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A81229 The originall cause of temporall evils. The opinions of the most ancient heathens concerning it, examined by the sacred Scriptures, and referred unto them, as to the sourse and fountaine from whence they sprang. / By Meric Casaubon D.D. Casaubon, Meric, 1599-1671. 1645 (1645) Wing C809; Thomason E300_12; ESTC R200256 58,479 71

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the literall sense of those of the Prophet where he saith Vsque adeò res humanas vis abdita quaedum Lucret. I ib. v. Obterit pulchros fasceis saevasque secures Proculcare ludibrio sibi habere videtur Of Scripture Histories that of holy Iobs more then ordinary prosperity as it is recorded in the first Chapter and the sudden alteration which upon Satan there said to have appeared among the sons of God his wicked and malitious suggestion and crimination ensued so ancient and so remarkable as it cannot be conceived that it should altogether be unknown unto them so what they might ignorantly inferre upon it they that are versed in their mythologies may easily guesse Through the instigation of the same Satan as is expressed I Chron. XXI v. 1. David King of Israel would needs have the people numbred whereupon Gods wrath and a great plague upon the people of God ensued Of this there is no question the Text is plaine that God was angry and the people plagued but what was Davids crime doth not so clearly appear by the Text neither are Expositors of one minde about it Josephus of old and some Rabbins since him make this to have been Davids trespasse because he did not impose the redemption mony half a sicle commanded by God Exod. XXX v. 12 13. upon such occasions Learned Diodatus his opinion slipt over in the late English Edition of his Notes upon II Sam. c. 24. is that David besides some other concurring provocations offended in that he did not observe the law concerning the right age to wit 20 years from which and upwards the people was to be numbred Exo XXX 14. Num. I. 2. So they but the current opinion of Interpreters saith P. Martyr upon the place is that elatio animi and superbia was his fault God saith he had given him peace He had got a Catalogue of his valiant men and now he sets his minde upon it to know the number of his thousands of Subjects So Rev. Dr. Rivet also Quando tuleris summam filio●um Isr c. When thou takest the summe of the children of Israel that is When thou shalt number them either by me commanded or of thy selfe when thou shalt think it expedient for the publicke good For the numbring of the people upon such occasions was not displeasing unto God which neverthelesse in David for other causes was reprehended Not certainly as some Hebrews are of opinion because he took no care for the tribute money which was to be payed unto God this could not be the reason why Joab disswaded him from it but because he saw that it was not done out of a good minde but rather out of vanity and pride as may appear from the whole context II Sam. XXIV So he And this indeed all circumstances as he saith of the story well weighed will appear the most probable conjecture multitude of subjects according to that of Solomon In the multitude of people is the Kings honour but in the want of people is the destruction of the Prince Prov. XIV 28. being a very likely object of a Princes pride and carnall confidence Now if pride was the cause both of this anger and plague and the matter so publickly noysed and construed it is very likely that the fame of so memorable a judgement the sudden operation and cessation of it if not the plague it selfe being apparently miraculous spread it self to many parts of the world then inhabited by Heathens Of Ambassadours sent by the Princes of Babylon to enquire of the wonder in the land vouchsafed unto King Hezekiah in confirmation of his recovery and prolongation of dayes by the immediate hand of God we are told expresly II Chr. XXXII v. 31. And since I have mentioned this of Hezekiah I cannot passe by being so pertinent to our purpose Isidore Pelusiota Isid Pelus Epist l. 11. Ep. 74. that elegant and witty Writer his observation concerning him as it followeth In the reign of King Hezekiah the King of Persia came with all his power against Ierusalem and was overthrowne by a divine miracle one of the greatest that ever was Whereupon Hezekiah being puffed up and now through immoderate joy entertaining thoughts of himself above a man God with a sicknesse as with a bridle curbed him to compose his swelling minde and to make him sensible of his naturall frailty and to cure him of that disease which his soule had contracted through excesse of joy So Isidore and it is in that Epistle that he writes of Epaminondas the Theban Commander of whom we had somewhat in the beginning What ground this Isidore might have either from the Scriptures themselves by way of inference or from tradition for this observation I know not But in my judgement Hezekiah's miraculous in some circumstances of it recovery of that sicknesse he speaks of and upon it his vaine ostentation of all his treasures and pretious things in all his Kingdome