taste of the Method whereby he will maintain his Army And you may see of what sort of People he intends his Army to consist and if you have not a mind to serve such Masters then stand not by and see your Country-men perish when they are endeavouring to defend you I promise this on my Word and Honour to every Tenant that goes along with me That if he fall I will make his Lease as good to his Family as it was when he went from home The thing then which I desire and your Country does expect from you is this That every Man that hath a tollerable Horse or can procure one will meet me on Boden-Downs to morrow where I Randezvouz But if any of you is rendred unable by reason of Age or any other just Excuse then that he would mount a fitter Person and put five Pounds in his Pocket Those that have not nor cannot procure Horse let them stay at home and assist with their Purses and send it to me with a particular of every Man's Contribution I impose on no Man but let him lay his Hand on his Heart and consider what he is willing to give to recover his Religion and Liberty and to such I promise and to all that go along with me that if we prevail I will be as industrious to have him recompenced for his Charge and Hazard as I will be to seek it for my self This Advice I give to all that stay behind That when you hear the Papists have committed any Out-rage or any Rising that you will get together for it is better to meet your Danger than expect it I have no more to say but that I am willing to lose my Life in the Cause if God see it good for I was never unwilling to die for my Religion and Country Prince GEORGE'S LETTER TO THE KING SIR WIth a Heart full of Grief am I forced to write that Prudence will not permit me to say to your Face And may I e'er find Credit with your Majesty and Protection from Heaven as what I now do is free from Passion Vanity or Design with which Actions of this Nature are too often accompanied I am not ignorant of the frequent Mischiefs wrought in the World by factious Pretences of Religion but were not Religion the most justifiable Cause it would not be made the most specious Pretence And your Majesty has always shewn too uninterested a Sense of Religion to doubt the just Effects of it in one whose Practices have I hope never given the World cause to censure his real Conviction of it or his backwardness to perform what his Honour and Conscience prompt him to How then can I longer disguise my just Concern for that Religion in which I have been so happily educated which my Judgment throughly convinces me to be the best and for the Support of which I am so highly interested in my Native Country and is not England now by the most endearing Tie become so Whilst the restless Spirits of the Enemies of the REFORMED RELIGION back'd by the cruel Zeal and prevailing Power of France justly alarm and unite all the Protestant Princes of Christendom and engage them in so vast an Expence for the support of it can I act so degenerous and mean a part as to deny my Concurrence to such worthy Endeavours for disabusing of your Majesty by the Reinforcement of those Laws and Establishment of that Government on which alone depends the well-being of your Majesty and of the PROTESTANT RELIGION in Europe This Sir is that irresistable and only Cause that cou'd come in Competition with my Duty and Obligations to your Majesty and be able to tear me from you whilst the same Affectionate Desire of serving you continues in me Could I secure your Person by the Hazard of my Life I should think it could not be better emploied And wou'd to God these your distracted Kingdoms might yet receive that satisfactory Compliance from your Majesty in all their justifiable Pretensions as might upon the only sure Foundation that of the Love and Interest of your Subjects establish your Government and as strongly unite the Hearts of all your Subjects to You as is that of SIR Your Majesty's most Humble and most Obedient Son and Servant The Lord CHURCHIL'S LETTER to the KING SIR SInce Men are seldom suspected of Sincerity when they act contrary to their Interests and though my dutiful Behaviour to your Majesty in the worst of Times for which I acknowledg my poor Services much over-paid may not be sufficient to incline You to a charitable Interpretation of my Actions yet I hope the great Advantage I enjoy under Your Majesty which I can never expect in any other Change of Government may reasonably convince Your Majesty and the World that I am acted by a higher Principle when I offer that violence to my Inclination and Interest as to desert Your Majesty at a time when your Affairs seem to challenge the strictest Obedience from all Your Subjects much more from one who lies under the greatest personal Obligations imaginable to Your Majesty This Sir could proceed from nothing but the inviolable Dictates of my CONSCIENCE and a necessary concern for my RELIGION which no good Man can oppose and with which I am instructed nothing ought to come in Competition Heaven knows with what partiality my dutiful Opinion of Your Majesty hath hitherto represented those unhappy Designs which inconsiderate and self-interested Men have framed against Your Majesty's true Interest and the Protestant Religion But as I can no longer joyn with such to give a pretence by Conquest to bring them to effect so will I always with the hazard of my Life and Fortune so much Your Majesty's due endeavour to preserve Your Royal Person and Lawful Rights with all the tender Concern and dutiful Respect that becomes SIR Your Majesty's most dutiful and most obliged Subject and Servant The Princess ANNE of Denmark's LETTER to the QVEEN MADAM I Beg your pardon if I am so deeply affected with the surprising News of the Princes being gone as not to be able to see You but to leave this Paper to Express my humble Duty to the King and your Self and to let You know that I am gone to absent my self to avoid the King's Displeasure which I am not able to bear either against the Prince or my self and I shall stay at so great a distance as not to return before I hear the happy News of a Reconcilement And as I am confident the Prince did not leave the King with any other Design than to use all possible means for his Preservation so I hope You will do me the Justice to believe that I am uncapable of following him for any other End. Never was any one in such an unhappy Condition so divided between Duty and Affection to a Father and a Husband and therefore I know not what to do but to follow one to preserve the other I see the general
endeavour the same with his Holiness who says He cannot nor ought not to recede from what he has done otherwise it were in effect to submit to the Articles made in France by the Clergy in 1682 and consequently of too great moment to recant and therefore Submission ought to come from the Son and not from the Father I recommend my self Reverend Father to your Prayers and Blessing desiring you would continue to assist me with your Salutal Counsels and rest for ever Yours c. St. Iame's Feb. 9. III. The Answer of the Reverend Father la Chese Confessor to the Most Christian King to a Letter of the Reverend Father Petre Iesuit and Great Almoner to the King of England upon the Method or Rule he must observe with His Majesty for the Conversion of His Protestant Subjects Most Reverend Father WHen I compare the Method of the French Court which declares against all Heresies with the Policy of other Princes who had the same Design in former Ages I find so great a difference that all that passes now a days in the King's Council is an impenetrable Mystery and the Eyes of all Europe are opened to see what happens but cannot discover the Cause When Francis the First and Henry the Second his Son undertook to ruine the Reformation they had to struggle with a Party which was but beginning and weak and destitute of Help and consequently easier to be overcome In the time of Francis the Second and Charles the Ninth a Family was seen advanc'd to the Throne by the Ruine of the Protestants who were for the House of Bourbon In this last Reign many Massacres hapned and several Millions of Hereticks have been sacrificed but it answer'd otherways and his Majesty has shew'd by the peace and mild ways he uses that he abhors shedding of Blood from which you must perswade his Britannick Majesty who naturally is inclin'd to Roughness and a kind of Boldness which will make him hazard all if he does not politickly manage it as I hinted in my last when I mentioned my Lord Chancellor Most Reverend Father to satisfy the desire I have to shew you by my Letters the Choice you ought to make of such Persons fit to stir-up I will in few words since you desire it inform you of the Genius of the People of our Court of their Inclinations and which of them we make use of that by a Parallel which you will make between them and your English Lords you may learn to know them Therefore I shall begin with the Chief I mean our Great Monarch It is certain he is naturally good and loves not to do Evil unless desired to do it This being so I may say he never would have undertaken the Conversion of his Subjects without the Clergy of France and without our Societies Correspondence abroad He is a Prince enlightned who very well observes that what we put him upon is contrary to his Interest and that nothing is more opposite to his Great Designs and his Glory he aiming to be the Terror of all Europe The vast number of Malecontents he has caused in his Kingdom forces him in time of Peace to keep three times more Forces than his Ancestors did in the greatest Domestick and Foreign Wars which cannot be done without a prodigious Expence The Peoples Fears also begin to lessen as to his aspiring to an Universal Monarchy and they may assure themselves he has left those Thoughts nothing being more opposite to his Designs than the Method we enjoyn him His Candor Bounty and Toleration to the Hereticks would undoubtedly have open'd the Doors of the Low Countries Palatinate and all other States on the Rhine and even of Switzerland whereas things are at present so alter'd that we see the Hollanders free from any fear of danger the Switzers and City of Geneva resolv'd to lose the last drop of their Blood in their Defence Besides some Diversion we may expect from the Empire in case we cannot hinder a Peace with the Turks which ought to hasten his Britannick Majesty while he can be assured of Succors from the most Christian King. Sir his Majesty's Brother is always the same I mean takes no notice of what passes at Court. It has sometimes happen'd that the King's Brothers have acted so as to be noted in the State but this we may be assur'd will never do any thing to stain the Glory of his Submission and Obedience And is willing to lend a helping-hand for the Destruction of the Hereticks which appears by the Instances he makes to his Majesty who now has promised him to cause his Troops to enter into the Palatinate the next Month. The â—auphin is passionately given up to Hunting and little regards the Conversion of Souls and it does not seem easy to make him penetrate into Business of Moment and therefore we do not care to consult him which way and how the Hereticks ought to be treated He openly laughs at us and slights all the Designs of which the King his Father makes great account The Dauphiness is extreamly witty and is without doubt uneasy to shew it in other Matters besides Complements of Conversation She has given me a Letter for the Queen of England wherein after her expression of the part she bears of the News of her Majesty's being with Child she gives her several Advices about the Conversion of her Subjects Most Reverend Father She is undoubtedly born a great Enemy to the Protestants and has promoted all she could with his Majesty in all that has been done to hasten their Ruin especially having been bred in a Court of our Society and of a House whose hatred against the Protestant Religion is Hereditary because she has been raised up by the Ruin of the German Protestant Princes especially that of the Palatinate But the King having caused her to come to make Heirs to the Crown she answers expectation to the utmost Monsieur Louvois is a Man who very much observes his Duty which he performs to admiration and to whom we must ackâ—owledg France owes part of the Glory it has hitherto gained both in regard of its Conquests as also the Conversion of Hereticks to which latter I may say he has contributed as much as the King he has already shewed himself Fierce Wrathful and Hardhearted in his Actions towards them though he is not naturally inclin'd to Cruelty nor to harrass the People His Brother the Arch-bishop of Rheims has Ways which do not much differ from those of his Soul and all the difference I find between them is That the Arch-bishop loves his own Glory as much as Monsieur de Louvois loves that of his Majesty He is his own Idol and give him but Incense and you may obtain any thing Honour is welcome to him let it come which way it will. The least Thing provokes this Prelate and he will not yield any thing derogatory to his Paternity He will seem Learned he will seem a great
his Majesty to Treat with Him. And his Highnesses Answer WHereas on the 8 th of December 1688 at Hungerford a Paper signed by the Marquess of Hallifax the Earl of Nottingham and the Lord Godolphin Commissioners sent unto Us from His Majesty was delivered to Us in these Words following viz. SIR THE King commandeth us to acquaint You That he observeth all the Differences and Causes of Complaint alledged by Your Highness seem to be referred to a Free Parliament His Majesty as He hath already declared was resolved before this to call one but thought that in the present State of Affairs it was adviseable to defer it till things were more compos'd Yet seeing that His People still continue to desire it He hath put forth His Proclamation in order to it and hath Issued forth His Writs for the calling of it And to prevent any Cause of Interruption in it He will consent to every thing that can be reasonably required for the Security of all those that shall come to it His Majesty hath therefore sent Us to attend Your Highness for the adjusting of all Matters that shall be agreed to be necessary to the Freedom of Elections and the Security of Sitting and is ready immediately to enter into a Treaty in Order to it His Majesty proposeth that in the mean time the respective Armies may be restrained within such Limits and at such a Distance from London as may prevent the Apprehensions that the Parliament may in any kind be disturbed being desirous that the Meeting of it may be no longer delay'd than it must be by the usual and necessary Forms Signed Hallifax Nottingham Godolphin Hungerford Dec. 8 88. We with the Advice of the Lords and Gentlemen Assembled with Us have in Answer to the same made these following Proposals I. THat all Papists and such Persons as are not qualified by Law be Disarmed Disbanded and Removed from all Employments Civil and Military II. That all Proclamations which Reflect upon Us or any that have come to Us or declared for Us be recalled and that if any Persons for having so Assisted have been committed that they be forthwith set at Liberty III. That for the Security and Safety of the City of London the Custody and Government of the Tower be immediately put into the hands of the said City IV. That if His Majesty shall think fit to be at London during the Sitting of the Parliament that We may be there also with equal Number of Our Guards Or if his Majesty shall please to be in any place from London at what-ever distance he thinks fit that We may be at a place of the same distance And that the respective Armies do remove from London Thirty Miles and that no more Foreign Forces be brought into the Kingdom V. That for the Security of the Citiy of London and their Trade Tilbury Forâ— be put into the hands of the said City VI. That to prevent the Landing of French or other Foreign Troops Portsmouth may be put into such hands as by Your Majesty and Us shall be agreed upon VII That some sufficient part of the Publick Revenue be Assigned Us for the Maintaining of our Forces until the Meeting of a Free Parliament Given at Littlecott the Ninth of December 1688. W. H. Prince of Orange The KING's Letter TO THE EARL of FEVERSHAM Upon his leaving Whitehall Together with the Earl of Feversham's Letter to his Highness the PRINCE of Orange after the King's departure Whitehall Decemb. 10. 