Hen Do Cary Baro de Leppington Comes Monmouthenâ—is et honble Ord Balniâ— Eques Politick DISCOURSES Written in ITALIAN BY PAOLO PARUTA A Noble VENETIAN Cavalier and Procurator of St. MARK Whereunto is added A short SOLILOQUY In which the AUTHOR briefly examines the whole Course of his Life Rendred into ENGLISH By the Right Honorable HENRY EARL of MONMOVTH LONDON Printed for H. Moseley and are to be sold at the Prince's Arms in St. Paul's Church-yard 1657 THE CONTENTS Of the Several DISCOURSES The First BOOK DISCOURSE I. WHat was the true and proper Form of Government observed in the Commonwealth of Rome and whether she could be better ordered in Civil affairs having Armed people on foot pag. 1. II. What success the Roman affairs would have had if Alexander the Great had turned with his victorious Army into Italy 18 III. Whether was the better and more laudable advice That of the Carthaginians in offering to assist the Romans against King Pyrrhus Or that of the Romans in refusing their offer 23 IV. Which of the two famous Roman Commanders Quintus Fabiâ—s Maximus or P. Scipio Africanus brought more of 〈…〉 the Commonwealth of Rome in managing their War 29 V. Whether war being to be made against the Romans Hannibals counsel was good to carry it into Italy 34 VI. Whether it was well done by the Romans to carry the War against the Carthaginians into Sicily and Spain and into Macedonia and Greece against King Philip whilst Hannibal waged War with them in Italy 39 VII Whether the destruction of Carthage was the rise of the ruine of the Roman Republick 45 VIII Why Rome could not regain her liberty after the death of Julius Caesar as she had formerly done by driving the Tarquinâ— first out and then Appius Claudius and the other Decemviri 50 IX Which is the safer way to be taken to arrive at Honor and Glory in a Commonwealth that which was held by Cato or that which was pursued by Caesar. 55 X. To what Age of the City of Rome the greatest praise and merit is to be given for the prosperity and greatness whereto she arrived 59 XI How the Roman Empire though it fell oftentimes into the hands of base and wicked mâ—n was notwithstanding able to maintain it self in the Reign of many Emperors and how it came to be finally destroyed 67 XII Why the Commonwealth of Rome though she suffered many Defeats in divers Battels yet did still prove victorious at last 78 XIII Whether the City of Rome could have maintain'd herself longer in the glory and majesty of her Command if she had preserved her Librty and Form of Commonwealth then she did under the Government of Emperors 85 XIV Why the Grecians did not much extend the Confines of their dominion as did the Romans and how Greece came to lose her liberty 93 XV. Whether Ostracism used by the Athenians be a just thing or no and whether it be useful for the preservation of a Commonwealth 104 The Second BOOK DISCOURSE I. WHy the Commonwealth of Venice hath not so for enlarged her Prâ—cincts as did the Roman Commonwealth 111 II. Whether or no the Commonwealth of Venice be to be blamed for having taken upon her the defence of the City of Pisa when it was appâ—gneâ— by the Florentineâ— 1â—3 III. That the Commonwealth is not to be blamed for the unfortunate successes of War after the routing of the Venetian Army in the actioâ— of Giaradada 131 IV. Whether the Princes of Italy did well or no to assault the Army of Charlâ— the Eight King of France when after having gotten the Kingdom of Naples he hasted to pass over the Mountains 140 V. Whether or no the Forces of Leagues be fit for great Enterprises 146 VI. Why modern Princes have not done actions equal to those which were done by the Antients 156 VII What the cause is why Italy hath enjoyed so long peace and quiet in these latter times 164 VIII Whether Citadels and Strong-holds much used by our modern Princes be commodious and of true safety to a State or no. 168 IX Whether the Opinion of Pope Leo the Tenth were good or no and his counsel safe of driving Foreign Nations out of Italy by the help of other Transalpine Forces 179 X. Whether the Counsel taken by the Emperor Charls the Fifth and by his Commanders of not parting from the walls of Vienna when Solyman was come with very great strength from Constantinople to assault it deserve praise or blame 185 A TABLE Of all the more notable Things contained in the present Politick Discourses A. ADrian the Emperor why he resolved to go on progress over all his States and to visit every part thereof Pag. 71-91 Where he set the bounds of his Empire ibid. Agesilaus though he were King in Sparta was obedient to the Laws of the Country 48 Alcibiades by too much desire of glory ruined his Country 10. Had higher thoughts then the rest of the Greek Commanders 95 Alexander the Great the greatness of his enterprises 19. His Militia 20-83 An Indian Gymnosophist shews him how in a large Kingdom insurrections fall out 71. How far he extended his Empire and in how little time 157. and how 159. His artifices and laudable way for opening the way more easily to his great atchievements and greater glory 162 Ambition precipitated Rome into very grievous disorders 15-16-51 When discovered makes men distastefull 58. It and Fear raise in Princes minds a desire of innovation 164. The important mischief of it if once gotten into mens hearts 106. How it is to be cured in States-men ibid. An Army keeping the field how greatly beneficial 169 Armies maintained by the Romans to carry on the war in divers parts taken only out of Italy 64 Arragonian Kings of Naples what they did for fear of the French forces 138 Artillery of what use in warâ—â— 160. That in their stead the Antients had miraculous Engines called Tormenta 173 Assaulting the Enemy in his own State how advantagious 34 Attalaricus King of the Goths descends into Italy 76. is afterwards entertain'd for a Stipendiary to the Empire ibid. Attila content to lose the day so the Roman Commander might be slain in the battel 89 Athens why she soon lost her liberty 5-13-54 Athenians of great power in Greece 94. By what people followed and favour'd ibid. Too hard for the rest in Sea-forces ibid. Hinder'd by the Spartans from taking in Sicily and from assaulting Persia 95. Why they could not enlarge their Dominion 98 Augustus Caesar in many places enlarged the Empire 68. Remained sole Lord of the whole World 71. Reduced it all to Peace though he was troubled with some Insurrections 7â— See Octavianus B. BAttails subject to divers unexpected accidents 31 When they are to be adventured upon 192 Brutus Junius Br. how he stirr'd up the people to Liberty 51. Why he condemned his own sons to death 52 Brutus Marcus Br. why he could not preserve the
onely to the benefit of the Pisans to the preservation of their liberty as much as might be and to the right of what belonged to their Territories which they were possest of when they put themselves into the Commonwealths protection wherein the Venetians were alwaies very constant though the imminent War with the Turks might have made them forget the dangers and interests of other mens for their own concernments And at last as they would yeeld to nothing which might be prejudicial to the Pisans so to witness to the World that in reality they had no thought in maintaining this controversie to any peculiar design of their own in making themselves Masters of that City they put the determination of these differences into the arbitrement of Hercules Duke of Ferrara which though it had not any effect afterwards the Pisans not consenting thereunto yet it might be discerned that the Pisans averseness thereunto or the constancy wherein they persevered was not fomented by the Venetians but rose either out of the meer election or necessity of the Pisans themselves But let us come to another consideration more proper for this business that is to the reasons of State wherein thâ— many of the same things do concur yet they are clothed with other respects wherewith Princes building either onely or chiefly upon what may most redound to their own advantage do not advise with counsel of equity or do not attribute thereunto what is requisite It is most certain being already reduced to the greatest extremity if they should have been abandoned by the Venetians they must have put themselves either into the power of the Duke of Millan or of the Florentines but reason of State would not permit that in this conjuncture both of times and affairs this City should be joyned to the Dominion of either of these As for Sforza his vast and disordinate drifts were already known and how he would be the sole Arbitrator of Italy so as if he should become more haughty and pâ—ft up by this important acquisition no part of Italy could remain quiet or secure either from his force or craft And as for the Florentines you have heard how resolute they were not to part from the friendship of the King of France by how much greater the danger of whose Army was in recent memory so much the more were his friends and associats to be kept weak and under to the end that they might not increase to the prejudice and apprehension of the rest It was seen in what danger Italy was put by forein Forces how soon the Kings of Aragon were driven out of their Dominion how little resolute the other Princes of Italy were to withstand forein Forces which having once found an open and easie way into Italy it was to be imagined that they would be cause of greater dangers and molestations to her So as the Commonwealth being to be put into a condition of being able to resist the Forces of greater Princes and of not being exposed to their wills she was necessitated to think upon increasing her power and reputation that she might depend upon her own Basis and be well esteemed of by others She knew particularly that 〈…〉 was a State which might accommodate or dis-accommodate the French designs accordingly as it was well or ill affected towards them And the keeping of the City of Pisa dependant upon the Venetians might several waies be helpful â—nto them in their intentions in seeping the French from â—according the â—ingdom of Naples and in securing themselves afterwards from the Florentines as also in winning such strength and reputation to the Commonwealth with friends and 〈◊〉 as she might provide for her own preservation and for the like of 〈◊〉 other Italians who had the like intentions with her to maintain peace in Italy and to keep her safe from foreign Forces It was not their onely useful but necessary for the Venetian in this conjuncture of affairs to have footing in Italy and to have the City of Pisa if not subject to their dominion at least dependent upon the authority of the Commonwealth Now take it for granted that that suspition might be true which they have so much divulged who have endeavored to cast a blur upon the honor and dignity of the Commonwealth to wit that the Venetians intended to make thâ—mselves absolute masters of that City only out of a design of