before those Ambassadours whom forein Princes had sent to congratulate him so particularly noted in the Scripture II Kings XX. 12 13 c. and upon this ostentation that dreadfull denunciation of future heavie judgements upon his posterity do sufficiently evince that Hezekiah in his prosperity after his recovery at least did forget himself and that God in mercy to him did use means to recall him before he should be too far gone These words besides the story seem to me to import as much II Chr. XXXII 25 26. But Hezekiah rendred not againe according to the benefit done unto him for his heart was lifted up therefore there was wrath upon him and upon Judah and Jerusalem Notwithstanding Hezekiah humbled himself for the pride of his heart both he and the inhabitants of Jerusalem so that the wrath of the Lord came not upon them in the dayes of Hezekiah These and the like passages of Scripture might and did as I conceive at the first in part occasion that observation of the Heathens of the danger of more then ordinary worldly prosperity But their ignorance of the Scriptures or want rather of perfect knowledge of them made them upon this observation to inferre in the manner I have said before this wicked and impious conclusion that God was of a maligne and envious disposition I see here a large field open but I will not enter into it as not being within the compasse either of my undertaking which was only to shew the originall of the opinion or my leisure and opportunity at this time I shall only take notice of two reasons which are touched upon by ancient Heathens not Philosophers I do not meane who have written of purpose and more generally concerning Providence but Historians upon the by and in this very subject of either great prosperity suddenly blasted or sorrowes intermingled with joyes their reasons as I conceive being very agreeable to the doctrine of the sacred Scriptures Herodotus in one of those places where he chargeth God with
first father and mother Adam and Eve to make them transgress and so to forfeit their first happiness And when some men by the very light of naturall humane reason that remained in them began to discerne the impiety and absurdity of this opinion they fell into another not altogether so impious but more absurd that God is not omnipotent and wanted not will but power to amend what they conceived to be amiss in the world or that there were two Authors and Creators of all things the one good and the other evill These were the first errors and extravagancies of men against the true doctrine of Gods Providence and administration of the world as it is taught by the holy Scriptures Most men that have written of and for Providence fall upon Epicurus and his opinions copiously enough as indeed it is a large and copious argument especially since that by so many it hath been beaten and troden But I know not of any that hath examined and refuted that more ancient error or scarce taken notice of it which neverthelesse is not lesse yea in some respect I may say more considerable For as it is more ancient so it may more clearely be derived from its first spring mistaken Scripture which affords us a good argument for the antiquity and authenticknes of the Scriptures themselves against atheists and infidels as good almost as any can be This is it therefore that in this ensuing Treatise I have proposed to my selfe and endeavoured I intend it I confesse but as a part of a greater worke concerning Divine Providence in generall which long agoe I have had in my thoughts But whatever becomes of the rest this either as a part if it shal please God to spare me life and other opportunities shall serve may begin or if otherwise stand by it selfe as a supplement to what hath already been written by others of that argument and either way give some satisfaction I hope in this maine point to His glory to whom whatsoever is not referred I never thought much considerable Errata Pag. 14. Lin. 33. Soon after p 16. l. 26. he did so p. 20. l. 25. in his XV. Iliad p. 22. l 6. heterogeneous p. 50. l. 2. Thou shalt know p. 61. l. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 THE ORIGINALL CAVSE OF TEMPORALL EVILS THat the life of man in this world is full of troubles miseries is so common a complaint in the mouths of all men of what ranke and quality soever they be and so obvious a subject in Writers of all Ages Nations and Professions as that it may well be reckoned among those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or known Principles which common sense teacheth and Artists ground upon as indisputable truths Yet he that will see this common and beaten subject most exquisitely even in the judgement of humane reason setting aside the credit and authority of divine inspiration handled needeth but goe to Ecclesiastes the excellency of which discourse he shall best understand who judiciously compares it with the choicest and most approved peeces either old or late concerning that argument The truth is there hath been little said by others upon that Theme either for wit or wisdome much considerable which may not both be found here and probably be supposed