1688. THings being come to that Extremity that I have been forced to send away the Queen and my Son the Prince of Wales that they might not fall into my Enemies Hands which they must have done if they had staid I am obliged to do the same thing and to endeavour to secure my self the best I can in hopes it will please God out of his infinite Mercy to this Unhappy Nation to touch their Hearts again with true Loyalty and Honour If I could have relied on all my Troops I might not have been put to the extremity I am in and would at least have had one Blow for it but though I know there are many Loyal and brave Men amongst you both Officers and Souldiers yet you know that both you and several of the General Officers and Men of the Army told me it was no ways adviseable for me to venture my Self at their Head or think to fight the Prince of Orange with them and now there remains only for me to thank you and all those both Officers and Souldiers who have stuck to me and been truly Loyal I hope you will still retain the same Fidelity to Me and though I do not expect you should expose your selves by resisting a Foreign Army and a poysoned Nation yet I hope your former Principles are so enrooted in you that you will keep your selves free from Associations and such pernicious things Time presses so that I can say no more I. R. I must add this That as I have always found you Loyal so you have found me a kind Master as you shall still find me to be The Earl of Feversham's Letter SIR HAving receiving this Morning a Letter from His Majesty with the unfortunate News of his Resolution to go out of England and that he is actually gone I thought my self obliged being at the Head of his Army having received His Majesties Order to make no opposition against any body to let your Highness know with the Advice of the Officers here so soon as it was possible to hinder the misfortune of effusion of Blood I have ordered already to that purpose all the Troops that are under my Command which shall be the last Order they shall receive from c. By the Prince of Orange a DECLARATION WHereas We are Informed That divers Regiments Troops and Companies have been Encouraged to Disperse themselves in an Unusual and Unwarrantable Manner whereby the Publick Peace is very much Disturbed We have thought fit hereby to Require all Colonels and Commanders in Chief of such Regiments Troops and Companies by Beat of Drum or otherwise to call together the several Officers and Soldiers belonging to their Respective Regiments Troops and Companies in such Places as they shall find most Convenient for their Rendezvous and there to keep them in good Order and Discipline And We do likewise Direct and Require all such Officers and Soldiers forthwith to Repair to such Place as shall be Appointed for that Purpose by the respective Colonels or Commanders in Chief Whereof speedy Notice is to be given unto Us for Our further Orders Given at Our Court at Henly the Thirteenth Day of December 1688. W. H. Prince of Orange Guild-Hall London December the 11th 1688. By the Commissioners of Lieutenancy for the said City Ordered THat Sir Robert Clayton Knt. Sir William Russel Knt. Sir Basil Firebrace Knt. and Charles Duncomb Esq be a Committee from the said Lieutenancy to Attend His Royal Highness the Prince of
of the Law of Nature did not press us at this time to come to some speedy and pertinent Determinations as to the business especially of settling the Government that Nicety which seems to be promoted and set afoot in all our Counsels might considering the Weightiness of the business in hand rather claim the just Commendation and Applauses of every good Man than as it seems now fall under their Censure and I may say Indignation If the matter debated were extraneous and the Kingdom within it self peaceably and firmly settled if the Circumstances of our Affairs were ordinary and usual and could admit of an unlimited time for their Decision if we were secure from injurious Resolutions of our Enemies abroad or from the private Machinations of disaffected Persons at home If these â—hings were so it were worthy the Wisdom of those who by their unseasonable Scruples so generally resolv'd against and now again by them started may seem either ignorant of the desperate languishing condition of these Kingdoms at present or prejudic'd and dis-affected to the Eâ—ace and Settlement of them for the future I say it were then worthy the Wisdom of these Men to dissect every particular of so important an Affair before they made any Determination of the General As we all acknowledg the extraordinary Circumstances of this Juncture so they themselves have not been a little contributing to this happy Revolution The Prince's first Declaration tells us he had the Invitation of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal Was it Justice and agreeable to Conscience then to call for Foreign Arms to assist us against our own King in the recovery of those Rights Liberties and Properties which contrary to Law he had invaded and taken from us And is it now become a Scruple in those same Consciences to be confirm'd in those Rights c. by the same Arms and Power Is that pretended absolute unlimited Power which in their Prayers and Sermons they have so often nibbled at and endavoured to retrench now in its just Debasement become so Inviolable and Sacred that it must become a Point of Faith entirely to submit to it Has this small fit of Fear and Discouragement in our implacable Enemies so well secur'd us from any future Enchroachments that we need not be careful of any further Assurance Has these Men's Re-embellish'd Honours so obliterated the Memory of the Dangers some of them so lately have escap'd and the rest justly fear'd as to free them from all Apprehensions for the future What is it these Gentlemen would be at what do they fear Is it without Reason without Justice without Precedent that we desire to be everlastingly secur'd from Popery Slavery Not without Reason for when we have seen many of our fairest Branches lopp'd off many of our Liberties invaded many of our Laws perverted and the Axe at last laid to the Root of our Government 't is high time then I say to provide for our our Safety and to put a stop to that Current which would have quickly over-run and drowned us Not without Justice for where my Life and Property is hunted after and assaulted I may by the Law of God and Man â—epel the Injury and stand in my own Vindication Not without Precedent even in Protestant Kingdoms not to mention the Romanists who both teach and practise the Deposing of evil and wicked Magistrates and though in England we may perhaps think the Changes we have very lately seen among our selves admit of no Precedent it may easily be prov'd that which hath been done of late in this Nation hath been in great part formerly presented and allowed of upon Foreign Stages yea and not many Years out of the Memory of some yet living if we would but look into the Actions of other Regions and those too wherein the Reform'd Religion is professed we shall find that they by their publick Records acknowledged that in case of Tyranny and Oppression it was lawful not only to defend their Lives and Liberties against all Assaults but reduce and declare the Persons so offending incapable of holding the Government A lively Example of this and almost exactly parallel with ours was the Case of Sigismond the Third Hereditary King of Sweden who by a Convention of the States of that Kingdom was Excluded even with his Heirs a Severity which both the Honourable Houses of Parliament here have with great Justice and Wisdom declined from that Crown for ever Some of the Articles drawn up against him were these First For swerving from their received Christian Religion as also from his Oath and Promise and Solemn Engagement made to his People at his Coronation to preserve their Rights and Priviledges as also their Holy Reform'd Religion Inviolated For departing the Country without the Consent and unwilling to the States and Orders of the Realm For exporting several Acts of great Concernment out of the Cancellarie For prosecuting such as would not embrace or favour the Romish Superstition For contemning and endeavouring to undermine and annul those laudable Institutions and Laws made for the Security of the Realm and the Establishment of the Protestant Reformed Religion For raising up what Enemies he could against his Native Country thereby to involve his Subjects in a Deluge of Blood which he intended and had almost effected For inhumanely designing and suborning Russians and Villains to Murder and Assassinate one of the chief Nobles for no other Reason but that out of Conscience and Duty he would have perswaded him from those Irregularities and notorious Breaches of the known Laws of the Land. For these and many more Causes as the sending his Son out of the Land without the Consent of the States and causing him to be brought up and educated in the Romish Superstition did the Swedes submitting the same to the Judgment of all sincere and candid Arbitratours justify their Abdication for ever of King Sigismond the Third and his Heirs from the Crown of Sweden c. and proceeded strait to the Constituting and Electing of Charles Duke of Sudermannia vid. Spanheim 's Hist. of Sweden c. And in conclusion they pray for and doubt not of a candid Construction a benign and favourable Acceptation from all Christian Emperors Kings Princes States c. of this their Legitimate Defence and to vindicate them and their most equal Cause from all Calumny or eâ—il Interpretation whatsoever The Circumstances relating to this present Juncture in England bear so near a resemblance almost in all these Grievances objected against the said Sigismond that our late King by a sort of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to have breath'd his Soul rather than to have copy'd after him though indeed in some Cases he has plainly out-done the Original especially in relation to his supposed Son. And as our King thought fit to Copy a King of Sweden I cannot apprehend how it can lessen our Judgments or Integrity our Piety or our Loyalty to follow the Example of the Swedes excepting
matter of Fact doth not back and maintain them And this is an Advantage which I would not have us give our Adversaries in these things no more than we have done in the matters of Dispute betwixt them and us Here we have proved all our Charges against their Religion let us therefore prove or else not so eagerly insist upon these Accusations brought against their Persons I shall add nothing further but my real Wishes That I could tho with the loss of all that 's dear to me in this World contribute to the utter Exclusion of Popery by all lawful means and I do and shall always pray for a Blessing upon their Designs who sincerely endeavour to procure a Settlement of the Religion Liberties and Properties of the Subjects upon so sure a foundation that there may be no danger of the Nations relapsing into the like miseries at any time hereafter Some short Notes on a Pamphlet entitled Reflections upon our late and present Proceedings in England A Man must read much of this Author 's profound Work before he can fathom the Depths of it and find what his Design is or whether indeed he has any Design at all unless it be that of making a Book He tells us at length after much Strugling and a tedious Repetition of what every body knows perhaps better than himself That all Orders of Men Ecclesiastick Civil and Military did put the Regal Administration into the Prince of Orange's Hands and that the Intent of our Proceedings will at least excuse if not justify us I would have this knowing Gentleman inform the World into what Hands the Regal Administration could be better put And if the Nation could not do better whether this their Action does not justify it self But says he a little above How did we all generally concur and unanimously agree to forget our Obligations to our Soveraign And in Page 4 he tells us That the Prince of Orange hath done a great thing for us and wrought such Deliverance for the Nation as ought never to be forgotten and can never be sufficiently requited I do not at all doubt but this Gentleman can more easily write half a dozen such Books as this is than reconcile these notable Passages He acknowledges we have been rescued out of the Hands of him that hated us and would have destroyed us without a cause and yet reproaches us with forgetting our Obligations to our Soveraign In Page 5. he has this sharp Question Let every Man ask himself for what reason he became a party in this general Defection Was it to divest the King of all Power to protect his Subjects c. To repeat these Absurdities is a sufficient Answer to them And then again in the next Page That whatever some obnoxious and ambitious Men might aim at all good Christians had other Intentions They were sensibly concerned for the Preservation of their Holy Religion in the first place Their Lives their Laws their Liberties in the next And after the way which some call Heresy so were they desirous still to worship the God of their Fathers and after that manner which some might say was Rebellion so they thought themselves oblig'd to stand up for the Laws and Liberties of their Forefathers What measures of Obedience this Man is for and what he would have us to do or not to do I am not able to divine from his Book for he seems to dislike in one place what he approves in another But he tells us in Page 6 7 of his Fears of the Government being undermined both in Church and State and that he shall be reduced to the Dutch or some other foreign measures which can never be well received in England till an Act be past to abolish Monarchy Episcopacy c. If this Gentleman's Distractions be not so great as to hinder him the use of his two chief Senses he may now perceive that his Fears are as vain as others perceive his Reasoning to be But in Page 8. he states a notable Question for he supposes his Father to be as churlish as Cain and as poor as Job and yet maintains he is his Father O admirably put But what 's this to a King 's apparent Design of ruining and enslaving a People who have the same both Natural and Civil Right to their Lives and Liberties as he has to his But shall we run says he into Popery and perhaps Slavery too and is not the Deposing a Popish Doctrine p. 11. and as for Slavery Must not a standing Army be necessarily kept up to maintain a Title founded only on the consent of the fickle and uncertain People If the Lords and Commons of England are this fickle and uncertain People I know not where our Author will find more substantial Folks unless he fancies they are to be met with amongst the Mobile And as to the Popish Deposing Doctrine I have already shewed our case comes in no sort near it for the late King's Religion did not hinder his possessing himself of the Throne neither was that the Cause of his leaving it for he might have enjoyed it and made the best of it as to himself in all Freedom but he thought it beneath him to stop here and not impose his false Worship on all his Subjects trampling all the Laws of the Kingdom under his Feet and thereby claiming not only an absolute Empire over the Bodies but the Minds of his Subjects Our Author likewise shews himself a notable Well-wisher to our Religion and Liberties when he represents a standing Army page 11. in the present Exigency of Affairs to be such a Grievance and that too under a Prince who has not been only born and educated in the greatest Aversion to Popery and the only Prince uncorrupted by the French King but whose Genius and Interests do every ways so answer the Necessity of our Nation that we have no other cause of Fear or Trouble but at the sense of our own Unworthiness of so great a Blessing He seems in p. 12 and 13 to be in great Labour left the Prince of Orange should make himself a King contrary to the express Terms of his Declaration and Pretences of coming over here To which may be answered that he has in no sort violated that Declaration for he did not thrust himself into the Throne and as to his being so now both de jure and de facto this being a matter decided by the Justice Wisdom and Supream Authority of the Nation it 's foolish Presumption and no less conceited Ignorance for any private Person to argue it Our wise Author seems to be moreover concerned and greatly troubled at the Effects produced by the third Declaration for he says It did more harm to the King's Affairs than all the other Papers publisht at that time whence he concludes its plain that Sophistry and Tricks are made use of if they will but do the Business What would this Man have would he have both to