increasing their dominion Certainly the actions of a Philosopher and those of a Prince ought not to be measured by one and the same Rule nor must we fancy the condition of men and of affairs to be what peradventure they ought to be but what they are for the most part Magnanimity is the proper vertue of Princes which makes them always busie themselves about great matters and whereby they make themselves be dreaded and reverenced by others Therefore the desire of Glory and Empire is highly praised in such Princes as have been greatest and most celebrated as Alexander Cyrus Caesar Charls and all the rest of the most famous men in whom a spirit of Grandure and Generosity which did still egg them on to new and glorious enterprises is not only commended but even admired If the Romans whose actions are praised and celebrated by the general consent of all men had been content to contain themselves within the precincts of Latium their worth would have been hidden and obscured nor would their names have been so highly cry'd up to the memory of posterity And had not the Venetians had larger thoughts then to keep within their private merchandising affairs as it became them to do in their weak begining dispising or neglecting such occasions as they sundry times met with of enlarging the bounds of their Dominions the Commonwealth would not only not have gotten such esteem and reputation as it hath got but could not have kept herself so long in liberty amidst so many revolutions of affairs and such movings of Forein Armies It remains now only to see whether the opportunity of the Times and condition of Affairs did counsel them to purchase new glory and greater Empire to their Commonwealth Which though it may be known by what hath been formerly said yet it will more clearly appear by adding some other particular Considerations The Commonwealth was then in a more powerful condition then any Prince in Italy being much stronger then them all both in Land and Sea-Forces the Pisans cause was generally well wish'd unto the Florentines were but little acceptable to the rest of the Princes of Italy by reason of their friendship with the French and for this and other respects were particularly much hated by their neighbors the Genoeses Seneses and Lucheses and all the actions of the Commonwealth seemed to be favored by a certain Genius She had lately gotten the Kingdom of Cyprus she had enlarged her Confines in Friuli by the acquisition of many Towns in the Country of Goâ—itia and she prospered greatly in all that
Army 51. Subdued for the Romans above eight hundred Cities 65. The laudable way and art by which he brought people to obey the Romans and facilitated his enterprises 163 The People of Rome of what authority in the Commonwealth 5. How from the beginning it was of great power and increased it more and more 15 Loving liberty how it came to lose it 51. Sought by seditions to obtain from the Senate all things though never so unjust 52 The People That to curb it Severity prevails more then Meekness 16. That out of its natural fickleness it useth to favour a Forein Prince and by seditions and violent attempts to plot against the present Power 170 A Prince shall do well and wisely to have a care that no Subject of his grow to be suspected for his greatness 106. Must not for his own relief make use of Forein aids that he may be too strong for his Native forces 103 Princes what sort of Militia it is best for them to make use of in their expeditions and other matters of War 155. Sage advice to them in points of War and the choice of Commanders 145. Those of Italy have used to imploy foreign Commanders and foreign mercenary Soldiers 122 See more in States R. REpublicks how their divers Forms may be known 6. How their continuance may be known 18. How at last they grow to be Tyrannies 54. That a State deserves not the name of a Commonwealth or Republick where the Decrees of the People and not the Laws carry all the command 6. For the long preservation and quietness of them nothing more necessary then a Parity 104. A poor one cannot enlarge its Dominion 112 Rome was a mixt but imperfect Commonwealth and why 3-11 Was too Popular 3. Why it could not free it self from many disorders 14 How long it held its greatness 68. When and how she might have freed herself from her many bad qualities and defects ibid. How she abounded in Soldiers and Commanders 39-64-74-80 How she made way for Monarchy 39. She scatter'd her corruptions amongst the Nobles and the Communalty 50. That those Citizens proved worst oppressors to her whom for the meer conservation of her Liberty she had too much exalted 51 Her first second and third Age 59. Her first seven Kings of what considerable benefit they were to her 60. At what time she deserved the praise of good Government 61 Romans why they refused the Carthaginians aid against Pyrrhus 26. Refused to have peace with Pyrrhus ibid. For what causes chiefly they had the better of the Carthaginians 39. They regarded not so much present dangers as future 45. Out of one War they still framed another 46 Why they were invincible according to Polybius 78. The two pretences under which they made their most notorious acquisitions 161. How by Colonies they kept their new Subjects in loyalty and obedience 173 Romulus a man fierce ambitious and desirous to enlarge his Estate train'd up the People according to his genius 113 S. SCipio Africanus his worth and actions 29-33 Why he took a course differing from that of Fabius 33. His passage into Sicily of what benefit it was 35 Scipio Nafica when Carthage was taken disswaded the Senate from destroying that City 46. Whether that counsel of his were founded upon good reason ibid. The Senate of Rome what number it consisted of and when first instituted 14 Its authority 4. The generous answer she gave to the Ambassadors of Pyrrhus 26-89 Little esteemed of by Julius Caesar 46. Subject to corruptions 50. Severity in what sort of Commonwealth it doth good 57. Was very great in Cato ibid. Sylla brought into Rome licentious living 51. Increased the Order of the Senators to counterpoise the Communalty Gave honors and riches to his Favorites ibid. Soldan of Caire how and why he lost all his Kingdom in a short time 160 Solyman parallel'd with Charls the Fifth 22. His endowments of mind and fortune 157. His great atchievements 158. Why he made no great progress in Hungary 159. nor at Corfu against the Venetians ibid. Why he made that expedition into Hungary 195. Had under his command four Empires and eighteen Kingdoms 196 Sparta a mixt Republick very excellent 5. Her Laws not written 11 That authority which the Kings had there not prejudicial to it 48. Many worthy men flourished in it by reason of the form of its government 58 For want of money could not enlarge her Empire 82 Spartans when and why of great power in Greece 96. By what people followed and favour'd ibid. Stronger then the rest in Land forces ibid. Why they would not have their Cities begirt with walls 171 States whence their divers changes come 53. How men grow desirous of their change 72. Are augmented and preserved by the same things which gave them their beginning and corrupted by the contrary 73. Where they have been ruin'd by intestine discords the over-great height of some of their own hath been the cause 105. That they have their beginning increase stay declination and ruine 86 Sâ—ilico a Barbarian and by nation a Hun called to the command of the Roman Army betrays the Empire 89 T. THebans much esteemed of for the discipline of their Soldiers called the Sacred Band 94. Pelopidas and Epaminondas famous Commanders of theirs ibid. Themistocles what his advice was and his Naval victory against the Persians 99 Tiberius Gracchus slain by the Nobles of Rome without any revenge from the People 17 Tribuneship in Rome of how great power and its insolence 6. Called Sacrosanctus 52 Triumph in Rome when first instituted and to whom first granted 62 Turks their assistance refused by the Venetians and yet sued for by other Christian Princes 136. Why they cannot so suddenly nor easily do any signal enterprises by Land 161. Are accustomed for their own security to destroy the inhabitants of such places as they take in especially those of the better and richer sort 172. Their chiefest strength consists in their Cavalry 187 Their Law promiseth everlasting reward in heaven to every one that loseth his life in their Soveraigns quarrel 194 V. VAlerius Publicola why in reforming the government of Rome he yielded many things to the People 14-15 That he might have order'd the City better ibid. Venice in time brought her Government to perfection 12. How she hath been able to preserve her Liberty thus long 54. What her Government is ibid. When it began 77-116 Her Founders lovers of Peace and of an intent and end differing from that of the Founders of Rome ibid. Her greatest and most difficult attempts have been either in their own Defence or for Religion or in Assistance of others 115. What wars and efforts of fierce Nations she at her first beginning underwent 117. Why she made use of Foreign Soldiers and Commanders 121. That for having accustomed to imploy Foreign Commanders she hath not been able by reason of their disloyalty to prosecute such Enterprises of hers as had been
the Magistracie of Consuls which occasioned many disorders which might easily have been corrected by a just fear as is cleerly seen by many examples but chiefly by this that the People being in insurrection and contumacious against the power of Consulship the creating of a Dictator a Magistracie of supreme authority and reverence proved a sure remedy to asswage the Tumult And what more manifest sign could there be given that the people might have been tamed and made obedient by fear and by respect unto the Magistrates then that which was given upon the occasion of Appius his Decemvirate For being so ill dealt with by him and by his Colleagues as they wanted not reason to apprehend Tyranny yet the authority of this Magistracie from which there was no Appeal to be made and the severity wherewith it was administred did so bridle the people as they patiently endured all injuries nor durst they go about to shake off that slavery till the Senate interposed it self and that Horatius and Valerius declared themselves Heads of the Insurrection against the Decemviri There ought therefore either greater respect to have been given to the Consulary Authority or else if the more severe and free power of an ordinary Magistrate seemed not to be convenient for the state of that Commonwealth the respect and reverence due to the person of the Magistrate ought to have been transferred to the authority of certain Laws of which the Magistrate should have been chief Guardian inflicting severe punishment upon the not observers thereof For by this means the People would have had no occasion to be offâ—nded with the Nobles when their insolencie should be punished by