full of Groues But Hanno who had not beene accustomed to make Warre but against the Numidians who after they haue once taken a flight doe seldome stay vntill the third day had no care to pursue them supposing he had gotten an absolute victory but entred into Bisarthe not thinking of any thing but to make good cheere But the Enemies hauing made Warre in Sicily vnder Amilcar and beene accustomed many times to flye before the Enemy and suddainly to charge againe the same day hauing newes of Hanno's retreate into Bisarthe and that the Campe as Victors was secure they assayled it by surprize and slew part of them the râ—st were forced to recouer the Towne to their great shame and ignominy All the equipage of Engins was taken without resistance It is true that this was not the onely misfortune which at that time did preiudice the Carthaginians by the folly of Hanno For some few dayes after when as the Enemies camped neere vnto Sorze and that an opportunity was offered to defeate him easily hauing beene twice in quarrell and twice in battell one against another as they are accustomed hee lost these two occasions by his folly and basenesse Wherefore the Carthaginians considering that Hanno did not mannage this War well they by a generall consent made Amilcar Captaine againe to whom they gaue three score and ten Elephants and all the Souldiers and Fugiâ—iues with some Horse-men and the young men of the Towne so as hee had about ten thousand Souldiers But assoone as he had marcht forth with his Army he presently by his admirable vertue brake the hearts of his Enemies and raised the siege of Bisarthe and then he shewed himselfe worthy of the glory which they had giuen him for his prowesse in times past and that hee was worthy of the hope which all men conceiued of him Behold wherein they first discouered his diferetion and
proud Spirit hath past the bounds of Reason Of which things the beginning and the greatest part proceedes from the lewd life and bad breeding of Youth There are other things which adde much vnto it and namely the Couetousnes and cruelty of the Captaynes All which Vices were found at that time in this Army and especially in the Commaunders In the meane time Amilcar bearing the enemies outrages impatiently caused Hanno another Captayne Generall for the Carthaginians to come vnto him imagining that when the whole Army were together the Warre would be the more easily ended Finally he caused the enemies which were then taken or afterwards to bee cruelly slaine or deuoured by Beasts hoping that the Warre would then haue an end if he might put them all to Death As the Carthaginians seemed at that time to be in better hope Fortune suddainly changed so as their Affaires beganne to impaire and grow worse For as soone as these two Captaines were ioyned together they fell into such dissention as they not onely lâ—â—t pursuing the enemy but gaue them great occasions of their owne defeate For which causes the Carthaginians being mooued they sent word that one of them should returne to the Citty and that hee which the Souldiers loued best should remayne in the Campe. They had also another inconuenience For their great shippes wherewith they brought Corne and other necessaries to the Campe were in a manner all broken in a storme Moreouer Sardinia from whence they were wont to draw great succours for the affaires of Warre was lost for them as we haue sayd And to the end their miseries should be full the Townes of Hippona and Bisarthe which alone among all the people of Affrick had kept their Faith inuiolable to the Carthaginians not only in this War but in that of Agathocles and in the time of the Romanes reuolted then not onely ignominiously from the Affricanes but also shewed them suddainly a wonderfull Affection and Loue And to the Carthaginians an implacable hatred casting into the Ditches all the Carthaginians with their Captaines which were there for their Guard to the number of fiue hundred after they had cruelly slayne them And they deliuered the Towne and would not render the Bodies to the Citizens of Carthage to interre them By this meanes Spendius and Matho grew more insolent and layed siege before Carthage Amilcar at that time had Hannibalâ—or â—or a companion in his charge whom the Carthaginians sent him when as the Souldiers left Hanno to whom during the dissention of the Captaines the people of Carthage left a power to retayne whom they pleased Amilcar accompanied by Hannibal and Naraue ouer-ran the whole Prouince cutting off the Victuals from the enemy wherein the Numidian Naraue did him great seruice This was the estate of their Campes The Carthaginians being thus opprest by their enemies were forced to craue succours from their Allies to whom at that time Hieron of Saragosse sent them great assistance supplying them with whatsoeuer they demaunded For he was of opinion that the preseruation of the Carthaginians was necessary for him as well for the safety of his estate as to entertayne the friendship of the Romanes to the end that after the ruine of Carthage they might easily do whatsoeuer they pleased without contradiction This was wisely considered of him For in truth no Man must seeme carelesse of such things neyther must they suffer any one to grow to so great a power as he shall haue cause euer after to feare a manifest iniustice The Romans also bound by the Articles of the peace did what they could possibly to relieue them It is true that in the beginning there was some dissention for thâ— causes which follow When the Carthaginians were first besieged they tooke about fiue hundred Men who â—ayling from Italy for gayne were taken and put in prison The people of Rome tooke this in ill part But when as soone after they had sent an Embassie for this cause the Carthaginians freed them and intreated them curteously This was so pleasing vnto the Romanes as presently they deliuered all the Prisoners which they had yet remayning since the Warres of Sicily without Ransome succouring them still whensoeuer they required it and suffered their Merchants to carry them Corne forbidding them to furnish the enemies Campe with any Victuals Moreouer at such times as the old Souldiers of Sardinia reuolted agaynst the Carthaginians they would not giue Audience to their Embassadours who were sent to deliuer them the Island A while after they would not receiue the Bisarthins who would in like manner haue giuen themselues vnto them For that they would not in any sort infringe the Articles of the Peace The Carthaginians thus relieued by the succours of their Allies indured the siege more easily Matho and Spendius were no lesse besieged than they did besiege For Amilcar had reduced them to such great want of all things as they were in the end forced to raise the siege Soone after they made choyse of the ablest Men of all their bands to the number of fifty Thousand and went presently to seeke out Amilcar Moreouer they kept not the plaines fearing the Elephants and the Horse men whereof Naraue had the Charge but striuing still to gaine the high and inaccessible places during the which although they were as strong and hardy as the Carthaginians yet they were often beaten for that they vnderstood not the practise of Warre Then they might easily iudge what difference there is betwixt the good conduct of a Captaine and the ouer-weaning of a Multitude He separated some and inclosed others by his industry being forced by their priuate necessity He also defeated many by Ambushes in full fight Somâ—times he terrified the enemies falling vppon them by surprize All such as were taken aliue were cast vnto the Beasts Finally he lodged about his enemies to their great disaduantage and to the benefit of the Carthaginians drawing them into such necessity as they neither durst come to fight for feare of the Elephants and Horsemen neyther could they safely flye for that they were enuironed with Ditches and Pallisadoes Finally hunger did so presse them as they did eate one another Behold the reuenge which the gods tooke of them for the cruelties they had committed against their Friends They came not to fight both for that the Carthaginians were assured of the Victory and their punishment was certayne They made no mention of any treaty of peace for that they knew well there was no hope of Mercy hauing committed such great cruelties Finally they indured all miseries expecting daily succours from Tunes But when they had cruelly eaten vp their Prisoners and their Seruants a kind of liuing which they had long vsed and that no succours came from Tunes they knew not what to resolue for the extremity of the Famine and the feare of punishment Finally Autarice Zarxe and Spendius resolued to parley with Amilcar By this
meanes they demaunded leâ—â—e to send Embassadours The which being granted the Embassie comes with whom Amilcar agrees that it should be lawfull for the Carthaginians to chuse ten such as they pleased out of their whole Army and that the rest might retire in their shirts without any harme The which when they had concluded Amilcar told them that according to the agreement he made choise of those that were in his presence By this meanes Spendius Autarice and the other heads of the Army were deliuered vnto him When the Lybians had newes of the taking of their Captaines thinking that the Carthaginians had broken their Faith for that they knew not the Articles of the peace they tooke Armes fortifying themselues in a Quarter of the Campe To whom Amilcar gaue battell with the Elephants and his whole Army and slew them all whereof the number was aboue forty thousand men This was neere vnto a place which they call Serra for that it doth resemble an instrument which at this day is called Sie This done the Carthaginians who before seemed to haue lost all hope began to assure themselues and to recouer their courage and Spirits In the meane time Amilcar with Hannibal and Naraue ouer-ran the Country and the Townes of the Prouince where hauing reduced the greatest part of Affricke with the Townes they go and lay siege to Tunes and besiege Matho with all his Company Hannibal lay on that side which lookâ—â— to Carthage and Amilcar was opposite vnto him Thither they brought Spendius and his Companions who were hang'd on a Crosse. Matho seeing that Hannibal made his retreat but badly and without order did not thinke it fit to lose this occasion Wherefore he presently gaue a charge and slew part the rest flying away Finally hee spoyl'd the Campe and all the Baggage Hannibal himselfe was taken whom presently they crucified in the place of Spendius after they had done him a thousand indignities Moreouer they slew thirty Gentlemen of Carthage about the body of Spendius most cruelly by a power giuen them by Fortune for a mutuall reuenge Amilcar was not soone enough aduertised of the enemies sally by reason of the distance of the two Campes neyther was it in his owne power to relieue them in regard of the difficulty of the places Wherefore leauing Tunes and leading his Army to the Riuer of Machera he lodged vpon the bankes at the mouth of it The Carthaginians hauing newes of this defeate began againe to haue a bad conceite of their Warre But they presently resumed courage vsing all possible diligence for the preseruation of the Citty They sent an Embassie to Amilcar of thirty Senators with a leuy of young men vnder the Commaund of that Hanno who formerly had beene the Generall They giue these Senators charge to deale so with the two Captaines as their priuate hatred might be smothered and supprest and that they should force them to manage this Warre by their common Counsell in laying before them the miseries of the time and the present necessity After that the Senators had drawne these two Captaines together and vsed diuers speeches vnto them in the end they perswade them to pardon one another and to obey the Carthaginians By this meanes all the Affaires were gouerned by a common Councell so as when as Matho was reduced to a streight after many incounters Ambushes and pursuits which they had layd for him neere to the Towne of Leptis and in other places in the end they appointed a set day of battell with the enemy to the which both Armies prepared with Resolution So they called their Allies and drew men from all parts euen vnfurnishing their Townes of Garrisons as if by this battell they should decide all their affaires When as all things necessary for the fight were ready on eyther side they ioyned vpon the day appointed The battell was cruell but in the end the Carthaginians had the Victory The greatest part of the enemies were slaine in fighting The rest which retired to the next Towne yeilded soone after to the Carthaginians In regard of Matho he was taken aliue They only of Bisarthe and Hippona finding themselues guilty and hauing no hope of pardon and Mercy continued obstinate in their Rebellion See how a reasonable contentment hath power in all things and how much better it is not to affect and seeke a thing which afterwards is intollerable to another Finally after that Amilcar and Hanno began to approach neere vnto them they had no more hope but were forced to yeild vpon such conditions as pleased the Carthaginians Thus ended the Warre of Affrick but so happily for the Carthaginians as they not only recouered Affricke but punished all the Heads of the Rebellion according to their merites Thus Matho and all the other Prisoners were led in Tryumph through the Citty by the Youth of Carthage and in the end punished for their Villanies This Warre continued neere three yeares and foure moneths the most cruell and inhumane that euer was heard spoken of The Romanes at that time solicited by the Souldiers which were retired out of Sardinia vnto them prepared to vndertake the Voyage And when as the Carthaginians were discontented saying that the Island belonged vnto them and prepared an Army to send thither the Romanes laying hold of this occasion signified Warre vnto them complayning that this preparation of an Army was not so much for Sardinia as against them But the Canthaginians yeilding to the time vnderstanding well their owne weaknesse to renew a Warre against the Romanes indeauoured to auoide all occasions so as they left the Island vnto them And moreouer they paied vnto the Romanes seauen hundred thousand Crownes to redeeme the Warre Thus matters past at that time THE SECOND BOOKE of the History of POLYBIVS WE haue related in the First Booke at what time the Romanes began to inuade Forraine Nations after they had pacified Italy And â—ow they past into Sicily and the causes why they made Warre against the Carthaginians Aâ— what time also they began first to put an Army to Sea and Summarily all the Affaires which hapned to the end of this Warre to the one or the other In the which finally the Carthaginians 〈◊〉 Sicily whereof the Romanes were absolute Lords except those places which Hieron King of Saragosse held Wee haue subsequently set downe how after the Mutiny raised betwixt the Carthaginians and their Souldiers the Warre was kindled which they call Affricaine And what extremity and incredible cruelty was vsed and what the end was Now we will indeauour to write in few Words the accidâ—nâ—s which hapned since touching euery thing as we haue propounded in the beginning After that the Carthaginians had reduced Affricke to their obedience they sent Amilcar presently into Spaine with aâ— Army who parting with all his Troupes and hauing his Sonne Hannibal with him about nine yeares of age past beyond the pillars of Hercules and recouered
making a shew to refresh themselues with water and victuals they resolued to take the Towne They of Durazo being confident and fearing nothing suffered them to enter without Armes vnder colour of water and victuals although their true intent was to take the Towne by Treason But when they â—aw themselues within the Towne they tooke their Armes which they had hidden in their vessels for water and killing the Guards at the Gate made themselues Maisters thereof Those in the ships â—eing ready entred in like manner and seized vpon a great part of the Walles And although that they of the Towne were much amazed at this great and suddaine accident yet they made a long resistance defending themselues valiantly so as the Sclauonians were forced to retire By this meanes it happened that the Durazins who were in danger to lose themselues and their Citty by their negligence after they had escaped the perill by their vertue did afterwards settle a better order in their affaires The Sclauonian Captaines weighed Anchor presently and put to Sea ioyning with those who as wee haue sayd went to Câ—rfue and made haste ioyntly to besiege the Towne They of Corfue being thus suddainly surprized and not finding themselues strong enough sent to craue aide from the Acheins and Etoliens the like they did to them of Appolonia and Durazo intreating them not to suffer them to bee thus shamefully chased away from their naturall Countrey by the Barbarians who hauing pitty of their fortune armed ten ships of Warre of the Acheins and within few dayes after sayled to Corfue hoping to raise the Barbarians siege at their comming But the Illirians hauing recouered seuen Vessels armed from the â—carnanians with whom they had made a league marched against the Acheâ—ns whom they encountred neere vnto the Islands which they call Paxes and there they fought The Acarnanians and the Acheins ships fought equally and continued long firme onely their men were wâ—â—nded But the Illirians interlaced themselues with their Enemies who were tied foure together and enuironing them they hindred them much Then the Enemies Vessels were much troubled being peirced and grapled withall their Spurs being fastned to the Sclauonians Vessels who entred them with fury and vanquished them easily by reason of their multitude By this meanes foure Quadriremes of the Acheins were taken by the Illirians and one Quinquereme sunke and all that was in it In the which was Marcus Caryneus a man of great esteeme among the Acheins who had alwayes performed his duty well for the Countrey But when as they which fought against the Acarnanians saw that the Illirians had the Victory they fled relying much in the lightnesse of their Vessels And saued themselues from the Battell retiring to their houses The Sclauonians growing proud of this Victory besieged the Towne more boldly than they had done They of Corfue hauing no more hope after they had maintained the siege for a season in the end yeelded it to the Illirians receiuing their Garrison and Demetrius of Pharos their Captaine After which the Illirian Captaines returned to Durazâ— and besieged it In the meane time the Roman Consuls Caius Fuluius with an Army at Sea of two hundred ships and Anchus Posthumus with the Army at Land parted from Rome So as Fuluius came to Corfue thinking that the siege had continued still But when hee saw that hee came too late for that the Illirians were within it hee resolued to passe on as well to vnderstand what had beene done as to try what Opinion they had of Demetrius And for that he had vnderstood that his Enemies had brought him in disgrace with the Queene and that hee feared her fury he had sent men to Rome to promise theâ—â— the Towne and whatsoeuer he held They at Corfu being ioyfull at the Romans arriuall deliuered vnto them by the consent of Demetrius the Towne and the Illirian Garrison Finally they put themselues vnder their protection hoping that by this meanes they should bee no more subiect to the outrages of the Illirians When the Romans had receiued them into league they sayled to Apolonia whither Demetrius guided them At the same time Ancus Posthumus caused his Land-army to imbarke at Brunduzium being about twenty thousand Foote and two thousand Horse all which met at Apolonia the which being yeelded they sayled to Durazo for that they had newes the Illirians had besieged it who being aduertised of the Romans comming they raised the siege for feare and fled here and there When the Romans had receiued them of Durazo into friendship they sayled on into Sclauonia taking many Townes in their way and shut vp the Sardiens In the meane time there came an Embassie from Parthenia to the Romans giuing themselues and their Citty vnto them Who being receiued with the Antitanes they tooke their way to Isse hauing vnderstood that the Illirians held it besieged where they entred after they had raised the siege After which they tooke many Townes in Sclauonia by force wherein they lost not onely many Souldiers but also some of their Tribunes with the Questor neere vnto Nutria They tooke twenty of the Illirian shippes which serued them to victuall their Campe. In regard of those which were within Isse they were all defeated and fled to Narente except those which were of Pharos which were giuen to Demetrius Queene Tâ—uca with a small company retired to Rhyzon a strong Towne and farre distant from the Sea seated vpon the Bankes of the Riuer of Rhyzon When the Consuls had put many Townes and great Seigâ—uries into the hands of Demetrius they returned to Durazo with their Armies both at Sea and Land From thence Caius Fuluius returned to Rome with the greatest part of both Armies But Posthumus stayed at Durazo whereas he riggd forty Vessels and after hee had leuied men in the neighbour Countries he setled his Garrisons hauing in his company the Ardienses and all the rest that were allied to the Romans When the Spring came Teuca sent an Embassie to the Romans to treate a peace the which in the end shee obtained vpon these conditions That shee should pay them a yeerely tribute and that shee shâ—uld leaue all Sclauonia except some petty places And as for that which concernes the Grecians shee might not sayle beyond Isse but onely with two ships without any furniture of Warre During these actions Posthumus sent an Embassie to the Cheins and Etoliens to aduertise them of the cause of the Warre and of the Romans voyage by Sea And to let them vnderstand what they had done and to reade the conditioâ—s of the peace Who after they had obeyed the Consuls commaund and had beene well receiued by these two people they returned againe to Corfue the Cittis of Greece being then freed from feare by this accord made with the Illirians For in those times the Illirians did not assault any one in particular but all the world in generall These are
the causes for the which the Romans past first with an Army into Sclauonia and into that Countrey of Europe Since they sent an Embassie to Corinth and to the Atheniens at such time as the Corinthians desired to make the Romans partakers of the Warre which they made against them of the Iftmus At that time Asdruâ—al for here wee formerly left our discourse of the affaires of Spaine had by his great vertues much increased the Carthaginians Empire in Spaine and built a Towne which some called Carthagena others Villanoua most commodious by reason of its scituation as well for the affaires of Spaine as of Affricke Of whose scituation and of the benefit it may bring to the two Prouinces we will speake in another place when it shal be fitting The Romans seeing the Carthaginians forces growne thus powerfull in Spaine did not hold it fit to let things passe in this manner But acknowledging their negligence for that formerly like men asleepe they had by their owne weaknesse suffered the Carthaginians name to grow great there they resolued to repaire this errour Yet they durst not begin a Warre fearing a descent of the Gaules whose fury they apprehended much And therefore they resolued to treate first with Asdrubal touching Spaine and then to assaile the Gaules And whatsoeuer should happen to vndergoe the danger in holding it for certaine that it was not possible for them to be Lords of Italy nor to keepe their owne Countrey and houses vnlesse they had subdued the Gaules Thus they sent an Embassie into Spaine to Asdrubal who concluded a treaty of peace By the which among other things it was agreed that the Carthaginians should not passe the Riuâ—r of Ebro with an Army and that they might ouer runne the rest of Spaine Presently after the conclusion of this treaty they prepared for Warre in Italy against the Gaules the which wee haue thought good to relate summarily to the end that as wee haue proposed the preparatioâ— for the other Histories may be more manifest Wee will looke backe vnto the time when as the Gaules seazed first vpon Italy For in my Opinion the History will not onely be pleasant and worthy of memory but most necessary to vnderstand with what people afterwards and in what Couatries Hannibal trusting himselfe durst assaile the Roman Empire And first wee will speake of their Prouince what scituation and what proportion it hath to the rest of Italy For by this meanes they may the better vnderstand the things which concerne the knowledge of the History in declaring first the property of places and Countries All Italy is of a triangular forme That side which lookes towards the Eâ—st is confined by the Ionian Sea and the Adriatique Gulfe and that which tends towards the South and West is inclosed by the Seas of Italy and Sicily These two sides ioyned together make the point of the Triangle Where in front lies the Promontory which the people of the Countrey call Cocynthe and hath its aspect to the South deuiding the Ionian Sea from the Sicilian The third side which tends to the Pole Artique and to the firme land is limited by the continuation of the Alps the which beginning at Marseilles and in those Countries which are about the Sardinian Sea continue vnto the shore of the Adriatique Sea leauing some little space betwixâ— both Within on this side which wee meane to bee bounded by the Alps and is as it were the Basis or foundation of the Triangle there are from the Southerne Countrey tending towards the North Plaines which make the end of Italy and are the greatest and the most fertill in all Europe whose figure is likewise Triangular The Appenin Hill and the Alps ioyning together make a point of the Triangle neere vnto the Sardinian Sea and aboue Marseilles That side which lookes to the North is made by the Alpes whereof the extent is two thousand two hundred Furlongs That side which hath its aspect to the South is bounded by the Appenin Hill the which hath three thousand and three score Furlongs in length The shore of the Adriatique Sea holds the fashion of the foundation of the whole figure whereof the greatnesse which begins at the Towne of Senegaille vnto the Gulfe of the same Sea hath two thousand fiue hundred Furlongs in compasse By this meanes the Circuite of the whole Plaine containeth tenne thousand Furlongs in compasse It is not in my power to describe the great fertillity of the Country so much it abounds in all sorts of Fruites that many times a Bushell of Wheate after the measure of Sicily hath beene sold in our times for two Soulz and foure Dencers That of Batley for foureteene Deneers and a Vessell of wine for asmuch Moreouer it is not credible the aboundance of Mill and Panique which they call Indian Oatmeale There is also a great aboundance of Akornes which come from the Forrests which are in diuers parts of that Region Considering that the Italians breed an infinite number of Swine to Sacrifice and for their vse and necessary prouision of an Army the which the Fertillity of this Country doth supply aboundantly It is easie to conceiue that the aboundance of other particular things necessary for the vse of Man is great Considering that when as Guests come vnto their Innes they neuer make a particular price for the things they take as they do in oâ—her Countries but onely what euery Man is to pay for his share When as the Guests had beene honestly intreated and haue had whatsoeuer was necessary for their reâ—ection they neuer payd aboue halfe an Assaiâ—e which is worth three-halfe-pence they seldome exceed this price Moreouer it is very well peopled the Men are actiue goodly and strong for the Waâ—â—e the which is more easie to be knowne by their Actions than by that which can be spoken The Gaules whom they call Transalpins inhabite the Mountainous places on either side the Alpes towards the Rhoâ—e and the North. And on the side of the plaines dwell the Turinois and the Agoniens and many other Barbarous Nations which are of the same Race with the Transalpins and differ only in their Habitation The other are called Transalpins because they dwell beyond the Mountaines As for the top of the Mountaines it is so farre from being inhabited as they do not find so much as the tract of a man both by reason of the difficulty and vneasinesse as for that it is alwayes couered with Snow and full of Ice But the Genouois dwell aboue Marseilles where as the Appenin Hill begins to ioyne with the Alpes Moreouer they hold all that Coast which lookes to the Champion Country and to the Sea of Italy So as along the Sea they hold all vnto the Towne of Pisa which is the first Citty of Italy towards the West and towards the firme Land to Aretzo Next to the Genouois come the Italians and of eyther side of the
the Arezins fought neere vnto the Towne and lost the Battell with the Consull Lucius In whose place they did choose Marcus Curio who presently sent an Embassie into Gaule to retire the prisoners who at his comming was slaine by them contrary to the Law of Nations The Romanes incensed at so wicked an Act made a new Leuy of men and resolued to enter the Gaules Countrey But they had not done any great matter when as the Senogallois went to incounter them whom the Romanes charged and slew the greatest part and those few which remained were chased out of the Country They recouered the whole Country and re-peopled the Towne againe calling it Senogallia as it had beene formerly when it was first inhabited by the Gaules This Towne as we haue â—ayd is scituated vpon the Adriaticke shore where as the points of Italy do end When the Bolonians saw the Senogallois chased by the Romanes from their Countrey they raysed an Army to make Warre against them calling all the Tuscans to their ayde fearing least the Romanes should doe the like vnto them Presently after they fought where most of the Tuscans were â—laine and a few of the Bolonians saued themselues by flight Yet they fainted not for this defeate but the yeare following drew together all the Forces they could make and all the Youth that could beare Armes and marcht against the Romanes where they were defeated and slaine so as they were in a manner vtterly ruined Wherefore their pride abated they made an agreement with them by Embassadours These things hapned three yeares after the descent of Pyrrhus into Italy and fiue yeares after the Gaules had beene defeated in Delphos Behold how in that time Fortune as a mortall plague among the Gaules persecuted them in all places But the Romanes made a double profit by the battels which we haue formerly related For being accustomed to fight with the Gaules who had beene held very fierce and fearefull they became good Souldiers against Pyrrhus Thus by little and little they abated the pride of the Gaules so as afterwards they were much more assured first to fight with Pyrrhus for Italy and afterwards against the Carthaginians for the Soueraignty of Sicily The Gaules weakned by the meanes of the former Battels liued in peace forty fiue yeares without any breach of the accord made with the Romanes But after that the old men who had vndergone the dangers and felt so many losses were dead the Youth who were of a harsh and bad disposition and had not felt the miseries of former times grew insolent These as it is willingly the nature of men began presently to vndertake the Warre and to bee enemies to the Romanes whatsoeuer should succeed and moreouer to send to craue succours from the Transalpins It is true that in the beginning the Princes did mannage the affaires without the consent of the people So as it hapned that when as the Transalpins were come to Rimeni the common people of Bolonia being ignorant of this enterprize and fearing this desscent mutined against their Commaunders and put to death Etas and Gallus their Kings then they fought with the Transalpins The Romanes likewise amazed at this descent of the Transalpins drew their Men to field but when they were aduertised of the other defeate of the Gaules they retyred to their Houses Fiue yeares after Marcus Lepidus being Consull Caeius Flaminius made a Law for the people by the which that Region of Gaule which they call the Marquisate of Ancona vnto Rimeni from whence the Senogallois had beene chased should be deuided amongst the â—omane Souldiers For which cause there suddainly grew a new Warre For most part of the Gaules especially the Bolonians who were neighbours vnto the Romanes were much incensed therewith thinking that the Romanes did not fight for principallity or Glory but for pillage and their ruine Wherefore the Millannois and Bolonians consenting together sent suddainly to the other Gaules which dwell beyond the Mountaines along the Riuer of Rhone whom they call Gessates for that they fight for pay for so the word imports offering to their Kings Congolitan and Aneroeste a great summe of present money They acquaint them with the great felicity of the Romanes and what a benefit it would be if they could vanquish them By this meanes they mooue them to make War against the Romans the which was easie to perswade considering the former Reason They promise them also to make them Companions in this Warre reducing to their memory the prowesse of their Predecessors who had not only defeated the Romanes in battell but after the Victory had taken the Citty of Rome with wonderfull celerity Where they had taken great spoiles and after they had beene masters thereof seauen moneths they restored them the Empire willingly and returned into their Countrey safe with all their booty In propounding these things brauely vnto them they incouraged these Kings and the Gaules so as there was neuer descent made out of that Country of a greater Army nor more valliant men nor better furnished When the newes thereof came to Rome the Citty was so amazed as they presently made a new Leuy of men and began to make prouision of Victualls leading their Army sometimes vnto their Frontiers as if the Gaules had beene there present who notwithstanding were not yet come out of their Country These things were very beneficiall to the Carthaginians to augment their Empiâ—e in Spaine But the Beâ—â—anes considering that these affaires were more pressing for that these people were too neere enemies they were forced to lay aside the affaires of Spaine vntill they had pacified Italy And therefore in renewing the accord with Asdrubal Lieutenant Generall for the Carthaginians they wholly attended the Warre against the Gaules studying only how they might resist their fury When as the Gessates had drawne a great number of men together neere vnto the Rhone they passed the Mountaines and entred the plaine neere vnto the Poe Where as the other Gaules eight yeares after the yeilding of that Region and in like manner the Millannois and Bolonians ioyned presently with a great multitude But the Venetians and Cenomans pacified by an Embassie from the Romanes preferred their friendship before the Alliance of the Gaules Wherefore the Kings for feare of them left a part of their Army in Millannois to guard the Countrey and marcht with the rest into Tuscany being about fifty thousand Foote and twenty thousand Cars and Horse-men When as the Romans had newes that the Gaules had past the Alpes they sent Lucius Emilius the Consull with an Army to Rimeni that being there before the Enemy hee should stay their passage They also caused one of the Pretors to march into Tuscany for the other Consull Caius Attilius had in the beginning of his Consulship past into Sardinia with an Army at Sea The City of Rome was heauy and much troubled and did not attend this great