so Important and Laudable a Cause and not to be hindred and prevented by those that were evil inclined towards it it was necessary to pass over into that Kingdom accompanied with some Military Forces hath thereupon made known his Intentions to their Highnesses and desired Assistance from their Highnesses that their Highnesses having maturely weighed all things and considered that the King of France and Great Britain stood in very good Correspondence and Friendship one with the other which their Highnesses have been frequently very well assured of and in a strict and particular Alliance and that their Highnesses were informed and advertised that their Majesties had laboured upon a Concert to divide and separate this State from its Alliances and that the King of France hath upon several occasions shew'd himself dissatisfied with this State which gave cause to fear and apprehend that in case the King of Great Britain should happen to compass his Aim within his Kingdom and obtain an absolute Power over his People that then both Kings out of Interest of State and Hatred and Zeal against the Protestant Religion would endeavour to bring this State to Confusion and if possible quite to subject it have resolved to commend His Highness in his undertaking of the above said Designs and to grant to him for his Assistance some Ships and Militia as Auxiliaries that in pursuance thereof His Highness hath declared to their Highnesses that he is resolved with God's Grace and Favour to go over into England not with the least insight or intention to invade or subdue that Kingdom or to remove the King from his Throne much less to make himself Master thereof or to invert or prejudice the Lawful Succession as also not to drive thence or persecute the Roman Catholicks but only and solely to help that Nation in re-establishing the Laws and Priviledges that have been broken as also in maintaining their Religion and Liberty and to that end to further and bring it about that a free and lawful Parliament may be call'd in such manner and of such Persons as are regulated and qualified by the Laws and Form of that Government and that the said Parliament may deliberate upon and establish all such Matters as shall be judged necessary to assure and secure the Lords the Clergy Gentry and People that their Rights Laws and Priviledges shall be no more violated or broken that their High and Mightinesses hope and trust that with God's Blessing the Repose and Unity of that Kingdom shall be re-established and the same be thereby brought into a Condition to be able powerfully to concur to the common benefit of Christendom and to the restoring and maintaining of Peace and Tranquillity in Europe That Copies hereof be delivered to all their Foreign Ministers residing here to be used by them as they shall see occasion The P. O's Letter to the English Army Gentlemen and Friends VVE have given you so full and so true an Account of our Intentions in this Expedition in our Declaration that as we can add nothing to it so we are sure you can desire nothing more of us We are come to preserve your Religion and to restore and establish your Liberties and Properties and therefore we cannot suffer our selves to doubt but that all true English-Men will come and concur with us in our desire to secure these Nations from POPERY and SLAVERY You must all plainly see that you are only made use of as Instruments to enslave the Nation and ruine the Protestant Religion and when that is done you may judg what ye your selves ought to expect both from the cashiering of all the Protestant and English Officers and Souldiers in Ireland and by the Irish Souldiers being brought over to be put in your places and of which you have seen so fresh an Instance that we need not put you in mind of it You know how many of your fellow-Officers have been used for their standing firm to the Protestant Religion and to the Laws of England and you cannot flatter your selves so far as to expect to be better used if those who have broke their word so often should by your means be brought cut of those Straits to which they are reduced at present We hope likewise that you will not suffer your selves to be abused by a false Notion of Honour but that you will in the first place consider what you owe to Almighty God and your Religion to your Country to your Selves and to your Posterity which you as Men of Honour ought to prefer to all private Considerations and Engagements whatsoever We do therefore expect that you will consider the Honour that is now set before you of being the Instruments of serving your Country and securing your Religion and we will ever remember the Service you shall do Us upon this Occasion and will promise unto you that We shall place such particular Marks of our Favour on every one of you as your Behaviour at this time shall deserve of Us and the Nation in which we will make a great Distinction of those that shall come seasonably to joyn their Arms with Ours and you shall find us to be Your Well-wishing and Assured Friend W. H. P. O. An Account of a wicked Design of Poysoning the PRINCE of Orange before he came out of Holland ALSO A Relation from the City of Orange of a strange METEOR representing a Crown of Light that was there seen in the Air May the 6 th 1688. In a Letter from a Gentleman in Amsterdam to his Friend in London Octob. 1. 1688. SIR THE two inclosed Relations are sent me from an Eminent Divine now at the Hague you will do well to make them publick The poysoning Business I doubt not but was contriv'd by a sort of Men that in all Ages stick at nothing to carry on their Bloody Religion An Account of a Design of Poisoning the PRINCE of ORANGE THere is a Man of Lunenburg Wolfenbuttel who being fallen in Debt in Amsterdam upon his Father's Death his Brother taking no Care of him was put in Prison and brought extream low yet he was brought out by the means of a Friend And soon after a Man who pretended to know him and to have seen him before though the German believes he never saw him seem'd to take pitty on him seeing him in a Coffee-House and gave him a Ducatoon and promised he should never want so he entred into a great familiarity with him but would never let him know where he lodged only he gave him Appointments in Coffee-Houses and Taverns and fed him from time to time with Mony At last after some weeks he drew him into a secret Walk in the Grounds that are not yet built and ask'd him if he had a Heart to do a bold Thing The German said he had if it were not such a Thing as might bring him to a Scaffold The other said There was no Danger only it would require a little hardiness Then he ask'd an
each striving thereby to add to the Glory of their Design The Gentry of these Parts first seemed slow in their Advances to serve the Prince but as soon as the Ice was broke by Capt Burrington the majority soon followed his steps and have entred into an Association It is to admiration to consider the vast Magazine of all Warlike Utensils brought hither by the Prince's Army their Baggage having for a Fortnight together been continually Landing and yet not fully ended Were it not for the badness of the Roads as I was informed by a private Sentinel they could draw into the Field an Artillery of above 200 Pieces But the greatest Curiosity I yet saw was a Bridg of Boats such as I conceive the Imperialists use to pass over the Danube and Save with which was for the speedy conveyance of their Carriages laid over the River in two or three Hours and afterwards as soon removed not to mention a Smith's Shop or Forge curiously contrived in a Waggon or another Contrivance the Foot carry with them to keep off the Horse which in their manner may well yield the Service of a Pike There hath been lately driven into Dartmouth and since taken a French Vessel loaden altogether with Images and Knives of a very large proportion in length nineteen Inches and in breadth two Inches and an half what they were designed for God only knows THREE LETTERS I. A Letter from a Iesuit of Liege to a Iesuit at Friburg giving an Account of the Happy Progress of Religion in England IT cannot be said what great Affection and Kindness the K. hath for the Society wishing much Health to this whole Colledg by R. P. the Provincial and earnestly recommending himself to our Prayers The Provincial Alexander Regnes being come back for England the K. was graciously pleased to send for him several Earls and Dukes waiting his coming at the hour appointed the Q. being present the King discoursing familiarly with him asked him How many young Students he had and how many Scholasticks To which when the Provincial had answered That of the latter he had Twenty of the former more than Fifty he added That he had need of double or treble that number to perform what he in his Mind had designed for the Society and commanded that they should be very well exercised in the Gift of Preaching for such only saith he do we want in England You have heard I make no doubt that the K. hath sent Letters to Father Le Cheese the French King's Confessor about Wadden-house therein declaring that he would take in good part from him whatsoever he did or was done for the English Fathers of the Society Father Clare Rector of the said House going about those Affairs at London found an easy access to the King and as easily obtained his Desires He was forbid to kneel and kiss the King's Hand as the manner and custom is by the K. himself saying Once indeed your Reverence kissed my Hand but had I then known you were a Priest I should rather have kneeled and kissed your Reverences hand After the Business was ended in a familiar Discourse the K. declared to this Father That he would either Convert England or die a Martyr and that he had rather die to morrow that Conversion wrought than reign fifty Years without that in Happiness and Prosperity Lastly He called himself a Son of the Society the Welfare of which he said he as much rejoiced at as his own And it can scarce be said how joyful he shewed himself when it was told him That he was made partaker by the most Reverend Father N. of all the Merits of the Society of which number he would declare one of his Confessors Some report R. P. the Provincial will be the person but whom he designs is not yet known Many do think an Archbishoprick will be bestowed on Father Edmond Petre chiefly beloved very many a Cardinals Cap to whom within this Month or two that whole part of the K. Palace is granted in which the K. when he was Duke of York used to reside where you may see I know not how many Courtiers daily attending to speak with his Eminency for so they are said to call him upon whose Counsel and also that of several Catholick Peers highly preferred in the Kingdom the K. greatly relyes which way he may promote the Faith without violence Not long since some Catholick Peers did object to the K. that he made too much haste to establish the Faith to whom He answered I growing old must make great steps otherwise if I should die I shall leave you worse than I found you Then they asking him why therefore was he not more sollicitous for the Conversion of his Daughters Heirs of the Kingdom He answered God will take care for an Heir leave my Daughters for me to Convert do you by your example reduce those that are under you and others to the Faith. In most Provinces he hath preferred Catholicks and in a short time we shall have the same Justices of the Peace as they are called in them all At Oxford we hope Matters go very well one of our Divines is always Resident therein a publick Catholick Chappel of the Vice-Chancellor's who hath drawn some Students to the Faith. The Bishop of Oxford seems very much to favour the Catholick Cause He proposed in Council Whether it was not expedient that at least one Colledg in Oxford should be allowed Catholicks that they might not be forced to be at so much Charges by going beyond Seas to Study What Answer was given is not yet known The same Bishop inviting two of our Noblemen with others of the Nobility to a Banquet drank the King's Health to an Heretical Baron there wishing a happy Success to all his Affairs and he added That the Faith of Protestants in England seemed to him to be little better than that of Buda was before it was taken and that they were for the most part mere Atheists who defended it Many do embrace the Faith and four of the chiefest Earls have lately posfessed it publickly The Reverend Father Alexander Regnes Nephew to our Provincial to whom is committed the Care of the Chappel of the Ambassador of the most Serene Elector Palatine is whole days busied in resolving and shewing the Doubts or Questions of Hereticks concerning their Faith of which number you may see two or three continually walking before the Dores of the Chappel disputing about Matters of Faith amongst themselves Prince George we can have nothing certain what Faith he intends to make profession of We have a good while begun to get footing in England We teach Humanity at Lincoln Norwich and York At Warwick we have a publick Chappel secured from all Injuries by the King's Souldiers We have also bought some Houses of the City of Wigorn in the Province of Lancaster The Catholick Cause very much increaseth In some Catholick Churches upon Holy Days above 1500 are always numbred
present at the Sermon At London likewise things succeed no worse Every Holy Day at preaching People so frequent that many of the Chappels cannot contain them Two of ours Darmes and Berfall do constantly say Mass before the King and Queen Father Edmund Newil before the Queen Dowager Father Alexander Regnes in the Chappel of the Ambassador aforesaid others in other places Many Houses are bought for the Colledg in the Savoy as they call it nigh Somerset-house London the Palace of the Queen Dowager to the value of about eighteen thousand Florins in making of which after the Form of a Colledg they labour very hard that the Schools may be opened before Easter In Ireland shortly there will be a Catholick Parliament seeing no other can satisfy the King's Will to Establish the Catholick Cause there In the Month of February for certain the King hath designed to call a Parliament at London 1. That by a Universal Decree the Catholick Peers may be admitted into the Upper House 2. That the Oath or Test may be annulled 3. Which is the best or top of all That all Penal Laws made against Catholicks may be Abrogated which that he may more surely obtain he desires every one to take notice that he hath certainly determined to dismiss any from all profitable Imployments under him who do not strenuously endeavour the obtaining those things also that he will Dissolve the Parliament with which Decree some Hereticks being affrighted came to a certain Peer to consult him what was best to be done to whom he said the Kings pleasure is sufficiently made known to us what he hath once said he will most certainly do if you love your selves you must submit your selves to the Kings Will. There are great preparations for War at London and a Squadron of many Ships of War are to be fitted out against a time appointed what they are designed for is not certain The Hollanders greatly fear they are against them and therefore begin to prepare themselves Time will discover more Liege 2. Feb. 1688. II. A Letter from the Reverend Father Petre Iesuit Almoner to the Kiâ—g of England written to the Reverend Father la Cheese Confessor to the most Christian King touching the present Affairs of ENGLAND Translated from the French. Most Reverend Father IF I have fail'd for the last few days to observe your Order it was not from want of Affection but Health that occasion'd the neglect and for which I shall endeavour to make amends by the length of this I shall begin where my former left off and shall tell you That since the appearing of a Letter in this Town written by the Prince's Minister of Holland which declares the Intentions of the Prince and Princess of Orange relating to the Repealing the Test or to speak more properly their Aversion to it This Letter has produc'd very ill Effects among the Hereticks whom at the return of some of our Fathers from those Parts we had perswaded that the Prince would comply with every thing relating to the Test that the King should propose to the next Parliâ—ment in case he should call one to which I do not find his Majesty much inclin'd But the coming of this Letter of which I have inclos'd a Copy has serv'd for nothing but to incourage the Obstinate in their aversion to that Matter The Queen as well as my self were of Opinion against the sending of any such Letter to the Hague upon that Subject but rather that some Person able to discourse and perswade should have been sent thither for all such Letters when they are not grateful produce bad Effects That which is spoken Face to Face is not so easiâ—y