vertue of the Laws this arising amongst many other beâ—efits from the Laws that he who is punished for his faults cannot complain of any one being condemned by order of Law not by the Judge his will But what hath been noted of Publicola in this first beginning may also be known at all other times and in many other of the chief Roman Citizens who through ambition siding with the People were the cause of their pride and insolencie So the Consuls Valerius and Horatius not being able to obtain Triumph from the Senate sought to have it from the People and the whole Senate not to multiply examples by creating a Dictator to suppress the authority of the Consuls Titus Quintus Cincinnatus and Geneus Iulius Mento who opposed them therein had recourse unto the Tribunes who by threatening imprisonment forc'd them to give way to the resolution And those Noblemen did usually take another course then what is to be held with the People with whom grave and severe proceeding doth avail more then humble and mild demeanor But they were so blinded by Ambition as not knowing or not caring for such errors they strove who should most ingratiate themselvs with the the People by Presents Shews and submiss comportment And this instruction might be learn'd by the example of the People of Rome themselves For it was ofttimes seen that greater respect was given to those few who had known how to use severity to the People then to those who carried themselves submissly unto them And certainly amongst other things the Judgment which followed upon the cause between Menimiuâ— and Spurius Servilius was very remarkable who being both of them accused of the same fault by the Tribunes to wit that being Consuls they had opposed the Agrarian Law Menimius who by intreaties and submiss carriage endeavoured absolution was condemned but Spurius Servilius stoutly withstanding the Tribunes fury and speaking severely to the People was acquitted And Furius and Manilius who had both of them been Consuls being not long after accused the Nobles being willing totally to free them from such danger kill'd the Tribune in his own house who had impeached them which did so affright his Colleagues and the People as none of the Tribunes would afterwards reassume the same cause And all the Insurrections which were then in the City being suddenly appeased all of them did willingly subscribe the Militia Appius Claudius was always very severe against the People and amongst other of his actions the punishment which he took upon the Armies insolencie was very observable for he made them be decimated very tenth man be put to death which was submitted unto without any the least tumult by reason of the antient opinion of the Captains severity and for the fear infused into the Soldiers by the sentence of death against some Centurions who were accused for having been Authors of that Insurrection Which was sufficient so far to curb them all as though they were all of them then in Arms every of them stood peacefully spectators of the death of so many Kinsmen and Friends and of their own doubtful chance and which peradventure is a greater wonder and doth the better confirm this truth Appius being accused for this sentence by the Tribunes after he had laid down the Consulship using the same severity in defending himself he was not held less guilty for having been formerly Consul So as the People neither willing to absolve him nor daring to condemn him the cause was put off and he suffered to depart And in the latter times when the Peoples power was greatest Tiberius Gracchus endeavouring to propound the observance of the Licinian Law the Nobles changing their habits and shewing great humility labored to win favor from the People but since they saw they could do no good by this means they resolved for their last refuge to use force and kill'd the Author of those seditions Which action of theirs did so astonish the People as they suffered the Tribunes death whom they had so dearly loved and who had lost his life in defence of their cause to go unrevenged And soon after Caius Gracchus reassuming the cause which his Brother had in vain endeavoured the Nobles using the same cunning sought first by fair means to deprive him of Popular favor making use of another Tribune to this purpose by causing other popular Laws to be propounded by consent of the Senate But humility avail'd no more at this time then it had done formerly so as it behoving them to betake themselves again to Arms they slew Caius Gracchus in the Aventine and after the death of two Brothers annull'd all the Laws made by them nor did the People ever seem to resent it Which if it might have been done by an usual way of a Magistrate as hath been touched upon doubtless these ruder remedies as better suiting with the infirmities of that Commonwealth might have freed her from many mischiefs This is likewise confirmed by many other experiences For as long as the Senate kept up the authority thereof threatening to create a Dictator it kept the Terentilla Law from being made of creating a Magistracie of five men who were to correct the Consuls power But when it chose to appease the People by giving way to their importunities it did only invite them
Tyranny could put her self into a free condition why I say she could not do the like when Brutus and Cassius had slain Iulius Casar when it appears they ought rather to have done so now the people being more numerous and powerful and the City in such greatness as the liberty nay rather power which the people had in ordering that Commonwealth ought to have been more esteemed and held dear To this may be added that in the time of Kings the very name of Liberty was not well known much less was the good thereof injoyed Wherefore a good which they had not known ought to have been of less power with them And in the Government of Kings the City had been so successful as it seemed she might run a hazard by chusing a new form of Government which she had not formerly experienced And in the time of the Decemviri the affairs of Rome were also in a very weak condition nor ought the Liberty or command of that City be reputed a thing of such moment as it became afterwards by the wonderful felicity by which she marched to the height of all Glory and Greatness Besides the Government of Ten retained a certain shew of a Commonwealth and many being therein interessed she seemed to have thereby also a better ground for her subsistance Whereas in Caesars time he having reduced the main of all affairs into himself and begun to accept of the Title and Honors of a King all Form of a Commonwealth and of Liberty was lost and he having maintained himself in that degree onely by his own Greatness and in a City so full of Nobility at that time and of so many generously minded men his Principality must of necessity be the weaker and easilier to be eradicated which when it should fall it seemed that the former Government of Common-wealth must of it self rise up again These and other such like reasons afford occasion of seeking into the cause why contrary effects were seen to ensue We will herein consider first what the customs of the City of Rome were in each of these times and what effects were prevalent in the peoples minds men not being accustomed to imbrace such things as are truly useful but often such as by the predominate affection are held to be so Whilst the City was in an humble condition and that her Citizens were not begun to be corrupted by an immoderate ambition of Governing there was no siding nor partaking studied amongst them which crept on by little and little and did so contaminate all orders as it reduced the Commonwealth to such weakness as wanting strength to rule her self she must fall and being once down could not rise up again This corruption began amongst the Soldiers in whom the Commanders did permit such unbridled licentiousness to the end that they might dispose of them as they listed to oppres their particular enemies and sometimes against the very Commonwealth As Sylla did to lessen Marius his power and Marins no less to counterprize Sylla by the same means things growing into such disorder as he made the servants of the Commonwealth to take up arms against his enemies the Syllaniaâ—s and this authority did so continue in great Citizens and in the Commanders of Armies as it seemed a wonder that Pompey the Great who had exceeded all others in Glory and Power after his return into Italy having prosperously ended his enterprise against Mithridates should be content to quit the Army when every one feared that he would enter Rome therewithal and do even then with Rome as Caesar did not long after assume unto himself the chief Government of all publick affairs So great was the disorder and so little was the Authority either of Laws or Senate esteemed But his Design who plotted tyranny in the succeeding time prospered the better for that this corruption which was first entred into the Soldiers was past into the Nobility and spread every day abroad amongst the people For those who had been Generals of the great Enterprises of War being grown exceeding rich did several waies purchase the popular votes turning and winding them as they liked best to the end that the places of Magistracy might be conferred on them or upon their Friends and Adherents Neither was the very Senate free from this contagion but being long before accustomed not to be at their own command but to depend upon the power of those who were of supreme Authority in the Armies they fell headlong into the same errors into which the people were faln manifestly adhering by way of Faction not by any civil favor to particular Citizens who headed parties and the authors of novelties which was at first done with some appearance of honesty to maintain the Commonwealth and to defend Liberty against those who had been too immoderately exalted by the peoples favour to the injury of other more deserving Citizens and to the prejudice of Liberty But in the process of time and affairs those who had taken up Arms in behalf of the Commonwealth proved no less burthensom much power thereby encreasing in one particular person then those themselves against whom Arms were taken up For an immoderate desire of encreasing in power and wealth began to possess the souls of many who were already accustomed to rule longer and with greater authority then was sitting to be done in a Civil Government So as all things were put into great confusion and now not those who were worthy and valiant but those who were most bold insolent found places of greatest honor in the Commonwealth Hence it was that it being observed that those who had adhered to Sylla's party when his Adversary being overcome he was become almost the sole Arbitrator of all things had often gotten great riches and preferments in reward of their wicked actions the wealth of those who were proscribed by Sylla being given to these and such being easily proscribed at his Favorites pleasure whom they would rob of their Palaces or of what they valued most Many allured by hope of getting better things and more easily then they could have done in a well-governed Commonwealth loved confusion and favoured the Government of one alone thinking that they might obtain Honors and many other favors which are usually bestowed freely upon such as are partial to them by those who will preserve themselves in height of Power Hence then it arose that Brutus and Cassiâ—s the murderers of Caesar were not so backed nor met not with that general approbation from the City to uphold their fact and the common Liberty as Iunius Brutus and Virginius did when they raised the people to free themselves from the Tyranny of the Tarquiâ—s and of the Decemviri The latter had recourse unto the Camp and kindled a servent desire in the Soldiers to vindicate the injuries and msolencies used by the Tarquiâ—s and by Appiâ—s But what favour could Bruâ—â—i and Cassius expect from the Soldiers themselves being contaminated and more desirous