of the place they should haue encountred them and charged them from aboue and if necessity had required they might haue retired safely on the right hand to charge the Enemy againe In doing this they had easily broken defeated and put the Macedonians to flight But they did the contrary as if they had the Victory certaine in their hands for without moouing from the place which the Cleomenes had appointed them they staied expecting the enemy with hope of a greater defeate For that they should be repulsed and beaten from the highest place of the Mountaine But they soone suffered the pennance of their basenesse For after that the Macedonians had recouered the Mountaine without any resistance and were come into the Plaine they fell vpon their enemies fighting hand to hand with so great sury as they presently draue them backe into the hollow Caues and inaccessible places In the meane time the Combate was cruell among the Horse-men where it was worth the sight to behold with what heate force and courage the Acheins fought considering they all fought for the liberty of the Countrey But among all others they made great esteeme of Philopomene for when his Horse was ouer thrown with a Pertuisane he fainted not fighting long on foote with great courage Finally in the end hee died valliantly being shot thorough the shinne-bones with an Arrow On the other side the Kings had begunne the fight at Mount Olympus with the mercenaries and such as were lightly armed They were about fiue thousand men who fought sometimes man to man and sometimes they tried the Fortune of the whole Troupe There the Victory was long in suspence finally they parted equally from the battell But when as Cleomees was aduertised that Emlide had abandoned the Mountaine and that the Allies had turned head and that the Horse-men were in great despaire and that all trembled for feare hee resolued to goe out of his Fort and to put his whole Army in Front vpon one side of the Campe and therefore hee caused them to sound a Retreate By this meanes when those that were lightly armed were drawne together the two Armies charged with their Pikes and Iauelings The Combate was cruell and the charge performed with so great courage on either side as the Victory was long doubtfull and the iudgement difficult who deserued the greatest honour For that sometimes the Lacedemonians retired and againe they made the Maceâ—onians giue backe Finally when as the Lacedemonians were vanquished and put to flight they were slaine heere and there like sheepe Cleomenes saued himselfe in Sparta without any wound beeing accompanied by some of the Horse-men From thence hee retired the night following to Sythia where he imbarqued in certaine shippes which lay long ready for the necessities of the Countrey and sailed with his friends to Alexandria When as Antigonus was entred into Lacedemon finding no resistance hee intreated the Lacedemonians graciously and courteously in all things but especially in suffering them to liue and gouerne their Common-weale after the Lawes of the Country When he had staied certaine daies there he returned into Macedony with his Army hauing newes of the descent of the Sclauonians and of the spoile they made Behold how Fortune disposeth of great affaires as she pleaseth There is no doubt but if Cleomenes had deferred the battell a little or staied in Sparta after his defeate keeping them in hope in the end he had preuailed in his affaires after the retreate of Antigonus Antigonus came from thence to Tegee to whom hee left their Common-weale intire Three dayes after he arriued at Argos at such time as the people were gathered together to celebrate the Nemean games who presently went foorth to meete him All the Citty had their eyes fixt vppon him and beheld him all the World commended him all the assembly of Greece and euery Citty in perticular did him Honour not onely Humane but Diuine From thence he made hast to go into Macedon where as he found the Sclauonians spoiling the Country to whom hee gaue battell and got the Victory after a long combate But hee cried so much during the fight as within few dayes after hee died of a fluxe of blood so as the Grecians lost the great hope they had conceiued not so much for his skill in Warre as for his vertue and royall perfections He left the Realme of Macedony to Philip the sonne of Demetrius But if you demaund of me why I haue helde so long a Discourse of this present Warre you must know I haue done it of purpose For as this time concurres with that whereof wee meane to speake I haue held it fit and necessary to let the World vnderstand according to my first resolution what the estate of the Macedonians and Grecians were at that time At that time Ptolomy died of sicknesse to whom succeeded Ptolomy Philopater The like did Seleucus the sonne of Seleucus who was surnamed Callinice and in like manner Pogon to whom his brother Antiochus succeeded in the Realme of Syria The like in a manner hapned to those which helde the Kingdomes of Alexander after his death as Seleucus Ptolomy and Lysimacus for those died in the hundreth foure and twenteth Olympiade as wee haue formerly related and these in the hundreth thirty nine Seeing wee haue exposed the preparation of all our History and sufficiently declared at what time and how and for what causes the Romanes after the conquest of all Italy assailed forraigne Realmes and what the estate then was of Greece Macedony and the Carthaginians I haue thought it fit to make an end of this Booke with a Commemoration of these actions and this alteration of Kingdomes Seeing that according to our intention we are come vnto the times when as the Grecians made the VVarre of the Allies the Romanes against Hannibal and to that when as the Kings of the lower Asia fought for the Empire of Syria The end of the Second Booke of Polybius THE THIRD BOOKE of the History of POLYBIVS WEe haue shewed sufficiently in the First Booke how that wee haue taken for the beginning and foundation of the Romane actions the VVarre betwixt the Allies that of Hannibal and that of Syria Wee haue in like manner set downe the causes for the which wee haue beene forced in reducing the beginnings farther off to write the History of the Second Booke Now we will indeauour to make you vnderstand the Warres themselues and the causes why they were vndertaken and dispersed in so many places hauing let you vnderstand in as few words as possible we may the attempts of the people of Rome Seeing that which wee haue vndertaken to write is but a Worke and as it were a spectacle that is to say how when and wherefore all the Countries of the VVorld haue beene reduced vnder the obedience of the Romans and that this hath a notorious beginning a prefixed time and the end certaine VVee haue thought it
good to deliuer summarily the accidents which hapned from the beginning vnto the end of these VVarres Immagining that they which desire to see our Worke will more easily come to the knowledge of the whole History Beleeue me that our vnderstanding conceiues many things necessary for a perticular History by the knowledge of the generall for the vnderstanding whereof the experience of perticular actions is of no small importance and if they be both ioyned together so as it may bee but one description they will be wonderfull profitable to the Reader But as for the contents of our Worke wee haue sufficiently spoken thereof in the two first Bookes And as for the perticular actions which haue hapned they haue taken their beginning in the Warres which we haue Related and there end at the death of the Kings of Macedon So as from the beginning vnto the end there were fifty yeares during the which there were as great and admirable things performed as euer were in so short a spâ—ce To speake whereof wee will beginne to write from the hundreth and fortieth Olympiade and will obserue this order First wee will shew the causes for the which this VVarre which they call of Hannibal beganne betwixt the Romanes and Carthaginians So as entring into Italy they reduced the Romans to so great an extreamity as they suddainly grew in hope to be Lords not only of the rest of Italy but also of the Citty of Rome And afterwards we will continue our narration vpon what occasion Philip King of Macedon after that he had made VVarre with the Etoliens and pacified Greece entred into hope with the Carthaginians And as for Antiochus Ptolomy and Philopater they in the end had Warre together for the lower Syria after a long dissention Moreouer the Rhodiens and Prufiens making VVarre against them of Constantinople forced them to abandon Pontus And there ending our Diâ—course we will beginne to speake of the manner of liuing of the Romanes of their Lawes and of their Common-weale By the which as proper to them they haue attained vnto such great power as they haue not only made subiect to their obedience Italy Sycile and the Gaules and likewise Spaine in a short time but in the end they haue vndertaken the Empire of the whole World after they had vanquished the Carthaginians by Armes Then passing on we will shew how the Kingdome of Hieron of Saragosse was defeated and ruined The like we will do of diuers troubles which were in Aegypt Moreouer how after the death of King Ptolomy Antiochus and Philip being agreed touching the diuision of the Realme left vnto the Sonne began the Warre Philip against Aegypt and Samos and Antiochus against Syria and Phenicea And when as we haue summarily set downe the affaires of Spaine Lybia and Sycile we will presently turne our Discourse to Greece as the affaires shall change For after that we haue related the VVars at Sea which Attalus and the Rhodiens made against Philip and hauing set downe the Romanes VVarre against him how and by whom it had beene mannaged and what successe it had obseruing the order of things we will come to the indignation of the Etoliens who proclaimed VVarre against the Romanes and drew Antiochus out of Asia And when we haue deliuered the causes and related Antiochus nauigation into Europe we will first shew how he fled out of Greece and being vanquished by Armes how he abandoned vnto the Romanes all the Counâ—ries which lie on this side Mount Taurus Thirdly we will shew with what power the Romans conquered the Empire of Asia after they had wholy defeated the Gaules who wandred vp and downe and how they freed the whole Countrey on this side Mount Taurus from the feare of the Barbarians and the insolency of the Gaules And when we haue related the mis-fortune of the Etoliens and Cophalins in their Warres we will make mention of those of Eumenides of Prshia and of the Gaules the like we will do of that of Ariarate against Pharnace From thence dispatching the accords of them of Morea and the increase of the Rhodien Common-wealth we will make an end of our worke setting downe in the end the Voyages which Antiochus sirnamed Epiphanes made into Aegypt And in like manner the Warres of Persiâ— with the ruine of the Kingdome of the Macedonians These are things whereby we may easily vnderstand how the Romanes in a short submitted the whole Earth vnder their obedience assailing them in perticular And if it were lawfull to discerne vertue from vice by the good or bad successe of affaires or from the praise or dishonour of men we must of necessity make an end here and turne our Relation to things which in the beginning we propounded to set down for this hath continued fifty three yeares during the which the Roman Empire hath gotten so great an increase as the whole World might well know that they must do what their people commaunded But for that such things cannot be rightly iudged by the good Fortune of affaires considering that many times those that seeme to be well done are the cause of great inconueniencies if they be not done in time And contrary-wise they which are fallen into some disaster many times turne their mis-fortunes to good if they know how to haue patience We haue thought it fitting to adde to that which we haue Written what the nature of the Victors were what meanes they held in the gouernment of their Empire and how the rest of the Townes Regions and Countries yeilded willingly vnto them And moreouer what course of life and what Lawes they held with all the World aswell in particular as generally with all their Common-wealths By this meanes they which liue at this day shall plainy see whither it be good to flie or voluntarily to submit to the Empire of Rome and they which shall come after may iudge whither the actions of the Romanes be commendable and worthy of memory or altogether blameable Behold wherein the profit of our History will consist aswell for the present as the future time They which mannage a Warre and they which vndertake to iudge of it do not propound the Victory for the last end nor wholy to subiect himselfe Beleeue me a wise man doth not make Warre with his neighbours to see the defeat and ruine Neither doth any man saile in diuers Seas onely to make Voyages nor pursues many Sciences and Disciplines in regard onely of them Without doubt we pursue these things for that which followes seemes pleasant profitable or decent and therefore wee may with reason say that the end of our Worke hath beene to know the condition of all things after the Conquest of the World made by the Romanes vntill they fell againe into new combustions Of which troubles I haue resolued to write making as it were a new beginning For that there hath beene great and memorable things hauing not onely beene present at
him in spight of the Carthaginians and that there was not any man in Carthage which loued the Common-wealth but did much blame the deeds of Hannibal against the Sagontins Moreouer hee sayth that after the taking of Sagont there was an Embassie sent from Rome to Carthage demaunding Hannibal to bee punished for the breach of the accord and if they would not yeeld vnto it they should declare Warre against the Carthaginians But if a man should demaund of Fabius what could succeed better nor more reasonable and expedient for the Carthaginians than to deliuer vpon the Romans request the authour of the offence and him that had committed the fault to punish him Seeing that as hee sayth they had dislik't the actions of Hannibal and by this meanes might reuenge by another the common Enemy of the Countrey and maintaine the estate of their Citty in peace chasing away the authour of the warre considering that this might bee well effected by a bare resolution What can he answere Nothing without doubt Contrariwise they were so farre from doing it as they maintained the Warre seuenteene yeeres continuall against the Romans Neither did they cease vntill destitute of all hope they not onely hazarded their Countrey but also their liues Finally to what end doe wee vse this discourse of Fabius or of his writings It is not to cry him downe For his lying writings are apparent to those which reade them It is onely to aduertise those which giue the credit not somuch to regard the title of the Authour as the truth of things For there are men which doe not beare so much respect to the writings as to him that made them and which thinke that for as much as Fabius liued in those times and had beene of the Senate that hee could not but speake truth It is true and I am of opinion that we must giue beleefe and credit vnto him in many things but yet wee may not beleeue all for wee must consider things as they are and how they agree Finally to returne to our Discourse we must not thinke that the first cause of the Warre which the Romans had with the Carthaginians was the indignation of Amilcar sirnamed Barca Father to Hannibal And we must vnderstand that he was not vanquished by the Romans during the Warre of Sicily for he preserued the Army which was about Erix with great Iudgement but when he saw the Carthaginians had lost the battell at Sea hee thought good to veeld vnto the time and made a peace with the Romans yet hee left noâ— his indignation so as he expected continually an opportunity to be reuenged of them And if the Carthaginians had not found themselues troubled with the mntiny of their Souldiers hee would presently haue renewed the VVarre with all his power and therefore being hindred by an intestine mischiefe he deserr'd it to another time The Romans considering the danger wherein the Carthaginians were by the mutiny of their Souldiers threatned them with VVarre To preuent the which the Carthaginians made an accord as we haue specified in the former Booke without which no man can vnderstand that which wee haue now sayd nor that which followes Finally they quit them Sardinia as vnfurnished both of counsell and aide For that the Romans would not otherwise desist from their Enterprize and they payed them beside the Summe already accorded seuen hundred thousand Crownes which was the second and the greatest cause of the VVarre which after wards began VVhen as all the people of Carthage were entred into the like indignation with Hannibal and that Amilcar saw the mutiny of the Souldiers supprest and the affaires of the Countrey pacified he began to make VVarre in Spaine seeking to make vse of it as a preparatiue to leade them against the Romans Behold that which we must imagine for the third cause that is to say the good fortune which the Carthaginians had For that their hearts grew great and therefore they vndertooke thâ—s VVarre more boldly There is proofe sufficient that Amilcar was the principall cause of the second Punique VVarre although he were dead ten yeeres before but it shall suffice for the present to relate that which followeth At what time that Hannibal was vanquished by the Romans he retired to Antiochus leauing Affricke the Romans aduertised of the Etoliens attempt sent an Embassie to Antiochus to know his will and to discouer by this meanes his preparation for Warre But hauing vnderstood that he held the party of the Etoliens and that he was resolued to make Warre against the Romans they frequented daily with Hannibal seeking by their continuall familiarity to draw him into suspition and dislike wherein they were not deceiued For Antiochus thinking he had beene gain'd by the Romans suspected him long But it happened on a time when as the King called him to his Councell whereas he had good liberty to speake And then after many discourses in the end as it were by indignation hee began to vse these termes VVhen as my Father Amilcar was to passe into Spaine with an Army I was about the Age of nine yeares and when as he sacrificed to Iupiter I was neere vnto the Altars But when as the Sacrifices were ended my father caused the rest to retire backe and hauing called me alone he demaunded kindly of me and as it were with imbracings if I would go the Voyage The which when I had not onely accepted but moreouer intreated him like a childe then taking my right hand and laying it vpon the Altar hee would that touching the things sacrificed I should sweare that presently when I came to age I should be an enemy to the Romanes And therefore Sir as long as you shall be their enemy you may relie confidently in me and haue no suspicion of Hannibal but when you shall be reconciled or that you shall contract friendshippe with them then expect no other accuser and haue a care to keepe your selfe from me as from an enemy to the people of Rome for I shall be alwayes opposite vnto them with all my power Antiochus hearing this kind of Speech and that Hannibal spake truly and with affection in regard of his griefe he presently abandoned all suspition Behold then a manifest testimony of the harred and bad affection of Amilcar towards the Romanes for hee left Asdrubal his sonne in Law and his sonne Hannibal for their enemies such as there could be none greater It is true that Death tooke an order that Asdrubal could not shewe the hatred he bare them But Hannibal had time at will so as preuailing in his interprize he hath sufficiently made knowne the hatred which he held from his Father And therefore they which haue the Gouernment of a Common-weale must carefully consider this and ruminate in their vnderstanding to know the humours of those with whom they make any accord or friendship whither it be for the necessity of the time
or to giue ouer the Warres to the ende they may alwaies defend themselues from those which seeke an opportunity to do euill and to make vse of those whom they know to bee their Subiects or true friends when necessity shall require These causes which we haue specified are those of the second Punique Warre and the beginning of that which we will now relate The Carthaginians hardly induring the losse of Sycile which the Romanes had taken from them It is true that as we haue said Sardinia which they had surprized by Treason during the mutiny of Affricke and this summe of money which they had caused them to pay did much increase their hatred And therefore it was likely that as soone as they should grow great in Spaine they would transport the VVarre into Italy But after the death of Asdrubal who after the death of Amilcar was Generall of the Carthaginians they desired to know the will of the Souldiers before they would place a new Commaunder And when as the newes came from the Campe that Hannibal had bin chosen Captaine by a generall consent they presently assembled and confirmed with one accord by the election of the men of VVar. Hannibal hauing receiued all power and considering that to linger was of no worth he marcht with his army to the skirts of the Olcades to ruine them And therefore he besieged Carteia the chiefe Towne of that Countrey and tooke it by assault after some dayes resistance So as the other Townes being terrified yeelded of themselues to the Carthaginians After this Victory the Army retired to winter at Carthagena with great booty whereas Hannibal vsing great bounty deuided it amongst the Souldiers So as hee gained their hearts wonderfully leauing them in great hope for the future In the Spring hee led his Army against the Vacceens and presently conquered Ermandique Afterwards hee tooke Arbacale by force not without great danger hauing held it long besieged For that it had beene well defended by the greatnesse of the Citty and the multitude and courage of the Inhabitants After this hee suddainly fell by chance into a maruellous danger by a charge which the Toletains haue him at his returne from the Vacceens with a great booty For it is a people which exceeds all the rest of this Prouince in courage and multitudes of men with the which also there ioyned the Fugitiues of Ermandique Whereunto the banished men of the Olcades had perswaded them Without doubt the Carthaginians had beene vanquished and defeated if they had offered Battell but Hannibal gaue order to the contrary and striking Sâ—ile to enemy he planted himselfe vppon the Banke of the Riuer of Tagus giuing charge vnto his Horse men that when they should see the Enemies enter into the Water they should charge the Battalion of foote He lodg'd forty Elephants along the Bankes By this meanes all things succeeded happily for that he had the riuer and the Elephants as it were for Combattants For the Barbarians thinking that the Carthaginians were retired for feare they cast themselues confusedly into the Riuer with great cries Wherefore a great number of them were defeated vpon the Bankes of the Riuer by the Elephants which stood there and flew them at their landing Some were also slâ—ine in the Riuer by the Horse men for that the Horsemen being at ease and without Armour could better helpe themselues and annoy the enemies who durst not relye vpon the Ford. They which were in the Reare and might easily recouer the Banke retired vntill in the end the Carthaginians cast themselues into the riuer with all their bands and companies and put them to flight The Toletains army with the Olcades and Vacceens consisted of a hundred thousand men After which defeate there were not any found beyond the riuer of Ebro that durst resist the Carthaginians except the Sagontins It is true that Hannibal would not fall vpon them least hee should offer an occasion of Warre to the Romanes before hee had seized vppon that which his Father Amilcar had aduised him to do In the meane time the Sagontins sent often to Rome aswell for the care of their owne priuate affaires as also fore-seeing future things and likewise to aduertise them of the good Fortune of the Carthaginians in Spaine Finally the Romanes hauing thereupon many and diuers aduertisements they sent an Embassie into Spaine to discouer the course of Hannibals actions But he was retired to Winter at Carthagena hauing mannaged his affaires to his owne liking Being suddainly arriued there he cals them and giues them audience and power to deliuer their charge The Embassadours at the first signifies vnto him that he should demaund nothing from the Sagontins being allied vnto the Romanes And moreouer that he should not passe the riuer of Ebro for that it had beene so concluded by the Treaty made with Asdruball The which being heard by Hannibal like a young man and greedy of War and who easily did what he would with the Senate of Carthage by the meanes of the heads of his faction together with the hatred he bare against the Romanes he answered the Embassadours as a friend to the Sagontins blaming the people of Rome who when they had lately receiued Letters from the Sagontins for a mutiny which was growne amongst them to the end they might send some Embassie to pacifie it they had wickedly put to death some of the principall of the Citty Whereof he threatens them to take reuenge saying that the Carthaginians had a Custome not to disdaine outrages On the other side he sent vnto Carthage to aduertise them of that which they were to do considering that the Sagontins relying vppon the Alliance with the Romanes had done great outrages to many Townes subiect to the Carthaginians Finally as one full of inconstancy and rage and inflamed with a desire to make Warre he propounded no other valuable reason pursuing only certaine friuolous and impertinent causes The which is incident to those who transported by their passion forget their duty But had it not beene much better to say thus That the Carthaginians do rightfully demaund of the Romanes that they restore vnto them Sardinia and the siluer which for so many yeares they had vniustly drawne from them during their great affaires and if they did it not they will proclaime Warre against them Where as contrariwise it seemes now in leauing the true cause and supposing a false one of the Sagontins they would make it not only without occasion but also with great outrage And although the Embassadours vnderstood well that vppon necessity they must enter into Warre yet they went vnto Carthage where they vsed the like speech It is true the Romanes meant to Transport it into Spaine and not into Italy and to haue Sagont for a Fort. Wherefore in the interim they laboured first to pacifie the Wars of Sclauonia as if they intended to make a Warre that was
them fighting with great resolution and courage The other part of the Army at Sea landed march't and prest the enemy in the Reare Wherefore for as much as the Romans charg'd them on all sides and that the Sclauonians were prest before and behind the Combate was long and cruell Finally the Romans had the Victory The greatest part of the Sclauonians were most miserablely slaine some saued themselues within the Towne and the rest fled into the Desarts of the Iland Demetrius the Night following saued himselfe contrary to the opinion of all the World by meanes of certaine Vessels which hee had appointed in three places for his safety the case so happening and retired to Phillip King of Macedon with whom hee spent the Remainder of his dayes Hee was a man of great courage and ouerweening but of little iudgement in Martiall affaires And therefore hee ended according to the life which hee had formerly led For when as at Phillips desire hee had begunne to besiege the Towne of the Messenians hee was most shamefully slaine by the Enemy for his great and ouerweening boldnesse But wee will speake of these things more particularly when wee shall come vnto that time When as Emilius had so suddainly gotten Phare hee razed the Towne to the ground And hauing within few dayes reduced the rest of the Townes of Sclauonia to the Romane obedience and decided all the affaires of the Prouince as hee had resolued hee returnes to Rome in the beginning of Autumne where hee was receiued with wonderfull great glory triumph and good esteeme of all men to haue done not onely like a wise and discreete man but like a resolute But when in the meane time newes came to Rome of the razing of Sagont some haue written that the Lords of the Romane Councell were not of opinion to make Warre and they alledge causes and reasons which held them in suspence But what can bee spoken more vnreasonably How is it likely that they which the yeere before had signified Warre vnto the Carthaginians if they entred the Sagontins Countrey should now growe doubtfull whether after the taking of Sagont they should make Warre or not But is there any thing lesse worthy of credit to say that the Senate on the one side was wonderfully heauy and afflicted as if all had beene vtterly lost On the other side that the Fathers brought all their Children to the Senare so as they were aboue twelue yeeres of age and that being partakers of the Councell they neuer reuealed or made knowne the secrets to any Without doubt these things are neither true nor likely vnlesse the Romans haue that gift of nature to bee wise from their Cradles We haue discoursed sufficiently of these writings which are of Cherea and Solilus neither haue they so much shew of a History as of old wiues Tales and are like vnto those which they vsually tell in Barbers shops The Romans then after the newes of the taking of Sagont and the murther of their Allies sent presently an Embassie to Carthage to let them vnderstand two things whereof the one seemed to bee of consequence for ignomy and losse of the Carthaginions and the other had a shew to draw their Empire in hazard For they demaunded that they should either deliuer Hannibal to bee punished for the breach of the publique Faith or else they should hold themselues assured of Warre When as the Embassadours were come to Carthage and that the Senate had giuen them audience they deliuered their Commission which was not without the indignation of of the Carthaginians who made choice of Hanno to debate their Right who at the first made no accompt of Asdrubals treatie as hauing neuer beene made with the Romans and if it were so the Carthaginians were not bound vnto it for that Asdrubal had exceeded his Commission and had done it without the authority of the Senate or people of Carthage Whereunto hee alleadged in the like case that the Romans had beene of opinion that the accord made in Sicily by the Consull Luctatius should bee broken for that it had beene made without the authority of the people of Rome Finally hee insisted still vpon this accord whilest his Speech continued and reade it often saying that there was no mention made of Ebro and that the Allies of the one and of the other were onely reserued and that moreouer it did nothing concerne the Sagontins for that at the time of the accord they were not allied vnto the Romans The Embassadours repuls'd with great words this contention concerning the right of the accorde as a thing which concernes the honour of the people of Rome saying that the quarrels might bee decided if the Sagontins were in there entire But now that Sagont is razed and that the faith and accords are wickedly broken they should either deliuer the Authour of the Crime to the Romans to the end that all the World might know that Sagont hath not beene ouerthrowne and ruined with the consent of the Carthaginians Or if they will not but confesse that the Towne hath beene destroyed with their consent that they should prepare to Warre Thus ended their discourse which they held more amply and in generall I haue held it most necessary not to passe ouer this particular in silence to the end the truth may not bee hidden to those which deale in publique affaires or which haue cause to consider exactly of these things Or else haue a desire to know whether they erre being deceiued by the ignorance and sottishnesse of Historiographers for want of knowledge of the treaties which from the first Punique Warre vnto our times haue beene made betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians The first then was made betwixt these two Nations immediately after that the name of King was chased out of Rome Lucius Iunius Brutus and Marcus Valerius being Consuls vnder whom also a Temple was dedicated to Iupiter Capitolinus eight and twenty yeeres before the first voyage of Xerxes into Greece the which wee haue interpreted with the greatest diligence wee could possibly Beleeue me the Romane tongue hath beene so changed since that time vnto our dayes as they which are the best instructed in Antiquities vnderstand not much of it but with great difficulty This accord containes in a manner thus much The people of Rome and the Carthaginians shall liue in Amity and Friendship The like shall their Allies doe The Romans and their Allies shall not saile beyond the Promontory of Beauty vnlesse they be forced by storme or the violence of their Enemies If any one takes Port for these causes hee shall not buy nor take anything but what necessity shall require for Sacrifices and for Ships And that within the fift day they shall set faile for their retreate They which shall arriue there for the trade of Merchandize shall be free except the duties which belong vnto the Register and to the Citty who shall giue