divulg'd nor any thing discover'd to the People but what we have a raind the Vulgar should know And I believe your Reverence will concur with me in this Opinion This Letter has extreamly provok'd the King who is of a temper not to bear a refusal and who has not been us'd to have his Will contradicted And I verily believe this very affront has hastned his Resolution of re-calling the English Regiments in Holland I shew'd his Majesty that part of your Letter that relates to the Opinion of his Most Christian Majesty upon this Subject which his Majesty well approves of We are interested to know the Success of this Affair and what Answer the States will give The King changes as many Heretick Officers as he can to put Catholicks in their places but the Misfortune is that here we want Catholick Officers to supply them And therefore if you know any such of our Nation in France you would do the King a pleasure to perswade them to come over and they shall be certain of Employments either in the old Troops or the New that are speedily to be rais'd for which by this my Letter I pass my Word Our Fathers are continually employ'd to convert the Officers but their Obstinacy is so great that for one that turns there are five that had rather quit their Commands And there are so many Male-contents whose Party is already but too great the King has need of all his Prudence and Temper to manage this great Affair and bring it to that Perfection we hope to see it in ere long All that I can assure you is That here shall be no neglect in the Queen who labours night and day with unexpressible Diligence for the propation of the Faith and with the Zeal of a holy Princess The Queen Dowager is not so earnest and Fear makes her resolve to retire into Portugal to pass the remainder of her days in Devotion she has already ask'd the King leave who has not only granted it but also promised that she should have her Pension punctually paid and that during her Life her Servants that she leaves behind her shall have the same Wages as if they were in waiting She stays but for a proper Season to imbark for Lisbon and to live there free from all Stories As to the Queen's being with Child that great Concern goes as well as we could wish notwithstanding all the Satyrical Discourses of the Heriticks who content themselves to vent their Poyson in Libels which by night they disperse in the Street or fix upon the Walls There was one lately found upon a Pillar of a Church that imported That such a day Thanks should be given GOD for the Queen 's being great with a Cushion If one of these Pasquil-makers could be discover'd he would but have an ill time on 't and should be made to take his last Farewel at Tyburn You will agree with me most Reverend Father that we have done a great thing by introducing Mrs. Celier to the Queen this Woman is totally devoted to our Society and zealous for the Catholick Religion I will send you an account of the progress of this Affair and will use the Cypher you sent me which I think very admirable I can send you nothing certain of the Prince and Princess
Theologian and will seem to be a good Bishop and to have a great care of his Diocess and would heretofore seem a great Preacher I have hinted in my last the Reasons why I cannot altogether like him which are needless to repeat The Arch-bishop of Paris is always the same I mean a gallant Man whose present Conversation is charming and loves his Pleasures but cannot bear any thing that grieves or gives trouble though he is always a great Enemy of the Iansenists which he lately intimated to Cardinal Camus He is always with me in the Council of Conscience and agrees very well with our Society laying mostly to Heart the Conversion of the Protestants of the three Kingdoms He also makes very good Observations and Designs to give some Advice to your Reverence which I shall convey to you I do sometimes impart to him what you write to me My Lord Kingston has embrac'd our good Party I was present when he Abjur'd in the Church of St. Denis I will give you the Circumstances some other time You promised to send me the Names of all Heretick Officers who are in his Majesty's Troops that much imports me and you shall not want good Catholick Officers to fill up their places I have drawn a List of them who are to pass into England and his most Christian Majesty approves thereof Pray observe what I hinted to you in my last on the Subject of the Visits which our Fathers must give to the Chief Lords Members of the next Parliament those Reverend Fathers who are to perform that Duty must be middle-aged with a lively Countâ—nance and fit to perswade I also advised you in some of my other Letters how the Bishop of Oxford ought to behave himself by writing incessantly and to insinuate into the People the putting down the Test and at the same time calm the Storm which the Letter of Pentionary Fagel has raised And his Majesty must continue to make vigorous Prohibitions to all Booksellers in London not to print any Answers as well to put a stop to the Insolency of Heretick Authors as also to hinder the People from reading them In short you intimate to me That his Majesty will follow our Advice It 's the quickest way and I cannot find a better or fitter to dispossess his Subjects from such Impressions as they have received His Majesty must also by the same Declaration profess in Conscience that if complied with he will not only keep his Word to maintain and protect the Church of England but will also confirm his Promises by such Laws as the Protestants shall be contented with This is the true Politick way for by his granting all they cannot but consent to something His most Christian Majesty has with great success experienced this Maxim And though he had not to struggle with Penal Laws and Tests yet he found it convenient to make large Promises by many Declarations for since we must dissemble you must endeavour all you can to perswade the King it is the only Method to effect his Design I did also in my last give you a hint of its Importance as well as the ways you must take to insinuate your selves dexterously with the King to gain his good Will. I know not whether you have observed what passed in England some Years since I will recite it because Examples instruct much One of our Assisting Fathers of that Kingdom which was Father Parsons having written a Book against the Succession of the King of Scots to the Realm of England Father Creighton who was also of our Society and upheld by many of our Party defended the Cause of that King in a Book Intituled The Reasons of the King of Scots against the Book of Father Parsons And though they seem'd divided yet they understood one another very well this being practised by order of our General to the end that if the House of Scotland were Excluded they might shew him who had the Government the Book of Father Parsons and on the other Hand if the King happened to be restored to the Throne they might obtain his good Will by shewing him the Works of Father Chreighton So that which way soever the Medal turn'd it still prov'd to the advantage of our Society Not to digress from our Subject I must desire you to read the English Book of Father Parsons Intituled The Reform of England where after his blaming of Cardinal Pool and made some observations of Faults in the Council of Trent he finally concludes That suppose England should return as we hope to the Catholick Faith in this Reign he would reduce it to the State of the Primitive Church And to that end all the Ecclesiastical Revenue ought to be used in common and the Management thereof committed to the care of Seven Wise Men drawn out of our Society to be disposed of by them as they should think fit Moreover he would have all the Religious Orders forbidden on Religious Penalties not to return into the Three Kingdoms without leave of those Seven Wise Men to the end it might be granted only to such as live on Alms. These Reflections seem to me very judicious and very suitable to the present State of England The same Father Parsons adds That when England is reduced to the True Faith the Pope must not expect at least for Five Years to reap any benefit of the Ecclesiastical Revenue but must leave the whole in the hands of those Seven Wise Men who will manage the same to the Benefit and Advancement of the Church The Court goes this day for Marli to take the Divertisements which are there prepared I hope to accompany the King and will entertain him about all Business and accordingly as he likes what you hint to me in your Letter I shall give you notice I have acquainted him with his Britannick Majesty's Design of building a Citadel near Whitehal Monsieur Vauban our Engineer was present After some Discourse on the Importance of the Subject his Majesty told Monsieur Vauban that he thought it convenient he should make a Model of the Design and that he should on purpose go over into England to see the Ground I have done all I could to suspend the Designs of our Great Monarch who is always angry against the Holy Father both Parties are stubborn the King 's natural Inclination is to have all yield to him and the Pope's Resolution is unalterable All our Fathers most humbly salute your Reverence Father Roine Ville acts wonderfully about Nismes amongst the New Converts who still meet notwithstanding the Danger they expose themselves to I daily expect News from the Frontiers of the Empire which I shall impart to your Reverence and am with the greatest Respect Yours c. Paris March 7. 1688. Popish Treaties not to be rely'd on In a Letter from a Gentleman at York to his Friend in the Prince of ORANGE's Camp. Addressed to all Members of the next Parliament THE Credulity and Superstition of
of all the Judges of England that even the known and undoubted Prerogative of the Iewish Kings do not belong to our Kings and that it is an absurd and impudent thing to affirm they do Coke 11. Rep. p. 63. Mich. 5. Iac. Note upon Sunday the Tenth of November in the same Term the King upon Complaint made to him by Bancroft Arch-bishop of Canterbury concerning Prohibitions was informed That when Question was made of what matters the Ecclesiastical Judges have Cognizance either upon the Exposition of the Statutes concerning Tythes or any other thing Ecclesiastical or upon the Statute 1 Eliz. concerning the High-Commisâ—ion or in any other case in which there is not express Authority by Law the King himself may decide it in his Royal Person and that the Judges are but the Delegates of the King and that the King may take what Causes he shall please to determine from the Determination of the Judges and may determine them himself And the Archâ—bishop said That this was clear in Divinity That such Authority belongs to the King by the Word of God in Scripture To which it was answered by me in the presence and with the clear consent of all the Justices of England and Barons of the Exchiquer That the King in his own Person cannot adjudg any Case either Criminal as Treason Felony c. but this ought to be determined and adjudged in some Court of Justice according to the Law and Custom of England And always Judgments are given Ideo consideratum est per Curiam so that the Court gives the Judgment And it was greatly marvelled that the Arch-bishop durst inform the King that such Absolute Power and Authority as is aforesaid belonged to the King by the Word of God. CHAP. III. Of OBEDIENCE I. NO Man has any more Civil Authority than what the Law of the Land has vested in him nor is he one of St. Paul's Higher Powers any farther or to any other purposes tâ—an the Law has impowered him II. An Usurped Illegal and Arbitrary Power is so far from bâ—ing the Ordinance of God that it is not the Ordinance of Man. III. Whoever opposes an Usurped Illegal and Arbitrary Power does not oppose the Ordinance of God but the Violation of that Ordinance IV. The 13 th of the Romans commands Subjection to our Temporal Governours because their Office and Imployment is for the Publick Welfare For he is the Minister of God to Thee for good Verse 4. V. The 13 th of the Hebrews commands Obedience to Spiritual Rulers because they watch for your Souls Verse 17. VI. But the 13 th of the Hebrews did not oblige the Martyrs and Confessors in Queen Mary's Time to obey such blessed Bishops as Bonner and the Beast of Rome who were the perfect Reverse of St. Paul's Spiritual Rulers and whose Practice was murdering of Souls and Bodies according to that true Character of Popery which was given it by the Bishops who compiled the Thanksgiving for the Fifth of November but Arch-Bishop Laud was wiser than they and in his time blotted it out The Prayer formerly ran thus To that end strengthen the Hands of our Gracious King the Nobles and Magistrates of the Land to cut off these Workers of Iniquity whose Religion is Rebellion whose Faith is Faction whose Practice is murthering of Souls and Bodies and to root them out of the Confines of this Kingdom VII All the Judges of England are bound by their Oath and by the Duty of their place to disobey all Writs Letters or Commands which are brought to them either under the Little Seal or under the Great Seal to hinder or delay common Right Are the Judges all bound in an Oath and by their Places to break the 13 th of the Romans VIII The Engagement of the Lords attending upon the King at York Iune 13. 1642. which was subscribed by the Lord Keeper and thirty nine Peers besides the Lord Chief Justice Banks and several others of the Privy-Council was in these words We do engage our selves not to obey any Orders or Commands whatsoever not warranted by the known Laws of the Land. Was this likewise an Association against the 13 th of the Romans IX A Constable represents the King's Person and in the Execution of his Office is within the purview of the 13 th of the Romans as all Men grant but in case he so far pervert his Office as to break the Peace and commit Murther Burglary or Robbery on the High-way he may and ought to be resisted X. The Law of the Land is the best Expositor of the 13 th of the Romans here and in Poland the Law of the Land there XI The 13 th of the Romans is received for Scripture in Poland and yet this is expressed in the Coronation-Oath in that Country Quod si Sacramentum meum violavero Incolae Regni nullam nobis Obedientiam praestare tenebuntur And if I shall violate my Oath the Inhabitants of the Realm shall not be bound to yield me any Obedience XII The Law of the Land according to Bracton is the highest of all the Higher Powers mentioned in this Text for it is Superiour to the King and made him King Lib. iii. cap. xxvi Rex habet Superiorem Deum item Legem per quam factus est Rex item Curiam suam viz. Comites Barones and therefore by this Text we ought to be subject to it in the first place And according to Melancthon It is the Ordinanee of God to which the Higher Powers themselves ought to subject Vol. iii. In his Commentary on the fifth Verse Wherefore ye must needs be subject not only for Wrath but also for Conscience sake He has these words Neque vero hac tantum pertinent ad Subditos sed etiam ad Magistratum qui cum fiunt Tyranni non minus dissipant Ordinationem Dei quam Seditiosi Ideo ipsorum Conscientia fit rea quia non obediunt Ordinationi Dei id est Legibus quibus debent parere Ideo Comminationes hic posite etiam ad ipsos pertinent Itaque hujus mandati severitas moveat omnes ne violalationem Politici status putent esse leve peccatum Neither doth this place concern Subjects only but also the Magistrates themselves who when they turn Tyrants do no less overthrow the Ordinance of God than the Seditious and therefore their Consciences too are guilty for not obeying the Ordinance of God that is the Laws which they ought to obey So that the Threatnings in this place do also belong to them wherefore let the Severity of this Command deter all Men from thinking the Violation of the Political Constitution to be a light Sin. Corolary To destroy the Law and-Legal Constitution which is the Ordinance of God by false and Arbitrary Expositions of this Text is a greater Sin than to destroy it by any other means For it is Seething the Kid in his Mothers Milk. CHAP. IV. Of LAWS I. THere is no natural