That whatsoever hath had a beginning must have an end will not satisfie our inquisitive understandings Empires as all other earthly things have their beginning increase perfection declination and last ruine and destruction all of them ordained and disposed of by certain causes And though they may be seen to vary according to the variety of Accidents that is not notwithstanding Chance which appears to us to be so when we cannot penetrate into the true causes of things In the beginning the Roman Empire was governed in the form of a Common-wealth her first Founders having begun to enlarge her Dominion amongst her neighboring people She continued in this her infancie as I may call it many years till the times of those famous Scipio's who brought Spain and Africa under her dominion But afterwards in the ensuing Age wherein Caesar Pompey and so many other famous Commanders did flourish she mounted to the height of her greatness and glory Neither did Augustus Caesar degenerate from the worth of them though the Form of Government was changed but he likewise did much increase the Empires Confines in the Eastern parts amongst the Indians and other exterior Nations and establish'd excellent Orders both Civil and Military in the Empire But this Monarchy may be said to staâ—d at a stay at this time being constituted in a Throne of Majesty reverenced and obeyed by all Nations and in this condition she preserved herself for well nigh three hundred years wherein though many and great Wars were made by the so many Emperors who governed in those days yet were they rather made for the preservation then for the enlarging of the Empires confines For there was not almost any of the barbarous and far distant Nations as well of the East as of the West which those Emperors were not forc'd to vanquish and overcome several times and reduce them to the obedience of the Empire from which they had rebelled And if any one did enlarge the Empire in furthest remote parts as did the Emperor Trajan in Armenia India and some others in other Regions and Provinces it was notwithstanding at the same time lessened in other parts by new Rebellions But in Galienus his time who was the thirty fourth Emperor the Empires supreme greatness began to decline For though she received her mortal wound afterwards in the time of Arcadius and Honorius which was above a hundred years after yet in this intervening time the Empire being in her decaying age grew weak yet sustein'd herself and like a Tree whose root hath been for a long time very deeply fix'd could not be easily eradicated so as though she were oftentimes shrewdly shaken by Armies of sundry Nations yet was she able to resume her strength and keep herself on foot Thus stood the Roman Empire then wherein many miraculous things offer themselves to our consideration and invite us to seek out the true occasion thereof For on one side it appears a strange thing that an Empire arrived at such a height of greatness when she once began to decline hasted so fast to her ruine there not being any other Potentate left in the World which was able to counterpoise her power yea which did not obey her as subjugated by her Armies having also so many Soldiers to defend her desirous for their own advantage to preserve the Empire But on the other side he who shall consider into the hands of how many base and wicked men this so great Empire fell he may very well wonder how so violent a thing could endure for so many Ages and how a Dominion governed by so many Tyrants could pass from hand to hand through the series of so many Emperors whereof there were above five hundred between Caesars time and that of Arcadius and Honorius in whose days the Roman Empire began visibly to fall by the taking of Rome by the ruine of Italy and of other Provinces belonging to the Empire And yet 't is known that the Persian Monarchy which was of so great esteem amongst the antient Kingdoms was quickly ruined by its falling into the hands of Princes given to idleness and pleasure and was by Alexander carried to another Nation whereof there are many examples seen almost in every Age. Let us then say that another violence helped very much to sustain this violence of such a force is the union of alike things Thus did the corrupt Customs of the People and Militia of Rome help to maintain the State and Power of these Tyrannous Princes For since People lived in Rome with much licentiousness and were enteâ—tained with many Pastimes and publick Shews made by the Emperors wherein those appeared to be most splendid who were most overgrown with vice as were Caligula and Nero who did not only make the wonted sports of Hunting and of Comedies be often represented with more then usual magnificence but introdâ—ced new Shews as Naval battels Chariots drawn by Camels and Elephants and permitted all licentiousness to the Soldiery no man desired to change condition and the Pretorian Soldiers enjoying all things of use and priviledg neer unto the City did not greatly care to be commanded by generous men And when such Princes grew tedious to them they put them to death proclaiming a new Emperor and receiving from the new Prince many gifts in reward of their wickedness And the disorder grew so great as sometimes the Empire of the World was by the Soldiers sold by Outcry to who would give most for it and at low rates as it fell out in the time of Didius-Iulianus Nor was the authority of the Senate able to correct this so great inconvenience as well for that being trodden under foot by force it was grown very weak as also for that the antient Roman generosity was wanting in them So as the Senate having resolved after the death of Caligula to free the City and Empire from the like Tyranny and to restore her to her liberty they could not be constant iu their resolution but being abased by fear submitted soon to the obedience of Claudius of Caesars linage and accepted of him for their Emperor as soon as he was cry'd up by the Pretorian Soldiers The like to which happened afterwards in many Emperors those being confirmed by the Senate which were chosen by the Army This licence was diversly used by the Soldiers themselves For the Pretorian Bands and that Army wherein the Emperor was at the time of his death pretended a particular priviledg in the choice of the new Emperor Yet Emperors were so often cry'd up by other Armies also which were in several Provinces of the Empire as all of them desirous in Galienus his time to usurp this authority there were thirty two who at one and the same time made use of the name and title of Roman Emperor So as it seems it may be truly said that the Roman Empire was preserved not in respect to unity or to the same form of Government but only in respect of
the diversity of success in these two Commonwealths hath sprung from this diversity of institutions and from so many accidents and not from any one reason as was said at the beginning but in this diversity both of them have their praises and all those perfectâ—ons and felicity which is grantable to humane affairs Rome was Mistress of the World but could not long enjoy this greatness and prosperity nor yet with the quiet of her Citizens But Venice though of much meaner Precincts and condition hath preserved her self as an onely example in her liberty for so many Ages free from all domestick troubles and with the miraculous union and concord of her Citizens The Second DISCOURSE Whether or no the Commonwealth of Venice be to be blamed for having taken upon her the defence of the City of Pisa when it was oppugned by the Florentines I Have often not without some to me appearing reason wondred that some Historians should so much blame the Commonwealth of Venice for having taken upon her the defence of the City of Pisa against the Florentines whereby they may seem to reproach the counsels of those wise and stout Senators who had then the managing of publick affairs in their hands for those very things for which other Princes and States have been by other Writers much celebrated He who will know the truth of such judgements must take unto himself more particular and inward considerations for it often-times falls out that looking into the very pith and marrow of business the clean contrary is found to what did first appear and the face of things do seem to alter Such actions may then be measured either by the ordinary reasons of justice and equity else by the reasons of State which are the more proper If you consider 〈◊〉 action of the Commonwealth according to the first measure what is it that 〈…〉 consciences of these so â—eruplous meâ— to take upon ones self 〈…〉 a pioâ—â— action and beâ—itting great and generous Princes and how miserable was the condition of the poor Pisans how much it did deserve to be imbraced and favored both out of compassion and justice is demonstrated to omit for the present other particulars by what was done at the same time by Charls the Eight King of France whilst he was in Italy and by the so many favors afforded to the cause of Pisa by all the chief of his Court Charls had promised the Florentines to keep the City of Pisa under their Dominion being obliged unto them for their readiness in receiving them into his State and for having afforded them all assistance and accommodation yet did the afflictions of the Pisans appear to be so grievous as he was moved more by compassion then by his own interest or by his promise made to the Florentines A forein Prince used this charity to the Pisans with whom he nor his Kingdom had never held any friendship or confederacie his interests being not only separate from but contrary to their welfare And shall it be thought a strange and irrational thing that the Commonwealth of Venice which had had the Pisans for their friends and associates in divers enterprises and who kept still friendship and commerce with that City from whence also some of the noblest