into Sycily worthy of blame for that they had receiued the Mamertins into friendship and presently sent forces after in their extreame necessity considering that a little before they had spoiled Messina and Rhegium with great cruelty beeing two of the richest Townes in Sycily But this were to iudge like an ignorant man that in passing into Sycily they had broken their faith and promise After that the Warre of Sycily was ended there was another Accord made whereof this is the Tenor. That the Carthaginians should not onely voide out of Sycily but out of all the Islands which are betwixt it and Italy And the Allies of the one and the other should haue no Rule in neither of their Countries nor should make any Forts nor draw foorth any Souldiers nor make Alliance with either of their Allies and that the Carthaginians should pay thirteene hundred and twenty thousand Crownes within ten yeares Whereof sixe hundred thousand should be presently paied and that moreouer they should deliuer all the Romane Prisoners without ransome Besides all this the Romanes declaring Warre vnto them when they were much troubled and afflicted in Affricke they forced them to make a new Treaty Where it was sayd that the Carthaginians should leaue Sardinia and pay besides the summe agreed vpon seauen hundred thousand Crownes After all these Treaties the last was made in Spaine with Asdrubal where the Carthaginians were forbidden to passe the Riuer of Ebro or Iberus in Armes Behold all the Treaties which the people of Rome and Carthage made from the first Punique Warre vnto the second which the Carthaginians mannaged vnder the Conduct of Hannibal But it is doubtlesse that as wee haue shewed that the Romanes did not breake their faith when they past into Sycily as doth plainly appeare So afterwards they declared Warre against the Carthaginians without reason when as they made the Treaty for Sardinia for truely there can be no reason found therein Contrariwise we see plainely that besides all the agreements the Carthaginians left Sardinia and payed a greater summe of mony being forced by the malice of the time And as for that wherewith the Romanes shelter themselues that they were forced thereunto for that they had outraged their Merchants at Sea This had beene formerly decided when as the Carthaginians deliuered the Prisoners without Ransome These are things whereof we haue spoken when in the precedent Booke we haue related that which was to be said in perticular Let vs now come to the causes of the second Punique War and let vs see which of the two Nations is to be blamed The Carthaginians obiected those causes which we haue related In regard of the Romanes they brought none for the present for the indignation they had for the razing of Sagont Yet behold those which they and others do vsually obiect First there is no comparison betwixt the Treaty which Asdrubal made and that of Luctatius although the Carthaginians will haue it so For it was sayd in that of Luctatius that it should hold good if the people of Rome consent vnto it And as for that of Asdrubal there was no such condition Where it was expresly sayd that the Carthaginians should not passe beyond Ebro And it was sayd in the other that the Allies of either part should liue in peace Vnder which termes were not only comprehended those which then were not Allied For it would haue beene Articulated that the one nor the other should make any new Alliance or that they which should newly enter should not be comprehended whereof there is nothing Written For with that whereof formerly they had giuen order that none of those which should enter newly into Alliance should be wronged Who will beleeue that eyther of these powerful Nations would restraine himselfe from receiuing those he should think good into Alliance or to defend those that were receiued In trueth I conceiue that in making their Treaty their chiefe intent was that their Allies should liue in safety and that it should not be lawful for them to receiue the Allies of the one and the other into alliance and it was prouided that the new alliances might not draw Souldiers out of the others Prouinces nor beare any rule there and that they should all Line in peace Matters standing in these Termes it is manifest that the Sagontins were allied vnto the Romanes long before Hannibal The which is so probable as the Carthaginians cannot deny it For the Sagontins for a mutiny which grew in their Towne sent not vnto the Carthaginians although they were their Neighbours and held the greatest part of Spaine but retired to the Romanes by whose meanes the sedition was pacified and supprest If they say that the razing of Sagont hath beene the cause of this Warre they must likewise confesse that the Carthaginians had no reason to make Warre against the Romanes aswell by the Treaty made with Luctatius wherein it was contained that they should do no outrage vnto the Allies as by that which was made by Asdrubal by the which the Carthaginians were restrained from passing the Riuer of Ebro in Armes Likewise if they will say that the Carthaginians had taken this Warre to heart for Sardinia which had beene taken from them and for the summe of money which they had payed I make no doubt that they were not to bee blamed if attending the opportunity of the time they sought to reuenge Yet I conceiue there wil be some who not duly considering heereof will imagine it idle and to no purpose that I examine these reasons so dilligently For my part I am of opinion that if a man be so well furnished with all things necessary as he needes not any assistance yet the knowledge of things past wil be pleasing vnto him and it may be necessary If likewise any one dare not â—relie vpon this aswell in priuate affaires as publicke considering he is a man and that he knowes well that this present felicity may be lost considering that the Fortune of men is fraile and without continuance Then I say that the knowledge of things past is not onely pleasant but necessary But how may a man finde aide and succours to defend himselfe being wronged in his owne Countrey Or draw all the VVorld vnto his owne opinion making a new enterprize Or assure the hearts of his men when Fortune fauours him if hee haue not a true particular knowledge of the deedes of his Ancestors Beleeue me by this meanes he shal be ready and instructed in present affaires to be able to say and doe things whereby all enterprizes shal be discouered and the Truth vnderstood For things that are done and past are good instructions for those that shal succeed and come after shewing vs the meanes aduise and policies whereby wee may purchase grace helpe and comfort Or contrariwise procure hatred malice or indignation and so mooue to Iustice and reason All which are of great Consequence vnto a man
aswell for his priuate affaires as for the publicke And therefore I am of aduice that Historiographers and they which giue themselues to read Histories should not so much respect the Actions as their Consequence and that which goes before For if you take from a History which mentions but the deeds how nor wherefore it hapned and what the end was that which shall remaine will haue no instructions and will be but a kinde of Contention Although happily it may seeme at the first sight something pleasant but for the future they shall reape no profite It is true some will say that it is no easie thing to recouer such a History and that they cannot well finde it for the greatnesse and number of Bookes Beleeue me they doe not vnderstand how much more easie it is to haue and to read forty Bookes made with good order whereas the deedes and actions of Italy Sycily and Affricke from the voiage of Pyrrhus into Italy vnto the taking of Carthage are comprized And as for those of the other parts of the World from the flight of Cleomenes vnto the Warre which the Romans had against the Acheins neere vnto the Isthmus Then to make prouision or to reade so many Bookes of so many particular Histories For as they exceede ours in greatnesse and number so it is a difficult thing to comprehend any thing certaine First that all write not of the same things and omit those which haue beene done at the same time the which if they were conferr'd together would the better discouer the truth Finally they cannot attaine to that which is necessary to the History which are the things which precede the actions and concerne the causes For our part wee will consider the Warre of Antiochus as hauing taken its occasion from that of Phillip and that of Phillip from the Punique Warre and the Punique from that of Sicily Whereas all the accidents which haue happened in the meane time and may bee referred to one beginning are diligently obserued All which things may be easily vnderstood by him that hath written a generall History the which is impossible by them which speake of particular Warres as of the Persique or Phillippique vnlesse perchance some one holds opinion to be able to vnderstand a whole Warre by the knowledge of one Battell which is impossible And therefore our History ought to be more esteemed than that of particular Warres for that it is more excellent to haue learned some thing perfectly than to haue onely heard of it But to returne from whence wee strayed when the Roman Embassadours saw that the Carthaginians disguised matters they spake no more But the most ancient among them taking vp the skirt of his Roabe and shewing it to the Senate Behold saith hee wherein I bring you Warre or Peace take which you please Whereunto the Chiefe of the Carthaginians answered deliuer which you will And when he had spoken he deliuered them Warre many of the Senate cryed out that they accepted it Vpon this discourse the Embassadours and Senate retired Hannibal wintering at Carthage had giuen leaue to his Souldiers to returne into their Countrey if happily there were any that desired to see their Kinsfolkes and Friends To the end that hauing endured so much toile they might fortifie their bodies and mindes to endure new labour Moreouer he instructs his brother Asdrubal by what meanes if hee were forced to part out of the Prouince he should defend and gouerne Spaine against all the attempts of the Romans Then hee sends a great Garrison into Affricke of men which he drew out of Spaine for hee had caused Souldiers to come out of Affricke into Spaine making cunningly this diuision of his men to the end that the Affricans being there and the Spaniards in Affricke they should grow better by mutuall obligations They which past into Affricke were Thersites Mastianes Orites Spaniards and Olcades hauing appointed the number of them to be twelue hundred Horse and thirteene thousand eight hundred fifty Foot and besides these eight hundred and fifty Slingers of Maiorque and Minorque called Balleares with their Iland by reason of the vse of the Sling He commaunds they should lodge the greatest part in Affricke and that the rest should remaine at Carthage for its strength He doth also leauy foure thousand Foote the choice of the youth within the heart of Spaine the which hee causeth to march to Carthage not so much to fortifie it as to serue for Hostages Hee also left in Spaine to his Brother Asdrubal fifty Quinqueremes two Quadriremes fiue Triremes and among the Quinqueremes thirty two armed and furnished with the fiue Triremes Hee also left him about foure hundred and fifty Libyphentces which is a mixt Nation of Phenicians and Affricans and three hundred Iâ—ergetois Eighteene hundred Numidians and Moores bordering vpon the great Sea Eleauen thousand eight hundred and fifty Foote Affricans Three hundred Geneuois Fiue hundred men of Maiorque and Mâ—norque and one and twenty Elephants No man onght to wonder at our diligence in this description If I so obserue it in the affaires of Hannibal in Spaine that euen they which practised it could hardly obserue Nor blame vs for that after the manner of lyars we relate I know not what petty triuiall things the more easily to giue credit vnto our writing For when I had seene at Lauynium a Table of Copper which Hannibal had left there when as he ouer-ran Italy wherein this number was contained I thought sit to giue credit vnto it and therefore wee haue followed it heere When as Hannibal had prouided for Affricke and Spaine hee respected the returne of such as hee had sent to moue the Gaules by whose Country he was to passe his Army You must vnderstand that he had sent men to winne them by Presents and to view the passages of the Mountaine for that he was aduertised that this Region was very fertile and very well peopled with resolute men and good Souldiers and mortall Enemies to the Romans for the Warre which they made against the Gaules expecting that his Warre should be onely in Italy if hee might passe his Army safely by the streights of the Alpes with their helpe After the returne of his men and that he was aduertised of the expectance and desire of the Gaules and that the passages of the Hills were rough and painefull not altogether inaccessible he drew his Army together in the Spring It is true that the newes which at the same time hee receiued of that which happened at Carthage inflamed his cholleâ— the more against the Romans hauing thereby a confident hope of the fidelity and affection of his Nation When as all the Army was drawne together Hannibal made an Oration not to any one part but publickely to all the Souldiers by diuers meanes perswading them to imbrace the Warre against the Romans and how that hee and the other Captaines of Carthage had bene
a feare and amazement as they thought Hannibal would come a Conquerour to Rome Wherefore they leuied a new Army and sent supplies into Sicily and Sardinia fortifying Tarentum and the other Townes in Italy They likewise prepared an Army at Sea of fifty Quinqueremes Finally they were wholly attentiue to Warre At that time Cneus Seruilius and Caius Flamiâ—â—ius were chosen Consuls and a new leuie of men was made and succours required from the Allies One of them led his Troupes to Rimeni and the other into Tuscany They had resolued to lead their Armies into Gaule They had besides sent to Hieron to demaund succours who sent them fiue hundred Candiots and a thousand men which beare Targets Without doubt the Romans at that time drew all the Fâ—rces they could possible against Hannibal for the feare was not onely generall but euery mans in particular During these accidents in Italy Cneus Cornelius Scipio who as we haue formerly said had beene left by his Brother in Gaule with an Army at Sea parting from the mouth of Rhone arriued at Empories And beginning there hee made all the Maritime Countrly vnto Ebro subiect to the Romans renewing the ancient leagues with some and making new with others When hee had pacifiâ—d the Sea-coasts aud had left Garrisons where neede required he led his Army vp into the firme land Hee had now drawne together some Companies of succours from the allied Townes By this meanes he takes some Townes some by Composition others by force The which Hanno perceiuing whom Hannibal had left for the defence of Spaine he resolued to encounter the Enemies and planted himselfe right against them neere vnto a Towne which the people of the Countrey call Cisse Scipio in like manner did not hold it fit to deferre the Battell And therefore after hee had gotten the Victory and taken the Enemies Fort hee recouered great store of Treasure For all they which went to the Warres of Italy vnder Hannibal had left all their wealth with these men lest the Baggage should bee tedious and troublesome vnto them Afterwards Scipio made a league with all the Inhabitants which were within the Riuer of Ebro and made them Allies and Friends There were two Commaunders taken aliue whereof the one was Hanno who had the leading of the Carthaginians and the other Andubal King of a Region which lies in the heart of Spaine who had alwayes held the party of the Carthaginians Asdrubal hearing the newes passeth Ebro marching with his Army against the Romans who vpon the way had newes that the Souldiers and Sea-men wandred the fields vp and downe being confident and carelesse with the ioy of their Victory Wherefore hee marches thither speedily with eight thousand foote and a thousand Horse where killing a great part he forced the rest to recouer their ships yet hee durst not stay long but repast the Riuer of Ebro And when hee had put Garrisons in necessary places hee went to winter at Carthage Cneus Scipio aduertised hereof drawes his men suddainly together and goes vnto his Sea-army punishing such as had beene the cause of the defeate after the manner of the Romans When hee had drawne his Army both by Sea and Land together he went to winter at Taracona where he diuided the spoile so as hee purchased the loue of them all making them more resolute for the future Warre Behold the estate of the affaires of Spaine In the beginning of the Spring Flaminius marching thorough Tuscany came to Aretzo As for Seruilius hee attended after hee had brought his Army to Rimeni when the Enemy would dislodge And whilest that Hannibal spent the Winter in Gaule hee kept the Romans that were Prisoners straightly fetter'd and poorely fed intreating the Allies courteously from the beginning and afterwards causing them to assemble he made many remonstrances vnto them telling them that he was not come to make Warre against them but to fight with the Romans for their liberty and therefore if they were wise they should imbrace the alliance and friendship of the Carthaginians and that he was there to set the people of Italy at liberty and to restore those whom the Romans had outragiously chased from their houses their Townes and Countries When hee had vsed these or the like speeches hee sent them all away without ransome desiring by this meanes to winne the hearts of all the people of Italy and to make them abandon the Romans party and to encourage those whom they had depriued of their Townes and Countrey It is true that whilest hee wintred he was many times in dangers by the Gaules the which he preuented by an Affrican tricke for that the Gaules discouered it as lightly vnto him as they had giuen their consent so as hee caused periwigges of diuers ages to bee made with great art the which he vsed changing his apparrell often so as he was not onely vnknowne to them which had neuer seene him but also to his familiars By this meanes he was in safety they not knowing whom to assault for Hannibal Moreouer when as the Gaules were discontented that their Countrey was made the seate of the Warre making a shew to be desirous to fight to the end it might be transported to some other part Hannibal resolued to goe the sooner to field and to lead his Army to the Warre which he desired The Spring time approached when calling vnto him those which knew the wayes he inquired of the passages which went into the Enemies Country And being aduertised that all the wayes were long and knowne to the enemy they discouered vnto him one that was shorter but troublesome which would leade him through the Marishes of Tuscany whereby he might passe his Army vnknowne vnto the enemy But when the newes came into the Campe of their Voyage by Marishes the apprehension discouraged them fearing the Quagmires and Pooles Yet he tooke this way with his whole Army causing the Spaniards and Affricans to march before with the ablest of his men and their Baggage to the end that if they were forced to plant a Campe they should not want things necessary It is true that before he had not resolued to carry any Baggage for that hee knew well that the Carthaginians should not want any thing if they were vanquished and if they won the Countrey they should not likewise want Next he causeth the Gaules to march and in the Reare the horse-men whereof he gaue the charge to his brother Mago to the end that by their helpe the Gaules by their basenesse should not turne head being discontented with the toile The Spaniards and Affricans marching through the Marishes came vnto the end without any great toile as inured to paines and accustomed to such miseries Contrariwise the Gaules went with great difficulty as men amazed falling into the Quagmires of the Moares and carrying this misery with griefe and discontent like men vnaccustomed to such calamities the Horse-men kept them
seeing that the hope of Victory consisted in the Footemen hee thrust into the hottest of the Battaile whee in fighting hee gaue courage to the Horsemen the which Hannibal did in like manner In the meane time the Numidians of the left wing with all their Horse-men falling vpon the right wing of the Romans they neither did nor suffred any thing that was worthy of memory so equall were the two Troupes both in force and courage yet they made the Romans vnprofitable scattering them heere and there In the meane time Asdrubal went to aide and succour the Affricans with the Horse-men of the left wing The which the Horse-men of the Roman Allies perceiuing they presently turned head Asdrubal seeing this performed the duty of a wise and discreet Captaine and sent the Numidians whom he knew were more in number and terrible to make a chase to pursue them that fled and went himselfe speedily with the Footmen to succour the Affricains where assailing the Romans in the Reare he fortified his owne Men making a great slaughter of the Enemie Lucius Emilius hauing receiued many wounds died in this Battaile Hee was a Man who vnto his death had done good seruice vnto the Common-wealth They write that Caius Lentulus a Tribune leading an empty horse in his hand as hee fled saw Paulus the Consull sitting on a stone all couered with blood to whom he said Lucius Emiliâ—s whom the Gods should hold innocent of this cruell slaughter take this horse whilest any strength remaines within and I being thy friend will lift thee vp and keepe thee on lest thou make this Battaile dolefull thorough the death of a Consull without the which there is cause enough of mourning and weeping Whereunto the Consull answered Caius Cornelius increase thou in vertue but beware lest whilest thou doest bewaile this accident thou finde little time to escape thy selfe Goe therefore and bid the Senate make strong the walls of Rome and to fortifie it with Succours before the Conquerour come and tell Quintus Fabius secretly that Lucius Emilius Paulus doth constantly remember his precepts liueth in them and will die in them And I pray thee suffer me to passe this life among these my dead Knights lest by longer liuing I become an accuser of my fellowe defending my innocencie by the trespasse of another and yet at length dye being held guilty of this action The Romans holding still good in so long and furious a Battaile were in the end all slaine Among the which died the Consuls of the precedent yeare Marcus Attilius and Cneius Seruilius braue men and worthy of the Roman name At the same time the Numidians ouertooke the horsemen which fled whereof they slew a great number and dismounted the rest Some retired to Venusium among the which was the Consull Varro whose life was base and his command vnprofitable for his Country Behold the end of the Battaile of Cannas so famous as well for the victors as the vanquished whereof the reason is for that of sixe thousand Roman horse there escaped but threescore and tenne to Venusium with Varro and of the Allies about three hundred scattered here and there who fled to the Neighbour Townes And as for the Bands of Foote the Enemie tooke about tenne thousand aliue so as there hardly escaped three thousand The rest to the number of threescore and tenne thousand were slaine in the Battaile The Carthaginians got not the victory without losse There were slaine about foure thousand Gaules fifteene hundred Affricains and Spaniards and two hundred horse The Romans which were taken aliue were not in the Battaile for Varro had left tenne thousand Men in the Campe to the end that if Haniball led forth all his Army to fight that in assailing the Enemies Campe whilest they were otherwise busie they might spoile the Carthaginians Munition And if Haniball left a sufficient Garrison for the Campe then his Forces would be the lesse for the Romans were stronger in numbers of Men. Behold the manner how they were taken Haniball had left a sufficient Garrison in his Campe to guard it But when as the Romans saw the Battaile grow hot they go vnto the Campe as they had resolued to besiege it The Carthaginians defended themselues But for that the Romans charged them furiously they were forced to abandon the place In the meane time Hannibal hauing gotten an absolute victory falls vpon those which assailed his Campe and put them to flight shutting them vp within their Forts of whom hee slewe two thousand and tooke the rest The Numidians on the other side brought vnto Hannibal the Roman horsemen who flying were dispierced in the Fields Thus after the Battaile ended neither of them were deceiued in their expectation for presently the Carthaginians were Masters of the Prouince which they call great Greece so as Tarent Capua and Naples came vnder their obedience and all the Townes wauered for Hannibal neither was he out of hope to take Rome speedily Finally the Romans wholy dispairing of the Empire of Italy were in feare not onely of their owne ruine but also of the whole Country expecting hourely their cruell Enemie at the walls of Rome The Citie being thus troubled Newes to the end the measure of their miseries might be full came from Gaule of the Defeat of Lucius Postumus the Pretor with his Army by an Ambush Yet the Senate inuolued in so many miseries made a good shew aduising the people to fortifie the Citie with Men and to consider of their affaires with courage and constancie The which the things which succeeded afterwards did verifie for being now vanquished by the Carthaginians and seeming to acquit vnto them the glory of Armes within short time after by the constancie of the Common-wealth and by the Councell and wisdome of the Senate they came after they had vanquished and ruined the Carthaginians to be Lords not onely of Italy but also of the whole world And therefore we will conclude this booke and likewise the actions of Spaine and Italy which were during the hundreth and fortieth Olimpiade And when we shall come to those of Greece during the same Olimpiade we will speake more at large of the Roman Common-wealth For I hold it not onely necessary for the Reader for the knowledge of the History but also profitable to correct and gouerne a Common-wealth The end of the Third Booke of Polybius THE FOVRTH BOOKE of the History of POLYBIVS WEE haue in my opinion sufficiently shewed the causes of the second punique warre in this last Booke and then the descent of Hannibal into Italy Wee haue also related many Combats betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians vnto the Battaile which was fought neere vnto the Riuer of Fante and the Towne of Cannes Now wee will pursue the warres of Greece of the same time deliuering in few words the things mentioned by vs in the second Booke of the preparation of our
to Etolia he tooke this speech of Schiron so to heart as without any other cause he made warre against the Messeniens At that time Ariston was chiefe of the Etoliens who by reason of the weakenesse of his body growne by a long infirmity could not mannage this warre Although hee were allied to Scope and to Dorimache yet he gaue the conduct to Dorimache But he durst not openly incense the Etoliens to make warre against the Messeniens for that hee could noâ— propound for a sufficient cause as growing onely vpon choller for an iniury spoken to him And therefore leauing this aduice hee adresseth himselfe to Scope in priuate perswading him to oppose himselfe against the Messeniens being then assured of the Macedonians by reason of the minority of their King for that Philip had not seauenteene yeares compleate and that moreouer the Lacedemonians held not the party of the Messeniens acquainting him with the Friendship and alliance hee had with the Grecians Wherefore hee found not any man that could hinder his passage to Messena Then hee propounded vnto him with an Etolien perswasion the great profite that would redowne thereby considering that all the Countrey liued in assurance and that they alone had not felt the Cleomenique Warre and that finally the Etoliens would bee well pleased and ready to doe them honour vnto the vtmost of their ability and power As for the Acheins they would giue them occasion of Warre if they sought to hinder their voyage But if they did not budge they would passe easily to Messena and for that the Messeniens had made a promise to the Acheins and Macedonians to enter into their league they gaue sufficient occasion of Warre Hauing vsed a long Speech touching this enterprize hee soone moued Scope and his Friends as without assembling the people or attending the will of the Magistrates or obseruing any order oâ— serâ—uâ—tice they made Warre against the Messeniens the Epirotes Acheins Acarnaniens and Macedonians Wherefore they presently sent forth many Pirates who encountred with the royall ship of Macedony laden and carried it to Etolia where they sold the Pilots and Marriners and in the end the ship Then they ranne along the Empire spoyling all those which they met being assisted by the Cephalonien Vessels to commit their outrages taking Townes by Treason For in Acarnania they tooke Orea and seized vpon a Castle which is in the midst of the Megalopolitains Countrey which they call Claire by men whom they had secretly sent into Morea whereof making vse afterwards for a retreate they committed great spoiles at Sea At that time Timoxenes which was Chiefe of the Acheins tooke the Towne of Taurion by assault the which Antigonus had taken in the time of the Warre of Morea You must vnderstand that King Antigonus held Corinthe with the good liking of the Acheins as we haue shewed heretofore in speaking of the Cleomenique Waâ— But he had not restored Orchomenes vnto them the which hee had taken by force and had made himselfe Lord thereof requesting and desiring as it seemes not onely to haue an entry into Morea but also to keepe the heart thereof by meanes of the Garrison of Orchomenes Dorimache and Scope making great choise of the time when as Timoxenes had not no many dayes to continue and stay in his Magistracy and that Arate who was to succeede him could not execute his office they assembled the Etoliens neere vnto the Mountaine of Rhie and hauing prepared the Cephalonian ships they sayled to Morea and in passing by the Coasts of the Patrenses Pharences and Tritenses they march against the Messeniens It had beene forbidden not to doe any outrage to the Acheins But who can prescribe an order to a multitude who spoile all where they come Comming in the end to Phigalea and making their attempt against the Messeniens without any regard of their ancient Friendship and without any feare of God or Men they ouer-runne and spoile the Countrey putting all to fire and sword In the meane time the Messeniens finding themselues too weake kept themselues close within their Towne The time of election approaching for the Acheins they assembled at Egea whereas holding their Diet when as the Embassadours of Patres on the one side and those of Pharos on the other made their complaints for the outrages done by the Etoliens and that on the other side the Messeniens demanded Succours with great compassion they were induced partly by the wrongs done vnto their Allies and moued partly with pitty which they had of the Messeniens being likewise discontented that the Etoliens had past their Army thorow their Countrey without their priuity they resolued to giue succours to the Messeniens and thereby to accustome the Acheins to Warre and what the assemblies should ordaine should be obserued Timxenes chiefe of the Acheins who was not yet deposed fearing to make any attempt as if there were no other meanes but the multitude for that after the Warre of Cleomenes when as all quarrels were pacified hee knew well that the people of Morea were giuen to pleasure and that making no more accompt of Warre they were growne idle Contrariwise Arate not able to endure the outrage done vnto his Allies and incensed the presumption of the Etoliens remembring in like manner their ancient hatred hee made haste to cause the Acheins to take Armes and to fight with the Etoliens And therefore fiue dayes before hee should enter into the Magistracy hee receiued the Seale from Timoxenes and wrote vnto the Towne willing them to leuie men and to assemble at Megalopolis But before wee proceede I haue thought good to speake something of his nature and disposition Arate was a man perfect in all things for the Gouernment of a City for hee spake well and had a good inuention being also diligent and of execution There was not his equall to endure a Ciuill dissention patiently nor to contract leagues and alliances Finally hee was a wise and discreet man in his Magistracy and charge and to lay Ambushes for his Enemy bringing them vnto a good end by his labour and patience Whereof there are many proofes and testimonies but especially for that he deliuered Sicyon and Mantinea to the Acheins and had taken Pellene from the Etoliens hee likewise conquered the strong Fort of Corinthe which they call Acrocorinthe Yet if hee were to fight he was carelesse to take Councell and faint-hearted in the fight Wherefore he filled Morea with the triumph of the spoiles taken by him so as Nature hath not onely framed a diuersity in mens bodies but also in their soules So as many times the same man doth not carry himselfe onely in diuers things an able man in some and slacke in others But also hee doth many times in one and the same action make shew of extreame heate and sometimes of incredible slacknesse so as sometimes hee seemes a man of great courage and another
men falling vpon him slew him cruelly with Sthenelaus Alcamenes Thyestes Byonides and diuers others As for Polyphonte hee retired with his friends to Philip hauing long before foreseene the future Things passing in this manner the Lacedemonian Gouernours sent an Embassie to the King to lay the wrong vpon them that were slaine and to perswade him to proceede no farther vntill that all the troubles of the Citie were pacified Ciuing him to vnderstand that the Lacedemonians kept their faith and friendship with the Macedonians inuiolable The Ambassadours meeting the King neere vnto the Mountaine of Parthenia deliuered their charge Who being heard Philip aduised them to returne speedily and to aduertise the Gouernours that hee would soone returne with his Army to Tegee and that they should presently send the chiefe of their Citie to Corinthe to conferre of their present affaires By this meanes the Ambassadours being returned and hauing acquainted them with Philips answere the Gouernours sent him tenne of the chiefe of the Citie among the which Omias was the first who comming to Tegee and entring into the Kings priuie Councell they vsed disgracefull speeches of Adionant and his confederates as if he had bin the cause of this Mutinie Finally they omitted nothing which they thought fit to purchase the Kings loue promising to doe any thing whereby it should appeare plainely that they continued constant in the Kings alliance and friendship Hauing deliuered these things the Lacedemonians went out of the Councell The Macedonians were of diuers opinions concerning these affaires for some being aduertised of the Enterprizes which the Spartains made with the Etoliens being also of opinion that Adimant had beene slaine for the loue he bare vnto the Macedonians beganne to counsell the King to make the Lacedemonians an example to others as Alexander had done the Thebains when he came to be King The other Senators said that this kinde of punishment was more rigorous then their deedes deserued and that they should onely let the offenders know their offence and depriue them of the gouernment of the Common-weale and giue it to his friends All which being heard the King deliuered his opinion if it be credible that it was his owne for it is not likely that a young man who had scarce attained the age of seauenteene yeares could giue iudgement in so great affaires But it becomes a Historiographer to attribute the resolution taken in Councell to Princes by whose will all things are gouerned So they which read or heare this History must conceiue that these kinde of sentences proceede from those which are the wisest and neerest vnto Princes as if they should attribute this to Arate who at that time was in great authority with the King Philip therefore said that if the Allies attempted any thing in particular among themselues it did not concerne him but onely to warne them by words or letters But if they offended their Allies openly they must receiue a publique punishment and that the Lacedemonians had not infringed the common alliance in any thing but contrariwise had offred to doe all things for the Macedonians and that moreouer hee must not study to intreate them worse considering that it were against reason to take reuenge on those for a light cause who being Enemies his Father had pardoned The Kings Sentence being confirmed Petreus a Friend to Philip was presently appointed to goe to Lacedemon with the Embassie hauing charge to aduise the Spartans to liue in Friendship and to take an Oath for the preseruation of their Faith and League In the meane time Philip razeth his Campe and returnes to Corinthe leauing a great hope in the Allies of his good disposition hauing vsed the Lacedemonians so graciously And hauing found the Embassadours of the Allies at Corinthe who were assembled there by his command they began to hold a Councell for the common affaires of Greece where as all with one voice had the actions of the Etoliens in execration The Beociens charged them that in the time of peace they had spoyled Minerua's Temple and the Phocenses that hauing planted their Campe neere vnto Ambryse and Daulia they had a resolution to take them The Epiretes shewed that they had put all their Countrey to fire and sword the Acarnanians that they had attempted to take a very rich Towne in the Night by Scaladoe Finally the Acheins propounded that they had taken Caria belonging to Megalopolis That they had ouer-run and spoiled the Bounds of Patras and Phare and put Cynethe to fire and sword and then razed it And moreouer had spoiled Diana's Temple at Luses and besieged the Clitoriâ—ns and that finally they had made Warre at Sea to Pyle and at Land to Megalopolis ioyning with the Sâ—lauonians The Councell of the Allies hearing these things all with one consent concluded to make Warre against the Etoliens It was resolued in Conncell that all they should bee receiued into the league whose Townes of Prouinces had beene taken by the Etoliens after the death of Demetrins who was Father to Philip. And that moreouer they which through the necessity of the time had beene forced to make an alliance with the Etoliens should be restored to their former liberty and it should bee lawfull for them to liue according to the Lawes and customes of their owne Countries Finally they ordained that the Amphictions should bee restored to their Lawes and haue the superintendency of the Temple which at that time the Etoliens held who had made themselues Lords When as these things had beene thus resolued the first yeare of the hundred and fortieth Olympiade suddainly the Warre of the Allies was kindled which tooke its iust beginning from the outrages done by the Etoliens whereof we haue spoken They that were in the assembly sent presently to the Allies to aduertise them that according vnto that which had beene ordayned euery one for his part should make Warre against the Etoliens Moreouer Philip writes vnto the Etoliens that if they would answere any thing to that they were charged they should send vnto him And that they were mad with folly if spoiling and ruining all the World without any open Warre they which were vniustly wronged would not seeke reuenge and that in doing so they would be held to begin the Warre The Etoliens hauing receiued these Letters making no stay for the Kings comming appointed a day to goe to Rhie to meete the King But when as they were aduertised of that which had beene concluded in the assembly they sent a Post vnto the King to let him vnderstand that they could not resolue any thing concerning the affaires of the Common-weale before the Etoliens had called an assembly The Acheins hauing held their Diet at Egia according to their custome they confirmed the resolution and presently signified Warre to the Etoliens In the meane time Philip comming to Egia vsed a gracious and friendly Speech vnto them the Acheins embraced his words with great