Conscience sake If his Majesty now of Great Britain out of some deep Sense that he being a Roman Catholick cannot rule and be true to his Religion which he may suppose does oblige him to an Establishment thereof by all the ways and means of his Church though never so destructive to ours but it will be to the Hurt not Good of us who are Protestants hath been pleased to withdraw himself from his Government to make us more quiet and happy We are in all Gratitude to acknowledg his Piety Goodness and Condescention to be so much as very few of his Subjects could ever have suspected But if it be out of another Mind he hath done it We have still more Reason to bless Almighty God who does often serve his Providence by Mens Improvidence and cutting off Mens Ends from their Means he uses their Means to his own Ends when he is pleased to work Deliverance for a People as he hath at this Season so graciously and wonderfully done for Us that there is nothing more needful even to the most scrupulous Conscience than an humble and awful Acquiescence in the Divine Counsel to give Satisfaction in this Matter King IAMES the First his Opinion of a KING of a TYRANT and of the English Laws Rights and Priviledges In two Speeches The First to the Parliament 1603 the Second 1609. In his Speech to the Parliament 1603 he expresseth himself thus I Do acknowledg that the special and greatest Point of difference that is betwixt a Rightful King and an Usurping Tyrant is in this That whereas the proud and ambitious Tyrant doth think his Kingdom and People are only ordained for satisfaction of his Desires and unreasonable Appetites The Righteous and Iust King doth by the contrary acknowledg himself to be Ordained for the procuring of the Wealth and Prosperity of his People and that his great and principal worldly Felicity must consist in their Prosperity If you be Rich I cannot be Poor if you be Happy I cannot but be Fortunate And I protest your Welfare shall ever be my greatest Care and Contentment And that I am a Servant it is most true that as I am Head and Governour of all the People in my Dominion who are my natural Subjects considering them in distinct Ranks So if we will take in the People as one Body then as the Head is ordained for the Body aâ—d not the Body for the Head so must a Righteous King know himself to be ordained for his People and not his People for Him. Wherefore I will never be ashamed to confess it my principal Honour to be the great Servant of the Common-Wealth and ever think the Prosperity thereof to be my greatest Felilicity c. In his Speech to the Parliament March 21. 1609 he expresseth himself thus IN these our Times we are to distinguish betwixt the State of Kings in the first Original and between the State of settled Kings and Monarchs that do at this Time Govern in Civil Kingdoms For even as God during the Time of the Old Testament spake by Oracles and wrought by Miracles yet how soon it pleased him to settle a Church which was Bought and Redeemed by the Blood of his only Son Christ then was there a Cessation of both He ever after governing his Church and People within the Limits of his revealed Will. So in the first Original of Kings whereof some had their beginning by Conquest and some by Election of the People their Wills at that Time served for a Law yet how soon Kingdoms began to be settled in Civility and Policy then did Kings set down their Minds by Laws which are properly made by the King only but at the Rogation of the People the King 's Grant being obtained thereunto and so the King came to be Lex loquens a speaking Law after a sort binding himself by a double Oath to the Observation of the Fundamental Laws of his Kingdom Tacitly as by being a King and so bound to protect as well the People as the Laws of his Kingdom and expresly by his Oath at his Coronation So as every just King in a settled Kingdom is bound to observe that Paction made to his People by his Laws in framing his Government agreeable thereunto according to that Paction which God made with Noah after the Deluge Hereafter Seed-time and Harvest Summer and Winter Cold and Heat Day and Night shall not cease so long as the Earth remains And â—herefore a King Governing in a settled Kingdom leaves to be a King and degenerâ—tes into a Tyrant as soon as he leaves off to rule according to his Laws In which Case the King's Conscience may speak unto him as the poor Widow said to Philip of Macedon Either Govern according to your Law aut ne Rex â—is or cease to be King and tho no Christian Man ought to allow any Rebellion of People against their Prince yet doth God never leave Kings unpunished when they transgress these Limits For in that same Psalm where God saith to Kings Vos Dii estis Ye are Gods He immediately thereafter conclude But ye shall die like Men The higher we are placed the greater shall our Fall be Vt casus sic dolor as the Fall so the Griâ—f the taller the Trees be the more in danger of the Wind and the Tempest beats sorest upon the highest Mountains Therefore all Kings that are no Tyrants or Perjured will be glad to bound themselves within the Limits of their Laws and they that perswade them the contrary are Vipers and Pests both against them and the Common-Wealth For it is a great difference betwixt a King's Government in a settled Estate and what Kings in their Original Power might do in Individio vago As for my part I thank God I have ever given good proof that I never had Intention to the contrary And I am sure to go to my Grave with that Reputation and Comfort That never King was in all his Time more careful to have his Laws duly observed and himself to govern thereafter than I. That Just Kings will ever be willing to declare what they will do if they will not incur the Curse of God. I will not be content that my Power be disputed upon but I shall ever be willing to make the Reason appear of all my Doings and rule my Actions according to the Laws And afterwards speaking of the Common Law of England which some conceived he contemned saith to this purpose That as a King he had least cause of any Man to dislike the Common Law for no Law can be more favourable or advantageous for a King and extendeth further his Prerogative than it doth and for a King of England to despise the Common Law is to neglect his own Crown It is true that no Kingdom in the World but every one of them hath their own Municipal Laws agreeable to their Customs as this Kingdom hath the Common Law. Nay I am so far from disallowing the Common
Law as I protest that if it were in my Hand to chuse a new Law for this Kingdom I would not only prefer it before any other National Law but even before the very Judicial Law of Moses for conveniency to this Kingdom at this Time tho in another respect I must say both our Law and all Laws else are very inferiour to that Judicial Law of God for no Book nor Law is perfect nor free from Corruption except only the Book and Law of God. And therefore I could wish that some Corruptions might be purged and cleared in the Common Law but always by the Advice of Parliaments for the King with his Parliament here are Absolute in making or forming any sort of Laws First I could wish that it were written in our Vulgar Language for now it is an old mixt corrupt Language only understood by Lawyers Whereas every Subject ought to understand the Law under which he lives since it is our Plea against the Papists that the Language in God's Service ought not to be in an Unknown Tongue according to the Rule in the Law of Moses That the Law should be written in the Fringes of the Priests Garment and should be publickly read in the Ears of all the People so me thinks ought our Law to be made as plain as can be to the People that the excuse of Ignorance may be taken from them for conforming themselves thereunto Next our Common Law hath not a settled Text being chiefly grounded upon old Customs which you call Responsa Prudentum I could wish that some more certain were set down in this case by Parliament for since the Reports themselves are not are not always so binding but that divers times Judges do disclaim them and recede from the Judgment of their Predecessors It were good that upon a mature deliberation the Exposition of the Law were set down by Act of Parliament and such Reports therein confirmed as were thought fit to serve for Law in all times hereafter and so the People should not depend upon the bare Opinions of Judges and uncertain Reports And lastly there be in the Law contrary Reports and Precedents and this Corruption doth likewise concern the Statutes and Acts of Parliament in respect there are divers cross and cuffing Statutes and some so penn'd as they may be taken in divers yea contrary Sences And therefore could I wish both those Statutes and Reports as well in the Parliament as Common Law to be once materially reviewed and reconciled And that not only Contrarieties should be scraped out of our Books but that even such Penal Statutes as were made but for the use of the time for breach whereof no Man can be free which do not now agree with the condition of this our time might likewise be left out of our Books which under a tyrannous and avaricious King could not be endured And this Reformation might we think be made a worthy Work and well deserves a Parliament to be set of purpose for it c. And as to the Point of Grievances tells them That there are two special Causes of the Peoples presenting Grievances to their King in time of Parliament First For that the King cannot at other times be so well informed of all the Grievances of his People as in time of Parliament which is the Representative Body of the whole Realm Secondly The Parliament is the highest Court of Justice and therefore the fittest place where divers Natures of Grievances may have their proper Remedy by the establishment of good and wholsome Laws Wherein he addresses himself especially to the Lower House who as representing the Body of the People may as it were both Opportunè Inopportunè in Season and out of Season I mean either in Parliament as a Body or out of Parliament as private Men present your Grievances unto me I am not to find fault that you inform your selves of the particular Grievances of the People Nay I must tell you ye can neither be just nor faithful to me or to your Countries that trust and employ you if you do not for true Plaints proceed not from the Persons employed but from the Body represented which is the People And it may very well be that many Directions and Commissions justly given forth by me may be abused in the execution thereof upon the People and yet I never receive Information except it come by your means at such a time as this is Proposals to this present Convention for the perpetual Security of the Protestant Religion and the Liberty of the Subjects of England Humbly Offer'd by the Author of the BREVIATE AFter the Great Blessings that seem designed for the whole Nation from the happy Agreement between the Two Houses in that great Point before them the Vacanâ—y of the Throne I cannot but crave Pardon and leave to put the Representatives of the Nation in remembrance that though this Vacating of the Throne opens so large a Door to our Great and many Deliverances yet our lasting Security is not intirely compleated here and that thâ—refore they baulk not the next Point which is as stoutly to be asserted viz That the Power now of setling the Government and filling the Vacancy is reverted to the Community whereof they are the Representatives This is an opportunity we are like never to have again in the World and a Precedent ought to be made for the Ages to come It is not to be thought after an Agreement on the first Point but that this Convention is willing to invest the Prince of Orange with the Government during his Life for they say both the Princesses are willing it should be so and no prejudice to either But how this can be orderly done until the Power be asserted let the Wisdom of the Nation consider and lay it well to Heart There is One main objection If the Convention chooâ—e a King and Queen at this Time then will the Government be for ever Elective But this is a great Mistake for we must know it is the Constitution of a Government which makes it Elective or Hereditary and not One Actual Choice or single Precedent This being note that well by a Convention not a Parliament whilst in the present Juncture that Vacancy in the Throne which may never happen again to the End of the World leaves us no other Expedient of reestablishing our Government then by Electing Our Governour When an Hereditary Kingdom is set up that was none before the Person on Necessity must be by Election at first though at the same time the Compact of Obedience to the Person so Elected and to his Heirs in Succession after him may be such that what at first was in the peoples Power and Right to give after submission payed will never lie in their Power to resume back The Case is the same here And if we understand then when it is resolved that the Throne is vacant or Government dissolved which is all one the meaning is not
when they might effect a Treaty in all probability with little or no Bloodshed by joining with a Prince of their own Interest who perhaps can shew more just Causes of a War than one Diss. I must confess what you have said seems to carry a great deal of Reason and Moderation with it which I must allow Ch. Let but a moderate Papist lend me one grain of his own Principles and I am confident he cannot but be of my Mind for may we but modestly measure the King 's future Proceedings had we trusted him with Victory by those we had already seen how dismal would the Prospect be Should we but recollect how barefacedly he has been striking at the Northern Heresy ever since the Oxford Parliament what Mercy could we expect How far some of the Protestant Nobility were engaged in an Association to assert their Rights I shall not here pretend to determine but this we may modestly presume That all their Crimes were seen through a Popish Magnifying-Glass and no Artifice neglected to ruine them An ingenious Gentleman was deservedly applauded for his Rhetorical Colours in the Narrative of that Conspiracy and I was well pleased with a Gentleman's Fancy who imagined another Interest would now engage him to atone for his unhappy Continuance in the High-Commission Court by Writing what he observed of the Popish Designs during his stay there Another eminent Instance of those Violences which were Encouraged above was the Presenting Two and fifty Persons in the County of Northampton as disaffected to the Government and branding them with all the Scandals imaginable many of which I personally know to be as Faithful to the Crown and in all Respects as honest and worthy Gentlemen as any in the Kingdom But to come nearer the Present Conjuncture how were our Law Properties and all prostituted by a few Dispensing Gentlemen some of them perfectly incapable of any Place of Trust and all of suspected Integrity How surprizing was it to see persons of the most contemptible Character placed among our Bishops and all the sacred Authority lodged in a Court which was erected against an express Act of Parliament What a Riddle was it that our learned Prelates hitherto the great Supporters of the Crown should be Imprisoned for acting according to their Consciences in refusing to Read that which pretended to establish the greatest Liberty of Conscience Could any one that saw Six hundred Scholars up in Arms and chearfully demonstrating their Loyalty in the Western Rebellion ever think to see the Fellows of Magdalen Colledg ingratefully turned out like Dogs and perhaps one of the finest Foundations in Europe become a Kennel for Miscreants who were more unworthy to be Members of an University upon the account of their Insufficiency than they were incapable of it by Law It seem'd almost a Jest to me to see in Christ-Church persons of that eminent Character and Learning superintended by a Wretch not fit for common Converse In which Society there is a Person in whom the Gentleman and the Scholar do very eminently meet and who for his happy Conduct and great Care to maintain the Repute of that Colledg during these Violences has certainly now all the Title to the Deanry that either merit or the common Rules of Gratitude can afford him But to proceed I say to see how all Freedom of Elections to Parliament was in a manner taken away how the Poll at Northampton was like to be Regulated by Powder and Bullet and the whole Government managed by Father Petre Pen Lob and a few more such mercenary Wretches and all this to introduce a Religion contrary to Scripture and destructive of all Society for which we expected great things would have been said while the Asserters of it had Command of the Press and the Countenance of a Prince yet nothing was produced but Fallacy and Nonsense These I say not to mention the subverting Succession a League with France and those horrid Murthers laid to the Court are Provocations too great even for Primitive Obedience But seeing these Violences have in all probability found their period and the Betrayers of God and their