Families of the Commonwealth draw their original and whose cause for the same respects was straitly annex'd unto their own should interest herself in behalf of the Pisans to comfort them in their great affliction Nor ought the Commonwealth of Venice to use greater respect to the Florentines then they had used towards her against whose designs they had so opposed themselves in the Wars formerly made against the Dukes of Milan and Ferrara assisting their Enemies both with men and monies as they were thought to be the chief hinderance why the business undertaken by the Commonwealth with great hopes of good success had no better an end The Venetians were thereunto likewise moved by the example of others For if the Duke of Milan the Genoeses the Lucheses and those of Sienna had assisted the Pisans as much as they were able how could the Venetians whose Forces in Italy were much superior to theirs stand idly looking upon the Pisans miseries and upon the prosperity and greatness of the Florentines whereby the common troubles of Italy were augmented since they alone adhered to the French faction But let us consider a little more particularly the cause which was undertaken to be defended by protecting the Pisans and what it was that they did endeavour Certainly nothing but the recovery of their antient liberty whereof they were bereaved either by their several misfortunes and by the violence of others or at least as they said to reduce themselves to a less severe government then that of the Florentines under whose dominion being faâ—n but a little before and the City of Pisa being sold at a low rate by the Visâ—onti the Pisans pretended first by the favor of Charls the Eight King of France and afterwards by the like of Maximilian the Emperor to be returned to their former liberty The former having used his power and the other his antiâ—nt pretences of the Empire to put them into that condition And grant that respect were to be had to the possession which the Florentines had of that City which notwithstanding was but of later times the Florentines were likewise to have released the Haven of Ligoâ—n to the Gâ—noeses from whom they had taken it by violence The Venetians did not perswade the Pisans to forgo their obedience to the Florentines as Lodovick Sfoza had formerly done for they minded 〈◊〉 the appeasing of the commotions of Italy then the raising of more they did not free them from the bond of obedience to the Florentines as did the Emperor and the King of France because they 〈◊〉 such an action did not belong unto them they were not the first that did 〈◊〉 the 〈…〉 of that City as the Genoeses and those of Sienna had done because they had no intention to advantage themselves by the discord and ruine of others But the City having already totally rejected the obedience of the Florentines being thereof â—â—eed by the authority of other puissant Princes and assisted by other more petty Princes to maintain their liberties the Venetians being requested and conjur'd by the Pisans when they saw them ready to fall into the depth of misery if not assisted by them and that their ruine would draw along with it great prejudice to the peace and liberty of all Italy they at last took upon them their protection and defence And I herein say nothing but what is most true and confirm'd by the testimony of those who have written upon the passages of those times But let us consider other more particular accidents and more weighty respects Charls the Eight King of France was at that time pass'd into Italy to get the Kingdom of Naples an undertaking wherein he had prosperous success which was an ill
friendship with Caesar which was offer'd them with so much advantage to themselvs but had taken up Arms to defend and preserve for that King their Friend and Confederate the State of Milan little mindful of such a service as the usual affections of other men are seldom found amongst Princes conspires her ruine and tuâ—ns those Arms against her which through their friendship were grown so powerful in Italy What should move him thereunto Not desire of revenge for there appeared no injury Not any fear of his own affairs for he had found them already very constant unto them No self-interest for he ought to have been jealous of Caesars greatness who had been his perpetual Enemy and to have wished well unto the Venetians who had been his antient Friends But what shall I say of the rest Had not Caesar the like obligations to the Venetians as the King of France had which should have kept him from such a confederacie Nay had he not peculiar respects which counsell'd him to the contrary The injuries which the French had done to the Empire the King of France his particular hatred to him the high aspiring thoughts of that King pernicious to the dignity of the Empire and to the German liberty Wherefore as he could never promise himself safe and firm friendship from the French so be ought rather to have obviated their power then have help'd to advance it But who could have expected that such an action should have proceeded from the admired wisdom of Ferdinand King of Spain so unusual and so harmful to himself by reason of the prejudice and danger which he was to receive in not preserving the State which he had won in the Kingdom of Naples in peace and quiet For which cause the greatness of the French their fidelity and natural desire of novelty ought to have been â—â—spected by him yet he assented to the increase of their power and of his own danger But how did those generous thoughts which Pope Iulius the Second seemed to bear to the greatness and liberty of Italy correspond with his joining in confederacie with the Transaâ—pine Princes who went about to oppress her by the ruine of that Commonwealth which was confest by all men to be at that time the Maintainer of the Glory of Italy and the hope that she might again rise to her antient greatness and reputation What safety could the Apostolick Sea expect by increasing the power of those Princes in Italy who were great of themselves whom he feared and upon whose authority he foresaw the Popes of Rome must depend These certainly were such things as did transcend whatsoever could have faln into the imagination of the Venetian Senators or of any other men how wise soever Nor was the immensity of the danger less nor less able to molest and confound the minds of those who were to prepare for resistance against so great a War The King of France his Forces were of themselves very powerful that Kingdom being then more flourishing then it had been for many years before and become more formidable by the possession which the French had got of the Dukedom of Milan which afforded them mighty conveniencies to assault the Coâ—fines of the Common-wealth And though Caesars Forces were not of themselves greatly considerable yet were they increased by the fame he gave out that he led his Army into Italy to make a certain and noble prey thereof and with a mind to restore the Empire to its almost lost greatness whereby he reconciled the mindes of the German Princes and people and got them to joyn their Forces with his Moreover the King of Spains Naval preparation was in particular to be feared to prevent the which those Sea-Forces of the Commonwealth were to be imployed which should all of them have been imployed in defending the State by Land from so fierce an assault The Pope added no small reputation to the League by his authority and his Spiritual arms being accompanied with Temporal forces became the more dreadful And though the other petty Princes forces were but small yet was their will to offend the Commonwealth great and the Kings of England Poland and Hungary were sought unto and sollicited by all these together to join with them and to declare enmity to the Venetians If then the Venetians had yielded to this so new and great preparation for War which like Thunder made both its noise and harm be heard and felt at once what could have been said unto them Ought not they to have been judged worthy of excuse and their Commonwealth free from the imputation that their Orders were no ways good For as an object of immensurable force does not move but corrupt the sense so the encountring with so weighty a conspiracie was a thing not likely to incite the Commonwealth to shew her vertue but rather to disorder and to confound her Yet it is seen how she behaved herself upon such an occasion and whether it may be inferred from these her first counsels as from a thing that was in her own power that she was not worth much or that she did any thing unworthy of herself of her fame or of the reputation which she held amongst other potent Princes of that Age. What appearance was there in her of any fear or rather what greater sign could be desired in her of generous confidence and most noble daring What did she resolve to yield up of free-will What noise what complaints were heard which shewed that she would terminate that contention with vain words which could not be ended but with Arms The Answer which was given to the French Herald who came to denounce unto them that the King was upon his march in Arms against the Commonwealth was onely that that War was intimated them from the King when they had more reason to expect Amity and Peace from him but that they would not be wanting to their own defence being confident that they should be able to defend themselves by their own Forces and through the right of their cause The effects were answerable to their words for they betook themselves forthwith to provide for so great a War The most expert Commanders were sent for from all parts veteran Soldiers mustered in all places in so great numbers and so qualified as it was agreed upon by the common consent of all that neither that Age nor any other for many years before had seen such an Army of meer Italians in Italy Great and very miraculous was the union and concord both in the Senate and City wherewith men of all conditions and ages to lend their helping hand to assist their Country at so great a need There appeared so great a zeal in every one to the common good such resolution to maintain the state and liberty of the Commonwealth even to the last gasp as those who have appeared to be no very good friends to the Venetians in other things do praise these proceedings being forced so