opposed themselues So as they returned without effect So one after they sent to declare VVarre vnto them for the afore-said causes Presently after the Rhodiens sent Embassadours to Prusias to perswade him to make Warre against the Constantinopolitains for they knew well hee was offended with them for certaine causes The Constantinopolitains in like manner solicited Attalus and Acheus by many Embassies to succour them against the Rhodiens It is true that Attalus was at liberty but hee was much oppressed with pouerty for that Acheus had forced him to retire himselfe within the liberties of his Fathers Empire Finally Acheus who tearmed himselfe Lord of all the Countrey which lies on this side Tauris and publishing himselfe for King promised succours vnto the Constantinopolitains which gaue them occasion of great hope and terrified very much the Rhodiens and Prusias For Acheus was allied vnto Antiochus who raigned in Syria and had attained to this Principallity by such or the like meanes After the death of Seleucus father vnto Antichus and that his Sonne Seleucus the eldest of the brethren had succeded in the Realme Acheus past the Mountaine of Tauris with him in regard of his kindred about two yeares before the time whereof wee now speake For as soone as Seleucus was King and hearing that Attalus had taken the whole Country which lies on this side Mount Tauris considering that hee must giue order to his Affaires passeth the Mountaine with a great Army VVhere within few dayes after hee was slaine by Apaturin a Gaule and Nicanor Acheus resoluing to reuenge the death of his kinsman kills them presently And then he gouernes the Army and all other affaires with great VVisedome and Courage For when as the opportunity of the time and the generall consent of all the Souldiers perswaded him to take the Crowne yet hee would not doe it but kept the Realme for the younger Brother Antiochus and gouerning all other matters carefull he resolued to subdue the whole Country which is on this side Tauris But when as all things had succeeded happily and that in the end he had left nothing but Pergamus to Attalus hee presently changed his minde and caused himselfe to bee called their King being growne proud with the Victories which hee had obtained contrary vnto his Hope So as it fell out that his name was more feared by the Inhabitants on this side Tauris then of any other King or Prince Wherat the Constantinopolitains being moued they made no difficulty to vnder-take a Warre against the Rhodiens and Prusias Who accused them that when they had promised to set vp his Images yet they afterwards forgot it thorough negligence And withall hee was much more incensed for that they had done what possibly they could to pacifie the Warre which was kindled betwixt Acheus and Attalus For that euery man knew that their peace was dangerous to him for many Reasons Finally hee obiected against them that whereas they had sent an Embassie to Attalus at the Games which he had made in the honour of Minerua they had not sent any one vnto him when hee gaues thankes vnto the Gods For which reasons being incensed hee willingly embraced the Rhodiens party against them of Constantinople And therefore hee agreed with their Embassadours that they should send foorth a very strong Fleete to assaile the Constantinopolitains by Sea promising likewise to inuade them by Land with no lesse forces then they should This was the the beginning and the causes of the Warre which the Rhodiens made against the Constantinopolitains They also at the first entred into it with great Courage hoping that Acheus would succour them according vnto his promise They had also called Thibete of Macedony whom they opposed against Prusias to take from him the meanes to make VVarre against another being much troubled for the defence of his owne But Prusias parting with great rage and fury against the Constantinopolitains hee presently tooke Fanum a place very strong by Nature and seated vpon the mouth of the Pontique Lea which they of Constantinople had lately purchased for a great summe of money mooued with the opportunity of the place to the end that no man might enter or goe foorth of the Pontique Sea but by their fauour Moreouer he put all the Countrey of Asia which the Constantinopolitains had long helde to fire and Sword On the other side the Rhodiens hauing made sixe shippes and taken foure from their Allies whereof they made Xenophante Commaunder they sailed vnto Hellesponte with an Army of ten saile of very strong Shippes And hauing left nine neere vnto Seste for the defence of the entry into the Pontique Sea the Commaunder hauing a good VVinde sailed with the tenth vnto Constantinople to view their Countenance And whither at this first beginning of the VVarre they would be better aduised But finding them ill affected hee retired vnto his whole Army with the which hee returned to Rhodes In the meane time the Constantinopolitains sent Embassies some vnto Acheus intreating him to hasten his Succours Others into Macedony to draw downe Thibete for it seemed that the Realme of Bythinia did as rightly belong to Thibete as to Prusias for that hee was his Vncle. The Rhodiens being aduertised of the obstinacy of the Constantinopolitains vsed Wisedome and Policy For when they vnderstood that all their Hope was in Acheus whose Father Ptolomy kept in Prison at Alexandria and that Acheus leauing all other Affaires whatsoeuer was carefull of his deliuery they thought good to send an Embassie to Ptolomy and to intreate him with great Affection to deliuer vnto them the father of Acheus to the end that by this means they should make him bound vnto them Ptolomy after he had heard the Embassadours did not seeme very willing to deliuer Andromochus hoping to make vse of him at neede for that hee was not yet well pacified with Antiochus and that Acheus hauing seazed vppon the Realme without any contradiction and farre extended his power For Andromochus was Father vnto Acheus and brother to Laodicea Wife to Seleucus Yet to please the Rhodiens hee deliuers him vnto them to restore him vnto his Sonne if they thought good The Rhodiens by this meanes hauing done according to their owne desires and reconciling themselues vnto Acheus by some other meanes they did frustrate the Constantinopolitains of their principall hope There fell out also another accident which troubled them very much For Thibete whom they had drawne out of Macedony as we haue said died suddainly of sicknesse For which accidents the Constantinopolitains began to faint Contrariwise Prusias hauing a greater hope of his Enterprize parted from Asia to make Warre and leuied men in Thrace pressing the Constantinopolitains so neere as they durst not issue or sally out of the Gates which looked towards Europe Wherefore being thus destitute of all hope and suffering all the iniuries of Warre they sought and inuented some honest meanes to be
and being discontented at the insolency of the Magistrates in choosing Lycurguâ— he began to plot an enterprize of reuolte Hoping therefore to gaine the loue and fauour of the people if doing like vnto Cleemenes he put them in hope to diuide the Lands againe hee doth his indeauour to bring it to effect And communicating his practice to his Friends he had 200. Confederates of his enterprize But knowing that Lycurgus and the Magistrates which had made him King would make a great opposition he studied first how to preuent it When as by chance all the Magistrates supt together he assailes them by surprize and kills them cruelly Behold how Fortune prepared a punishment worthy the deedes which they had committed Beleeue me there is not any man but will say that they had well deserued to be punished by him and for the cause for which they suffered As soone as Chylon had done this Execution he transports himselfe to Lycurgus house And although he were there yet he could not come at him for hee was preserued by his Houshold Seruants and by his neighbours and retired vnto Pellene by vnknowne wayes Chylon frustrated of so great an opportunity being wonderfully discontented was forced to doe that which necessity required and transporting himselfe to the place he seazed vpon all his enemies and gaue courage to his friends labouring to induce the rest to reuolt But when as he saw no man to like of it and that the Citty was in mutiny against him fearing what might happen steales away from thence and comes into Acheia alone being chased out of his Countrey The Lacedemonians fearing the descent of King Philip retired with whatsoeuer they had in the fields into their Townes and fortified them with men and all sorts of munition razing to the ground Athence of the Megalopolitains For that it seemed a very conuenient place for the enemy It is certaine that whilest the Lacedemonians maintained their good gouernment according to the Lawes of Lycurgus they were growne very great vnto the Warre of Leuctres Since which time they beganne to feele the crosses of Fortune and their gouernment grew worse being full of many discommodities and intestine Seditions with Banishments and ruines vntill the Tyranny of Nabydane whose name they could not endure These are things which haue beene related by many and are well knowne since that Cleomenes ruined the gouernement of the Country whereof wee will speake heereafter when opportunity shall require Philip passing by Megalopolis with his Army drew to Argos by the Country of Tegetane and there past the remainder of the Winter purchasing a wonderfull renowne of all the World aswell for his course of life as for the things which he had done in this Warre beyond the strength of his age Appelles who notwithstanding the Kings Commaundment desisted not from his dessigne laboured by little and little to make the Acheins subiect And when he found that Arate and the rest that were with him were opposite vnto his ends and that the King had them in great Reputation especially olde Arate for that he was in great Authority among the Acheins and Antigonus and was moreouer a good and discreete man he beganne to Traduce him with iniuries Then hee inquires what men there were in Acheia of a contrary saction to Arate and drawes them vnto him To whom hee giues a curteous and gracious reception drawing them by perswasions to his friendship and afterwards recommended them in perticular to the King he gaue him to vnderstand that if hee fauoured the party of 〈◊〉 hee should enioy the Acheiâ—s according to the Contracâ— of the League But if vsing his Councell he receiued the others into friendship hee should dispose of all Morea at his pleasure Moreouer the time of the Election approaching hee had an intent to cause one of the other Faction to be chosen Wherefore hee beganne to solicite the King to be at Egia at the Common Assembly of the Acheiâ—s as if he meant to goe from thence into the Elienses Countrey The King perswaded by his Words came vnto Egia at the prefixed time Where Appelles amazing the aduerse party in the end preuailed with great difficulty By this meanes Eperate was chosen Chiefe of the Acheins and Tymoxenes quite reiected whom Arate had named After these things Philip drawing his Army from Egira and marching by Patres and Dimes hee went to a Castle which the Countrey-men call Mur scituated in the Dimenses Country and lately taken by Euripides as wee haue formerly said As hee hasted with great heated to yeild it to the Dimenses hauing his Army ready in Battaile the Garrison of Elienses was so amazed as they presently yeâ—ded themselues and the Castle the which is not great in Circuit but very strong by Scituation and Walles For it had but two furlongs in Compasse but the VValls had not lesse then seauen Fathomes and a halfe in height Philip deliuering it to the Dimenses presently hee ouer-ranne the Prouince to spoile it After which he put all to fire and Sword and returned to Dime laden with great spoiles Apelles supposed that hee had effected part of his dessigne for that the chiefe had beene chosen according to his desire hee chargeth Arate againe desiring to him into disgrace with the King and raiseth a slander vpon him vpon these causes Amphidamuâ— Chiefe of the Elienses in the Burrough which they call Thalamâ— being taken and sent with the other Prisoners came to Olympia And there hee beganne to seeke by the meanes of some to speake vnto the King To whom when hee was brought hee told him that it was in his power to make the Elienses imbrace his Alliance and Friendship The King perswaded with his Words let him goe without ransome with a Charge to tell the Elienses that if they would entertaine his Alliance hee would deliuer all their Prisoners without ransome and that hee would preserue their Prouince from danger suffering them moreouer to liue in liberty and that hee would giue them no Garrisons nor pretend any Tribute but would suffer them to leuie mercenary men where their Affaires required The Elienses hearing these offers would not accept of them although they were great and profitable Appelles making this the occasion of his slander goes to Philip telling him that Arate and his Confederates kept no true Friendshippe with the Macedonians nor entertained the League sincerely For it was certaine they had beene the cause that the Elienses had not accepted the Conditions of the Alliance which had beene offered them For at that time when as hee sent Amphidamus to Olympia they had vsed speeches secretly vnto him that it was not for the good and benefit of Morea that Philip should be Lord of the Elienses and by this meanes the Elienses disdayning the conditions of Peace obserued their League with the Etoliens and indured the Macedonians Warre This Speech being ended Philip caused Arate with the Acheins to
of Etoliens thinking that he might safely ouer-run Thessaly and by this meanes draw Philip to raise his Siege from Palea But being aduertised of the preparation of Chrysogones and Petrea to come and â—ight with him he durst not enter into the Plaine but alwayes kept the top of the Mountaines with his Army And when he had newes of the comming of the Macedonians into 〈◊〉 â—e lâ—aues Thessaly presently to goe and succour his Countrey where being aduertised of the Kings retreat not knowing what to doe and disappointed in all his enterprizes he remained sad and discontented The King at his departure from Lencade with his Fleete hauing spoiled and wasted the Sea-coasts landed at Corinthe with his Army leauing his ships at Leche Then he sent Letters to all the allied Townes of Morea to aduertise them of the day when they should come in Armes to Tegee Which things being thus ordered without making any long stay at Corinthe he parted with his Army and passing by the Countrey of Argos three dayes after his departure he came to Tegee whereas after he had receiued the Acheins which were there assembled he proceeded in his course passing secretly by the Mountaines he laboured to enter the Countrey of Sparta before the Lacedemonians should be aduertised Where hauing marched foure dayes by the Desarts of the Mountaines he came to those which were right against the City Then leauing Menelaie on the right hand he drew to Amycle The Lacedemonians seeing the Army passe by their Citty they wondred at this strange accident and being terrified with this suddaine feare they knew not what to doe For they were amazed at the valiant exploits which they sayd Philip had lately done at Therme and throughout all Etolia And there was a certaine bruite amongst them that Licâ—rgus was sent to succour the Etoliens As for Philips suddaine descent into the Countrey of Sparta no man had euer thought of it and the rather for that his age seemed worthy of some contempt Wherefore matters succeeding contrary to all hope the world had reason to feare for Philip mannaging the Warre with greater courage and policy then his age did beare he terrified his Enemies And namely as we haue sayd he parted from Etolia and pâ—ssing the Gulfe of Ambracia in one night he came to Leucade where staying two dayes and parting the third earely in the morning he arriued two dayes after at Corinthe hauing spoiled the Sea coasts of Etolia and from thence continuing his course he came within nine dayes to the Mountaines which are right against Sparta neere vnto Menelaie so as they could hardly beleeue it when they saw him The Lacedemonians then terrified with the greatnesse and newnesse of this accident knew not what Counceli to take nor to whom to haue recourse The day following Philip campes neere vnto Amycle It is a place in the Spartains Countrey abounding with all sorts of Trees and wealth twenty Furlongs from Lacedemon Where the Temple of Apollo stands being the most excellent of all the rest of the Prouince as well for Art as wealth being seated in that part of the Towne which locks towards the Sea Three dayes after when he had spoiled the whole Country he went to the Castle of Pyrhus where he stayed two dayes and wasting the whole Countrey he put all to fire and sword and planted his Campe neere vnto Carnia From whence he suddainly marcht to Assina from whence after he had attempted in vaine to take it by affault he raised the Siâ—ge and wasted all the rest of the Countrey marching directly to Tenare From thence â—â—â—ning his way hee drawes to the Lacedemonians Hauen which they call Gythia where there is a safe Port about thirty Furlongs from the Citty The leauing it on the right hand he planted his Campe neere to Elea which is if we consider it well the greatest and best Countrey of the Spartains The which he abandoned to the Souldiers who put it to fire and sword Hee also spoiled the Acriens and Lenques and the whole Countrey of the Boies The Messeniens hauing receiued Letters from Philip were no lesse diligent then the other Allies who leuied men presently within their Townes and sent the most able vnto the King to the number of two thousand Foote and two hundred Horse But the length of the way was the cause they came not to Tegee before the Kings departure And therefore doubting in the beginning what they should doe fearing likewise that it would seeme they had willingly made this delay for the suspition they had of them in the beginning they resolued to enter the Spartains Countrey to the end they might ioyne speedily with the King Being come vnto the Castle of Olympes which is seated neere vnto the Mountaines of the Argiues and Lacedemonians and had set themselues downe foolishly and without consideration for they did not fortifie themselues neither with Ditches nor Pallisadoes neither did they choose a conuenient place But relying on the good-will of the Inhabitants they lodged simply neere vnto the Walls Licurgus aduertised of their comming takes the Mercenaries and part of the Lacedemonians and goes directly to the Enemy Where arâ—iuing at the breake of day he marcheth in Battaile against the Messeniens who perceiuing him abandoned all and fled by heapes into this Castle Licurgus recouered the greatest part of their Horses and Baggage but he tooke not a man he onely slew eight Horse-men The Messeniens after this defeate returned by the Argiues Countrey Lycurgus proud of this good fortune being returned to Sparta vseth all speed to leuie men and to prepare all things necessary for the Warre labouring that Philip might not returne by the Spartains Countrey without a Battaile or danger The King parts with his Army from Elia spoiling all as he passeth and brought all backe on the fourth day to Amycle Licurgus hauing resolued with his Friends and Captaines to giue Battaile to the Macedonians goes out of the Citty and recouers the places about Menelaie with about two thousand Foote commanding them of the Citty to be watchfull and when they should see a signe they should speedily make sallies by diuers places taking their way towards Eurota which is a Riuer neere vnto the Citty These were the actions of Lieurgus and the Lacedemonians at that time But to the end that what wee say may not seeme obscure by the ignorance of places wee must declare the nature and scituation The which we will indeauour to doe throughout our whole worke alwaies ioyning places knowne to the vnknowne For the difference of Countryes doe many times deceiue in Warre as well by Sea as Land Our desire is that all men should know not onely the things but how they were done And therefore the description of places is necessary in all things but especially in Warre neither may we blame the vse of Feâ—s Seas and Ilands for signes and sometimes of Temples Mountaines Townes
none of their enterprizes succeeded retired to Appelles and caused him to come from Calâ—is giuing him to vnderstand that they could not doe any thing without him for that the King crost them in all things Appalles had carried himselfe in Calcis with greater liberty then was fit for he gaue them to vnderstand that the King was young vnder his Guard and without any power terming himselfe Lord and sole Gouernour of all things Wherefore all the Princes of Macedony and Thessaly adrest themselues to him in all affaires Within a short time likewise all the Citties of Greâ—ce had forgotten the King in their elections honours and offices Onely Appelles mannaged all affaires The King being long before aduertised thereof was much discontented and incensed whereunto Arate spurd him on continually although he dissembled his conceite so well as no man could discouer it Appelles ignorant of the Kings resolution and thinking to obtaine any thing when he should present himselfe vnto him came from Calcis to Corinthe When he came neere the Towne Leonce Ptolomy and Megalee Chiefe of the Targeteers and other Souldiers that were best armed gaue him a great reception perswading the youth to goe and meere him He came then to the Kings lodging in pompe being attended on by the Captaines and Souldiers When as he sought as he was wont to enter suddainly a certaine Vsher told him that he must haue patience for that the King was busie for the present Appelles wondring at this new manner of proceeding remained pensiue for a time after which he departed discontented and without iudgement all the rest likewise abandoned him so as hee returned alone to his lodging hauing no other Company but his owne Family O how suddainly are men aduanced to great honours and in as short time reduced to greater miseries especially such as frequent Princes Courts They are like vnto Lots which they vsually giue in publique Councells For as those which a little before were were giuen in Copper are suddainly turned into Gold according to the will of those that dispose of them So they which follow the Courts of Princes are according to the Kings will and pleasure happy one day and miserable the next When Megalee knew that he had sought the assistance of Appelles in vaine he trembled for feare and intended to flye After that day Appelles was called to Banquets and other honours that were done but he neuer entred into the priuy Councell nor assisted at the ordinary resolutions which were taken for affaires Soone after the King returned to Phocis leading Appelles with him Whereas hauing speedily effected his will he returned againe to Elatia During this Megalee flies to Athens leauing Leonce caution for him for twelue thousand Crownes And when as the Chiefe of the Atheniens would not receiue him he returned to Thebes The King being parted from the Countrey which lies about Circe hee sayled to the Port of Sicyonia with the Targeteers and his Guard From whence comming suddainly to the Towne he preferred the lodging of Arate before the other Princes making his continuall abode with him commanding Appelles to sayle to Corinthe When as newes came in the meane time of the flight of Megalee hee sent Taurion with the Targeteers whom Leonce had vnder his charge to Triphalia as if hee had beene forced thereunto by some great affaires After whose departure hee causeth Leonce to be apprehended The Targeteers aduertised hereof sent an Embassie to the King to intreate him that if Leonce had beene taken for any other thing then for the caution that the iudgement might not be giuen before their returne Otherwise they should thinke themselues contemned and in disgrace with the King The King prickt forward by the importunity of the Souldiers he put Leonce to death sooner then he had resolued During the which the Embassadours of Rhodes and Chios returned from Etolia hauing agreed vpon a Moneths truce and saying that the Etoliens were ready to treate a peace with the Knig appointing moreouer a day when he should meete with them neere vnto Rhie Being confident that they would doe whatsoeuer he pleased to haue a peace The The King accepting the truce sent Letters to the Allies willing them to send Embassadours to Patres to conferre with him on the conditions of the peace Then hee parts from Leche and arriues two dayes after at Patres At the same time they bring vnto him Letters from Phocis which Megalee himselfe had written vnto the Etoliens by the which he solicits them to maintaine the Warre couragiously for that the King could not long continue it for want of victuals and other munition Moreouer they contained many scandalous and opprobrious speeches against the King The which being read the King conceiuing that Appelles had beene the cause and the beginning of these practises causeth him to be taken and brought to Corinthe with his Sonne and Concubine And hee sent Alexander to Thebes giuing him charge to bring Megalee to the end his caution might be discharged But when as Alexander thought to execute his charge Megalee preuented him and slew himselfe In a manner at the same time Appelles his Sonne and his Concubine were put to death receiuing the worthy punishment of their wicked liues and namely for the outrage done by them to Arate Although the Etoliens desired peace being discontented with the long Warre and seeing their affaires to succeed otherwise then they expected for that conceiuing they had to deale with a Child considering that the King had neither age nor experience they found him by his deeds to bee a man excellent in Councell and Execution and themselues to bee Children as well in their particular as publique affaires Yet aduertised of the mutiny of the Targeteers and of the death of Appelles from whom they expected some great alteration in the Kings Court they came not to Rhie at the day appointed Philip holding this a good occasion to entertaine the Warre solicites the Embassadours of the Allies which were there assembled not vnto peace for the which they had beene called but to Warre Then parting from thence with his Fleete hee came to Corinthe and sent all the Macedonians to winter in their houses Parting from Corinthe hee sailed by the Euripe to Demetriade there hee put Ptolomy to death who onely remained of the Conspiracy of Appelles and Leonce by the iudgement of the Macedonians At the same time Hannibal had past the Alpes and was in Italy and had planted his Campe neere to the Riuer of Poe not farre from that of the Romans Antiochus after hee had conquered many places in Syrria had brought backe his Army to winter Licurgus King of the Lacedemonians fearing the Magistrates had fled into Etolia for the Magistrates hearing a false report that hee would attempt some reuolte came in the Night to his house with a Troupe of Youth whereof being formerly aduertised he fled with his seruants When as Philip
in the depth of Winter had retired into Macedony and that Eperate Chiefe of the Acheiâ—s was made a scorne to the Youth of the Towne and to the Mercenaries and was not obeyed nor made any preparation for the defence of the Countrey Pyrrhee whom the Etoliens had sent to the Elienses for their Captaine accompanied with thirteene hundred Etoliens and a thousand Foote as well Souldiers as Burgesses of the Elienses and with two hundred Horse being in all about three thousand men aduertised thereof spoiled not onely the Countries of the Dimenses and Pharenses but also of Patres Finally he pitched his Campe neere vnto the Mountaine Panachaique which lookes towards Patres and wasted all the neighbour Region The Townes thus vexed being no was succour'd they payed the Taxe and charge vnwillingly The Souldiers would not be drawne to succour them for that their pay was delayed By this mutuall trouble the Acheins affaires were in bad case And the Mercenaries retired by little and little the which happened by the negligence of the Commander And when the affaires of Acheia stood in this estate and that the time of the Election was come Eperate left the gouernment and the Acheins in the Spring made choise of old Arate Thus past the Affaires in Europe But seeing that in the distinction of times and the order of actions we haue found a conuenient place for this Subiect let vs passe to the Warres of Asia vnder the same Olympiade Relating first as we haue promised in the beginning of our worke the Warre of Syrria which was betwixt Antiochus and Ptolomy And for that I know well that this Warre was not ended at such time as I left to treate of the Actions of Greece and being resolued to follow this perfection and distribution to the end the Readers may not be deceiued in the true knowledge of euery time I hope to leaue a sufficient instruction for those which desire to know it in setting downe at what time in this present Olympiade and of the deeds of the Grecians the beginning and ending of other actions happened Moreouer wee esteeme nothing better nor more honourable in this Olympiade then not to confound things to the end the discourse of the History may be plaine and easie And that distinguishing matters by order as much as may be possible vntill that comming to other Olympiades wee may yeeld to euery yeere its actions according to order And for that we haue not resolued to write them all nor the actions of all places and that wee haue vndertaken with greater affection to write Histories then our predecessours haue done it is fitting wee should be carefull to expresse them in order and that the generall worke of the History may with its parts be plaine and apparent Wherefore we will now write the Reignes of Antiâ—chus and Ptolomy reducing things from farre and pursuing our discourse from a beginning which may bee notorious and which squares with that which wee haue to say For those ancients which haue sayd that the beginning is a moiety of the whole they haue vndoubtedly taught vs that in all things wee should vse great diligence that the beginnings may be well ordered And although some thinke they haue vsed a high Stile yet in my opinion they doe not seeme to speake with truth Without doubt you may boldly say that the beginning is not onely a moiety of the whole but hath also a regard to the end Tell mee how canst thou make a good beginning if thou hast not first comprehended in thy vnderstanding the end of thy Enterprize And if thou knowest not in what part to what purpose and the cause why thou wilt make it For how can a History haue order if at the beginning or entrance thou doest not deliuer plainely from whence and how or wherefore thou art come vnto the relation which thou doest presently make of actions Wherefore they which will haue things heard and vnderstood fully thinke that the beginnings doe not onely serue for the one halfe but also for the end wherein they imploy themselues with great care and industry the which I will carefully indeauour to doe Although that I am certaine that many of the ancient Historiographers haue bin confident to haue done the like when as they pretended to write all generally and to haue written a longer History then their predecessours of whom I will forbeare to speake much or to name them Among the which I excuse Ephorus the first and onely man which hath attempted to write a generall History But I will vse no longer discourse nor name any of the rest But I will say that some Historiographers of our time comprehending the Warre betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians in three or foure small Pages brag publiquely that they haue written all It is certaine that for as much as there hath beene many and great exploits performed in Spaine Affricke Stoily and Italy and that the Warre of Hâ—nnibal hath beene the greatest and longest except that of Sicily We must also vnderstand that the excellency of this warre hath beene the cause that wee haue all cast our eyes vpon it and the rather for that wee were in doubt of the end This is a Warre which euery man be hee neuer so dull and simple knowes Yet some of those which haue handled the History writing onely superficially the actions of some times yet they imagine they haue comprehended the deeds of the Grecians and Barbarians Whereof the cause is for that it is an easie thing to promise many great things by mouth but it is not easie to bring a great enterprize to an end And therefore this other is common and as a man may say in the hands of all men so as they haue courage But the last is rare and few men attaine vnto it Finally the arrogancy of some which glorifie themselues too much and commend their Writings hath caused mee to make this digression But now I returne vnto my enterprize When Ptolomy surnamed Philopater had seized vpon the Empire of Egypt after the death of his Father and had made away his Brother with his adherents thinking there was no more cause of feare in his Family for the afore said crime and that for strangers Fortune had in good time assured all things considering the death of Antigonus and Seleucus to whose Realmes Antiochus and Philip had succeeded who were scarce eighteene yeeres old he abandoned himselfe to pleasures whose example the whole Countrey followed For this cause his owne people made no esteeme of him And not onely his subiects but also the rest which mannaged the affaires both within and without Egypt The Lords of the lower Syrria and of Cypres haue made Warre against the Kings of Syria as well by Sea as Land They also which hold the chiefe Cities places and Ports which are along the Sea-coasts from Pamphilia vnto Hellespont and the Country of Lysimachia confined with the Principalities of