Country are now coming to Answer for themselves I shall leave further Reflections to a free and unbyass'd Parliament Diss. Ay but what was it that encouraged these Violences Was it not your unseasonable Zeal for an unlimited Obedience your Oxford Decree and such like Monuments of the Heats of that Age Ch. Why to tell you sincerely my Opinion in the Case I am perswaded there were Two Parties in the Nation undermining the Government the one by more secret and mysterious Methods endeavoured to introduce Popery the other by more evident and bare-faced Proceedings attempted the Extirpation of Monarchy Therefore the Generality of the Churchmen being more sensible of the Designs of the latter endeavoured to stand like Moses in the Gap with those you term unseasonable Doctrines which I also take to be the Occasion of the Oxford Decree for though in my own private Opinion I never approv'd of it but wished it might have perish'd in the same Rogus with the Books it condemned yet I am so well satisfied of the Learning and Integrity of those worthy Gentlemen who were chiefly concerned in it that I do really believe it was only promoted for the Preservation of the Government Diss. Ay you Churchmen have such a way of Respecting one another that you had like to have fooled us and your selves out of all neither could I ever find you were sensible of the approaching Calamities till Oppression touch'd your own Copy-holds Ch. What you object to us in this Case seems to redound to our greatest Honour for by our Principles we had always such a Reverence for Monarchy that we were willing to connive at the failings of a Prince as long as we could but having our Rights established by Law we knew when we came to be oppress'd The very Foundations of our Government were assaulted and so we were forced to make Enquiry into our Constitutions Diss. So then at length you will acknowledg the Prince of Orange not only to be a great but a just Deliverer Ch. Since I have been better acquainted with the horrid Designs of our Adversaries and found the Contest to be only between Papist and Protestant I am not only highly sensible of the Prince's Generosity but have inserted the Justice of his Cause from the marvellous Providences when have wrought his Success It is certainly part of his Character that as his first Pretences were modest so Fortune has not tempted him to exceed them and we have still all the Reason in the World to imagine that he only generously designed to relieve us from Oppression without any sinister Intent of making himself Great The Noble Cause he has undertaken is the Protestant Interest and I doubt not but the Lord of Hosts will fight his Battels Indeed the Success of this his first Enterprize has been so wonderful and surprizing that
is evident no Man can serve two Masters Secondly It 's highly necessary and prudent rather to vest the Administration in the Husband than in the Wife 1. Because a Man by Nature Education and Experience is generally rendred more capable to Govern than the Woman Therefore 2. the Husband ought rather to Rule the Wife than the Wife the Husband especially considering the Vow in Matrimony 3. The Prince of Orange is not more proper to Govern as he 's Man and Husband only but as he is a Man a Husband and a Prince of known Honour profound Wisdom undaunted Courage and incomparable Merit as he 's a Person that 's naturally inclin'd to be Just Merciful and Peaceable and to do all Publick Acts of Generosity for the Advancement of the Interest and Happiness of Humane Societies and therefore most fit under Heaven to have the solâ— Executive Power A LORD'S Speech Without Doors To the Lords upon the present Condition of the Government My Lords PRay give me leave to cast in my Mite at this time upon this great Debate and though it be with an entire dissent to some Leading Lords to whom I bear great reverence it is according to my Conscience and that is the Rule of every honest Man's Actions My Lords I cannot forbear thinking that a greater Reproach can hardly come upon any People than is like to fall upon us Protestants for this unpresidented usage of our poor King We feared the security of our Religion because of Him and are now like to Violate a great part of it by forfeiting our Loyalty towards Him Religion is the Pretence but some fear a New Master is the Thing This I take to have been to Business of to Day for notwithstanding we see how feeble a thing Popery is in England that it is beaten without Blows and routed so effectually that it can never hope nor we justly fear it should return upon us and consequently our Religion pretty secure yet I don't see that this satisfies us unless the King goes also He must be turned away and the Crown change its Head for if the Crown be not the Quarrel more than Property and his Majesty's Person than his Religion Why did not the Prince stop when he heard a Free Parliament was calling by the King's Writs where all Matters especially that of the Prince of Wales might have been considered or at least where his Majesties Commissioners of Peace met â—im Who advised him â—o adâ—ance and give his Majesty that apprehension of â—is own insecurity and if any thing but a Crown would have served him Why was a Noble Peer of this House clapt up at Winsor when his Majesty sent him on purpose to invite the Prince to St. Iames's a Message that affected all good Mens Hearts more then any thing but his Majesty's return it look'd so Natural and Peaceable But it seems as if it had been therefore affronted for the Invitation could not have been received without the King 's remaining King and who was there that did not lately say it should be so I and who is there now that does not see it is not so We can my Lords no longer doubt of this if we will remember that the same Night the Prince should have answered his Majesty's kind Message The King's Guards were changed and at midnight the Prince's Guards were clapt upon hiâ— Majesty's Person and which is yet more extravagant to accomplish the business Three noble Lords in view were sent to let him know It was not for his safety or the Princes honour that he should stay in his own Palace A strange way my Lords of treating ones own King in his own House I cannot comprehend how it was for the Prince's Honour the King should go against his Will or how it was against his Honour that his Majesty should be safe in his own House I leave it with your Lordships to think who could render the King's stay unsafe at White-hall after the Dutch Guards were posted there My Lords this I confess is the great Iniquity that sticks with me and deserves our severest Scrutiny and Reflection that after driving our King away we should offer to â—ddress our selves to any Body to take the Government as if he had formally disserted it It becomes us rather to ask Where the King is how he came to go and who sent him away I take the Honour of the Peâ—rage of England to be deeply ingaged both at Home and Abroad to search but this Minor and especially those who are now present most of whom owe their share iâ— thâ—t noble Order to his Majesty his Brother Father or Grandfather It is not unreasonable to believe the King had not gone at first but upon some Messagâ— sent and Letters received to take care of his Person for that nothing less than the Crown was intended but being not out of his own Territories and therefore no Dissertion Abdication or Remise as the Criticks of the Conjuncture we are under pretend for the King may be where â—e will in his own Kingdom we â—ee while it was in his choice to go he returned and by as good as our advise too so that we cannot in truth say his Dissertion is the cause for it is plainly the Effect of our late extraordinary proceedings If any should say He needed not have gone now it is a great mistake for â— King ought to go if he cannot stay a King in his own Kingdom which Force refused to let him be And to stay a Subject to another Authority had been a meaner forfeiture of his Right then can in justice be charged upon his Retirement Wherefore his going must and will lie at their Doors that set him an hour to be gone out of his own Palace Many are angry and yet pleased that he is gone for France but where my Lords should he go Flanders dared not receive him Holland you could not think he should go to and Ireland you would have liked less and when we consider how far a League with France has been made the cause of his Misfortune though to this day it is in the Clouds what other Prince had the same Obligation to receive and succor him Therefore whatever Arts are used to blacken his Retreat we cannot with any shew of Reason imagine that he could think himself safe with us that had exercised Soveraign Power without him our Soveraign Lord and under the protection of a Forraign Prince and his Army though at the same time we had Sworn Allegiance to him and that it was unlawful for us to take up Arms against him under any Pretence whatever My Lords if this be not virtually and in effect to pull the Crown off his Head and dethrone him unheard I am to learn my Alphabet again This is short warning to give Kings for us at least my Lords that boast of Loyalty and were brought to these Seats by the favour of the Crown What can other Nations think of the Nobility of
is in the Church as National must heal our Breaches The Catholicks are for one Universal Organical Church throughout the World whereof the Pope is Head according to some and the Bishops Convened in a General Council according to others That there is a Catholick Church Visible on earth as well as invisible whereof CHRIST is Head who was on Earth and is now Visible in Heaven is past doubt also with Protestants But that this Church is Organical and under the Government of a Monarchy by the Pope or of an Aristocracy by a General Council it seems a thing not possible in nature because neither can any Oeâ—umenical Council ever be Called or any One Man he sufficient to take on him the Concernmenâ—s of the whole World. A Political Church is a Community of Chrisâ—â—ans brought into an Orber of Superiority and Inferiority by an Head and Members organized for the Exercise of that Government which is proper to it but the whole Earth is not capable of any such Order And Councils therefore which are gather'd out of several Countries or of Bishops belonging to more Dominions than of one Supreme Power may behad for mutual Advice and Concord but not for Government A Nation Empire or Kingdom which consists of one Supreme Magistrate and People who are generally Christians are capable of such an Ecclesiastical Polity and a National Church Political in England is to be asserted and maintained The Church of England then is a Political Society of all the Christians in the Land united in the King as Head and organized by the Bishops for the executing those Laws or Government which he chooses for their spiritual Good and the publick Peace There is this difference between a Church National the Church Catholick and Particular Churches The two latter-are of Divine Right and Essential Consideration but the former is and can be only of Humane Institution for it is manifestly Accidental to the Church of Christ that the chief Magistrate and the whole People should be Christian. Distinguish we here of the Government of the Church as Internal belonging to the Spirit and External which belongs to Men And of the External Regiment thereof which is either Formal belonging to the Ministers or Officers of Christ or Objective belonging to the Magistrate the one being only by the Keyes the other by the Sword. Whether the Community now of Christians in England may be accounted a National Church in respect to any Formal Government of it we leave for dispute to others let them judg according to the foregoing Definition of a Political Church But that the main Body of the Nation are or may be constituted a proper Political Church National in respect to that External Objective Regiment which is or should be exercised by the Bishops as the proper Organs thereof under the King is what we hold reasonable and would lay as the Foundation-Stone of Peace in the matter of Religion between all Persons in the Kingdom Let the Parliament therefore we have be heartily for the Publick Good and thriving of England which must and can be only by an entire Liberty of Conscience in opposition to the narrow Spirit of any single Party or Faction and when such a Parliament as this shall set themselves about the Business of Union to purpose a Bill should be brought in Entituled An Act for declaring the Constitution of our Church of England A Parliament is the Representative of the whole Nation and no doubt but by Consent and Agreement they might upon the account mentioned Make a new Constitution and much more may they Declare the Constitution of it It should be declared then in such a Bill or Act that the Church of England consists of the King as the Head or pars Imperans who is to give Laws thereto and all the several Assemblies of Christians which he shall tolerate as the pars subdita or Body Some Discrimination between the Tolerable and Intolerable is indeed never to be gainsaid by any wise and good Man unto whom there is no Liberty can be desirable which is not consistent at least with these three things the Articles of our Creed a Good Life and the Fundamental Government of the Kingdom It is not for any private persons but a Parliament to prescribe the Terms of National Communion But we would have all our Assemblies that are Tolerable to be made Legal by such an Act and thereby parts of the National Church as well as the Parochial Congregations The Church here therefore must come under a double consideration as the Church of Christ and as the Church of England Take the Church as the Church of Christ and there must be as we have said at first endless Controversy about this point who are the true Members of it but take it under the consideration as National and there will be none at all for those must be Membâ—rs whom the Head by a Law does allow to be parts of the Body and the King under this notion only is made Head of the Church by the Stature that is as it is called Ecclesia Aâ—glicana The Protestant Dissenterâ— of all sorts as well as the Conformists will acknowledg the King to be Supreme Coercive Governour over all Persons and in all Causes Ecclesiastical and Civil throughout his Dominions And will not those who are Roman Catholicks do the like Did they not do so in Henry the Eight's time when they were generally such Again the Dissenters of all sorts even the Congregationalists of every Sect are ready to submit to any power legally derived from the King and upon such an account will admit of a superintendency of the Bishops as Ecclesiastical Magistrates under him when they cannot own any Authority that they have over other Ministers from Iesus Christ and will not Papists also be subject to all Authority that is exercised legally in his Name howsoever they may question the Spiritual Title of the English Clergy and their succession We would have the Bishops then qua Bishops as distinct in Office from Priests declared no other than the King's Officers whose power is but Objectively Ecclesiastical and to act Circa Sacra only by Vertue of his Authority and Commission As Iehoshaphat did comit the Charge incumbent upon him as Supreme Magistrate in regard to all Matters of the Lord unto the care of Amariah being Chief Priest and in regard to the King's Matters unto Zebadiah being as the Chief Iustice of the Realm so should the Diocesian Bishop be in our Ecclesiastical as the Judges are in Civil Matters the Substitutes altogether of His Majesty and execute his Jurisdiction This is indeed at State point which was throughly canvased by Henry the Eight whose Divines did agree on two Orders alone Priest and Deacon to be of Divine Appointment and that the Superiority of a Bishop over a Presbyter or of one Bishop over another was but by the Positive Laws of Men only as appears in that Authentick Book then put out entituled