and which may admit of divers considerations It is an antient and approved proverb That a Bridg of Gold ought to be made for an Enemy that flies And this is grounded upon solid reasons for no Battel can be fought without much hazard and uncertainty of success since there may happen many unthought of accidents wherein the use of wisdom is excluded Therefore where to join battel is to be thought a good advice the condition of affairs must be such as that a man be not necessitated thereunto but makes it his choice and comes to it with greater hopes of overcoming then fear of being worsted and likewise the advantage must be more that is to be expected from the Victory then the prejudice which depends upon the loss thereof By thus measuring the carriage of these affairs by these rules we may the better know what judgment to give thereof If we consider the state of affairs before the Armies drew near there appears no necessity of fighting at that time For the King of France led his men back over the Mountains to their own homes without prejudice or injury to any one so as the meeting him to stop his passage and give him battel proceeded from election and from the determinate counsel of the Princes that were Confederates against him But what the end of the combat was like to be and how the business was ballanced might be guess'd at by many particulars before a stroke was struck The King of France led along with him an Army consisting of French and Switzers the former excellent for the Horse-Militia and the latter excellently well disciplin'd in Foot-service So as the Italian Militia was confess'd by all men to be far inferior to both these for they had wholly lost all their antient excellent institutions and had wanted true discipline for many years being by Foremers bereft of their antient military glory But the much different impressions which were in the Soldiers themselves was of great importance upon this occasion The French were haughty and puffed up by their success at Naples they slighted the Enemy their very name seeming to have infused so much terror into all the Italians as that neither Princes nor People had dared to oppose them but afforded them free and safe passage every where On the contrary the Italians accustomed only to such Wars as were made in Italy wherein little valor was shewen and less discipline without almost any loss of blood as if it were for meer shew and sport were to fear the unusual encounter with the French and to boot with their valor to apprehend their prosperity which had made the way so easie to them to so great and so noble an acquisition The Kings party was likewise favored by the Kings own presence and the danger which his own person was in which occasioned no small daring in the French Soldiery some being thereunto stirr'd up by their natural love to their King others by hopes of reward and others for fear of punishment But of all things else the diversity of the cause ought to be of greatest moment For the French had no hopes of safety save what lay in their Arms being in an Enemies Country the way in their return home very difficult by reason of the craggy Mountains though they should meet with no impediment by the Enemy the Army of the Colleagues suffered not under the like necessity for being at its own home it might be sure upon any adverse fortune to have safe receptacle in every City Moreover the Italians were incited to fight onely out of a desire of honor or of revenge and this was much more in the Princes and Commanders then in the common Soldier which things being well considered might by reason of what is the usual issue of such actions cause rather doubt then hope of victory if they should come to a day of Battel or at least might make it appear that businesses were so equally balanced and so doubtful as where there was no inforcing necessity to pursue a business so full of danger was not worth the while We must now consider the advantage as also the disadvantage which might happen upon the good or bad success of the battel which though it be in all affairs doubtful and uncertain yet out of the aforesaid respects it was now both those in extremity We will say that the then chief moving cause was to drive the French Army out of Italy and to restore those of Aragon to their Kingdom out of which they were driven by K. Charls The confederate Princes might in all liklihood have compast this their intention by other more safe and more secure means For what disturbance might they meet withal in the enterprise which they were to endeavor against the French in the very Kingdom of Naples from that Army which hasted to pass over the Mountains and was to dissolve of it self And say that those people should be routed and defeated should therefore the Kingdom of Naples be disposed of according to the pleasure of the Italian Victors No certainly for the King had already left strong Garisons there of his best Soldiers to secure it The victory could not be so great and favorable for the Italians but that they must have lost some of their men so as if they had a mind to attempt any thing upon the affairs of Naples it had been better for them to have gone with all their Forces upon that enterprise then to give battel to those who did not any waies oppose their design since when they should have overcome them they were to go with that Army lessened by the Battel and wearied with marching to the main business of taking the Kingdom of Naples where the things offered at by Ferdinand would have had easier success if he had entred the Kingdom with greater Forces and as he was willingly received by the City of Naples whither he might come at first with those few men he had so would the rest of the Cities willingly have revolted from the French and have put themselves under the obedience of Ferdinand if they had seen he had Forces sufficient to defend himself and to make good their rebellion But say that the Colleagues would have secured themselves yet better from the French to the end that their intentions upon the Kingdom of Naples might not be hindred or diverted had it not been better for them to go with the Army of the league to find out Monsieur d' Orleans who at the same time had possest himself of the City of Novara to drive him out of Italy together with those of his party who had setled themselves there then to follow those who did of themselves that which was most desired by the league to wit hasten back over the mountains Nay it may be further said that unless the French should be necessitated as seeing their King in danger as also that Army which was pursued by the Italians they would not peradventure
harmonie is composed of differing â—ones of Vâ—yces The perfectest State Governments alwaies provided that they be essential and not meer Idea's are those which being composed of the Three best do comprehend the perfections of all the Three and it is easie to observe the like in many other things And Aristotle when he would shew the perfection which proceeds in every thing from this concourse and union of many doth instance in the example well known in those times of publick banquets and entertainments where those wherein many were imployed some in one thing some in another proved more noble and sumptuous then those which were made by any one onely though never so wealthy Citizen Let us then gather by this that such Forces likewise wherein several Potentates do concur for some noble and important action where every one lends his assistance and advice will be fitter to atchieve any great enterprise then those of one onely though never so great a Prince In War there are several Offices and several imployments whereunto we see that one Nâ—tion is not so proper be it either by reason of the several influences of the Heavens or through custom which is a second nature as is another So in this mistery of War several people prove proper for several imployments In pitcht Battels the Dutch and Switzers have exceeded others and have purchast most fame The Italians have been alwaies esteemed for making assaults and storming of Cities and the Spainards are held better then others at defending a strong hold by reason of their undergoing labor and disquiet and for their dexteritie in military actions Others are better at Horse-service then on foot as the French others are good at Seafaring and at Maritiâ—e Discipline as the Genâ—â—ses Pâ—â—tugeses and Venetians and others have been pâ—â—ticularly addicted to other exercises So as those who are able to imploy several people and several Forces as Leagues may do especially if they be made between puissant Princes may have great designs for they shall have wherewith to offend and defend both by Land and Sea and numbers enough of Soldiers â—it to undertake and accomplish whatsoever Enterprise But besides this many things are requisite for the maintaining a long War Arms Ammunition Victuals Money and other things the which no one State can sufficiently furnish at least not without much incommodity for any long time but where many joyâ— together and every one furnisheth somewhat which they most aboâ—nd in the enterprise is sâ—â—e not to be impeded nor retarded for want of any thing nor for the difficulties which are occasioned thereby Moreover for great enterprises as they cannot be so soon effected so are they subject to the hazard of ill success when they depend upon one onely Commander who when he is lost there is never another of equal authority valor and experience left to succeed him for there are but few of those that are fit for much pains-taking and for management of great affairs Insomuch as that State is very happy which in more then one Age meets with a generous and warlike Prince and that Prince is very fortunate who when he will not follow the Wars in his own person hath a Subject of his so qualified as becomes him to be who is to command an Army when the War is difficult and of importance which is the cause why we often-times see great enterprises which are weâ—â— begun precipitate into great disorders and ruines The death of Alexander the Great without any legitimate Heirs fit to undertake the Government of such an Empire and of so weighty affairs kept the Macedonians and Grecians of which two Nations his valiant and unconquered Army did consist from following his prosperous course and from conquering the Well as he had done the East and which whilst he was alive he had proposed to himself to do The Carthaginians chiefest ruine arose from the want of Commanders for having placed their hopes in one onely Hannibal they were forced to send for him back out of Italy to defend themselves in Africa against Scipio and his fortune forgoing him when he was beaten they knew not whom to betake themselves unto to uphold their tottering Commonwealth But in Leagues there is no such hazard run since the best Commanders that are in any of the Confederate Princes States may be imploied and the Princes themselves may serve upon an urgent occasion so as one Commander being lost another may be found to succeed him of as great excellency and worth For every State hath usually in all Ages had some one man more eminent then the rest unto whom is greatest extremities they have recourse So as a League if we suppose it to be like a well Fabrickt humane body may since it hath the strength of many Dominions united in it be resembled to Briarâ—â—â— for strength for as he had a hundred hands to make use of as he pleased in several actions so many do lend help to such a League and make it stronger and fitter for any undertaking Moreover when we