Asia and the Ilands And as for Thracia and Macedony the Princes of Enos and Maronia and of Townes that were more remote had alwayes an eye ouer them Wherefore imploying their forces to assaile forreine Princes farre from their Realmes they were not troubled for the Empire of Egypt Their chiefe care then was for the Warres of forreine Countries In regard of this King of whom wee speake there were many in a short time who for his infamous loues and ordinary excesse in drinking had an eye vpon him and his Realme Amongst the which Cleomenes of Lacedemon was the first He made no alteration whilest that the other King liued who was surnamed Benefactor as if he were perswaded that during his life he should want no meanes to reconquer his Realme But when as after his death the affaires required his presence Antigonus being also dead And that the Acheins with the Macedonians made Warre against the Lacedemonians which they maintaine according vnto that which hee had aduised them in the beginning being allied to the Etoliens Then hee was forced to thinke of his departure from Alexandria Wherefore hee first solicited the King to send them backe with an Army and sufficient munition And when as the King would not giue eare vnto it he intreated him at the least to suffer him to depart with his family for the time was now come when as great opportunities were offred to recouer his Fathers Realme The King neither considering the present nor fore-seeing the future for the causes aboue specified like an ouer-weening man and without iudgement neuer made any esteeme of Cleomenes But Sosibius who chiefely gouerned all the affaires of the Kingdome at that present holding a Councell with his Friends was not of aduice to suffer Cleomenes to goe with an Army at Sea and munition disdaining forreine affaires and holding this charge lost considering the death of Antigonus fearing likewise that this death being so fresh the way might be made easie to stirre vp some Warre And there being no man found to resist Cleomenes he would soone make himselfe Lord of all the Citties in Greece Finally they feared he would become their Enemy considering the present in regard of the Kings manner of life which was well knowne vnto them With this disaduantage that Sosibius saw the Prouinces of the Realme to lie one farre from another and to haue great opportunities of reuolte For there was neere vnto Samos a good number of Vessels and great Troupes of Souldiers neere vnto Ephesus Wherefore he did not hold it fit to send backe Cleomenes with an Army for the afore-sayd reasons But when they considered that it would not be profitable for their Common-wealth to let goe so great a personage who afterwards might proue their open Enemy there was no preuention but to retaine him by force The which notwithstanding the rest disliked conceiuing that there would be great danger to keepe the Lyon and Sheepe in one fold Sosibius was of the same opinion for that or the like cause At such time as they resolued to take Mega and Beronice and that they feared to bring their enterprize to a good end in regard of the fiercenesse of Beronice they were forced to drawe together all those which followed the Court and to make them great promises if they preuailed Then Sosibius knowing that Cleomenes wanted the Kings fuccours to recouer his fathers Realme and that he had found him by experience to be wise and politicke in great affaires he discouered his whole secrets vnto him propounding vnto him great hopes Cleomenes seeing him pensiue and fearing the strangers and Mercenaries perswaded him not to care promising him that the Souldiers should not trouble him and that moreouer they should giue him great assistance to bring his enterprize to an end And when as the other stood in admiration doest thou not see sayd Cleomenes that there are about three thousand men of Morea and a thousand Candyots all which will bring vs where we please Hauing these whom else doest thou feare What The Companions of the Warre of Syrria and Caria And when as Sosibius liked of his words hee entred more boldly into the Action And afterwards considering of the Kings soolery and negligence hee often called to minde this Speech and had alwayes before his eyes the Courage of Cleomenes and the affection the Souldiers bare him Wherefore considering this at the same time hee gaue the King and his other familiars to vnderstand that hee must seaze vpon him and keepe him close and priuate For the working and effecting whereof hee vsed this meanes There was one Nicagorus a Messenien a friend to the father of Archidamus King of the Lacedemonians betwixt whom there had formerly beene some friendship But at such time as Archidamus was chased from Sparta for feare of Cleomenes and fled to Messena hee not onely gaue him a good reception into his House with his friends at his first comming but hee alwayes liued with him afterwards during his flight so as there grew a great and strict familiarity betwixt them When as after these things Cleomenes made shewe of some hope of reconciliation with Archidamus Nicagorus beganne to treate of the Conditions of peace VVhen the accord had beene made and that Nicagorus had taken the faith of Cleomenes Archidamus returned to Sparta assuring himselfe of the conuentions of Nicagorus whom Cleomenes meeting vpon the way slew suffering Nicagorus and his company to passe away In regard of Nicagorus he carried the countenance of a very thankfull man for that he had saued his life But hee was vexed in his Soule and incensed for the deede for that hee seemed to haue giuen the occasion This Nicagorus had failed vnto Alexandria some little time before with Horses whereas going out of the ship hee met with Cleomenes Panthee and Hippite walking vpon the strande whom Cleomenes perceiuing saluted curteously demaunding what businesse had brought him thither To whom he answered that he had brought Horses I had rather sayd Cleomenes thou hadst brought Concubines and Bawds for these are the things wherein the King at this day takes his chiefe delight Then Nicagores held his peace smiling VVhen as within few dayes after he discoursed by chance with Sosibius by reason of the Horses he related vnto him that which Cleomenes had arrogantly spoken of the King And seeing Sosibius to heare him willingly he acquainted him with the cause of the â—pleene he bare him VVhen as Sosibius knew him to be wonderfully incensed against Cleomenes hee did him great curtesies for the present and promised him great fauours hereafter Finally hee wrought so that imbarquing he left Letters concerning Cleomenes which a seruant of his brought after his departure as sent from him The which Nicagorus performing the seruant vsed speed to go vnto the King assuring him that Nicagorus had giuen him the Letters to carry to Sosibius The Tenour whereof was That if Cleomenes were not soone dispatcht
aâ—d preparatâ—on and to make an Army by Sea Apolophanes of whom wee haue spoken being borne in Seleucia stood vp and ouerthrew all the Opinions which had beene formerly giuen saying that it was a solly to drawe the Warre into base Syrria and to suffer â—â—olomy to hold Sâ—â—encia for that it was the sourse and cause of their Principality That besides the disgrace hee should doe vnto his Reignâ— considering that the force of the Kings of Egypt had alwaies kept it it had moreouer great commodities for the mannaging of the Warre For whilest the Enemies shall hold it it would be very preiudiciall to all his Enterprizes For there must be no lesse care vsed to defend himselfe from this City then to assaile the Enemy And if hee held it he should not onely be able to preserue his owne with safety but also to vndertake some good action both by Sea and Land for the great opportunity of the place The whole Assembly allowed of Apolophâ—â—es aduice and resolued to take the Citty first for then Sâ—lâ—ucia was held by the Kings of Egypt from the time that Ptâ—lomy reigned who was surnamed the Bâ—nefactor Hee conquered it at such time that for the ruine of Beronicâ— and the rage he had concelued in his heâ—â—t hee made a descent into base Syrria with an Army Antiochus after Apolophanes aduice was approued hee commanded Diogone Generall of the Army at Sea to fayle speedily to Seleuciâ— And in the meane time parting from Apamia with his Army he lodgeth within fiue Furlongs of Hippodrome Hee likewise sends away Theâ—â—ore Hermioly with a sufficient Army for Syrria to the end he might gaine the streights and prouide for the affaires of that Prouince This is the scituation of Seleucia and the places about it that as the Citty is seated vpon the Sea-shoare betwixt Cilâ—cia and Phenicia so it hath vnder iâ— a wonderful great Mountaine which they call Coryphes whose side towards the West is washed with the Sea which is betwixt Cipres and Phenâ—â—ia and the other which lookes to the East ioynes to the Regions of the Antiochiens and Seleucenâ—es Seleucia scituated on the South and seperated by a deepe and inaccessible Valley which extends to the Sea being enuironed with great Rockes and Caues And on that side which lookes to the Sea it hath steps and Suburbs inclosed with walls The Citty also is fortified with a good wall and beautified with Temples and faire buildings It hath but one approach towards the sea the which is difficult and made by hand for they must ascend vnto it by Ladders The riuer of Orâ—nte enters into the Sea neere vnto it taking its sourse and beginning at Liban and Antiliban and passeth by Antiochia whereas running continually it carries away by its swift course all the filth of the people Finally it enters into the Sea neere vnto Seleucia Antiochus in the beginning sent to the Gouernours of the Citty offâ—ring them money with great hopes if without fighting they would deliuer it vnto him But when he could not winne them he corrupts some of the inferiour Captaines with whom hauing agreed he puts his men in Battaile as if he meant to assaile the Towne with his Army at Sea and at Land on that side which lookes towards Epirus Diuiding then his Army in three after that hee had inflamed the hearts of the Souldiers promising them great rewards hee appointed Zeuxiâ— with his Company to bee at the Gate which goes to Antiochia and he gaue to Hermogenes the places by which they goe to Dioscoria and giues charge to Ardâ—â— and Diogene to assaile the Suburbs and Arsenall for it had beene so agreed with the Traytors that as soone as the Suburbs were taken they should deliuer him the Citty When as the King had giuen the â—igne for an assault they all did their indeauours But among the rest they which were with Ardâ—â— and Diogene carried themselues valiantly For they could not assault noâ— scale the other places But in regard of the Arsenall and Suburbs they might assault and scale them Wherefore whilest that the Army at Sea fell vpon the Arsenall and Ardis Troupes vpon the Suburbs scaling the Walls and that they of the Towne could not succour them for that they were enuironed on all sides by the Enemy it fell out that the Suburbe was suddainly taken Which done the petty Captaines corrupted by the King ran to Leonce who at that time was Gouernour of the Citty perswading him to send to Antiochus before the City were forced And although that Leonce were ignorant of the Treason he sent presently to Antiochus being troubled with the amazement of his people to yeeld them the Citty vpon condition to haue the liues of all the Inhabitants saued The King accepting the condition promised to saue the liues of all Free-men which were about sixe thousand But when hee was entred he not onely pardoned the Burgesses but also called home the banished men of Seleucia and restored vnto them the gouernment of their publique affaires and all their goods and put a good Garrison into the Hauen and Port. Whilest Antiochus stayed at Seleucia hee receiued Letters from Theodote by the which he solicited him to goe speedily into base Syrria The King was long in suspence what councell he should take and was pensiue and troubled with the course he should take in this action you must vnderstand that Theodote borne in Etolia had done great seruices for the Realme of Ptolomy whereof wee haue formerly made mention and many times put his life in danger At such time as Antiochus made Warre against Molon hee tooke in person disdaining the King and distrusting his Courtiers Ptolemais and Tyrus by Paneteole and suddainly called in Antiochus The King hauing taken Acheus to heart and laying aside all other affaires he returnes with his Army the same way he came When he was come to a place which the Countrey people call Marsia hee camped neere the streights which are about Gerre which is not farre from the Fens lying in the midst of that Countrey There being aduertised that Nicholas Lieutenant Generall to Ptolomy held Ptolomais besieged in the which Theodote was hee left those that were best armed and gaue charge to besiege the Towne of Broches lying vpon the Fenns making haste to goe and raise the Siege Nicholas aduertised by his Spies of the Kings comming retired and sent Lagore of Candy and Dorimene of Etolia to gaine the streights which are neere vnto Beryta Where the King planted his Campe after that he had fought with them and put them to flight And when hee had drawne together the rest of his Army in the same place he makes an Oration to his Souldiers and marcheth away with great courage There Theodote and Paneteole met with him with their Friends to whom he gaue a good and gracious reception and he tooke Tyrus and Ptolemais with all their preparation of Warre There were in these Townes forty
and could not vnderstand the practise Yet he sent men to the Gate which succours came somewhat late for that they descended by straights and hollow places Aribaze who was Captaine of the City went simply to the Gates which he had seene Antiochus assaile appoynting some to goe vnto the wall others to make sallies by the Gate to keepe the Enemy from approaching and to fight with them In the meane time Lagoras Theodote and Denis with their troupe hauing recouered the walls came to the Gate vnderneath whereof some maintayned the charge which the Inhabitants gaue them others brake the barres and bolt of the Gates The like did they without which were appoynted to that Quarter When as the gate was opened the other two thousand entred the City and seize vpon the place of the Theater This done all they which had runne to the walls and to the Gate which they call Perside who had beene sent by Aribaze to defend it against the Enemies assault came running thither After which retreate the Gate was opened so as some of the Kings troupe pursuing those which abandoned it entred pell mell When they had taken the Gate by force some entred the City others forced the next Gates They that were of Aribazes band with all the Citizens recouered the Fort by flight after they had made some little resistance After this route Legoras and Thodotes band stood firme in the place of the Theater seruing as a Fort to all the rest Finally the rest of the Army charging of all sides tooke the City By this meanes the City was wholly sackt and ruined some killing those they encountred others setting fire of the houses and some gaping after spoyle for their priuate profit And thus Antiochus vanquished the Sardins A PARCELL OF the Eighth Booke of the History of POLYBIVS concerning the Difference of a Perticular and Generall History NO man can iustly say if they to whom these kindes of Calamities and disasters haue befalne ought to be blamed or censured or helde worthy of pardon and pitty in regard thereof For that it falls and happens to many to whom all things haue beene done conformable and agreeable vnto reason to bee subiect to those which transgresse with great desire the things which are iust and reasonable before men Yet wee may not be silent here being necessary hauing regard to the time and circumstance of accidents to blame some Captaines and to pardon others The which will appeare plainly by this When Archidamus King of the Lacedemonians suspected that Cleomenes aspired to the Crowne he fled from Lacedemon Who soone after being againe perswaded put himselfe into his hands Being therefore by this meanes stript of Crowne and Life hee hath left no excuse to posterity of those things which he hath suffred For what colour is there the cause being still the same and Cleomenes power increasing but he should suffer the things which we haue spoken hauing put himselfe into their hands from whom he formerly had fled giuing order for his safety contrary to all hope Although that Pelopidas of Thebes had beene the cause of King Alexanders iniquity and that hee knew well that all Tyrants are capitall Enemies to those which defend liberty yet he perswaded Epaminundas to be Gouernour not only of the popular Common-weale of the Thebeins but also of the Grecians And as he was an Enemy to Thessaly to the end he might ruine the Monarchy of Alexander yet he presumed to go the second time in Embassie vnto him Wherefore when he fell into the hands of his Enemies hee was the cause of great preiudice to the Thebeins and the ruine of their glory which vntill that time they had preserued for the confidence he had in those whom he should not haue trusted The like hapned to Cheius Chiefe of the Romans during the Warre of Sycily for that he had indiscreetly thrust himselfe into the Enemies power Diuers others haue suffered the like Wherefore they are worthy of blame who without great consideration submit themselues vnto their Enemies and not they who asmuch as in them lies mannaged their Affaires discreetly for in truth no man can gouerne them well relying vpon another If thou dost them by certaine occasions which are conformable to reason thou shalt be blamelesse The most likely causes of this kind are an Oath Children Wife and for the most certaine the fore-passed life And if it happens that vnder colour of these things thou falst into an inconuenience the faulte shall not bee thine in suffering but theirs who commit the wrong Wherefore we must seeke such Arguments and assurances as in regard thereof he in whom you trust may not breake the faith which hee hath giuen But for that there are few such the best will bee to haue a care of those which are conformable to reason so as if wee be decelued therein wee may not loose our excuse with strangers the which hath hapned to many of our Predecessors It is a thing much more manifest in those times whereof wee haue made mention and of a later date in that which hath befaene Acheus who fell into his Enemies hands although hee omitted nothing that might be done for his safety prouiding for all things as much as Humane sense could effect Wherefore the euent hath caused commisseration and pardon in him which hath suffered with strangers and blame and hatred to those which haue done the outrage Moreouer I do not find it strange to my Enterprize and first intention to aduertise the Readers of the greatnesse of these things and of the ambitious desire of the Roman and Carthaginian Common-weales Who will not hold it fit to be considered how the Gouernours of such great Cities not being ignorant of the things which had happened in Italy and Spaine hauing moreouer of either side an equall hope of the future and a present danger of the Warre haue not beene contented with this apparent discommodity but contended for Sardinia and Sycily imbracing the whole not onely in hope but with Expences and Preparations of Warre which will mooue any man to wonder that shall obserue it all in perticular The Romans had two sufficient Armies in Italy with their Consuls for their preseruations And two others in Spaine where Gneius had the leading of that by Land and Publius of the other by Sea These are things which happened to the Carthaginians Moreouer they sent an Army by Sea to crosse the attempts of Philip in Greece In the which Marcus Valerius commaunded first then Publius Sulpicius with whom Appius likewise ioyned with a hundred Quinqueremes Moreouer Marcus Claudius furnished with an Army at Land had assailed Sycily The like Amilcar had done being sent by the Carthaginians By the which things I am confident the which I haue often spoken in the beginning of this Worke to find a certaine assurance by the accidents which consist in this that it is not possible for those which Write perticular Histories to be able
to obserue the generall disposition of things For how is it possible that he which doth barely read the Exploits of Sycily and Spaine can know or conceiue the greatnesse and continuance of Actions nor in what sort or forme of a Common-weale Fortune hath brought it to an end The which is very admirable to vs for that all the Countries of the World which are come to the knowledge of men are subiect to one Empire and Power the which hath not formerly beene It is true that it is not impossible to vnderstand in some sort by perticular Histories how the Romans haue Conquered Sycily and Spaine But it is a difficult thing to know in what sort they haue attained to this Vniuersall power and Commaund Nor to what vse perticular Actions haue serued to their generall Enterprize nor with what succours nor at what time they haue attempted it without a full and generall History of the proceedings neither will it be easie for the same causes to consider the greatnesse of Actions nor the power of this Common-weale For in that the Romans haue Conquered Sycily and Spaine and haue made Warre there both by Sea and Land it is no wonder if one man deliuer it in perticular But if we consider that when these things hapned this powerfull Common-wealth had ended many others and at the same time and how it was effected and with what calamities and Warre they were afflicted in their owne Region which performed these Exploits at that time finally their deedes wil be held glorious and admirable and then the knowledge of these things will square well This Discourse shal bee directed vnto those who by perticular Commentaries thinke they are able to attaine vnto the knowledge of a generall History Marcus furnished with an Army of threescore Quinqueremes sailed to Achrandine either of which were armed with men carrying Bowes Slings and Darts to repulse those which should defend the Forts Hee had also eight Quinqueremes furnished with Pallisadoes aswell on the right as left side with the which being ioyned together with two thin inclosures they approacht vnto the Wall by meanes of the Pallisado set without the inclosure and they call them Sambuques The manner of ordring the same Engines was in this sort They had within the Ship a Ladder of foure foote broad to the end that at the Descent it might come to the top of the Wall Vppon the sides thereof they made stayes and armed them with a couering for defence setting them crosse the inclosures which kept the Shippes vnited together so as they did passe much beyond the Prow or fore-part of the Shippe There were pullies fastned with Cords to the top of the Masts and when as necessity required they drew those which were at the poope or hinder part by the pulleys with Cords tyed to the top of the ladder The others which were at the Prowe assured the Engine with stayes and finally they approacht it to the wall drawing neare to Land by the nauigation of the ships which was done by the meanes of two Pallisadoes which are placed without On the top of the ladder there was a planke which couered three superficies with Persian Targets to the which foure Souldiers mounted and fought against those which from the Forts sought to hinder the approach of the Sambuques When by the ioyning of the ladder they haue gained the wall in disarming the sides of their Targets they mount to the Forts or Towers The rest follow them by the Sambuques by meanes of the transport of the ladder from Vessell to Vessell by ropes Finally this Engine was not vnfitly so called For being finished and set vp the figure of the ship and ladder reduced into one make it like vnto a Sambuque They imagined to come close vnto the Wall with this Engine But Archimides hauing made prouision of Engines fit for all distances troubled them at Sea much and thrust them into despaire annoying them a farre off with casting Engines which were strong and great But if they went beyond them he vsed lesser Engines according to the distance which disappointed and hindred their Enterprize and nauigation vntill that Marcus being much perplexed was forced to make his approaches couertly in the Night When they had recouered Land and were out of the Battery he made another kind of Engine against those which were to fight by Sea For hee made many holes in the Wall without the height of a man and of the bignesse of a mans hand where hee appointed within casters of Darts and of Engines to repulse making by the meanes thereof the Enemies attempts in their mounting vnprofitable By this meanes he not onely repuls'd them farre off and preuented their attempts neare but also slew many of them And whereas they made vse of their Sambuques he likewise set vp Engines to pull them ouer the Wall and kept them alwaies hidden vntill necessity required setting them vpon the Walles within to passe forth and fall vpon the sayle-yards some of them cast Stones or Lead of twelue hundred waight And when as the Sambuques approach sometimes in turning they cast from the top of the Engines with a Tower Stones against them as necessity required So as not onely the Sambuque hath beene broken but also the Vessel and all they that were within it in great danger Againe some Engines cast lesser Stones vpon the Enemy comming to the assault couered with Targets to the end they might not bee annoyed with the Darts and other Weapons which they cast from the Wall that they which fought in the Prowe might bee repuls'd They likewise let downe a hand of Iron tyed to a Chayne the which laying hold of him which gouerned the toppe drew the Prowe within the Walles with the tayle of the Engine And if at any time in raysing the Prowe hee set the Shippe vppon its Poope hee held it firme and vnmoueable by his instrument then by a kind of fauour he let slip the hand and the chaine by the Engine By this meanes some fell vpon their sides others were ouerthrowne a great part of them the Prow falling from the top to the bottome were drowned with great confusion Marcus discontented with Archimides repulses seeing likewise his men preuented in their attempts to his preiudice and disgrace sayd although hee were grieued with his misfortune in scoffing at the deeds of Archimides that he vsed his ships as they doe pots to draw water out of the Sea and that being battred and beaten they were as disloyall fallen infamously This was the eud of the Siege at Sea In regard of those which were with Appius they ceased from their attempts hauing endured the like affronts and losses For although they were a good distance from the Wall yet they were hurt and slaine with their casting of Stones and Darts In truth the Art the number and the effect of all manner of Engines whereof King Hieron had made good prouision was admirable the which Archimides had
Panegyre and practised the cruelty of Sytheans and Gallatians or Gaules so as nothing hath beene done by the Successours And when you could not excuse them you holde it a glory that you haue broken the attempts of the Barbarians falling vpon Delphos Saying moreouer that for this cause the Grecians ought to giue you thankes And if they must acknowledge this commodity from the Etoliens what honour do not the Macedonians deserue who imploy the greatest part of their liues continually to maintaine the safety of the Grecians against the Barbarians What is hee that doeth not know that the Grecians haue beene continually subiect to great dangers if the Macedonians and the bounty of their Kings had not serued them for a Rampire VVhereof behold a great Argument For when as the Gaules disdaining the Macedonians had vanquished Ptolomy sirnamed Ceraune they came presently into Greece with Brennus Army The which had often happened if the Macedonians had not had the charge And although I could holde a long Discourse of ancient deedes yet I thinke these presents will suffice But for that which among other things Philip hath done hee turnes to cruelty the ruine of the Temple But hee doth not adde their outrage and insolency which they haue committed in the Temples and Oratories of the Gods which are in Die and Dodone the which hee should haue spoken first You relate the wrongs and miseries you haue indured and make a greater shew then is needfull passing ouer in silence those which you haue formerly committed in great numbers For you know that euery outrage and wrong that is done is by all men reiected vpon those who haue first done the wrong vniustly As for the deedes of Antigonus I will onely make mention to the end his Actions may not seeme to you worthy of contempt neither must you lightly regard a deede of great esteeme I doe not thinke there were euer so great a benefit seene as that which hee hath imparted vnto you It seemes vnto me so excellent as there cannot be a greater The which may appeare by this Antigonus made Warre against you then in giuing you Battaile he vanquished you by Armes Hee was in the end Lord of the Country and Citty hee might by the Law of Armes haue intreated you roughly But hee was so far from offering you any outrage as beside other Benefits he hath chasing the Tyrant restored your Lawes and proper rights For which Fact ordaining a Testimony to the Grecians by publicke praises you haue called him Antigonus your Benefactor and Sauiour VVhat should you then doe I will tell you seeing there is hope of your good Audience The which I will doe and not without reason not to charge you with reproaches but for that the quallity of matters forceth mee to speake that which is necessary in publicke VVhat shall I then say That in the former VVarre you should haue imbraced the League of the Macedonians and not of the Etoliens And that at this day you should rather revnite your selues with Philip seeing hee calls you then with them You answere that in doing so you shall breake your Accords But tell me if you shall commit a greater mischiefe in leauing the Accord which you haue made in particular with the Etoliens then in Transgressing those which concerning all the Grecians are grauen and Consecrated vpon a Pillar Why doe you so superstitiously flie the disdaine of those from whom you neuer receiued any benefit And beare no respect to Philip nor to the Macedonians from whom you haue the power to hold this Councell Thinke you that right and equitie ought to bee preserued to Friends Yet the Sanctitie is not so great to obserue the Faith reduced in Writings as the sinne is prophane and execrable in bearing Hatred and making Warre against a publicke body What the Etoliens require now of you But we haue spoken enough of this Subiect the which would be held by the Enuious not to concerne the present businesse I returne therefore to the Continuation and Discourse of the cause which consists in this If the Affaires be at this day a like as when you made an Alliance of Warre with them the election of things propounded in the beginning must remaine in you If they be altogether changed it is fit you should consider iudiciously vpon that which they require I demand of you Cleonice and Chlenee what allies had you when as you called these men to a Common warre Had you all the Grecians With whom at this day haue you communication of your hope Or to what league doe you inuite these men Is it not of Barbarians Thinke you this present warre is like vnto the precedent and not different You contended then with the Acheins and your kinsmen the Macedonians and with Philip for principality and glory And now the warre is made by strangers against Greece for its seruitude whom you thinke to draw against Philip. Are you ignorant that their forces are call'd in against your selues and all Greece Like vnto those which during a warre retire into their City a greater Garrison then their owne forces for their owne safety make themselues subiect to their friends as soone as they are freed from the feare of their Enemy The Etoliens thinke the same at this day Whilst they desire to vanquish Philip and to humble the Macedonians they doe not obserue how they blind themselues with a westerne fogge the which happily may bring some darknesse to the Macedonians and in the end be the cause of great miseries to all the Grecians It is therefore necessary for all Greece to prouide for the threatnings of this time and especially for the Macedonians Otherwise what cause thinke you my Masters of Lacedemon had your Ancestours when as Xerxes demanded by an Embassadour which he sent vnto you Water and Earth they cast him that was sent into a Well and cast Earth vppon him Then taking him out againe they gaue him charge to tell Xerxes that hee had Water and Earth in Lacedemon Moreouer for what reason did the Company which was slaine with Leonides cast themselues vppon the Enemy in view of all the World Was it not to the end they might see them vndergoe the danger not only for their owne liberty but also for the rest of Greece Consider now if it be decent and fitting for their posterity to take Armes and to make VVarre with the Barbarians in allying themselues with them against the Epirotes Acheins Acarnanians Beocians Thessaliens and in a manner against all the Grecians holding nothing infamous so as it were profitable VVhat must they attend that doe such vnlawfull things As the Romans haue beene vnited to them so the others haue endeauoured hauing the said comfort and aide from the Sclauonians to make the war by Sea and to breake the Accord at Pyles And haue by Land besieged the Citty of the Clitoriens ruining that of the Cynetheins It is true they first made an Accord with Antigonus in