Dissenter of one sort himself The King therefore that was so lately could not really put the Catholicks upon Conformity and if he would appear equal to all his People he could not put â—ny other Dissenters on it neither for the same Cause That which the Law requires was both in his Conscience and in theirs a thing prohibited of God. He could not therefore put the Laws in Execution being against God. And if He could not do it acting only but as an honest Man that abides by his Principles we have no reason to apprehend that so good a King and Queen as we have now should be ever brought to do it maugre all the Enticements of the Church of England or Frowns of the Church of Rome FINIS ADVERTISEMENT A Third Volume of Sermons Preached by the Late Reverend and Learned Thomas Manton D.D. In Two Parts The First containing LXVI Sermons on the Eleventh Chapter of the Hebrews With a Treatise of the Life of Faith. The Second containing a Treatise of Self-Denial With Several Sermons on the Sacrament of the Lord's-Supper And other Occasions With an Alphabetical-Table to the Whole Sold by Thomas Parkhurst and Ionathan Robinson ELEVENTH Collection of Papers Relating to the Present Juncture of Affairs in England and Scotland VIZ. I. An Answer to the Desertion Discuss'd being a Defence of the late and present Proceedings II. Satisfaction tendred to all that pretend Conscience for Non-submission to our present Governours and refusing of the New Oaths of Fealty and Allegiance III. Dr. Oates his Petition to the Parliament declaring his barbarous Sufferings by the Papists IV. An Account of the Convention of Scotland V. A Speech made by a Member of the Convention of the Estates in Scotland VI. The Grounds on which the Estates of Scotland declared the Right of the Crown of Scotland Forfaulted and the Throne become Vacant VII The Opinion of two eminent Parliament-Men justifying the Lawfulness of taking the Oaths of Allegiance to King William and Queen Mary London printed and are to be sold by Richard Ianeway in Queen's-head-Court in Pater-noster-Row 1689. AN ANSWER TO THE DESERTION DISCUSS'D IF many of our Long-Rob'd Divines pust up with a Conceit of their own Parts would but keep closer to their Texts and their Duties most certainly our Peace and Union would be much firmer and more assured then it is For being sway'd by Interest and Profit they are more afraid of losing the Advantages of Earthly Preferment then the Treasures of Heavenly Felicity Unless they swim in their own Wishes and Desires all Things are out of Order The Church is in danger they cry here are Sharers coming in among Us And by an odd kind of Ecclesiastical Policy seem rather inclinable to return under the Yoke of Popery then to endure the Equality of a Dissenting Protestant rather to be at the check of a Pope's Nuncio then suffer the Fraternity of a Protestant Nonconformist They said nothing to the late King till he began to touch their Copy-holds then they call'd out for Help and now they are angry with their Relief because they are afraid of well they know not what And this is their Misfortune that if all things answer not the full Height of their Expectations they are the first that should be last dissatisfied If all things go not well as they imagine they presently grow moody and waspish and while they insinuate their empty Notions into others who admiring the fluency of their Pulpit Language either out of Ignorance or Laziness allow them a Prerogative over their Understandings the whole Nation must be embroyl'd by their Surmises and Mistrusts Else what had that Gentleman who wrote the Desertion Discuss'd to do to busy his Brains with a Subject neither appertaining to his Function nor proper for his Talent Why should he be setting himself up against the voted Judgment of â—he chiefest and greatest part of the Kingdom A Man of his Profession would have doubtless better employ'd himself in contemplating the Story of the Three Murmurers against Moses and there have learn'd a more sanctifi'd Lesson then to exalt his Sophistry against the Debates of a Solemn Assembly contriving the Publick Preservation For certainly never was a fairer Prospect then now since the many Revolutions under which the British Monarchy has labour'd of its being restor'd to its ancient Grandâ—ur and Renown and of enjoying the Advantages of Peace and Prosperity in a higher measure then ever So that it must be look'd upon as the Effect either of a most pernicious Malice or a strange distraction of Brain for such Discussers as these to be throwing about the Darnel of their nice and froward Conceptions on purpose to choak the Expectations of so glorious a Harvest For they must be Men that want the government of right Reason within themselves as being enslav'd either to vicious Custom or partial Affection or else they would never run themselves and others with so much precipitancy into the shame and ignominy of upholding the subvertors of National Constitutions And all this to blacken and defame the noble Endeavours and prudent Counsels of those renowned Patriots that pursu'd the only means to rescue a languishing Monarchy from impending Thraldom and Ruin. He does not wonder he says that a Man of so much sense and integrity as his Friend is should be surprized at the Thrones being declared Vacant by the Lower House of Convention For how says his Friend can the Seat of the Government be empty while the King who all grant had an unquestionable Title is still living But the Discusser here forgot that it had been the resolv'd Opinion of two Parliaments already That there was no Security for the Protestant Religion the King's Life or the establish'd Government of the Kingdom without passing a Bill for disabling the Duke of York to inherit the Imperial Crown of England and Ireland and that unless a Bill were pass'd for excluding the Duke of York the House could not give any Supply to the King without Danger to his Person the Hazard of the Protestant Religion and Breach of the Trust in them repos'd by the People Upon which a Bill did pass the Commons and was sent up to the Lords for their Concurrence by which Iames Duke of York was excluded and made for ever uncapable to Inherit Possess or Enjoy the Imperial Crown of this Realm c. and he adjudg'd Guilty of High Treason and to suffer the Pains and Penalties as in Case of High Treason if after such a Time he should claim challenge or attempt to possess or exercise any Authority or Jurisdiction as King c. in any of the said Dominions 'T is true the Lords did not pass this Bill for Reasons well known yet was it such a mutilation to the Duke's Title to be disabled from succeeding in the Kingdom by the whole Body of the Commons who are the Representatives of the Nation that it can never be said that all Men granted his Title unquestionable
Necessity of their own creating tho never so false For says he if the King had either not bin driven out of his Dominions or invited back upon honourable Terms they needed not have had recourse to such unusual singular Methods of proceeding And thus the Discusser rambles out of one Untruth into another For he fled from offer'd Treaty forsook the defence of his own Forces and left them to be disbanded in Arrears and without Payment slipt from his own Council by Night after he had appointed to meet them in Consultation the next Morning Nor could he justly suspect that any Violence would have been offer'd to Him in particular being so well assur'd as he could not choose but be of the Generous Inclination and profound Respect which the Prince had to his Person But if the Guilt of peculiar Miscarriages hasten'd his Departure or oversway'd him toleave the Heâ—m of Rule without any Form or Face of Goverment That could ne're be call'd an Expulsion out of his Dominions And therefore when a certain Gentleman waiting on him at Feversham besought him to return to London he gave the Person this Reply That he was an honest Gentleman but knew not what he knew And when he had once abandon'd the Kingdom all forlom without either Head or Conduct without Council or any Countenance of Authority then according to the Judgment of the Common-wealth of Venice in reference to the Succession of Henry the 4 th it belong'd to the Nobility and chief Persons of the Land as they are the chief Defence of the Royal Authority to take care of the Publick Safety whether by usual or unusual Methods of proceeding it matters not and they have both the Authority of Law and Necessity to justify their Proceedings As for his being invited back upon Honourable Terms 't is well known how he return'd back and went through the City on the Sunday Night attended by his own Guards and lodg'd in White-Hall and this most certainly in order to an Accommodation Only because the Prince was coming to Town he was sent to and for the avoiding any Disturbance that might be prejudicial to his Person was humbly desir'd to retire to Ham-House with Liberty to make choice of what Persons he thought fit to attend him Which he promised to do but recollecting himself and desiring to know whether he might not return back to Rochester word was sent him the next Morning that he might do as he pleas'd All this while here was no Constraint put upon him so that he could not be said to be driven out of his Dominions but that it was his own Choice to forsake it Notwithstanding all this The Discusser will undertake to prove That the King before his withdrawing had sufficient Grounds to make him apprehensive of Danger and therefore it could not be call'd an Abdication But through the whole Pursuit of his Argument the Discusser most wretchedly mistakes the Point quite mistaking the Effects for the Causes For says he Had not the King great Reason to retire to secure his Person and his Honour when he had met with so many unfortunate Disappointments with so many surprising and unparallel'd Accidents When part of the Army was revolted and the Remainder too apparently unserviceable When the People had such fatal and unremoveable Prejudices against his Service When there were such terrible Disorders in the Kingdom and all Places were either flaming or ready to take Fire What should a Prince do when he had scarce any thing left him to lose but himself but consult his Safety and give way to the irresisâ—able Evil These are very great Disappointments and evil Accidents indeed to befal a Prince But the Discusser forgets to tell ye That the Prince brought all these Inconveniencies upon himself The Discusser tells ye that part of the Army revolted but he omits to tell ye that it was out of a Generous Principle for that being Protestants they would not embrue their Hands in the Blood of their Fellow-Protestants and Countreymen nor be Instruments to enslave the Nation He tells ye of terrible Disorders in the Kingdom but does not tell ye it was time for the People to be in Disorder when they saw such Incroachments upon their Ancient Franchises such Inundations of Popery flowing in upon their Consciences and such a rapid Violence of French Thraldom tumbling in upon their Necks He complains that all Places were either flaming or ready to take Fire but forgets to tell you who were the Incendiaries These therefore with several others of the same Nature being the true Causes that drew the foresaid Inconveniencies upon the King it follows that tho the Secondary Constraint of his withdrawing might be occasion'd by the Effects yet the Primary Cause of his withdrawing proceeded from the First Causes which produced the Effects Consequently such a Retiring was voluntary and not forc'd because he may be justly said to fly from something of dreaded Punishment rather then pursuing Danger from which he was always at a distance â—ar enough off but dubious what would become of him as to the Former The Discusser makes many other grievous Complaints to justify the King's First withdrawing for hitherto he is altogether upon that but when he comes to sum up all In short says he when the Forts and Revenue were thus disposed of when the Papists were to be disbanded and the Protestants not to be trusted when the Nation was under such general and violent Dissatisfactions when the King in case of a Rupture had nothing upon the matter but his single Person to oppose against the Princes Arms and those of his Subjects when his Mortal Enemies were to sit Judges of his Crown and Dignity if no farther when Affairs were in this tempestuous Condition to say that a Free and Indifferent Parliament might be chosen with the Relation to the King 's Right as well as the People's and that the King had no just visible Cause to apprehend himself in Danger is to out-face the Sun and trample upon the Understandings and almost upon the Senses of the whole Nation As for the Fortified Towns it was but Reason that his then Highness the Prince of Orange who came over to rescue the Nation from Arbitrary Violence and Oppression should demand them to be put into his Power well Knowing them to be then in the Hands of Irish Papists and Cut-Throats of whom the People stood in Perpetual Fear and who were rather a Consternation then Security to the Kingdom And the same reason holds in Relation to the Revenue For all the World knows what Vast Sums had been Squander'd away by the late King when Duke to keep off the sitting of Parliaments and to buy off the Members when they Sate and when that Money was spent so much to the Detriment of the Realm what Sollicitations were made to the French King for more to carry on the Popish Cause and Interest It was as well known how the Revenue had of late
Counsellors whom he had pardoned and was in Honour bound to protect them having himself forced them to be Criminals 3. The third was The consenting to the entire Ruin of Popery in England by hanging many of his Priests and Jesuits and banishing all the rest and pulling down all the Schools and Chappels they had erected all over England a sure Sign they were built upon an Immortal Prince of Wales though this was done before by the unaccountable Zeal of the Mobile 4. He foresaw such a Parliament would not only damn the Ecclesiastical Court that Beast with seven Heads and the Dispensing Power but would in all probability lessen his Revenue and bind up the Prerogative which his great Spirit could not bear 5. The Prince he foresaw would have demanded some Forts to be put into his Hands and the Parliament for their Security so said he If I stay I shall be but a Nominal King of England and only be an Instrument to ruin my Religion my â—riends the Monarchy and the Child also At first he alledged That the Disorders the Preparations to repel the Invasion caused would not suffer a Parliament to meet Secondly After the Prince was landed that all the Countries he had under him would not be free Thirdly That all that had joined with him ought not to sit but when he saw the whole Army and Nation the Roman Catholicks excepted of the same mind mere Force drove him to consent to Call a Parliament and when he had again considered the Consequences of it he at last resolved to throw up the Crown and Government all at once rather than to submit to all these Hardships He seems to have had at the same time a fluttering hope that 1. We should never be able long to agree after he had made it impossible for us to have a Legal Parliament by burning the Writs 2. That the Church of England Principles would when the fear and disorder was over form for him a potent Army in the Nation And 3. That the French King would lend him potent Forces and good store of Mony and if he recovered the Throne by force he should be freed of all these Miseries and have what he only wanted before a Popish Army to insure the Slavery of England for ever Now I would desire those Protestants who pretend now too late to be so zealous for him to consider whether what I have said would not have been expected from him by them for their Security and what they would have done had he called a Parliament and refused them all these things and have insisted That they should have taken his Word as to the Birth of the Prince of Wales have suffered him to have been educated in France and have suffered the Army the Prerogative the Ministers and the Revenues to have continued entirely as they were upon a Promise He would have used them better for the future If they say No They would have had the best Security that Law or Reason could have required Then all the hard things I have mentioned must have been granted them and I much question whether he would now return to the Throne on those terms If they say We ought however to have treated with him have offered him terms I say it would have come to a separate Treaty and the Church the Liberties of the Nation and the Government would have been ruined that way and when all had been done no Bond that he could have broken would have held him longer than the Necessity had continued The only Advantage we could pretend to have by the coming over of the Prince of Orange with an Army was to force the King to what he would never have yielded without that Force Now when he had accordingly passed his Word to the Nation in the Proclamation of the Thirtieth of November That there should be a Free Parliament and to the Prince of Orange in his Message by the three Lords That he would consent to every thing that could reasonably be