originally to have proceeded hence I will give one instance What among the Ancients upon this subject of mans misery more famous then that old saying whereof they made one of their Sileni a degree above Philosophers among ancient Heathens to be the authour That it was the chiefest happinesse not to be born next to that quickly to die Divers expressions of this saying by severall Greek Poets if any shal desire to see them together compare them have been collected by Erasmus The matter is by Tully in his Tuscul briefly thus recorded Fertur de Sileno fabella quaedam c. There goes an old tale or story for so the word fabula sometimes is taken of a Silenus who being taken by Midas the King is said to have given him a ransome or reward for his dismission which was that he taught him how that it was a most happy thing not to be born but in the next place to die very soon And this long before any memory of any either Midas or Silenus Eccles 4. ver 1 2 3. was thus delivered by wise Solomon So I returned and considered all the oppressions that are done under the Sunne and behold c. Wherefore I praised the dead which are already dead more then the living which are yet alive Yea better is he then both they which hath not yet been who hath not seen the evil work that is done under the Sun These words Better is he then both they c. misunderstood might probably occasion that opinion of the ancientest Philosophers of which we shall have occasion for to say more afterwards that the soules of men had a subsistence long before their incorporation and were thus driven into this lower world and confined into bodies as Cages or Prisons for some miscariages in their former and better condition Pliny the eldest who had studied the world as much as any man and hath written of the world his Naturall History I mean more then any who for his parts of nature wit and curiosity and other great advantages of fortune might be supposed to know as much as any other man his observation is that nullum frequentius votum no wish more frequent among men then the wish of death and thereupon his conclusion is that Natura nihil brevitate vitae praestitit melius and elsewhere he cals death pracipuum naturae bonum the greatest benefit of nature or the greatest blessing that heavens have vouchsafed unto mankind Yet all this notwithstanding if any judging of this life by what hath hitherto happened unto themselves and not much sensible of what they have known to happen unto others be of another mind and thinke better of the world then so I might tell them of Croesus and others who once thought themselves the happiest of men and afterwards became notorious examples of mans misery I might also tell them that among the miseries of this life those that are publique and extend unto many such as are the miseries of wars slaughters slaveries plagues famines and the like of which that of the Poet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That both Sea and Land are full of miseries hath generally beene true and visible at all times are the chiefest and those which most affect a man that is a man indeed that is truly sociable and communicable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Greek Philosophers expresse it this I say and much more to this purpose I might tel them but that not the consideration of our miseries be they more or lesse or what opinion men have of them is the subject by me here undertaken but the originall cause of our miseries what was the opinion of ancientest Heathens about it and
how consonant and agreeable it is with the truth of the holy Scriptures such consonancy either of humane reason in times of Paganisme or ancient traditions with the Scriptures having been accounted by ancient learned Christians no small evidence of the truth of the Scriptures themselves and by them therefore upon all occasions with all possible care and curiosity sifted and inquired into But before I come to what I have more directly proposed to my selfe I must be way of introduction take notice of some other opinions of theirs that have much affinity with the former subject and what relation they have to my main scope will appear in the progresse and conclusion of our discourse It is a common observation among the Ancients that there is no worldly good which is not either tempered with some present evill or at least hath the seeds in it selfe of some evill consequence and future inconvenience 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or as some others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that no worldly good or pleasure is pure and sincere unmixed and untainted of the contrary I know not any other subject that ancient both Historians and Philosophers Greeks especially more frequently insist upon if it come in their way or more willingly digresse into Theophrastus in that excellent fragment of his Metaphysicks handles it with admirable wit and profundity shewing that such is the nature of this sublunary world as to consist of contraries and how one contrary doth beget another a curious speculation curiously handled and speculated no● by Theophrastus onely but by the