his defence and guard And when he saw his Father in danger and enuironed by the Enemy accompanied onely with two or three Horse hauining receiued a dangerous wound he began at the first to encourage his company to succour his Father But when they wauered for the great multitude of the Enemies hee cast himselfe desperafely as it seemes and charged them couragiously Afterwards when the rest were forced to fight the Enemies amazed with feare ceas'd the Combare Old Publius being thus preserued contrary to all hope hee was the first who in hearing of them all called him his Sauiour When by this action the fame of his prowesse and dexterity began he afterwards ingag'd himselfe in greater dangers whensoeuer the supreame hope of the Countrey required it by necessity This was not with a courage relying in Fortime but of a iudicious Captaine Afterwards Lucius his elder Brother aspiring to the Dignity of Edile the which among the Romans was the Noblest command of the Youth and that by custome they made choise of two Ediles among the Paricij and that there were many at that time which aim'd at it he was long before he durst demand it of his Brother When the Election grew neare and that he had made a coniecture by the humour of the multiude that his Brother would hardly obtaine it seeing himselfe on the other side in great fauour with the people and might attaine vnto his attempt if with their consent he vndertooke the cause he fell into this conceit When he saw his Mother visite the Temples and sacrifice vnto the Gods for his Brother and that she entertained a great hope of the future which she had in singular recommendation and that his Father being then Commander of the Army in the sayd War had sayled into Spaine he told his Mother that hee had one dreame twice and that it seemed vnto him that he returned being made Edile with his Brother from the place to goe vnto their house And that running vnto the doore shee had saluted them with imbracings When hee had ended this Speech the Mother being very passionate with an effeminate affection and answering I know not what shee added Oh that I might see that Day will you saies he that wee make a tryall Whereunto consenting for that she did not thinke he would dare to attempt so great a matter considering that he was very young shee required as it were in sport that he should presently prouide him a long Cloake For they which stand for gouernment are accustomed to be so attired In regard of his Mother shee had no eonfidence in his words Publius when he had this braue Robe went suddainly to the place his Mother being yet asleepe When the Multitude had receiued him with amazement as well for this nouelty contrary to all hope as for the loue and affection they had formerly borne him and afterwards drawing to the place appointed he was neare vnto his Brother many adiudg'd this gouernment not onely to Publius but also to his Brother for the loue of him and being both of them created Ediles in this manner they returned to their house When the Mother had receiued the newes she ran vnto the Gate and with affection and loue saluted them Wherefore although that Publius disdained Dreames yet it seemed by this action to all those which haue heard speake of it that he had speech with the Gods not only sleeping but much more in the day waking But for that he was bountifull and pleasing in his words and had well obserued the affection of the Commons towards him and had accommodated the time to the people and his Mother hee not onely perfected his Enterprize but also seemed to haue dispatcht in by some Diuine inspirarinn They without doubt which cannot duely consider the occasions nor the causes and dispositions of euery thing by the vice of Nature or ignorance and dulnesse referre vnto the Gods and Fortune the causes of things which are decided by industry and discreete reason These things I speake for the Readers to the end that falling through errour into the vulgar opinions of this man they should not leaue good and commendable graces that were in him that is to say his Dextity and Industry In regard of that which I speake of him it will appeare manifest by his actions Publius Scipio being then Generall of the Army in Spaine calling his Troupes together he aduised them not to be amazed for the aduentures and disgraces past For the Romans had neuer beene vanquished by the prowesse of the Carthaginians but by the treason of the Celtiberians And the rashnesse of the Commanders seperated one from another for that they trusted in them which are things he sayd were then among the Enemies For besides that they made Warre being farre distant one from another they offer'd outrages to their Allies and made them Enemies And that for this cause some were already sent home and the rest will speedily when they shall be assured come when you haue once past the Riuer not so much for the good will they beare you as to seeke a reuenge for the wrongs receiued by the Carthaginians But moreouer the Captaines are in dissention among themselues and will not willingly ioyne together to fight with you And being thus diuided they would be defeated and fall easily into their hands Wherefore he perswaded them that considering these things they should passe the Riuer boldly promising to giue good order for the rest When he had vsed this speech vnto the other Captaines he left his colleague Marcus vpon the passage of the Riuer accompanied with three thousand Foote and fiue hundred Horse to the end hee might succour his Companions being in the Riuer hee himselfe past with the rest of his Army holding his intention secret from all the World Hee resolued things which he did not impart to many men His resolution was to lay siege to the City of Carthage scitnate in Spaine by the way of course The which euery man might vnderstand and that it is an excellent presumption of his esteeme whereof of I haue formerly spoken For as hee was but seuen and twenty yeares old he gaue himselfe first to things which in the iudgement of the World seemed desperate for the great precedent dangers and misfortunes leauing all things that were vulgar and easie and resolued and attempted those which seemed impossible vnto the Enemie euery one of which required an exact wisedome knowledge and vnderstanding In the beginning being yet at Rome when hee had considered by himselfe and eniquired diligently of the treason of the Celtiberians and of the diuision in the Armies what might happen and what fortune had befalne his Father he was nothing amazed at the Carthaginians neither did he faint as many vsually doe But after that he vnderstood that the Allies on this side the Riuer of Ebro continued constant in their Friendship and that the Commanders of the Carthaginians were in discord
by his industry frustrated the Enemies in particular encounters and was neuer circumuented in such great Battailes who as it appeares hath preserued himselfe with great prouidence And that with good reason For the Commander being safe although all the rest perish Fortune produceth many occasions by the which the damages receiued by those miserable accidents may be repaired But if he perish like vnto a Pilot in a ship there growes no profit although that Fortune giue the Victory to the rest against the Enemy For that the hope of all depends vpon the Commander I speake these things against those who by a glorious presumption or a youthfull humour or by stupidity or disdaine fall into this inconsideration One of the said things must of necessity be the cause of these misfortunes Of Publius Scipio and of the VVarre of the Romans against the Carthaginians AS Publius Scipio Generall of the Romans in Spaine being in the Region of Tarracona had first drawne the Spaniards to his Friendship and made them faithfull for that he had restored them their hostages he had in this action Edecon a powerfull Prince for a voluntary assistance who suddainly after the taking of Carthage and his Wife and Children reduced vnder the power of Publius considering the alteration of the Spaniards towards him he resolued in the beginning to be the Authour beleeuing confidently that by this meanes he might recouer his Wife and Children and that hee should seeme to ioyne vnto the Romans willingly and not through necessity The which succeeded accordingly For when the Army had beene newly sent to winter he came to Tarracona accompanied with his Friends Being admitted to the speech of Publius he sayd that he was wonderfully bound vnto the Gods that before all the Princes and Potentates of the Countrey he had retired himselfe vnto him and that of the rest some sent and depended on the Carthaginians and in the meane time they sued vnto the Romans with ioyned hands and that for his part he was come not onely to yeeld himselfe but also his Friends Wherefore if he receiued him into his Friendship and alliance he was confident that he should be able not onely for the present but also for the future to doe him great seruice For as soone as the Spaniards should see him admitted to his Friendship and to haue obtained his demands they will likewise come all to recouer their Friends and to purchase the alliance of the Romans and that for the future they would imploy themselues with emulation in his other affaires if their hearts were once possest with this honour and humanity He required to haue his Wife and Children and that being admitted into Friendship he might returne to his house where hauing found some good occasion hee might shew his affection and that of his Friends towards him and the Roman Common-weale This Speech being ended Edecon was silent As Publius had long expected this and considered of Edecons reasons he deliuered him his Wife and Children granting the alliance Moreouer during his presence he drawes the Spaniard by many meanes to his Deuotion and imprinted in his followers a great hope for the future sending him backe to his House When this accident was divulged all the Spaniards inhabiting within the Riuer being formerly no friends to the Romans followed their party in a manner with one accord These things fell out to the content of Publius Scipio After their departure hee sent backe the maritine Bands seeing no shewe of danger at Sea Yet he made choise of those that were most seruiceable and diuides them among the Ensignes to the end he might make the Bands of foot-men the more compleat Andomale and Mandonin men at that time of great power among the Spaniards attended a fit occasion hauing long carried a secret hatred in their hearts against the Carthaginians although they helde them for their trusty and confident friends For that Asdrubals men making shew to haue no great confidence in them they had exacted a great summe of money and their Wiues and Children for Hostages whereof wee haue formerly spoken When as then they immagined they had found a fit opportunity they retire their Bands from the Carthaginian Campe and in the Night recouered certaine places of great strength where they might remaine free from all danger This done many other Spaniards abandoned Asdrubal hauing beene long discontented with the pride of the Carthaginians Hauing recouered this first occasion to shew what friendship they bare them the which many others had done You must vnderstand that the Execution of great matters and a Victory gotten by force vpon the Enemy be of great consequence yet there is required great prudence and Wisedome to make good vse of things decided by Armes So as there are more that enioy Prerogatiues then they which vse them well The which happened to the Carthaginians For after they had defeated the Roman forces and sláine Publius and â—aius Scipio father and Vnckle of this Publius of whom we now Treat thinking that Spaine was then in no more danger of Warre they intreated the Inhabitants roughly For this cause in steed of friends and Allies their Subiects were incensed and deadly Enemies The which fell out iustly They had an humour that the meanes to Conquer Principallities diffred from that of preseruing them They were ignorant that they keepe their preheminence well which obserue the same will and humour wherewith principallities haue beene first Conquered It is manifest and obserued in many that men are of that Nature that whereas prosperity offers it selfe they shewe themselues kinde to their Neighbours promising hopefull things But when they haue attained to their desires then they deale wickedly and raigne ouer their Subiects as ouer flaues Wherefore not without reason the affections of Subiects change with the alteration of their Princes The which hapned to the Carthaginians Asdrubal takes much aduice vpon this accident for the euent of things The retreate of Andomale troubled him So did the hatred and abandoning of the other Commaunders Finally hee was discontented at the comming of Publius whom hee still expected to come against him with his Army When he saw himselfe abandoned by the Spaniards and that all in one League retired to the Romans he tooke this aduice He resolued that in making preparation of a good Army hee would fight with the Enemy If thorough the fauour of Fortune he had the Victory he would then consider safely and wisely of the rest but if it should be auerse vnto him in fighting hee would retire into Gaule with the remainders of the Battaile and from thence with a multitude of Barbarians draw into Italy and ioyne with his brother Hannibal vnder the same hope Asdrubal being of this aduise prepares himselfe Publius hauing receiued Caius Lelyus and vnderstood the decrees of the Senate marcheth hauing retired his Army out of the Garrisons To whom the Spaniards come at the passage and march with him with willing
and ioyfull hearts Andobale had before sent vnto Publius but when he approached neere vnto this Country he came vnto him accompanied with his friends Where after he had spoken vnto him hee concluded the League of friendship which he formerly had with the Carthaginians giuing him to vnderstand what seruice and loyalty hee had obserued towards him and finally he exposeth the outrages and iniuries which hee and his had suffered intreating him to be the Iudge of that which he sayd And if he seemed to accuse the Carthaginians vniustly hee might certainly know that he would neuer keepe his faith to the Romans If being forced for the necessary respect of many iuiuries hee had desisted from his affection yet he had good hope that ioyning to the Romans to keep his faith firme with them After he had vsed many such Speeches he made an end To whom Publius answering sayd that he beliued it and had vnderstood the outrages of the Carthaginians which they had vsed to other Spaniards and their lasciuiousnesse towards their Wiues and daughters Of whom notwithstanding he hauing taken many reduced rather into the estate of Captives and slaues then Hostages hee hath kept them with such honesty as the Parents themselues could not haue done And when as Andobale and his Company confest it and making an obeisance vnto him they saluted him as King the assistants obserued those words Publius blushing commands them to be of good hope promising them they should finde curtesie and fauour with the Romans and presently deliuers them their Daughters and the day following makes an accord with them The principall Articles of their Accord was that they should follow the Roman Princes and obey them willingly These things thus concluded they returne vnto their Campe and come with their Army to that of Publius and making Warre with the Romans they march with them against Asdrubal The Commaunder of the Carthaginians staying neere to Catolâ—gne fast by the City of Babylis and neere vnto the Mines of Gold and Siluer he changed his Campe when he was aduertised of the comming of the Romans so as he had the riuer at his backe in manner of a Rampire and in front and on the sides a Pallisadoe with a sufficient depth for the Fortification there was finally a length in the Vallies sufficient to put them in battaile And as for the side of the Hill there were vsually men When as Publius approacht he was ready to hazard the Combate although hee were in doubt seeing the aduantage and force of the places where the Enemy lay in Campe. But when he had contained himselfe two daies and was in feare that Mago and Asdrubal the sonne of Gescon comming he might be inuironed round he resolued to fight and to hazard a battaile Making therefore another Army he labours to gaine the Pallisado In regard of those that were lightly armed and the choise footmen he sends them to the side of a Hill giuing them charge to assaile and to view the Enemies forces And when that this was done with great Courage the Commander of the Carthaginians attends the euent from the beginning But when he saw his men prest and in danger by the courage of the Romans he drawes his Army into the field and plants in neere the side of the Hill relying vpon the opportunitie of the place At the same time Publius sends his brauest men to succour those that were in danger and stayed the rest ready He takes the one halfe and assailes the Hill vpon the left side of the Enemy fighting against the Carthaginians And deliuers the rest to Lelyus giuing him charge to assaile the Enemy on the right hand When this was done Asdrubal drawes his Army out of the Fort. He had hitherto kept it relying vpon the fortified places hauing an opinion that the Enemies durst not assaile him But for that this charge of the Romans came vnexpected hee puts his Army into Battaile later then was needfull The Romans vndergoing the danger of the fight whilest that the Enemies were not yet vpon the Wings they not only assailed the Hill without danger but in approaching slew those which crost them whilest that the Enemies made ready their battaile forcing those to turne which prepared themselues and made head against them When as Asdrubal according to his first resolution saw his Army giue backe and shamefully repuls'd hee had no will to fight vnto the last gaspe Taking therefore the Treasure and the Elephants and all those hee could draw together in the flight he retires to the Riuer of Tagus and to the Hills of the Perinee Mountaines and to the Gaules inhabiting there Scipio held it not fit to pursue the Victorie suddainly doubting the comming of the other Commaunders Finally he gaue the bootie of the Fort to the Souldiers The day following he drawes together all the Prisoners whereof there were ten Thousand foote and two Thousand horse to dispose of them All the Spaniards of that Countrey which were allied vnto the Carthaginians come and submit themselues to the fauour of the Romans And when he had giuen them audience they saluted Scipio as King The which Edecon beganne when he did his obeisance and after him Andobale with his friends Scipio at that time regarded not their words but was silent But when after the Battaile all saluted him as King he was mooued therewith so as hee forbad it Drawing all the Spaniards together he told them that he would be truely Royall and so held but hee would not be called a King by no man liuing This done hee ordained they should call him Chiefe or Commaunder It is not without cause that we may iustly commend the magnanimity of this man By the which being yet young hauing the fauour of Fortune such as all the Subiects had him in so great esteeme as they saluted him by so excellent a name yet hee was alwaies so continent as hee would not accept of this will and humour of the Subiects But he will wonder much more at the excellency of his magnanimitie if hee lookes to the last daies of his life when besides the valiant exploits which hee hath done in Spaine hee hath ruined the Carthaginians and made subiect vnto the Romans many good Countries in Lybia from the Philenin Altars to the pillars of Hercules Hee hath also ruined Asia and the Assirian Kings Finally hee hath reduced to the obedience of the Romans the best and greatest part of the World And therefore if hee had pleased hee might well haue imbraced the opportunity to vsurpe a royall power in these Countries which hee hath inuaded and taken The disdaine of such things as Scipio hath wisely done surpasseth not onely humane nature but a diuine This magnanimity doth so much excell other men as no man would demaund of the Gods a greater fauour I meane then a Crowne the which hee hath so often refused being deliuered vnto him by fortune and hath had
in fighting exceeded their first station Yet the Tyrants souldiers had for a time the better considering their multitude and dexterity with their Armes and Experience The which did not happen without cause For as the multitude in Comminalties is more cheerefull in Combats in Warre then the Subiects which are Enemies to Tyrants so strange Souldiers taking pay of Monarches excell those of Common-weales And as some Subiects fight for liberty and some are in danger of seruitude some also of the Mercenaries fight for a certaine profit others for the defence of their Liues But a popular power puts not her liberty into the hands of Mercenaries after they haue defeated their Enemies Whereas a Tyrant the greater Enterprize he makes the more souldiers he hath need off For as he doth more outrages so he hath more watchers ouer his life The safety then of Monarches consists in the good affection and forces of his forreine Souldiers Wherefore then it hapned that the forreine Souldiers fought with such great Courage and Resolution as the Sclauonians and Horacites being in front of them could not indure their Charge flying all as repuls'd towards Mantinia seauen Furlongs distant Then that which some men held in doubt was made plaine and certaine It is manifest that many actions in Warre breed Experience of things so do they ignorance It is a great matter for him that hath purchased Authority in the beginning to extend it farther But it is a farre greater matter to fixe vpon him whose first attempts haue not beene successefull and to consider the indiscretion of the vnfortunate and to obserue their faults You shall oftentimes see that they which seeme to haue the better are within a short space frustrated of all in generall And againe they which at the first were beaten haue by their industry restored all the which appeared then betwixt these two Princes For when the bands of Souldiers which the Acheins had wauered and that the left wing was broken Machanides leauing his good Fortune and the Victory of those of the Wing and to assaile the others in Front and finally to attend the Victory he did nothing of all this but scattred with the Mercenaries without order like a young man he pursued the Chase as if feare had not beene able to pursue those which fled vnto the Gates The Chiefe of the Acheins imployed all his power to stay the Mercenaries with cries and perswasions calling to the rest of their Commaunders But when he saw them forcibly repuls'd he was not amazed if they turned head or despairing abandoned the place but he with-drew the Wing which charged and pursued them And when the place where the danger was was abandoned he sent presently to the first Legionaries that they should couer themselues with their Targets and in keeping order he went speedily before Being come suddainly to the place abandoned hee defeated the pursuers hauing great aduantage vpon the Enemies battailion Hee likewise perswaded the Legionaries to haue a good Courage and resolution and not to budge vntill hee gaue them order to march close in Battaile against the Enemy And as for Polybius the Megalopolitaine hauing gathered together the remainder of the Sclauonians which had turned Head with the armed men and the Strangers he enioynes him to haue a great care to keepe the Battallion in good order and to looke to those which were retired from the Chase. The Lacedemonians likewise resuming Courage and strength for that they were esteemed the most valiant charged the Enemies with their Iauelings without Commaund And as in this pursuite they were come vnto the brinke of the Ditch and had no more time to returne for that they were in the Enemies hands and that finally they forsooke and disdained the Ditch for that it had many descents and was drie and without Trees they ranne into it without any discretion As this occasion offers it selfe against the Enemy Phylopomen hauing fore-seene it long before he then Commaunded all the Legionaries to aduance with their Iauelings And when as all the Acheins with one resolution had cast themselues vpon the Enemies with horrible cries hauing formerly broken the battalion of the Lacedemonians descending into the Ditch they turne Head with great Courage against the Enemy which held the higher ground It is true that a great part was defeated aswell by the Acheins as their owne men That which I haue spoken happens not by chance but by the prouidence of the Commaunder who had suddainly made this Ditch Philopomen fled not from the Battaile as some had conceiued But considering and aduising dilligently like a good Commaunder of all things in particular that if Machanides should lead his Army thither it would happen that by ignorance of the Ditch he would fall into danger with his Battalion as it succeeded in Effect And if considering the difficulty of the Ditch hee should seeme to feare and turne Head hee should then be wonderfully frustrated of his Enterprize and Designe for that hee should haue the Victory without fight Machanides beeing defeated by a vnfortunate disaster It had happened to many which had vndertaken a Battaile that finding themselues insufficient to ioyne with the Enemy some in regard of the disaduantage of places others for the multitude and some for other causes and by this same meanes shewing and expressing themselues in their flight to bee of little Experience some hoping to be stronger vpon the Reare and others that they might escape the Enemy safely Among the which were these Commaunders But Philopomen was not deceiued in his fore-sight by whose endeauour it happened that the Lacedemonians made a speedy flight And when hee saw his Legions to vanquish hee laboured to bring that vnto an ende which remained of an absolute Victory Which was that Machanides should not escape and therefore knowing him to be at the pursuite of the Chase on that side of the Ditch which lay towards the City with his Mercenaries had not beene retired and with drawne he attends his comming But when as Machanides flying after the Chase saw his Army turne head and hearing that all hope was lost for him he laboured with his forreine Souldiers in turning head to escape thorough the Enemies dispersed and scattred in their Chase. Whereunto they likewise hauing regard stayed with him in the beginning feeding themselues with the same hope of safety But when as at their comming they saw the Acheins keepe the Bridge vpon the Ditch then all amazed they abandon him and fled euery man looking to his owne preseruation And when the Tyrant despaired of the passage of the Bridge he went directly to the Ditch and endeauours to finde a passage Philopomen knowing the Tyrant by his purple Robe and the caparrisson of his Horse leaues Polybius there and giues him charge to keepe the passage carefully not sparing any of the Mercenaries for that most commonly they fauour and support the Tyrant of Lacedemon In regard of himselfe he takes Polyene Cyparissâ—e and
intreated them againe not to do any thing slowly nor by Discourse And that consenting all with one voice to the Articles of the peace they should Sacrifice vnto the Gods and pray that the people of Rome might confirme them When it seemed that hee had giuen wise aduice and fit for the time it was concluded to accept the Accord prescribed and to passe it with the Romans Wherefore they suddainly sent away the same men in Embassie which had contradicted the Articles A Parcell of the Deedes and Posterity of Ptolomy FInally who will not wonder that Ptolomy had not prouided to giue aide to these men during his life seeing there were some which were ready to succour them But when Death surpriz'd him hee left a young Infant to whom by right of nature he had indeauoured as they say with both hands to preserue him the Crowne Then encouraging one another they make hast to practise a Villany and to murther this Infant and to diuide his principallity among them The which they do not after the manner of Tyrants who pretend some colour for their infamy But carry themselues afterwards so impudently and brutishly as that which they speake of the life of Fishes is due vnto them Of whom they say that although they be of one kind yet the defeate of the smaller feeds and entertaines the life of the greater Wherefore who will not thinke to see a great execration against the Gods and a cruelty towards men and likewise a great auarice of the said Kings seeing this paction and agreement as in a glasse What is hee who for these causes hauing accused Fortune in humane affaires doth not likewise consider that shee hath since made them to suffer worthy punishments and left to posterity a good example for the amendment of their course of liuing as hauing propounded vnto these Kings such an ignominious punishment For when they had transgrest the agreements among themselues and diuided the Infants Principality all things did iustly proue hurtfull and opposite vnto them which they had wickedly resolued against their Kinsfolkes and Neighbours by the bringing in of the Romans for that the one and the other being suddainly vanquished they were not onely forced to abate their couetousnesse of another mans goods but being made subiect to tributes they were constrained to obey the Commandments of the Romans Finally Fortune hath in a short time disposed of the Reigne of Ptolomy making the Potentates of the others and their successours some of them to bee banished and miserable involuing some in a manner in the like Disasters Of Philip of Macedony THe Cianeins fell in these miseries not so much through Fortune and the iniustice of their Neighbours as by their owne rashnesse and the bad gouernment of their Common-weale where most commonly the worst were in esteeme and good men put to death for the spoiles of their Wealth and by this meanes they are in a manner willingly fallen into these misfortunes whereunto all men incline I know not how apparently yet they cannot resolue vpon any aduice nor suddainly distrust which some bruite Beasts doe For if sometimes they enter into Iealousie of Baites and Nets if they haue seene any other perish you shall hardly draw them to doe the like holding the place for suspect with a distrust of all things which haue any resemblance In regard of men when they heare some speake and see others perish in like manner Yet suddainly when any one vsing gracious words hath propounding a mutuall hope of correction they run without any regard into the toiles knowing certainly that neuer any man which had swallowed this kind of baite had escaped such policies being an assured defeate to all men When as Philip had reduced the City vnder his obedience he reioyced as if he had brought some braue and honourable action to an end And when hee had speedily giuen Succours to his Allies and had terrified all those which estranged themselues from him and had claymed abundance of goods and bodies vnder the colour of Iustice hee neuer thought of those things that were contrary although they were manifest giuing at the first Succours to the Allie who had not beene wrong'd and yet had broken the confederations with his Neighbours And as finally he had confirmed the bruite of his cruelty towards his Friends afflicting the Cities of Greece with great miseries he had iustly purchased the generall esteeme of a cruell man withall the Grecians Thirdly he wronged reuiled the Embassadors of the said Cities who were come to free the Cianeins from that eminent danger And being called by him and conferring daily with him they were present at things which he desired not Moreouer he incensed the Rhodiens against him so as they could not endure to heare any mention of him Finally Fortune therein fauours him openly His Embassadour made an Oration vpon the Theater against the Rhodiens commending the magnificence of Philip who when he had by some meanes got possession of the City he had done that grace vnto the people This he did to reprehend the suspicion and detraction of those which resisted him and to manifest his resolution to the City There came also some one from the Port vnto the Magistrate aduertising him of the ruine of the Cianeins and of the cruelty which Philip practised against them So as when the Gouernour entring in the midst of the Embassadours Oration speaking the said things and declared the newes the Rhodiens could not beleeue for the excesse of the fact Philip hauing then preuaricated and dissembled not so much against the Cianeins as against himselfe began to be so transported and to stray from his duty as hee gloried and brag'd in his actions as good for the which hee should haue beene ashamed The Rhodiens from that day held Philip for an enemy and prepared to that end The Etoliens also conceiued a hatred against him for the same fact When as lately being reconciled he had giuen forces to that Nation there being then no cause of hatred nor spleene when as a little before the Etoliens the Lysimacheins Calsidoniens and Cianeins were made Friends hee hath in assailing first the Lysimacheins distracted their City from the Alliance of the Etoliens spoiling those of the Calsidoniens and thirdly the Cianeins whilest that the Chiefe of the Etoliens was resident in their City hauing the superintendency of the publicke affaires Finally Prucias reioyced for that which had hapned beyond his desires But he was discontented that another should reape the reward for the taking of the Citie and that there was fallen vnto him a desolate place naked of buildings so as hee could not effect any thing After he had assembled the greatest men of the Macedonians he came to them with the King and Agathoclia faining in the beginning that hee was not able to speake for teares And when he had wiped them often with his cloake and caused them to cease take saith he carrying an infant