have to do with a very powerful Prince as it falls out in great Enterprises if we will weaken his strength we may endeavor chiefly to keep his forces divided and imploied in several parts for so they are lessened and become less apt to make resistance but as this will be hard for a single Prince to do though a great one for he who will drive another man from his own home must be much stronger then be so is it more easily done when many are confedrates together and this not onely because several â—orces joyned together prove the greater as hath been said and several Armies abounding with all things necessary may be thereout framed but for the commoâ—iousness which several confederate States have of assaulting the Enemies Country at one and the same time in several parts Wherefore when any great and difficult enterprise was to be undertaken not to speak of antient times but of more modren ones against the Saracens and the Turks two Nations which have governed and domineered in these latter times with great fame and force recourse was had to Leagues to Câ—â—sadas and to the unions of Christian Princes by means whereof notable things have been done against those cruel Barbarians How many Princes how many several Nations join'd together in the time of Pope Urban the Second for the recovery of the Holy Land About Fifty thousand fighting men were raised commanded in chief by Godfrey of Bullen who gained so many and so famous Victories and so worthy of eternal glory this holy League having regained more then a hundred Cities in Asia which were possest by the Saracens And in the tâ—me of Baldwin the Third King of Ierusalem when the Emperor Conradus and Lodowick King of France joining together with other lesser Princes went themselves in person against the said Saracens did not they do excellent exploâ—ts though couzened and be rayed by some Lords of Asia they could not continue
not able of themselves to do any notable action so as one Nation or one Prince not being able to overcome another and all of them wanting the excellencie of good Orders he who hath at any time endeavored to advance himself by some design hath been forced to have recourse to the advantage of Leagues of which Italy since by reason of the declination of the Western Empire she hath been divided into so many members and Scignories hath in particular afforded many examples which may serve to teach whatsoever belongs to these Leagues whereof we do not read of any great good effect which hath ensued at last or at least which have continued long in their first prosperity for their Forces though powerful enough of themselves when met withal by contrary respects and wearied in their first attempts have soon gone but lamely off And he who shall well consider such particulars as are most necessary in great undertakings will easily see how badly they do correspond in Leagues Deliberations would be wise and mature but not slow and unseasonable execution would be speedy and bold counsels are oft-times to be taken upon unexpected accidents the end of all ought to be one and the same though the Offices Degrees and Authorities be different the respect and aim one and the same whereunto all resolutions do tend to wit the safety glory and the greatness of that Prince or State for whom the War is made the reward and honor one and the same and alike the loss and shame so as the possibility of haveing means to lay the fault on another do not retard the doing of what is â—itting These are things which have alwaies been hard and rare to be found yet they may the more easily be met withal in an enterprise which is undertaken by one onely wise Prince or by one well governed Commonwealth But in Leagues all things run counter byass to these important affairs It is not alwaies generositie but fear which makes a Prince take up Arms which likewise makes others joyn with him who otherwise do much differ from him in desires and interest but that brunt being over and every one being in their former particular and more natural condition he who dreads War bends to idleness and willingly takes all occasions to change War for Peace and he who was become a friend by reason of some contingencie not out of any good will discovering his real affection upon some other occasion or by reason of some change returns to be not onely as formerly an Enemy but more inveterate then before so as these Ties of Common interests being soon loosened either by particular interest or by some other affection hatred confusion and disorder doth thereupon ensue The Moralists â—ay That friendship cannot long continue between those where one and the same thing is not interchangeably given and received and that therefore true friendship is onely found where the end is not that which is advantagâ—ous or delightful because equal correspondencie is not usually there but what is honest which alwaies is and does still continue the same on all behalfs In the Friendship or Leagues of Princes every one hath his own conveniencie and particular benefit for his aimed at end and then the like of others onely so far as by accident it may square with his But it commonly falls out that what makes for one makes against another so as the â—ame things cannot please all wherefore a thousand accidents do easiry cause diversity of opinions contentions and breaches so as hardly any League hath been able to preserve it self any long time It is also usually seen that no man minds what is recommended to the care of many and therefore in Leagues which are fastned together but with weak Ties whilst one doth either trust upon anothers provisions or is ill satisfied with others omissions men neglect their own daties and study more to pick a hole in anothers coat then to mind his own business The ignomiâ—y which may inâ—ue upon such defaults and the loss of reputation which use to be great incitements to a noble mind are not so much valued in things which are undertaken and negotiated by many together because the way lies fair to excuse ones self by laying the fault upon another or at least the fault is lessened by others being sharers therein Thus that common benefit which is so magnified and cried up and which ought to be their onely object is found onely in a certain fancied Idea and in a potentia remota or in a vain and useless appearance whilst none endeavor to reduce it to its true essential and perfect being by laying aside their own proper and peculiar advantage and by directing his actions to the common good of his Colleagues So as he who shall duly consider what the first intention is of making a League and with what degrees it is proceeded in afterwards and to what ends it is directed will by many evident examples find it quickly so transformed as though it meet not with any external forces it easily dissolves and moulders away of it self Leagues made by Christians against the Turks have oft-times in particular met with these impediments and difficulties the League between Pope Alexander the Sixt and the three most powerful Kingdoms of Europe the Kingdoms of Spain Fance and Portugal and the Commonwealth of Venice was stipulated with great hopes and noble intentions the Venetian and French Fleet came into the Archipelagâ— where they had some prosperous success but the forces of the other Colleagues were in vain expected the first year and it ended the second year before it had fully effected any thing by reason of the discords which arose between the Crowns of France and Spain which were occasioned by the division of Naples so as these Princes turned their Arms each upon other which were intended against the Infidels The league made between Pope Paul the Third the Emperor Charls the Fift and the Commonwealth of Venice against Sultan Soliman likewise ended almost as soon as it was begun and it is too well known as being of rescent memory what occasions of victories were thereby lost and out of what respects But what greater thing could be expected from any League then from that which God blest with the famous victory at the Curzâ—laâ—â— Islands Yet how slight a matter was able to reâ—â—â—d the glorious atchievements which were with reason to be expected from thence when a slight suspition of the Spainards that the States of Flanders might be molested by the French by reason of the going of the Duke of Alanson the Kings Brother towards those parts was sufficient to keep back the Fleet which was destied for so great affair in the Levant and to make the best season of the year pass over without any advantage whereupon all other things â—ell into great disorders and the League was quickly â—erminated Neither can this natural motion of Leagues be so stopt by any means or
hopes There remains yet some things to be stated which have formerly been alleadged in the behalf of Leagues lest they may get more credit amongst men then they deserve To that then which was said That the multiplicity of the movers make the greater motion and things are better done by many especially things of the highest nature then by reason of the imperâ—ection and weakness of our humanity can be effected by a few it may be answered That it is true that the assistance of many is requisite to the affecting of great things but it is also as true that for the right carrying on of affairs it is requisite that the second causes to speak in terms of natural Philosophie should be subordinate to the first as is seen in the Order and Government of the world So doubtlesly no great enterprises can be effected without Armies Commanders and a thousand other necessaries but by how much the more all these are constituted under the power of one alone by which their order and union is the greater the work they take in hand will prove so much the more excellent and perfect A Prince though single in what he goes about is not forbidden the making use of Soldiers of several Nations in his Militia to the end that he may have an Army as hath been said fitter for any military action in businesses which are at once undertaken against several States so as all of them be to be understood as Enemies though they be not confederates but the truest and securest rule in this case would be to be so careful and diligent in training up and in disciplining a Prince his own Militia as that he may be able to provide for all actions of War out of men of his own Dominions as we see those have done who have done the most glorious actions The same may be said of other things belonging to War for which a wise Prince ought so to provide as that he may rely upon himself and not upon the friendship of others As for the assertion that Leagues do abound in Chiestains fit to command Armies this proves not alwaies true by reason of the scarcity of excellent men which hath been found in all Ages or say that such be to be found amongst confederate Princes they use to cause more of discord and contention by reason that every one pretends to have the supreme command and chiefest