authour of that polite Treatise De mundo too polite I doubt for Aristotles stile though ascribed unto him by divers ancients besides Apuleius as Justin Martyr and Philoponus the which Apuleius of old and Budaeus of late have turned into Latin One of the first if not the very first now extant in whom this observation of the mixture of sweet and sowre in worldly things is to be found is old Plato who recordeth how his Master Socrates that very day that he dranke his last and fatall cup which made him immortall to all ensuing generations having casually rubbed his thigh or knee to allay the itch which the fetters had occasioned and perceiving a kind of pleasure to ensue upon it took that occasion to instruct his friends and auditors then present concerning the nature of all worldly delights and pleasures in these wo ds How incongruous in my judgement O friends is that thing which men usually tearm sweet how marvellously or naturally inclinanable it is to that which because they cannot be together at one time seemeth contrary pain Yet neverthelesse such is their nature that if a man pursue after the one and obtain it it shall go very hard but he shall be constrained as if both hanged by one string to have part in the other also And certainly had Aesop thought of it he would have made a Fable of it how that God purposing to reconcile these two sweet and sowre together and not being able he did chain them together by the head alterum ex altero verticibus inter se contrariis deligavit as Aulus Gellius expresseth it so that whosoever is partaker of the one cannot be long without the other also as now it hath happened unto me the same fetter having caused first pain and now pleasure unto my thigh So Socrates in Plato What Aesop did not learned and ingenious Camerarius hath since done he hath contrived it into two fables the one of thē with the text of Plato the Reader shall find if he please at the end of this Treatise This was the practice of the Ancients I note it by the way because we have many examples of it in the holy Scriptures by fables and parables to worke upon men and they found it a most powerfull and effectuall way whereof Plutarch in his Consolation to Apollonius hath a notable instance it is in an argument of much affinity to this But to return it would be long even to name those severall ancient Authours who have descanted upon it and applied it to severall occasions Pliny the latter among the Latins in his incomparable Panegyrick in few words but as elegant and pithy as they are short thus Habet has vices conditio mortalium ut adversa ex secundis ex adversis secunda nascantur nascuntur not noscantur as it is in some editions Occultas utrorumque semina Deus plerunque bonorum malorúmque causae sub diversâ speci● latent But that which concerns us to take more especiall notice of is an other observation of the same Ancients concerning all extraordinary worldly successes and more then usuall prosperity in any kind which they held generally to be very ominous yea very unlucky in so much as they were accounted wise and prudent who could if not altogether prevent which is not in the power of man yet by certain art and cunning temper and allay such excesses of fortune Whether this was intended by Menander or no that famous Comick I know not for he might have another aim but his words are pertinent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of all unhappinesse among men the chief cause is Much or too much happinesse The opinion may seeme strange but the practice of many of them upon it much more and the grounds both of the one and of the other when well weighed and considered most of all Herodotus shall be the first from whom we will take our information about it as being the first of ancient Historians now extant and in that respect for his antiquity to us most considerable He toucheth upon it often upon divers occasions but most fully and positively though not as from himselfe there but in the person of Amasis King of Aegypt a Prince of great renown among the Ancients in his third book and fortieth chapter as it is usually divided Polycrates King or rather Tyrant of Samos an Island of the Egean sea bordering upon Asia once so flourishing that even the hens of it were proverbially said to be milked but now in a manner altogether forsaken of inhabitants having had for a long time more then ordinary successe in all his enterprises his felicity all that while not crossed in any other kinde either at home or abroad Amasis King of Aegypt his great friend and confederate is reported to have writen a Letter to him about it the copy whereof according to Herodotus was this Amasis to Polycrates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 haec mandat as Camerarius renders it saith thus That thou dost well and prosper is no small joy unto me as thy friend and confederate but I must tell thee plainly that these great and overflowing successes doe not please me who know ful wel the nature of the Deity how envious it is It is my wish concerning my own self and the same I wish to all that are deare unto me sometimes to prosper and sometimes to miscarry and in