his young Sonne Finally they drag his Wife into the place and kill her This was the end of Agathocles and Agathoclea with their Kinsfolkes I am not ignorant what Fables and colours some Historiographers vse in these actions to amaze the Readers with a copious aduancement of words and otherwise then the truth containes Some referre this accident to Fortune shewing how inconstant and ineuitable shee is seeking to bring Causes and Similitudes of actions It is true that in the pursuite of this Worke I had resolued to helpe my selfe with the sayd actions for that this Agathocies had nothing honourable for his courage and prowesse in the Warre neither any happy mannaging of affaires which ought to bee desired Neither did hee vnderstand the cunning and policy of a Courtier in the which Sosybiâ—s and many others being very well instructed had vsurped Kingdomes The which notwithstanding happened vnto this man Hee grew great by chance for that Philopater was not able to gouerne the Realme Hauing therefore gotten this occasion to come vnto greatnesse when as after his Death hee had a fit opportunity offred to maintaine his power yet hee lost both life and goods faintly and basely being slaine within a short time Wherefore it is not fitting that in the relation of such things they should adde words especially when they speake of such as Agathocles and Denis Sicilians with some others which had beene famous and renowned for their actions One of them in truth came of a base extraction But as Tymeus cauells Agathocles being a Potter he came in his younger yeares to Sarragosse They were eyther of them in their times Tyrants of Sarragosse of that City I say which at that time was great in authority and abounding in riches And afterwards they were Kings of all Sicily and enioyed some parts of Italy In regard of Agathocles hee died not in assailing Affricke but after this manner with a desire to Reigne And therefore they say of Publius Scipio who first forced Carthage that when they demanded of him what men hee held ablest to vndertake an Enterprize and of great discretion and courage hee answered Agathocles and Denis Wee must in truth when the proposition is made hold the Reader in suspence and doubt and relate their fortune and humane accidents in adding words in manner of Doctrine In regard of the sayd things I am not of Opinion it should bee done For this cause wee reiect in this passage the Writers of Agathocles with their many words for that those horrible Narrations and fearefull euents which haue nothing but a conceite worthy to hold the Reader in suspence Finally it is not onely vnprofitable to treate of them with a long discourse but also their vehemency in the end brings tediousnesse and trouble There are two ends namely profit and pleasure whereunto they must haue regard which will ruminate any thing either of hearing or sight And for that profit belongs chiefly to the narration of an History it is most necessary and conuenient that this kind of adding of words vnto fearefull accidents should turne from these two ends What is hee that would willingly follow vnexpected accidents and without reason No man reioyceth continually eyther for the seeing or hearing of things which are out of Nature and the common sence of men But in the beginning wee are exceeding ioyfull and glad to see some and to heare others to the end wee may rightly vnderstand and know after what manner that is done which seemes vnto euery one very strange and impossible When wee once begin to know them no man takes any delight or pleasure to stay vpon things which are strange from the course of Nature nor will haue any desire to fall often vpon the same subiect Wherefore the Narration must drawe a desire of imitation where hee may delight And if they adde words to some miserable accidens besides these ends they are more fitting for a Tragedy then a History Peraduenture you must pardon those which doe not consider things which are common to Nature and the World But they hold the Fortunes of their Ancestors great and wonderfull whereon falling by Fortune in Reading or Hearing them from others they settle their affections Wherefore they know not that they vse more speech of such things then is needefull which are neither new hauing beene spoken formerly by others neither can they profite nor content The remainder is wanting A PARCELL OF the Sixteenth Booke of the History of POLYBIVS Of the Battaile giuen at Sea betwixt Philip and King Attalus PHilip was much troubled seeing many things succcede vnfortunately in his siege and withall that the Enemies were in the Hauen with a good number of couered Vessells neither could hee well resolue what to do And when as the present occasions depriued him of all meanes of choice in the end hee weighed Anchor and set Saile contrary vnto the Enemies Hope For Attalus and his Company expected that he should grow obstinate at the Siege considering the preparation which he had of Engines of Battery Philip made all haste to saile away imagining that hee might get before them and make a safe retreate vnto Samos along the shore Yet hee was deceiued in his conceite For when as Attalus and Theophiliscus saw that hee had weighed Anchor they suddainly resolued and set Saile obseruing no order for that they conceiued that Philip would haue perseuered in his Enterprize Yet they charge him making great speed with their Oares So as Attalus fell vpon the right wing which got before and Theophiliscus vpon the left Philip seeing himselfe thus pestred and suddainly surprized hee gaue the signe of the Battaile to them of the right wing commanding them to turne their prowes against the Enemies and to charge them resolutely Then he retired to the smaller Ilands which were in the mid-way with the lighter Vessels expecting the end of the Battaile The number of Ships of Warre which Philip had were fifty three couer'd Vessels with a hundred and fifty Foists and Galleyes vncouered In regard of the Vessels remaining at Samos hee could not arme them Those of the Enemies were in number threescore Vessels couered with those of Constantinople with the which there were nine Galliots and three Galleyes When as Attalus Ships began the fight presently they that were neare charge one another without command Attalus fell vpon a Vessell with eight Oares crushing it in such sort as it tooke water and when as they which were vpon the hatches had defended themselues long in the end hee sunke it On the other side Philips Galley of ten Oares which was the Admirall was by chance taken by the Enemies For when as a Galliot sayl'd against it it bruised it much in the midst of the Bulke ioyning vnto it behind at the poope to the which it remain'd grapled for that the Pylot could not stay its violence So as when this Vessell stucke close vnto her she was much hindred
assemble the people and consult in despaire of their necessities First of all they decree to giue liberty to their Slaues to the end they might willingly become Companions in the Combat And consequently drawe all their Wiues into Diana's Temple and the Children with their Nurses into the Schooles and finally their Gold and Siluer into the Market place and the richest apparrell into the Rhodiens Galley and that of the Cyziceneins When they had decreed these things and had with one accord executed the resolution they make another assembly choosing fifty of the most ancient and men of credite being strong and able to execute the decree and make them sweare in the presence of all the Citizens that if they saw the Wall taken by the Enemy they should then kill their Wiues and Children and set fire of the sayd Galleyes casting according to their Oath the Gold and Siluer into the Sea Finally they call their Prelates who coniure them all to vanquish their Enemies or to dye fighting for their Countrey This done after they had sacrificed they force their Prelates and their Wiues to make execrations vpon the Sacrifices of the said things These things thus confirmed they did not countermine aginst the Enemies Mynes resoluing that if the Wall sell they would stand vpon the ruines fighting to the death Wherefore some one may with reason say that the folly of the Phocenses and the ioy of the Acarnanians hath beene vanquished by the courage of the Abydeins The Phocenses seeme to haue decreed the like for their Kinsfolkes although they were not wholly in despaire of the Victory for they were to fight in field with the Thessalians The Acarnanians fore-seeing the attempts of the Etoliens resolued the same in their eminent danger whereof wee haue formerly spoken in particular The Abydeins being shut vp and in a manner desperate of their safety desired rather by a common consent to try this Fortune with their Wiues and Children then liuing to deliuer them into their Enemies hands For which reason wee may blame Fortune for the ruine of the Abydeins Seeing that hauing compassion of the calamities of the former shee hath suddainly relieued them yeelding vnto the desperate hope and safety whereas contrariwise shee hath beene incensed against the Abydeins The men were slaine and the City taken their Children with their Wiues fell into their Enemies hands For after the fall of the Wall planting themselues vpon the ruines according to their Oath they fought with such great courage as when as Philip had sent supplies vnto the Macedonians at the assault vntill Night hee was in the end forced to take breath and to despaire of his attempt The Abydeins did not onely fight with great confidence standing vpon the dead bodies in danger and with resolution with their Swords and Iauelings But hauing no meanes to vse them they cast themselues with fury vpon the Macedonians ouerthrowing some with their armes charging others alwaies with the stockes of their broken Iauelings and repulsing them thrusting directly at their Faces and other naked parts Night being come and the Combat ceasing Glaucides and Theognite assembling some few of the ancient changed for the hope of their priuate safeties that seuere and noble vow of the Citizens in regard of the great number that had beene slaine at the Wall and for that the rest were weakned with toile and wounds Wherefore they resolued to abandon their Wiues and Children to Captiuity and at the breake of day to send their Priests and Wiues with their Diadems and head-bands to Philip to the end that intreating him vpon their knees they might deliuer him the City At the same time King Attalus being aduertised of the Siege of the Abydeins sailes by the Egean Sea to Tenedos In like manner Marcus Emilius the younger a Roman came by Sea to Abydos For when the Romans had beene truely aduertised of the Siege of Abydos and would expostulate with Philip according to their charge and to vnderstand the cause why hee assailed the Kings they sent this Emilius vnto him Who when he had audience of Philip in Abydos he let him vnderstand that the Senate admonished him not to make Warre against any Grecians nor to meddle with the affaires of Ptolomy And whereas hee had done outrage to the Rhodiens and Attalus he should make a promise to giue them satisfaction in doing which hee should remaine in peace but if he would not obey he should prepare to haue Warre with the Romans When as Philip laboured to let him vnderstand that the Rhodiens had beene the first Assailants Marcus interrupting him said What haue the Athenians Cianeins and Abydeins done which of them hath first assailed you The King studying what to answere to these three demands told him that hee pardoned his arrogancy in words for that first he was young and without experience Secondly that he was the best man amongst them as in truth he was The Romans sayd he haue no reason to breake the Accords nor to make Warre against mee but if they did he would defend his owne valiantly and inuocate the Gods for aide This Speech being ended they parted one from the other Philip hauing gotten the City of the Abeydeins he presently tooke all the Goods which had beene carryed away by them When he saw the people and their fury who slew burnt and strangled themselues their Wiues and Children casting them into Wells and hanging them in their houses hee was amazed And being discontented at that which was done he let them know that he gaue them three dayes respite that would hang or kill themselues But the Abydeins preuenting him according to their first resolution could not suffer any one of those to liue which were not yet bound nor tied to this kind of necessity holding themselues in not doing it for Traytors towards those which had fought and were dead for their Countrey All the rest without delay dyed according to their Races Of Philopomene and the deeds of the Acheins ANd when as Philopomene had considered the distances of of all the Cities and that they might come to Tegee by one way hee wrote Letters to all the Cities and sends them to those which were farthest off and diuides them in such sort as euery City had not onely those which were directed vnto it but also those for other Cities lying vpon the same way Hee hath written to the Magistrates in these termes When you shall haue receiued these Letters vse all diligence that such as are able to beare Armes may assemble in the Market place euery man furnished with fiue Dayes victuals and seuenteene Sous and sixeteene Deniers in Money And when they shall be all assembled lead them to the next City where being arriued deliuer the Letters to the Magistrate and performe the contents In the which was contained the charge which had bin giuen to the former only the name was altred but he place was not named whither the Voyage
was intended This course being continued no man knew to what end nor why this preparation was made nor whither they went out of the next City All being vncertaine and receiuing one another they marcht on But for that the Cities which were beyond had not an equall distance from Tegee hee did not send Letters to them all at the same time but particularly according to their order so as vnknowne to the Inhabitants and to those which arriued what should succeed all the Acheins entred in Armes by all the Gates Hee had without doubt resolued these things in his iudgement by a Military stratagem for for the multitude of Scouts and Spies which the Tyrant had The which the Tyrant had The same day that the multitude of the Acheins should assemble hee sent choise men who in the Night should passe the Selasia and at the breake of day runne into the Countrey of Lacedemon But if the Mercenaries by encounter did any way trouble them he giues them charge to recouer Scotite obeying Didascolonde the Candiot in all things For hee had giuen him the charge of all this enterprize These men went resolutely to the place appointed And when as Philopomene had commanded the Acheinsâ—o â—o suppe earely hee goes with his Army out of Tegee and making good vse of the Night in his Voyage hee leads his Army to the place appointed neare vnto Scotite the mid-way betwixt Tegee and Lacedemon The Souldiers of Pelene the day following ran speedily as it is their custome and assailed the Enemy suddainly who were aduertised of their comming by their Scouts And when the Acheins according to the Commandment they had receiued retired they pursued them at their backes confidently and with courage But suddainly they fell into the Ambush where some of them were slaine by the Acheins and others taken A PARCELL OF the Seuenteenth Booke of the History of POLYBIVS Where they treate of the Peace betwixt Philip of Macedony and the other Grecians by the meanes of Titus a Roman THe time appointed being come Philip artiues by Sea from the Demetriade to the Gulfe of Meliâ—a accompanied with fiue Foists and one Galley wherein hee sayled He was attended on by Apolodorus and Demosthenes Macedonians his Chancellours There was also Brachylles of â—eocia and Chiliades the Achein a Fugitiue out of Morea for the causes aboue mentioned With the which were also King Saminandre and Dionisodorus sent by Attalus And as for the Cities and people Aristenetes and Xenophon were for the Acheins and Acesymbrotes and Nauarchus were for the Rhodiens and for the Etoliens came Phenee Chiefe of the Army with many other Citizens When they were approacht the Sea neare vnto Nicea Titus the Chiefe of the Romans stayed at the shoare Philip being almost at Land stayed in his Vessell And when as Titus perswaded him to Land he sayd standing vpright in his ship that hee would not Being likewise demanded by Titus what he feared he answered No man but the Gods but there were many there whom hee did not trust namely the Etoliens And when the Roman Commander wondred saying that the perill was equall vnto all and that time common Philip answering sayd that he vnderstood it not so For an inconuenience hapning to Phenee the Etoliens had Commaunders enough for the War But if Philip dyed there was no King of Macedony for the present In the beginning of his Speech he seemed importune to them all But Tytus aduised him to speake of the Affaires for which hee was come Philip answered him that it belonged to him and â—ot vnto himselfe For this cause hee required him to let him know what there was to be done to enioy a Peace The Roman Commaunder told him that hee must vse plaine and open words and aduised him to leaue all Greece restoring the Prisoners and Fugitiues which were in his power To yeild likewise vnto the Romans the places of Sclauonia which he had seazed on after the Accord made in Epirus That he should restore vnto Ptolomy all the Cities which he had taken since the Death of Ptolomeus Philopater When Tytus had spoken this he held his peace But turning to the rest hee willed euery man to deliuer his charge Dionisodorus being sent by Attalus beganne first saying that he should restore the shippes taken by him in the Battaile at Sea neere vnto Chio and likewise the Prisoners and re-edifie the Temple of Venus and the Aâ—senall of the triumphes of Victories which hee had ruined After whom Asesymbrotes Chiefe of the Army at Sea for the Rhodiens required that Philip should leaue Perea which he had taken from them and finally retire the Garrisons which hee had at Iasse in the Vargylies and in the City of the Eromeens And moreouer restore the Perinthiens to the comminalty of the Constantinopolitains and to abandon Sestes Abydos and the Faiers of Asia After the Rhodiens the Acheins demanded Corinth and the City of the Argiues whole and safe After these the Etoliens required first as the Romans had done that hee should abandon all Greece and that afterwards hee should restore the Cities whole and entire which formerly had beene of the same Burgesse with the Etoliens When as Phenee Chiefe of the Etoliens had spoken thus Alexander following after whom they call Isie in shew a man of iudgement to mannage affaires and of great Eloquence said that Philip did not demand a peace roundly nor made Warre valiantly if it were to be done at any time and that in assemblies and treaties hee watcht carefully playing the part of an Enemy and that in the Warre hee carryed himselfe wickedly and not as a good man For when he should affront the Enemy it is manifest that hee flies the list and in the meane time burnes and ruines Cities and being thus vanquished by his will hee corrupts the rewards of the Victors although the ancient Kings of Macedony were neuer of that minde but quite contrary They haue fought often Battailes in the open field and haue seldome ruined any Cities The which is manifest to all the World as well by the Asian Warre of Alexander against Darius as by the difference of the Successors by the which they haue all made Warre against Antigonus for the Empire of Asia And their posterity hath beene of this humour vntill the time of â—yrrhus to fight valiantly with an Enemy in open Battaile Doing all that concerned a mutuall Combate of men furnished with Armes yet pardoning the Citties for that the Victors of them are vanquished and blamed by those which are subdued It is the part of a mad man to ruine that for which the Warre is made and then to leaue it The which he sayd Philip did at that time and that he had ruined more Cities in Thessaly being of the same friendship and League in Warre when as hee parted speedily from the streights of Epirus then euer any of those had done which made Warre against
The King accompanied with Apolodorus and Demosthenes landed and had a long discourse with Titus In regard of that which was spoken of eyther side it is a difficult thing to iudge Titus then when as Philip was retired related vnto the rest the things which hee had propounded namely that he would yeelde vnto the Etoliens Larissa and Pharsalia but not Thebes That to the Rhodiens hee would leaue Perea but not Iasson nor Bargulies to the Acheins Corinthe and the City of Argiues to the Romans that which hee held in Sclauonia with all the prisoners That he would restore to Attalus the vessels and all the prisoners that were liuing since the nauall fight But when as the whole Company disliked of this accord saying that they must generally decree that he must depart out of all Greece Otherwise all these articles would be vaine and friuolous Philip seeing this contention fearing likewise the future accusations he intreats Titus to deferre this assembly vntill the next day for that it is now late saying that hee would perswade them or suffer himselfe to be perswaded And when as Titus had granted this they resolued to assemble againe at the Port of Tyronye and so they parted The day following they all mette at the houre appoynted Philip hauing made a short speech requires them all especially Titus that they would not breake of the treaty of peace for that there were many things which did conduct to the conclusion of an accord vnlesse the fault were in them that the composition was not made Otherwise they must send Embassadours to the Senate to order their differences to the which he would obey and doe all they should command him These things thus propounded by Philip the others said that they must doe that which concerned the warre and not trust to his demands But the Roman Commander said that hee was not ignorant that Philip would not doe any thing that was propounded vnto him and yet their cause was nothing impaired in yeelding him this fauour which hee demanded For there could nothing be spoken there that could be confirmed without the Roman Senate and that moreouer the approaching time would be very commodious to make tryall of their aduice For as the Armies are vnprofitable in regard of the Winter there could be no inconuenience if in the meane time they referr'd themselues vnto the Senate but a great commodity vnto them all When they were of this opinion seeing Titus to concurre that the present differences should be transferrd'd to the Senate they resolued to suffer Philip to send an Embassie to Rome and in like manner all in particular to make their causes knowne vnto the Senate and to accuse Philip. When this resolution of the Assembly had succeeded according to the humour and aduice of Titus conceiued in the beginning he presently pursued those things which were requisite for the Enterprize hauing giuen order for his affaires Finally hee deales no more with Philip but assignes him two Moneths onely in the which hee should send an Embassie to Rome and should retire his Garrisons for Phocis and Locre Hee giues him likewise charge that hee should not make Warre against any of the Roman Allies and should giue order that in the meane time the Macedonians should doe them no outrage And when he had dealt with Philip vpon these Articles by Writing he brought the rest of the things propounded to an end of himselfe Hee suddainly sends Aminandre to Rome knowing his sufficiency in affaires and to purchase Friends easily wheresoeuer hee came and that he would procure some good conceite and hope in regard of the name of Royalty After whom hee sends for Embassadours Quintus Fabius his Nephew in respect of his Wiues Sister and Quintus Fuluiâ—s and with them Appius Claudius whom they call Nero. The Etoliens sent Alexander Issien Democrates a Calydonien Dicearchus a Trichonien Polymarchus an Arsinoen Lamin an Ambracioâ—e and Nicomachus an Acarnanien and of those which were Fugitiues from Thurion and dwelt at Ambracia Theodotes Pherea a Fugitiue of Thessaly and then remaining at Strate The Acheins sent Xenophon an Egien King Attalus Alexander alone The people of Athens Ciphesodorus All which come to Rome to the Senate to deliuer vnto their iudgements the things which they had resolued that Yeare before that the two Consuls at the request of the others were sent into Gallacia against Philip. When as Titus Friends conceiued that the two Consuls should remaine in Italy for feare of the Ganles they enter all into the Senate and accuse Philip roughly deliuering the same which they had formerly obiected vnto the King Yet they laboured carefully to possesse the Senate with an opinion that they could not hope for any liberty if Calchis Corinthe and the Demetriades conâ—nued in the hand of the Macedonians They sayd that Philip had vsed that speech and had assured that the said places were the Bonds and shackles of Greece the which he might well say with reason and truth For they could not sayle safely from Mâ—rea to Corinthe there being a royall Garrison neither durst the Locrines Beocians and Phocoâ—ses doe it whilst that Philip holds Calchis and the rest of Negrepont Neither likewise the Thessalians and Magnetians could not sayle freely Philip and the Macedonians holding the Demetriade Wherefore in that which Philip hath said that hee would leaue the other places it is a fancy and a shift to escape the present time and when opportunity should serue hee would easily subdue the Grecians so as hee held the said places For this cause they intreated the Senate that Philip might leaue those places or else continue in his Enterprize and fight valiantly And that the greatest part of the Warre was already decided the Macedonians hauing lost two Battailes and the greatest part of their forces at Land being consumed These Speeches ended they intreated them with all affection not to suffer the Grecians to bee frustrated of the hope of their liberty nor themselues depriued of an honourable Title The Embassadors of Greece hauing debated these things or the like those of Philip had prepared a Mountaine of words but they were suddainly reiected For when as they were demanded if they would leaue Calchis Coriuth and the Demetriades they denyed that they had any thing in charge Wherefore being check't by this meanes they ended their Speech The Senate sends the two Consuls into Galacia and declares the Warre against Philip to be iust giuing charge to Titus to attend the Grecians affaires When as the newes came into Greece all things succeded to Titus according to his desire For besides that Fortune fauoured him what soeuer hee vndertooke hee brought to an end by his prouidence and care Hee was in truth if there were any among the Romans a witty and ingenuous man Hee not onely vndertooke ordinary affaires but those that were secret and with such Dexterity and Courage as hee surpast all others
sends those which were vnder the charge of Archidamus and of the Eupolemus and two Tribunes with fiue hundred Horse and two thousand Foote At whose comming they which in the beginning did but skirmish resuming courage presently put on another kind of Combate The Romans relying vpon their Succours double their forces for the fight And although the Macedonians defended themselues brauely yet they sent vnto the King being prest and annoyed by their Armes and for their refuge recouered the tops of the Mountaines And when as Philip had no hope but that they should be able that day to giue Battaile with all their Forces for the fore-sayd Causes hee had sent many of his men to forrage But when he was aduertised of that which happened by those which hee had sent and that the mist was past hee sent Heraclides the Gyrtonien Chiefe of the Thessalian Horse and Leon Commander of the Macedonian Cauallery Hee likewise sent Athenagórus with all the Mercenaries exept the Thracians Who being come to the Ambush and the Macedonians much re-inforced they made head against the Enemy and repuls'd the Romans from the Hills The Dexterity of the Etolien Horse did much hinder the Enemies from turning head They fought in truth with great courage and confidence The Etoliens in regard of the Foote-men are faint both in their Armes and Ordonance for a Combat in Field But their Horse-men are excellent aboue all the other Grecians in particular and separated Combats Wherefore it happened that for that they had stayed the violence and fury of the Enemy they could not so soone recouer the Plaine but stayed for a time in Battaile But when as Titus saw not onely the most valiant and his Horse-men retire but also his whole Troupes to bee dismayed hee drawes his whole Army to Field and puts them in order vpon the Hills At the same instant they which were in Guard ran hastily one after another to Philip crying out vnto him Sir the Enemies flye lose not this occasion The Barbarians seeke vs not This day is yours imbrace the time and by this meanes they â—nâ—ire and stirre vp Philip to Battaile although the scituation of the place did not content and please him For the sayd Hills which they call Dogs-head are rough difficult of all sides and high Wherefore when as Philip had formerly fore-seene the vnequalnesse of the places hee had not in the beginning made any preparation vnto Battaile But beeing then prouoked by the great confidence of the aduertisements hee drawes his Army with all speede out of the Fort. In regard of Titus hee orders his Troupes and Bands for the Battaile and followes them close which began the Skirmish making remonstrances vnto the Battalions as hee turned His Speech was short plaine and intelligible to the Hearers Propounding then the cause hee sayd vnto his Souldiers Are not these O Companions the same Macedonians who formerly holding in Macedony the top of the Mountaines towards Heordia you haue forced with Sulpicius and chased from thence with the defeate of the greatest part of them Are not these the same Macedonians who being seazed vpon the difficult places of Epirus and leauing no hope of approach you haue chased by your prowesse and forced to flye into Macedony abandoning their Armes What reason is there then that you should feare the same men with whom you are to enter into an equall Combate To what end doe we propound vnto you precedent actions to consider on but that in regard of them you should fight more confidently Wherefore Companions attend the Battaile with resolution giuing courage one to another I hold for certaine that with the good pleasure of the Gods the end of this Battaile will soone bee the conclusion of the precedent When Titus had vsed these Speeches hee commands the right Wing of his Army not to budge setting the Elephants before them And assailes the Enemy with great courage with the left Wing being accompanied by the most valiant They which among the Romans had began the Fight shewing their courage prest the Enemies hauing beene relieued by some Troupes of Foot-men And when as at the same time Philip saw that the greatest part of his Army was in order of Battaile before the Pallisadoe hee marcheth taking the Targetteers and the Battalion of the right Wing and ascends the Hills with speede giuing charge to Nicanor whom hee called Elephant to command the rest of the Army to follow close As soone as the first had recouered the top hee defends the Battalion setting the Targets before and seazed vpon the higher Countrey And when as the Macedonians prest the Romans much vpon the two flankes of the Hills he discouered the tops to bee abandoned As he fortified the right Wing of his Army it happened that the Souldiers were much annoyed by the Enemy For when they they which were best armed were ioyned vnto the most valiant of the Romans and succoured them in this fight they prest the Enemies much and flew many As the King was there in the beginning and saw the Combat of the valiant men not to be farre from the Campe hee reioyced againe when hee saw them decline and to haue neede of Succours hee was forced to send them and at that instant to hazard a Battaile although that many of the Troupes of his Army were yet vpon the way and approached to the Hills And in taking the Souldiers hee rankes them all as well on foote as Horsebacke on the right Wing commanding the beares of Burtheâ—s and the Battalions to double the Front of their Rankes and to stand close vpon the right hand This being done when as the Enemies ioyned with them hee commanded the Battalion that bending downe their Iauelings they should match in order and mingle with the strongest At the same instant when as Titus had retired those which had bagunne the Fight to the spaces which were betwixt the Ensignes he chargeth the Enemy The Combat beginning on eyther side with great fury and clamour all crying together yet those which were without the fight crying vnto the rest the Battaile was made very horrible and cruell and it shewed the force of the Combat Philips right Wing carryed it selfe valiantly in this Battaile charging the Enemy from aboue hauing an aduantage in their order which finally for the present fight was much more commodions in regard of the diuersity and seuerall sorts of Armes In regard of the rest of the Army some were ioyned vnto the Enemy fighting a farre off others shewed themselues vpon the left hand hauing gotten the toppes of the Hils When as Tytus saw and did well perceiue that his men could not indure the force of the Enemies battallion and those of the right wing to be repuls'd and some seaine and others to retire by degrees and that all his hope of safety consisted in the right Wing hee goes speedily vnto them and considers the Enemies order When hee saw some succeed in their places
Macedony beeing accompanied with all those which had escaped from the Battaile Hee presently sent vnto Laressa the second Night after the Battaile one of the Archers of his Guard giuing him charge to teare and burne the Royall Letters doing therein an Act worthy of a King who in his aduerse Fortune had not forgotten that which was to bee done He knew and did well perceiue that if the Romans were once seazed on his Commentaries there might be many occasions offered vnto his Enemies against him and his Friends It may bee it happened and fell out to him as to others who not able to containe their power moderately in prosperous things yet haue borne and suffered many Crosses and Disasters with patience The which happened vnto Philip as wil be apparent by the following Discourse So as ayming at that which was conuenient wee haue plainly shewed and declared his Attempts tending to reason and againe his change to worse and when how and wherefore these things were done hauing plainely set foorth and exprest his Actions Wee must by the same meanes declare his Repentance and dilligence whereby beeing changed thorough his aduerse Fortune hee carried and behaued himselfe at that time like a wise and discreete man Finally Tytus hauing giuen good order after the Battaile for those things which concerned the Prisoners and spoile he went to Larissa A Parcell of an imperfect sence TO define folly we cannot for that they are desirous of the same meanes This kind of remisnesse and dulnesse is often 〈◊〉 in many Neither is it to be wondred at if it hath place among others But among those in whom this Spring of malice is found there is another cause for the which that wise saying of Epicharmes doth not agree Watch and remember that thou must distrust This is the bond of hearts Of a certaine Accord betwixt Antiochus and the Romans AT the same time came from the Vargyles Publius Lentuluâ— with ten Legats and from Thasse Lucius Terentius and Publius Villius When their comming was suddainly declared vnto the King they assembled all within few daies at Lysimachia After whom followed Hegissiâ—nactes and Lisias sent at that time to Titus Finally the conference in priuate betwixt the King and the Romans was gracious and courteous But when the assembly met for affaires they imbraced another disposition Lucius Cornelius required that Antiochus should leaue all the Cities the which being subiect to Ptolomy hee had taken in Asia In regard of those which were subiect to Philip hee contested much to haue him leaue them For it was a mockery that Antiochus comming he should reape the fruites of the Warre which the Romans had made against Philip He likewise aduised him not to meddle with the free Cities He also sayd that it seemed strange that without reason he had past into Europe with an Army as well by Sea as Land That no man could conceiue it to be to any other end then to make Warre against the Romans These things being propounded by the Romans they held their peace The King in answere said that he wondred for what cause they debated with him for the Cities of Asia and that it was more fitting for any other then for the Romans Finally hee intreated them not to vsurpe nor to deale with the affaires of Asia And that for his part hee would not meddle with any thing that was in Italy In regard of Europe he had entred with his Armies to recouer the Cities of Cherronese and Thrace For that the command of all those places belonged to him this gouernment in the beginning being due to Lysimachus But when as Seleucus made Warre against him and had ouerthrowne him in Battaile all the Kingdome of Lysimachus became subiect to Seleucus by force After the time of his predecessors Ptolomy was the first who violently the sayd places vsurped them The like did Philip. And that for his part he recouered them accommodating himselfe to his owne times and not to those of Philip. And as for the Lysimachians ruined without reason by the Thracians he reduced them to himselfe no way wronging the Romans and restored them to their Countrey The which he did to shew this mercy to the affaires of Seleucus and not to make Warre against the Romans In regard of the Cities of Asia they ought not to enioy liberty by the commandment of the Romans but of grace And for that which concerned Ptolomy that with all his heart hee gaue him thankes and that he vnderstood that hee had not onely concluded Friendship with him but made a League When as Lucius was of opinion that the Lampsaceneins and Smyâ—niens should be called and audience giuen them it was done accordingly There Parmenio and â—ythodorus presented themselues for the Lampsaceneins and Cerane for the Smyrnien When as these men debated freely the King being incensed to yeeld an accompt of their debate before the Romans interrupting the Speech of Parmeâ—io cease sayth hee to plead so much I am not well pleased to dispute with my Enemies before the Romans but rather before the Rhodiens and then by this meanes they brake off the Assembly without any mutuall affection Another Parcell MAny men desire actions of courage and prowesse but the experience is rare Scope in truth and Câ—comenes haue had great occasions for Combats and hardy Enterprizes For as Scope was formerly taken hee had resolued in the same hope with his Seruants and Friends but hee could not saue himselfe Finally his iust death hauing led a wretched life hath giuen testimony of his great weaknesse And although that Scope was aided and assisted with great Forces hauing the gouernment of the King in his nonage and was of his Councell yet he was soone ruined For when as Aristomenes knew that hee had assembled his Friends in his house holding a Councell with them he sent vnto him by his Guards to come vnto the assembly But hee was so transported in his iudgement as hee did not that which hee ought to haue done neyther could hee being called be obedient vnto the King which was the greatest folly in the World vntill that Aristomenes knowing his basenesse lodg'd Souldiers and Elephants neare his House and sent Ptolomy the Son of Eumenes with the Young men to bring him with faire words if he would come willingly if not to vse force When as Ptolomy was entred into his house and signifying vnto him that the King demanded Scope he did not at the first obserue his woâ—ds But casting his lookes vpon Ptolomy he was long in that estate as it were threatning him and wondring at his presumption But when as Ptolomy approacht with assurance and layd hold of his Cloake then he required helpe of the Assistants Being in this estate and a great company of the young men comming about him being also aduertised that his house was enuironed with Souldiers hee followed him obeying the times being accompanied by his Friends When as hee was come to the Assembly