honor in the Militia and more of prejudice to the Leagues then of profit or advantage And if it be found that some Leagues have effected great matters it hath happened though but seldom where the particular respects which we have mentioned have concurr'd But in the fore-named unions made by Christians against Infidels no good reasons can be given which do sute well with the business now in hand if we speak of Leagues according to the ordinary acception of reason of State for such Princes or People as were signed with the Crâ—ciata had all of them but one onely respect and affection which was more prevalent with them then any other to wit their zeal to religion therefore their Forces not being onely kept together by that so powerful bond but even their souls more heavenly then humane rewards being proposed to them they might work miraculous effects though they could not even in this case altogether shâ—â— those disorders which are caused by the association of so many and by the multiplicity of sovereign Lords and of Nations The same may be said of other Unions as of those that did associate the Romans and of the Hans Towns of Germany for amongst these certain particular respects did concur which were common to them all no respects of States concerning differing interests and other things which have been considered in Unions which do truly and usually bear this name of Leagues For when though against Infidels any enterprises have been attempted by Leagues out of other reasons and other humane respects concurring more principally therein what success they have had and how different though usual to Leagues may plainly be known by other examples already spoken of The Sixth DISCOURSE Why modern Princes have not done actions equal to those which were done by the Antients THere are some who praising only the actions of antient times do equally blame all modern deportments and hold them in little or no account as if the way were block'd up to those who are born in our days to keep them from arriving at any height of glory Others on the contrary labor to heap our present Age with all manner of praise and to compare it to the most celebrated and most cry'd up former times affirming that the antient worth is sprung up again in these our days and in our now modern men which come noâ— short of nor differ from the former times or men save in the veneration which is given to Antiquity They celebrate the ingenuity of modern men for the excellencie and perfection unto which they have brought many noble Arts and Sciences which were obscured and of no esteem in former times particularly that of the Militia In which respect by the so many new-found ways of Fortification and expugning strong Holds by their Engines and by other very miraculous Inventions it appears that the industry of Modern men hath not only equall'd but in many things much exceeded that of the Antients and that the glory of many excellent Professors of the most esteemed Arts shines cleerer in the present Age for that they have not only sufficiently improved that of the Militia but also Architecture Painting Sculpture and other noble Arts and Disciplines which are adornments to Civil life and have drawn them out â— obscurity wherein they were hidden for a while I do not differ so much from the opinion of these men nor do I think that other mens actions ought to be so much heightned as that through a foolish modesty or ignorance we should undervalue our own when they deserve praise But as for Military actions which as they are the most perspicuous to the eyes of all men so are they most commended or blamed by the universality of men when I call to mind the warlike actions done by the Antients and those done by our Modern men methinks that those do so far exceed these as they can hardly admit of any comparison though these latter Ages as they have produced more excellent Wits in other Disciplines so also may they glory in the valor and generosity of some Princes no less great in worth then in Forces But that which peradventure affords no less cause of wonder and which affords particular matter for this discourse is to consider whence it is that modern Princes though some of them have been generously minded and of much experience and worth in military affairs of great possessions and strong in power yet have they not been able to bring to pass such enterprises as for their weighty consideration for the shortness of time or for the
having the luck to light upon excellent Masters I made some advancement I will not say that now I am sorâ—ie for it for the fear least the time that I imploied therein might have been spent worse but surely I cannot deny but that I did thereby foment that affection which doth sometimes prevaâ—câ—â—e better to wit to the desire of praise and of self-estimation Knowledge doth oft-times puff up him that is master of it so as he forgâ—â—s to glory in the Lord I dare not say I possessed it for hardly could I taste the waters of the over-flowing fountains of learning through the shallowness of wit and other affairs that I was busied in yet man doth easily flatter himself and attributes unto himself more then falls to his share Which is the cause why ambition is seen to get into all places yea even into their most secret retirements who forsake the world being a vice which is the harder to be cured for that it keeps close and hidden But what shall I say more What could I answer if I should be asked what fruit I reaped by these my studies I might peradventure say that the little of Philosophie which I learnt hath more awakened my understanding in knowing the truth of things But say I pray what need hath he to have recourse to the candle light of humane knowledge who hath the bright Sun-shine of Grace in him and to whom infallible truth is revealed I did for a while give my self to study Moralâ—ie wherein I took such delight as I wrote a book thereof which I was afterwards perswaded to print and so to impart it unto others I learned how to become morally good it is true I did but is not the first precept in this knowledge that the doctrine of manners is it of self very vain For it consists in doing in action not in knowing it had been much better that setting his commandements before mine eies who is the true and real Master of that Christian life which I live and have yet to live I should have imploied my time in observing the precepts of the divine Law rather then in collecting the Documents of Philosophers who wanting the taste of that truest chiefest and most excellent vertue which divine love doth so much the more afford as it is the more ardently inflamed applied themselves to a certain mediocritie which is better discerned or known in their Idea or in their writings then in the affections or actions which they go about to moderate Afterwards when I was come to mans Estate being commanded so to do by him whom I ought to obey and it being a thing also which I my self did much desire I betook my self to write the History of my Country a good and gallant work But what proportion can the good reward which I hoped for thereby bear with the pains I took which was truly very great Had I spent part of the time and study which I imployed therein in the reading of divine Books I cannot doubt but that I should have been inflamed with the love of spiritual things which for so long a time I did so little relish And to pass by other things I cannot deny as best knowing mine own intrincecal affections but that whilst I labored so much to celebrate the fame and glory of others by these my Writings I often felt within my self a certain tickling and delight out of the hope which I flattered my self withal and wherewith I nourished my thoughts that by these my labors I my self might likewise reap some honor and as the Poets say live in my fame after my death Oh gross vanity and when this affection with which I must confess I was sometimes drunk gives place to reason I acknowledge that amongst all vanities none is greater then wordly glory which is vain because man glories of that which is none of his for he hath received every good thing especially the endowments of the soul from God Vain because it is nothing of it self it hath no true existencâ—e it is made up of various opinions of men and of theirs most who know least Vain because it reflects upon that which is not in us upon that which is a trivial and common accident to wit our Fame the memory whereof we do with so much vanity desire to propagate Tell me thou humane soul which are so much â—â—amored of this bare shadow of good which doth not at all belong unto thee if after thou art departed out of this world thou couldst have any thing to do with humane affections what good would this folse glory do thee which thou dost so much doâ—e upon as thou dost sometimes lose the way which leads to true heavenly glory If thou shalt be damned and in the eternal torments of Hell thinkest thou that the satisfaction of this thy glory shall be able any waies to ease those immense and unconceivable Torments and in thou shall be fixt in heavenly bliss what need in that abode hath he of worldly glory who is glorified with eternal glory who is satisfied who is content who is for ever blessed But since I examine mine own waies I return to consider my life Some few years since I gave myself to the government of my Country wherein I found the way so plain and easie and the savor and grace of my Country so far above my merits as I soon got into great Honors and into the chiefest Imployments which I still containe in and do imploy my time But my Talent is so small as though I spend it all I know it is but little And if I spend all how can I according to humane respect be blamed Or what reason have others to complain more of me then I have of my self Since so little a part of my life remains or almost none at all wherein I may recollect my thoughts what time have I to think of my end to repent me of my sins to endeavor amendment and yet I see I am not diligent in doing any thing The most troublesom yea and the most contented thoughts wherewith my mind is now incumbred will vanish as a shadow or as smoak before the winde and shall be withered as flowers by the Suns beams and yet whilst this mind of mine is continually involved in these afficuous cares it is so filled with the fantasms of those things wherein I imploy my self all the day long as I most meditate onely upon them and though unwillingly have them alwaies before mine ties at all times in every place and upon all occasions So as all contemplation of nobler and better things which I sometimes turn my self unto is alwaies mixt with these base affections and troubled with these clouds of worldly thoughts Alas how hard is it to serve two Masters God and the World The world measures its actions by its worldly respects he who makes that his stay who lives accoâ—dâ—ng to that can make no new laws to himself but must govern himself by