good comparison ibid. Antiochus an enemy vnto the Romans 108 Asdrabal son in Law to Hannibal 109 A good consideration and necessary for all Gouernours ibi Army of a hundred thousand men 110 An Embassie from the Romans vnto Hannibal 110 An other accord made betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians 118 An other accord ibid. An other accord made with Asdrubal ib. A diuision of Prouinces to the Consul 125 A surprize made by the Bulloâ—ians vpon the Romans 126 A defeate of the Numidians by the Roman Cauallery 129 Army of Hannibal decreased 137 A combate of the horse betwixt Hannibal and Scipio 141 Aâ— Embassie from the Bullonians to Hannibal 142 A plaine is sometimes an occasion of am ambush 144 Ambush layd by Hannibal for the Romans 145 A defeate of the Roman horsemen 146 Army leuied by the Romans both by Sea and Land 147 A defeat of some Romans by Asdrubal 148 Ambush laid by Hannibal 151 A defeate of the Roman horse-men by Maherbal 153 A Dictator created ibid. Asdrubals pâ—rting from Carthage to goe into Spaine 158 Army at Sea prepared suddainely by the Carthaginians 159 Acedux or Abilux ibid. Acedux conspires with the Romans 160 A combate betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians 163 A legion of fiue thousand men and the manner how the Romans raise an army 166 A skirmish betwixt the Carthaginians and Romans 168 A great amazement at Rome 170 Asdrubal 171 Acheus Antiochus 175 Ariston 176 An Embassie sent from Arate to the Etotoliens 180 A Fight betwixt the Acheins and the Etoliens 181 A defeate of the Acheins 181 Arate blamed by the Acheins 182 Aduice of the Acheins touching the warre against the Etoliens 182 Amity amongst the Lacedemonians 187 Ambassadours sent from Lacedemonia to Philip 188 Alexander the Great 188 Amphixions restor'd to their Lawes 189 Answeres to Embassadors 192 Aristocrates 193 A league made betweene the Lacedemonians and Etoliens 195 An absolute Defeate of the Gaules Empire 200 Attalus and Acheins 201 Achate caused himselfe to bee called King ibid. Accord betwixt the Constantinopolitaines and the Rhodiens 203 Accord made with Prusias ibid. Alexander 205 Assault giuen by Dorimache to the Fort of Egire 206 Alexander slaine 207 Athens taken by Lycurgus ibid. Ambrachia taken by Philip. 208 An assembly of the Etoliens to keepe the passage of a Riuer 209 Arate ioynes with Philip. 212 Appelles Tutour to Philip. 216 Appelles persists in his Enterprize 219 Accusation of Appelles against Arate and and the Acheins 221 Answere of Arate ibid. Alexander Chamberlaine to King Antigonus ibid. Alexander the Great 229 Amycle 233 A multitude against Philip and his men 237 Appelles taken Prisoner 239 An Army neare to Ephesus 242 Archidamus slaine by Cleomenes 243 Antrochus Sonne to Seleucus 245 Antiochus marries with Laodicea 246 Antiochus puts his Army in Battaile 252 Antiochus goes against Artabazanes 253 Antiochus hath a Sonne ibid. Artabazanes makes an accord with Antiochus ibid. Apoliphanes aduice to Antiochus 254 Antiochus corrupts the Captaines of Seleucia 256 An Army rassed by Ptolomy 258 Answere of Ptolomies Embassadors to Antiochus 259 Aduice of Armies by Antiochus and Ptolomy 260 Antiochus his army diuided into three 261 Army of Ptoloâ—y 266 Army of Antiochus ibid. Andrew the Kings Phisitian slaine 267 Antiochus send Embassadors vnto Ptolomy 270 Accord made betwixt Ptolomy and Antiochus ibid. Arate prepared for the Warre 272 Again and Cassander taken by Scardilade 273 Athenians abandon Ptolomy 279 Antiochus passeth Mount Tourus ibid. Aduice of Gouernment 282 A true Monarchy 283 A true Aristocracy ibid. A Democracy ibid. A Royalty 284 Aristocratia 286 Authority of the people 289 Athenians 304 All things subiect to corruption 311 Accord made betwixt the Carthaginians Macedonians and Grecians 313 Acheâ—s taken brought to Antiochus 328 Accord made by the youth of Tarentum with the Carthaginians 331 Appius besieged by Hannibal 337 A wâ—se consideration of Hannibal 338 Amazement of the Romans 339 Alexander ruinated Thebes 348 Antipatâ—r ibid. Antigonus 349 Alexander the Epirote 352 Asdrubal abandoned my many Spaniards 375 Aduice of Asdrubal for the War 376 Andobale speakes to Publius Sâ—ipio ibid Attalus against Philip by Sea 379 Aduertisement by fire ibi Aduice of Eâ—eas touching signes by fire 380 An other kind of aduertisement by fire inuented by Cleomenes and Demotrites 381 Asdrubal brother to Hannibal slaine 386 Accord betwixt the Romans and the Etoliens 388 Anaxidâ—mus slaine 393 Asdrubals Campe neere to Elinge 394 Asdrubal chargeth the Romans 395 Asdrubal puts his men in battaile 396 Agathocles cruelty 407 Achiens free from fraud 414 Apege the wife of Nabis 416 Aduice of the Romans 423 Articles comprehended in the accords past betwixt Scipio and Carthaginians 430 Articles of accord propounded by Scipio to the Carthaginians 435 Agathocles shewed her paps to the Macedonians 442 Agathocles slaine 443 Attalus chargeth Philips army at Sea 446 A man may be commended and blamed according to the diuersity of his actions 453 Abideins besieged by Philip. 454 A course which the Abydeins take in despaire 455 Alexander against Philip. 460 Antiochus answer to the Romans 477 B. Beginning of the History 5 Blame of Philin and Fabius Historiogra 9 Battle at Sea betwixt the Carthaginians Romans 16 Battle at Sea betwixt the Romans and Carthaginians 19 Battaile giuen by the Romans to the Carthaginians 24 Battaile won by the Carthaginians 58 Boloniens defeated by the Romans 71 Battaile of the footmen 76 Boloniens Country spoiled Boloniens yeild vnto the Romans 78 Beginning of the League 81 Bostar Chiefe of the Carthaginians 160 Bremius chiefe of the Gaules 200 Blame of Philip 238 Bold enterprize of Cleomenes 244 Bataile betwixt Ptolomy Antiochus 268 Beginning of gouernments 284 Blame of Nomarche and Philomale 351 Beginning of the fight for Carthage 362 Battaile betwixt Asdrubal and the Romans in Italy 385 Battaile by the Elephants 432 Braue answere of Philip to Marcus Emilius 456 C. Carthaginians loose the Battaile 13 Carthaginians army 350. saile 17 Complaint of the Souldiers 45 Courtesie of Romans to the Carthaginis 56 Causes of Alexanders war in Persia. 106 Cause of the first war betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians 108 Countries Conquered by Hannibal 110 Cruelty of Hannibal 153 Carthaginians defeated by the Romans vpon a Hill and then surprized 161 Course which Hannibal tooke in passing the streights kept by the Romans 162 Campe of Asdrubal of 30000. foote and 300. horse 418 Campe of Syphax of 10000. horse and 50000. foot ibid. Carthaginians Senate hold a Counsell 421 Conspiracy of the Carthaginians against the Roman Embassadour 426 Carthaginians presse Hannibal 428 Cruelty of Virgins 443 Causes why Philip challengeth the Victory to himselfe 450 Cruelty of the Abydeins to themselues 456 Courteous and wise answere of Philip. 459 Custome of the Etoliens very strange 461 Commendation of Tytus 465 Defeate of Hieron by Apius Defeate of the Carthaginians by Apius 8 Dissention betwixt Amilcar Hanno 55 Death of Amilcar 59 Death
made 103 Tostnes of Sclauonia reduced to the Roman obedience 113 The war like policy of Emilius 113 The Victory of the Romans vpon the Sclauenians 114 The number of Hannibals Army in a table of Copper seene by Polybius 122 The number of horse and foote which were in Hannibals Army at his parting from Spaâ—ne 123 The parting of the Roman Armies 126 The meanes to passe the Elephants 129 The Sauoyards hinder Hannibal and his Army 132 They of the Mountaines charge the Carthaginians ibid. Treason of the Barbarians against Hannibal 133 The number of men which Hannibal had after he had past ouer the Alpes 135 The policy of Hannibal for an example to his Souldiers 138 The retreate of Scipiâ— 141 Treason of the Gaules against the Romans 142 The manner of the Numidians fighting 146 The difference betwixt a Dictator and a Consull 153 The meanes which Fabius made to stoppe Hannibals passage 156 Two Dictators at Rome at one instant 162 The Riuer of Fante 168 The Romans in old time very sermonious 170 Ten thousand Romans taken aliue 172 Three score and ten thousand slaine in the battaile ibid. Tarent Capua and Naples reduced vnder the obedience of Hannibal 173 Time of the death of Antigonus Seleucus and Ptolomy 175 The causes of the war betwixt the Acheiâ—s and Philip against the Etoliens and Lacedemonians ibid. Taurion taken by assault 177 The nature of the Thess alonians ibi The murther of the Gouernors of the Lacedemonians 188 The blame of the Epirots 192 The murther of the Lacedemon Gouernours by the young men 195 The power of clemency in Princes ibid. Townes taken in Argos by Lycurgus 195 Two causes why the Blacke Sea and the Pontique runne continâ—ally 197 The refuge of Europe 199 Thracians vanquished by the Gaules 200 Tole imposed vpon those that sailed into the Blacke Sea by Constantinople 201 Towne of Thalamâ— 215 Thalame yeilds ibid. Typaneates yeilds vnto Philip. 217 Townes which yeild to Philip. 218 Taurion dispossessed of the gouernment of Morea 221 Therme spoiled by the Macedonians 228 Temple of Apollo 234 Taking of Leonce 238 Theâ—dote 245 Towne of Broches 247 Towne of Broches besieged 257 Taking of Ptolomy ibid. Trâ—ce made with the Selgenses 264 Thebes besieged by Philip. 275 Thebes yeilded to Philip 276 Timoxenes Chiefe of the Acheins 299 Tyranny 285 Townes for retreate for those that are voluntarily Banished 290 Thebains 304 Two principle of euery Common-weale 306 Treason practised against Acheus by Cambila and Bolis 325 Tarentum betrayed vnto Hannibal by treachery 329 Tarentum taken by Hannibal 332 Tegea taken 393 Three causes of the peoples mutiny against Princes 309 Two kindes of vntruths 406 Tymerus reprehensible 407 Tymerus speakes by heare say and imagination 412 Tunis taken by Scipio 423 Two ends in Histories 444 The scituation of Phigalea 175 The Etoliens spoile and iniure the Messeniens 176 V. Varro offâ—rs battaile and the order which he held 170 Varro flies with threescore and ten Horse 172 Vanquish an enemy by mildnesse 230 Victory of Garsyere against the Selgenses 263 Vnderstanding more commendable then fortune 357 Voyage of Alexander against Darius Calistines 408 Vices of Heraclides 415 Vâ—â—ca besieged by Scipio 417 Victory of the Romans against the Carthaginians 434 W What is required in a Tragedy 92 What the Carthaginians held in Affrick 124 Warre attempted by the Etoliens against Morea 177 War concluded against the Etoliens 189 Whom the suruey of the watch belongs 300 What a Ladder for the War ought to be 346 Wife of Mandonin 366 Wisdome of Scipio 397 Witty answere of a young man 408 Warre like to a disease 411 X Xantippus a Lacedemonian 22 Xantippus returnes into his Country 25 Xenoete his Army defeated and spoiled 249 Z Zalucus the Law-giuer 407 Zachantia spoiled and ruined by the Carthaginians 435 FINIS The Plot of the Romanes CAMPE Euery side of the Campe hath 2100 foot in the Ditch The Ditch and Pallisadoe Euery side of the situation of the Tents 17000 feet 200  100 Footmen strangers and newly come  Footmen of the Allies extraordinary 840.  Footmen of the Allies extraordinary 840.  Footmen strangers and newly come The Length 100 Horsemen strangers and newly come  Horsemen of the Allies extraordinary 300.  Horsemen of the Allies extraordinary 200.  Horsemen strangers and newly come 100  100 Choice footmen and voluntaries Choice horsemen and voluntaries  The Market place The pretorium The Questory or Treasury  Choice footmen and voluntaries Choice horsemen and voluntaries 100  The Tribunes   50    100  100 Footmen Allies 326. Horsemen Allies 40.  Forked Iauelins 120. Principalâ— 120.  Triarij Romane horse 30  Romane horse 30 Triarij 60  Principals 120 Forked Iauelins 120  Horsemen Allies 40 Footmen Allies 326 100 Footmen Allies 326. Horsemen Allies 40.  Forked Iauelins 120. Principals 120.  Triarij 60 Romane horse 30  Romane horse 30 Triarij 60  Principals 120 Forked Iauelins 120  Horsemen Allies 40 Footmen Allies 326 100 Footmen Allies 326. Horsemen Allies 40.  Forked Iauelins 120. Principals 120.  Triarij 60 Romane horse 30  Romane horse â—0 Triarij 60  Principals 120 Forked Iauelins 120  Horsemen Allies 40 Footmen Allies 326 100 Footmen Allies 326. Horsemen Allies 40.  Forked Iauelins 120. Principals 120.  Triarij 60 Romane horse 30  Romane horse 30 Triarij 60  Principals 120 Forked Iauelins 120  Horsemen Allies 40 Footmen Allies 326 100 Footmen Allies 326. Horsemen Allies 40.  Forked Iauelins 120. Principals 120.  Triarij 60 Romane horse 30  Romane horse 30 Triarij 60  Principals 120 Forked Iauelins 120  Horsemen Allies 40 Footmen Allies 326 50  A crosse streete  100 Footmen Allies 326. Horsemen Allies 40.  Forked Iauelins 120. Principals 120  Triarij 60 Romane horse 30  Romane horse 30 Triarij 60  Principals 120 Forked Iauelins 120  Horsemen Allies 40 Footmen Allies 326 100 Footmen Allies 326. Horsemen Allies 40.  Forked Iauelins 120. Principals 120  Triarij 60 Romane horse 30  Romane horse 30 Triarij 60  Principals 120 Forked Iauelins 120  Horsemen Allies 40 Footmen Allies 326 100 Footmen Allies 326. Horsemen Allies 40.  Forked Iauelins 120. Principals 120  Triarij 60 Romane horse 30  Romane horse 30 Triarij 60  Principals 120 Forked Iauelins 120  Horsemen Allies 40 Footmen Allies 326 100 Footmen Allies 327. Horsemen Allies 40.  Forked Iauelins 120. Principals 120  Triarij 60 Romane horse 30  Romane horse 30 Triarij 60  Principals 120 Forked Iauelins 120  Horsemen Allies 40 Footmen Allies 326 200 foot 100 Footmen Allies 326. Horsemen Allies 40.  Forked Iauelins 120. Principals 120  Triarij 60 Romane horse 30  Romane horse 30 Triarij 60  Principals 120 Forked Iauelins â—0  Horsemen Allies 40 Footmen Allies 326 200 foot   175
Sclauonians against the Epirotes A reprehension of the Epirotes Some Gaules banisht theirâ— Countrey for their disloyalty The Illirians are Sclauonians The Romans Embassie to Teuca Queene of Sclauonia A bold answer of an Embassadour Durazo surprized by the Sclaâ—oniâ—â—s Corsue besieged by the Sclauonians A Victory of the Sclauonians against the Acheins Corfu yeelded Corfu yeelded to the Romans Apolonia yeelded to the Romans Parthenia yeelded to the Romans An accord made with Tâ—uca Carthagena built in Spaine by the Carthaginians A treaty made betwixt the Romans and Carthaginianâ— A description of Italy The fertillity of Ital. About three pence A pâ—ice hard to be credited The Turinois and Agoniens The Genouois The Poe. Volane Padoua Bodencus The Venetiens come from Paphlagoniâ— The Gaules manner of liuing Rome taken by the Gaules The Gaults returne against the Romans Pillage made by the Gaules vpon the Romans Diuers victories of the Gäules against the Romans A defeate and ruine of the Senogallois by the Romans The scituation of Senogallia The Bolonians defeated by the Romans A defeat of the Gaules in Delphos King Etas and Gastus slaine The occasion to renew the Warre betwixt the Romans and Gaules The Gaules were seauen moneths within Rome Amazement of the Romans for the descent of the Gaules A descent of the Transalpins into Italy The number of the Gaules Army The diligence of the Romans The preparation which the Romans made for Warre The number of Souldiers which were raised in Italy Tuscany ruined by the Gaules The pollicy of the Gaules A Victory of the Gaules against the Romans The aduice of Aneâ—oeste The retreate of 〈◊〉 Gaules The pursuite of Emilius Caius Attilius The order of the Gaules battell Caius Attilius slaine The battell of the Foot-men The defeate of the forlorne hope of the Gaules The Armes which the Gaules did vse A defeate of the Gaules Army The taking of King Congâ—llitane The death of King Aneroeste The Bolonians Country spoyâ—led The Boloniansâ— yeild to the Romans The Army of the Milannois The vneasinesse of the Gaules Swords A Victory of the Romanes against the Millannois The Gessates dwell on this side the Rhâ—ne Acerras besieged Clâ—stidium besieged A defeate of the Gaules by the Romans Acerras taken by Cornelius The Grecians terrified by the Gaults Asdrubal slaine All Morâ—a reduced into â— league The Name of the Acheiâ—s well entertayned in Morea The Pythà gorians burnt in Italy The Lacedemonians and Thebains Arate A league betwixt the Dymensorins and them of Patra Tisamenes Sygus The alliance of twelue Citties The beginning of the league Iseas King Geryneâ— Arate The Fort of Corinthe taken by Arate Lysidas Aristomacus Xenon Cleomines The enuy of the Etolienâ— against the Acheins Antigonus Tutour to Phiâ—ips Sonne Athenes The Cleomenique Warre A good confideration of Arate The nature of Kings Nicophanes Cercides A good inuention of Arate The fore-sight of Arate Diuers defeatâ— of the Achâ—â—â— Acrocâ—rinthe yeelded to Antigonus Reuolte of Aripote of Argos Argos taken by the Acheins Acrocorinthe taken by Antigonus Tegee yeelded vnto Antigonus Orchomene taken with other Townes Megalopolin razed Thearce The duty of a Historiographer What is required in a Tragedy The reuolte of the Mantiniens The courteous vsage of Arate to the Mantinienâ— The great villany committed by the Mantinienâ— The Mantiniens sold. Aristâ—macus The cruelty of Aristomacus Aristoâ—acus strangled The great 〈…〉 Megalopolitains The third part of the booty is due to the Generall The pillage of Mantinia came to ninescore thousand Crownes An Aâ—â—y leuied by Cleomenes Antigonus blamed The number of Nations which were in Antigonus Army Sellasia Eua. Olympus Euclide Antigonus Campe seated vpon the Bankes of Gorgile The order of Antigonus Battell The courage of Philopomene is the cause of the Victory Philopomene The victory of Antigonus agâ—inst Clâ—omeâ—es Lacedemon taken by Antigonus Sparta or Lacedemon The Victory of Antigonus against the Sclauonians The Death of many great Princesâ— The Countries conquered by the Romanes Hiâ—ron The Warres which Antiâ—chous and Philip made Attalus Mount Taurus Eumenides Ariarate Morea The Conquest of the Romanes in 53. yeares Polybius hath beenâ— preâ—ent at a great part of the things which he hath written Demetrius lost his Râ—â—lme and life by conspiracy Thâ— desire and affection of the Authour vpon the end of his Booke The beginning of a worke and the cause 〈◊〉 The eauses of Alexanders Warre in Persia Agesilaus Phillip The cause of the Etoliens Warre against the Romans A good comparison Fabius The Warre of Hannibal continued 17. yeeres The first cause of the Warre betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians The fore sight of Amilcar Father to Hannibal Sardinia abandoned by the Carthaginians The second Cause The third Cause Antiochu san Enemy to the Romans Hannibal his speech to Antiochus Hanibal swears that when hee came to age he would be an enemy to the Romanes Asdrubal sonne in Law to Hannibal A good consideration and necessary for al Gouernours The causes of the Carthaginians hatred Neuer Commaunder did any thing worthily which was not pleasing to the Souldiers Carteia taken by assault Countries conquered by Hannibal The Toletains The riuer of Tagus Hanibals victory vppon the Barbarians An Army of a hundred thousand men An Embassie from the Romanes to Hannibal Hannibals answer to the Roman Embassadours Demetrius King of Sclauonia The scituation of Sagont The discretion of the head of an interprize Sagont forced by Hannibal Demetrius fortefied Dimale The arriuall of Emilius into Sclauonia The Towne of Sclauonia reduced to the Romane obedience The warlike pollicy or Emilius The victory of the Romans vpon the Sclauonians Demetrius a man of great courage and little iudgement The Towne of Phare razed Roman Embassadours sent to Carthage Hanno's answer to the Romane Embassadours The Temple of Iupiter Capitolinus The Romane tongue changed The first accord betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians I conceiue that this Promontory is that which they call the Promontory of Mercure in Affricke where as now the Citty Clipca stands The Promontory of Beauty The second Accord Other Articles past betwixt the Romanes the Carthaginians The third Accord The manner of Swearing of the Romanes Carthaginians in their treatiâ—s Phisinus a Historiographer Another accord made betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians Another accord Another accord made with Asdrubal The causes propounded by the Romans for the Warre The Sagontins Allied a long time with the Romances The opinion of Polybius in the diligence of a History Polybius hath made forty Bookes The Roman Embassadours signifie Warre vnto the Carthaginians The order which Hannibal gaue for the defence of Spaine The equipage of Warre as well for Sea as Laâ—d left in Spaine by Hannibal to Asdrubal his Brother The number of Hannibals Army in a Table of Copper seene by Polybius The Oration which Hannibal made to his Souldiers The number of Horse and Foot which were in Hannibals Army at his parting from Spaine The number of men which Hannibal
left to Hanno for the guard of Spaine Hannibals Army of 50 thousand Foote and nine thousand Horse The diuision of the World in three parts What the Carthaginians held in Affrick A diuision of the Prouinces to the Consull The building of Plaisance and Cremona The reuâ—lt of the Boloniens Modena besiged by the Gaules A Surprize made by the Boloniens vpon the Romans The parting of the Roman Armies The Gaules endeuour to stop Hannibals passagâ— ouer the Rhone Hannibal causeth his Army to passe the Rhone Hanno chargeth the Gaules Hannibals Victory ouer the Gaules Remonstrances of the Gaulish Kings vnto the Carthaginian Campe. Hanibals speech vnto his Souldiers A defeate of the Numidians by the Roman Cauallory The meanes to passe the Elephants The feare of the Elephants vpon the Rhone The Spring of the Riuer of Rhone Hannibal passeth the Alpes along the Rhone Polybius his remonstrance against Historiographers The Gaules inhabiting along the Rhone haue often past into Italy Hannibal conducted by guides at the passage of the Mountaines polybius visited the Alpes Lisle made by the 〈◊〉 of Saone and Rhone Doltaan Iland in Egypt The Sauyards hindet Hannibal and his Army Hannibals pollicy They of the Mountaines charge the Carthaginians Hannibals victory against the Sauoyards Conspiracy of them of the Mountaines 〈◊〉 colour of friendship The Treason of the Barbarians against Hannibal Hanibal makes a Speech vnto his souldiers Hannibal goes on his course The number of men which Hannibal had remayning after he had past the Alpes Polybius his Excuse Polybius hath visited Affricke Spaine and the Gaules Miseries common among Souldiers A decrease of Hannibals Army The Romans aduertised of Hannibals descent into Italy The policy of Hannibal for an example to his Souldiers Hannibals speech to his Souldiers Scipio his speech to his â—en A Combat of the Horse betwixt Hannibal and Scipio The retreate of Scipio The treason of the Gaules against the Romans An Embassie from the Bolonians to Hannibal The Riuer of Trebia Clastidium taken by Hannibal The Gaules Repuâ—â—e A plaine is sometimes the occasion of an Ambush Mago Brother to Hannibal An Ambush laid by Hannibal for the Romans Hannibal puts his men in Battaile The manner of the Numidions fighting Sempronius putâ— his men in battaile A defeate of the Roman Horse-men The Victory of Mannibal against the Romans The Romans feare for the losse of thâ— Battell A new Army leuied by the Romans both by Sea and Land Scipio ariucs at Empories and coâ—quers vnto Ebro Hanno King Andubal taken A defeate of some Romans by Asdrubal Hannibals speech to the Prisoners that were allied to the Romans Hannibals policy to keepe himselâ—e from killing by treason The Way and Order which Hannibal held to passe into Italy Hannibal looseth an Eye The duty of a good Captain The Country Spoil'd by Hannibal An Ambush layd by Hannibal The Romans Surprized and Defeated The Battaile of Perouze Flaminius slayn in the battaâ—le Sixe thousand Romans taken in a Burrough by composition The great amazement which was at Rome for the battaile lost A defeate of the Roman Horse-men by Maherbal A Dictator created Hannibal runs along the Coast of the Adriatique Sea The cruelty of Hannibal Quintus Fabius chosen Dictator The difference betwixt a Dictator and a Câ—nsull Marcus Minucius Constable Many Countries ruined by Hannibal Hannibal presents Battaile to Fabius The constancy of Fabius The Carthaginiansâ—poiâ—e â—poiâ—e the Countrey The description of the Countrey of Capuâ— and its scituation The Riuer of Vantour The meanes which Fabius held to stop Hannibals passage Hannibals policy against Fabius The course which Hanibal tooke iâ—passing the streight kept by the Romans Asdrubals parting from Carthage to go into Spaine The Romans Army at Sea The Romans Victory at Sea against the Carthaginians An Army at Sea prepared suâ—dainly by the Carthaginians The Roman great Army at Sea Supplies sent from Rome into Spaine Acâ—dux oâ— Abilux Bostaâ— Chiefe of the Carthaginians Acedux conspires with the Romans Geriona taken by assault Marcus Minucius The Cartâ—aginians defâ—ated by the Romans vpon a Hill The Carthaginians surprized by the Romans Two Dictators at Rome at one instant Fabius returneth to the Campe. The diuision of the Roman Army betwixt the two Dictators The policy of Hannibal A Combate betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginians Fabius succours Minucius The great Reputation of Fabius Minucius his Speech Lucius Emilius and Caius Tarrencius chosen Consuls Lucius Postumus Praetor The Fort of Naples taken by Hannibal Fabius Speech to Lucius Emilius A Legion of fiue thousand Men and the manner how the Romans raise â—n Army Paulus Emilius speech vnto the Souldiers Discord betwixt the two Consuls A skirmish betwixt the Carthaginians and Romans The Riuer of Fante Hannibals Speech vnto his Souldiers Hannibal puts his men in battaile A great amazement at Rome The Romans in old time very ceremonious Varro offers battaile and the order which he held The Roman Army of foure score thousand Foote and sixe thousand Horse The order which Hannibal held to put his men in battaile The diuersity of Sword betwixt the Gaules and Spaniards Hannibals Army consisted of forty thousand Foote and ten thousand Horse The battaile of Cannaâ— The defeate of the Roman Horsemen by the Gaules and Spaniards The Gaules Battalion of Foote broken by the Romans and reunited againe Lucius Emilius Hannâ—â—al Asdrubal Emilius slaine in the Battaile Emiliuâ— speech to Lentuâ—â—s The Romans lose the Battaile Varro flies with threescore and ten Horse Ten thousand Romans taken aliue Threescore and ten thousand slaine in the Battaile Hannibals losse Tarent Capua and Naples reduced vnder the obedience of Hannibal Lucius Posthumuâ— defeated in Gaule Tisamenes Cleomenes The time of the death of Antigonus Seleucus and Ptolomy Polybius writes nothing but what he hath seene or receiued from those which had seen them Philip. Acheus Antiochus Seleucus Ptolomy Philopater Lycurgus The causes of the warre betwixt the Acheins and Philip against the Etoliens and Lacedemonians The scituation of Phigalea The Etoliens spoile the Messeniens The Etoliens take Chiron by Scalado Babyrthe Ariston Warre attempted by the Etoâ—liens against Morea Taurion taken by assault The disposition of Arate The diuers Natures of men The nature of the Thessalonâ—â—â—ans Etoliens Candiots The Messeniens seeke the alliance of the Acheins An Embassie sent from Arate to the Etoâ—â— A fight betwixt the Acheins and the Etoliens A defeate of the Acheins The aduice of the Acheins touching the warre against the Eteliens The idlenesse of the Etoliens Scerdilaide and Demetrius The descent of Scerdilaide Agelaus Dorimache Scopâ— into Acheia Polemarches Cynethe taken by the Etliens The Clytoriens assaulted by the Etoliens Cynethe burnt by the Etliens The customes of the Arcadians Musique profitable to all the world The Games of Children and Youth The occasion of the ruine of Cynothenses Philip comes to Corinthe A mutinie among the Lacedomonians The Murther of the Gouernours of the Lacedemonians Ambassadours sent from Lacedemon to
the Romans in Italy Asdrubal brother to Hannibal slaine The Celts slaine sleeping The number of the dead An accord betwixt the Romans and the Etoliens Phylopemen makes Warre against Machanides Tyrant of Lacedemon The order of Philopomens Battaile The order of Machanides Army The safety of Monarches Machanides slaine Anaxidamus slaine Tegea taken The exellency of Hannibal Diuers Nations vnder the leading of Hannibal Asdrubal camps neere to Elinge Publius Scipio drawes his Army together Asdrubal chargeth the Romans A suddaine charge of the Romans against the Carthaginians The double policy of Scipio Scipio puts his men in battaile Asdrubal puts his men in Battaile A disorder by the Elephants A defect in the Text. A good Comparison The wisedome of Scipio Publius Scipio assembles his Army Three causes of the peoples mutiny against Princes The inconstancy of the people A punishment of the Mutines Scipio's Speech to his Army Scipio layes a baite for the Enemy The Spaniards put themselues in Battaile The order of Scipio's Battaile A defeate of the Spaniards The manner of the Lybians liuing The Iland of Cyruon not well knowne by Tymeus The manner of breeding Swine in Italy The City of the Locrines The Collony of the Locrines according vnto Aristotle A defect in the Text. Two kinds of vntruth Tymeus reprehensible Agathocles cruell A parcell corrupted Zaleucus the Law-giuer Cosmopole A seuere sentence A witâ—â—nswer of a Young man Of the Voyage of Alexander against Darius Galâ—sthenes The reprehension of Calisthenes An excuse of Alexander vpon Calisthenes The Warre like vnto a Disease The Acheins free from fraud Heraclides malicious The vices of Heraclides The force of truth Nabis Tyrant of the Lacedemonians Apege the Wife of Nabis Vtica besieged by Scipio Pedisca the wife of Syphax The Campe of Asdrubal of 30000. Foote and 3000. Horse The Campe of Syphax of 10000 Horse and 50000. Foote A custome of the Romans during their repast Massanissa Scipio drawes to the Enemies Campe. Lelius assailes Syphax his Campe by fire Scipio sets Asdrubals Campe on fire The flight of Asdrubal The Carthaginian Senate hoâ—â—â—â— Councell Scipio attends the Siege of Bysarthe 4000. Celtiberians come to succour the Carthaginians Scipio drawes towards the Enemy The order of Battaile of the Romans Army The order which Syphax and Asdrubal held The beginning of the Battaile The defeate of the Celtiberians Syphax retires in safety The adulec of the Romans The pursuit of the Romans after Syphax Diuers opinions of the Carthaginians concerning their Warre Tunie taken by Scipio Lucius Ser uinus Lucius Citinus and Lucius Fabius sent Emâ—â—ssadourâ— to Carthage A remonstrance of the Roman Embassadours to the Carthaginians A Conspiracy of the Carthaginians against the Roman Embassadors Hannibal sends to Tycheus Athia Lieutenant at Sea for Scipio The Carthaginian Embassadours stayed by Ethias The Carthaginians preâ—â—e Hannibal The Clemency of Scipio vnto Hannibals spies The comming of Massanissa to Scipio's Camp The enterview of Hannibal and Scipio Hannibals Speech to Scipio Scipio's answer to Hannibal Articles comprehended in the Accords past betwixt Scipio and the Carthaginians The order of Scipio's Battaile Scipio's Speech to his Army The order of Hannibal his Battaile The beginning of the Battaile by the Elephants The strength of the Battaile The great fury of the fight The victory of the Romans against the Carthaginians Hannibal flies to Adrumetum Hannibal vanquished by fortune A defect of the 〈◊〉 Zachantia spoiled by the Carthaginians The Articles of Accord propounded by Scipio to the Carthaginians Hanibal forceth a Citizen A good comparison Embassadours wronged by Philip. The Rhodiens declared Enemies to Philip. Danae a prisoner Moeragena saues himselfe naked Oenanthe sad A mutiny of the people Agâ—thoclea shewes her Papps vnto the Macedonians Phylon slaine Agathocles slaine Nicon and Agathoclea slaine The Egyptians cruell The cruelty of Virgins Agathocles and Denis Sicilians The saying of Scipio Two ends in Histories Attalus chargeth Philips Army at Sea The number of Philips ships and of his Enemies Democrates Captaine Generall to Philip sunkt Erythee a town in Asia The Pollicy of Attalus his Souldiers The losse of ships which Philip made The causes why Philip challenges the Victory to himselfe The death of Theophiliscus Prinasse besieged by Philip. The Gulfe of Neptune The City of Miletum built The Image of Diana Syphax King of the Masaisylins A man may be commended and blamed according to the diuersity of his Actions Of the profit of Abydos and Sestes A comparison of the streight of Abydos with that of Gibeltar The City of the Abydeins The Abydeins besieged by Philâ—p The course which the Abydeins take in despaire The prowesse of the Abydeins Marcus Emilius sâ—nt to Philip. The braue answere of Philip to Marcus Emilius The cruelty of the Abydeins to themselues The forme of Philopomenes Letters to the Cities A sally out of Pelene vpon the Acheins Philips Company The wise answere of Philip. The Articles which Dionisodorus demanded of Philip. Asesymbrotes demands for the Rhodiens The demands of the Acheins and Etoliens Alexander against Philip. Philips answer A strange Custome of the Etoliens Philip lands The Articles agreed on by Philip. Another assembly aâ— Thronye Philips cause sent to Rome Embassadours sent to Rome by Titus the Etolienâ— Acheins and Athenians Philips Embassadors reiected Warre declared against Philip. The Commendation of Titus The Grecians delicate of their Bodies A difference betwixt the Romans Stakes and the Grecians Titus plants his Campeneare to Pherees An encounter of the foretunneâ—s The Romans charged by the Macedonians The Nature of the Etoliens as well on force as Horsebacke Titus puts his Army in Battaile A Battaile betwixt the Romans and Philip of Macedony The signe which the Macedonians giue when they yeild The victory of the Romans Number of the dead on either side The Romans haue bin Vanquished by the pollicy of Hannibal Order of the Romans Armes For what cause the Romans Vanquish Philips retreate into Macedony Antiochus makes an assembly at Lysmachia Antiochus answere to the Romans Scope puâ— to death by poyson Altars set vp by Dicearâ—hus to cruelty and iniquiry