required for the Security of those that come to it and yet without any Provocation would burn the Writs and resolve to withdraw his Person before these Lords couâ—d possibly return him any Answer for he promised the Queen to follow her who went away the day before him I say this breach of his Word so solemnly made and given both to the Nation and the Prince shew that he was not Master of himself but turned about by others whither they pleased Now suppose the Prince had suffered him to continue at Whiteâ—al and to call a Third Parliament what aâ—surance could he have given that in the end of another forty days we should not have the same trick play'd us and then in March or April have been left in the same state of Confusion we were in in December to the certain Ruin of these three Kingdoms and Holland into the bargain And when all had been done the Scruples would have been the same they are now the Obligations of the Oath of Allegiance the same and the sin of Deposing a Lawful Prince who resolved to do the Nation no Right would have been much greater and more scandalous than barely to take him at his Word and since he had left the Throne empty when he needed not to resolve he should ascend it no more Lastly Suppose the Prince had been Expelled by the King Would the King have then granted us what he would not grant us now Would he not have Disbanded his Protestant Army and have kept the Irish Forces in Pay and have every day encreased them What Respect would he ever after this have shewn to the English Laws Religion or Liberties when he had no longer any thing to fear The memory of what happened after the Monmouth defeat though effected only by Church of England Men will certainly never be forgotten by others whatever the Bigots of this sort of Loyalty may pretend or say That Expression of the Lord Churchil's in his Letter That he could no longer joyn with Self-interested Men who had framed Designs against His Majesty's true Interest and the Protestant Religion to give a pretence by Conquest to bring them to effect ought to be seriously considered by all the Protestants of the Nation This one Argument prevailed upon him when he ran the hazard of his Life Reputation and Fortunes and now they are all on the other side I should consider very seâ—iously if I were one of them what Answer I could make to this turned into a Question in the Day of Death and Judgment before ever I should Act the direâ—t contrary to what he has done For my part I am amazed to see Men scruple the submitting to the present King for if eveâ— Man had a just cause of War he had and that creates a Right to the thing gained by it the King by withdrawing and disbâ—nding his Army yielded him the Throne and if he had without any more Ceremony ascended it he had done no more
than all other Princes do on the like occasions and when the King after this was taken and brought back by force he was no longer then bound to consider him as one that was but as one that had been King of England and in that capacity he treated him with great Respect and Civility how much soever the King complained of it who did not enough consider what he had done to draw upon himself that usage But when all is said that can be said there may possibly be some Men to whom may be applied the Saying of Ioab Thou lovest thine Enemies and hatest thy Friends for thou hast declared this day that thou regardest neither Princes nor Servants for this Day I perceive that if Absolom had lived and all we had died this Day then it had pleased thee well Had the Protestant Religion the English Liberties the Nobility and Gentry of this Nation been all made an Holocaust to their Reputations and Humours their Scruples and School-niceties and the Prince of Orange perished or returned Ruin'd or Inglorious into Holland we should then have had the Honour of cutting up our Religion our Laws and our Civil Rights with our own Swords and we should have been the only Church under Heaven that had refused a Deliverance and Religiously and Loyally had Destroyed it self In truth the Men would have purchased Popery and Slavery so dear ought to have enjoyed both to the End of the World. The REASONS of the Suddenness of the Change in England THE true Reasons of the Swiftness of this Change may easily be assigned by shewing the Temper and Designs of Iames the Second the Temper of William the Third our Present Soveraign and the Nature of the English Nation and of the Times all concurring with Wonderful Harmony to produce this wonderful Effect For had Iames the Second undertook any thing but the subjecting England to Popery and the Exercise of Arbitrary Power to that end his vast Revenue his great Army and the Reputation he had gained at Home and Abroad by the defeat of the Monmouth-Invasion would have gone near to have effected it and after all this if he had in the beginning of October frankly granted all the Ten Proposals made by the Bishops and suffered a Parliament to have met and given up a considerable Number of his Ministers to Justice and suffered the pretended Prince of Wales his Birth to be freely debated and determin'd in Parliament It would in all probability have prevented or defeated the then intended Invasion But whilst he thought to save the Pretended Succession the Dispensing and Suspending Power and the Ecclesiastical Commission to carry on his former Design with when he had baffl'd the Prince of Orange the Nation saw through the Project and he lost all Had a Prince of less Secresy Prudence Courage and Interest than the Prince of Orange undertaken this business it might probably have miscarriâ—d but as his Cause was better so his Reputation Conduct and Patience infinitely exceeded theirs he would not stir till he saw the French Forces set down before Philipsbourgh and then he was sure France and Germany were irrevocably ingaged in a War and consequently he should have no other opposition than what the Irish and English Roman Catholicks could make against him For no English Protestant would fight his Country into Vassalage and Slavery to Popish Priests and Italian Women when a Parliament sooner or later must at last have determin'd all the things in Controversy except we resolved once for all to give up our Religion Laws Liberties and Estates to the will of our King and submit for ever to a French Government A Nation of less sense than the English might have been imposed upon of less bravery and valour might have been frighted of a more servile temper might have neglected its Liberties till it had been too late to have ever recovered them again But none but a parcel of Iesuits bred in a Cloister and unacquainted with our Temper as well as Constitution would ever have hoped to have carried two such things as Popery and Abitrary Power both at once upon so jealous a Nation as the English is which hates them above any other People in the World. The cruel slaughter they had made of the poor wretches they took after the defeat at Bridg-water ought to have made them for ever despair of gaining any credit with the Dissenters who rarely forgive but never forget any ill treatment Yet these little Politico's had so little sense as to build all their hopes on the Gratitude and Insensibility of these Men as if they should for Liberty of Conscience arbitrarily and illegally granted and consequently revocable at the will of the Granter have sold themselves to everlasting Slavery They were equally mistaken in their carriage towards the Church of England party for when some of them had pursued both Clergy and Laity with the utmost obloquy hatred oppression and contempt to the very moment they found the Dutch storm would fall upon them Then all at once they passed to the other extream the Bishops are presently sent for the Government intirely to be put into their hands and all Places Presses and Papers fill'd with the Encomiums of the Church of England's Loyalty and Fidelity who but three days before were Male-contents if not Rebels and Traytors for opposing the Kings Dispensing Power and the Ecclesiastical Commission And which was the height of folly the same Pen which had been hired to defame and blacken the Church of England the Author of the Publick Occurrences truly stated was ordered to magnify its Loyalty By which they gained nothing but the intire and absolute disobliging the whole Protestant party in the Nation so that for the future no Body would serve or trust them To compleat their folly and madness they perswaded the King to throw up the Government and retire into France pretending we would never be able to agree amongst our selveâ— but would in a short time be forced to recal him and yield to all those things we had so violently opposed or if not he might yet at least force us to submit by the Succours he might gain in France without ever considering how possible it was we might agree and how difficult it would be to force us by a French Army which was equally contrary to the Interest of England and all Europe besides and to all intents and purposes destructive of the Interest of that Prince they pretended thus to exalt and re-establish Had France been now in Peace there might yet have been same colour for this but when all Europe was under a necessity to unite against him for its own preservation then to perswade the King of Great Britain to desert his Throne and fly thither for succour upon hopes of recovering his Kingdoms again by the assistance of the French the mortal and hereditary Enemies of the English this was so silly a Project that there seems to have been something of a
or his Deputs his Brethren Heraulds Macers and Pursevants and at the Head-Burghs of all the Shires Stewarties Bailliaries and Regalities within the Kingdom by Messengers at Arms. Extracted forth of the Meeting of the Estates by me J A. DALRYMPLE Cls. God save King WILLIAM and Queen MARY The Manner of the King and Queen taking the Scotish Coronation Oath May 11. 1689. THis day being appointed for the publick Reception of the Commissioners viz. the Earl of Argyle Sir Iames Montgomery of Skelmerly and Sir Iohn Dalrymple of Stair younger who were sent by the Meeting of the Estates of Scotland with an Offer of the Crown of that Kingdom to Their Majesties they accordingly at 3 of the Clock met at the Council-Chamber and from thence were Conducted by Sir Charles Cotterel Master of the Ceremonies attended by most of the Nobility and Gentry of that Kingdom who reside in and about this place to the Banqueting-House where the King and Queen came attended by many Persons of Quality the Sword being carried before them by the Lord Cardrosse and Their Majesties being placed on the Throne under a rich Canopy they first presented a Letter from the Estates to His Majesty then the Instrument of Government Thirdly a Paper containing the Grievances which they desired might be Redressed and Lastly an Address to His Majesty for turning the Meeting of the said Estates into a Parliament All which being Signed by his Grace the Duke of Hamilton as President of the Meeting and read to Their Majesties the King returned to the Commissioners the following Answer When I engaged in this Undertaking I had particular Regard and Consideration for Scotland and therefore I did emit a Declaration in relation to That as well as to this Kingdom which I intend to make good and effectual to them I take it very kindly that Scotland hath expressed so much Confidence in and Affection to Me They shall find Me willing to assist them in every thing that concerns the Weal and Interest of that Kingdom by making what Laws shall be necessary for the Security of their Religion Property and Liberty and to ease them of what may be justly grievous to them After which the Coronation-Oath was tendred to Their Majesties which the Earl of Argyle spoke word by word distinctly and the King and Queen repeated it after him holding Their Right Hands up after the manner of taking Oaths in Scotland The Meeting of the Estates of Scotland did Authorize their Commissioners to represent to His Majesty That that Clause in the Oath in relation to the rooting out of Hereticks did not import the destroying of Hereticks And that by the Law of Scotland no Man was to be persecuted for his private Opinion And even Obstinate and Convicted Hereticks were only to be denounced Rebels or Outlawed whereby their Moveable Estates are Confiscated His Majesty at the repeating that Clause in the Oath Did declare that He did not mean by these words That He was under any Obligation to become a Persecutor To which the Commissioners made Answer That neither the meaning of the Oath or the Law of Scotland did import it Then the King replyed That He took the Oath in that Sense and called for Witnesses the Commissioners and others present And then both Their Majesties Signed the said Coronation-Oath After which the Commissioners and several of the Scotish Nobility kissed Their Majesties Hands The Coronation-OATH of England The Arch-Bishop or Bishop shall say WIll You solemnly Promise and Swear to Govern the People of this Kingdom of England and the Dominions thereto belonging according to the Statutes in Parliament agreed on and the Laws and Customs of the same The King and Queen shall say I solemnly Promise so to do Arch-Bishop or Bishop Will You to Your Power cause Law and Justice in Mercy to be Executed in all Your Judgments King and Queen I Will. Arch-Bishop or Bishop Will You to the utmost of Your Power Maintain the Laws of God the true Profession of the Gospel and the Protestant Reformed Religion Established by Law And will You Preserve unto the Bishops and Clergy of this Realm and to the Churches committed to their Charge all such Rights and Priviledges as by Law do or shall appertain unto them or any of them King and Queen All this I Promise to do After this the King and Queen laying His and Her Hand upon the Holy Gospels shall say King and Queen The Things which I have here before Promised I will Perform and Keep. So help me God. Then the King and Queen shall kiss the Book The Coronation OATH of Scotland WE William and Mary King and Queen of Scotland Faithfully Promise and Swear by this Our solemn Oath in presence of the Eternal God that during the whole course of Our Life we will serve the same Eternal God to the uttermost of Our Power according as he has required in his most holy Word reveal'd and contain'd in the New and Old Testament and according to the same Word shall maintain the True Religion of Christ Jesus the Preaching of his Holy Word and the due and right Ministration of the Sacraments now Received and Preached within the Realm of Scotland and shall abolish and gainstand all false Religion contrary to the same and shall Rule the People committed to our Charge according to the Will and Command of God revealed in his aforesaid Word and according to the Landable Laws and Constitutions received in this Realm no ways repugnant to the said Word of the Eternal God and shall procure to the utmost of Our power to the Kirk of God and whole Christian People true and perfect Peace in all time coming That we shall preserve and keep inviolated the Rights and Rents with all just Priviledges of the Crown of Scotland neither shall we transfer nor alienate the same That we shall forbid and repress in all Estates and Degrees Reif Oppression and all kind of wrong And we shall Command and Procure that Justice and Equity in all Judgments be keeped to all Persons without exception as the Lord and Father of all Mercies shall be merciful to uâ— And we shall be careful to root out all Hereticks and Enemies to the true Worship of God that shall be Convicted by the true Kirk of God of the aforesaid Crimes out of Our Lands and Empire of Scotland And we faithfully affirm the things above written by Our Solemn Oath God save King WILLIAM and Queen MARY FINIS a a Distinct. 19. cap. a Caus. 25. q. 1. cap. 11. b b Cap. Vergent de Hereticis c c Cap. Infam 6. q. 1. p. 297. d d Suar. de Fide disp 12. §. 9. n. â— l. 2. c. 29. e e Cap. de Haer. f f Aâ—zoâ— Tom. 1. l. 8. c. 12. q. 7. g g Cap. 2. Sect. fin de Haer. in 6. h h Cap. cum secundum Legis de Haer. Inno III. cap. de Vergentis i i Vasque in Suar. disp 22. S. 4. n. 11. k k S. 1. n. 5. l l Cap. Vergent de Haer. m m Cap. ad abolendum de Haâ—r Suâ—r Dis. 23. Bul. Vrb. 4. Inno. 4. n n Jac. de Gra. decis l. 2. c. 9. n. 2. o o Bonacina Diano Castro Molanus c. Car. Allen. ad mon. to Nobl. Peop. p. 41. p p â—riess of P. G. 13. Clem. 8. q q 5. Ies. Trial p. 28. r r Col. Lr. â—o the Internâ—ncio s s Prance 's Nar. p. 4. t t Caus. Ep. p. 189. u u Five Ies. Tâ—iâ—ls p. 2â— x x Caput Offiâ—â—â—m y y Bonâ—ciâ—â—a dâ— prinâ— prat Disp. 3. q. 2. z z Parson 's Philop. p. 109. a a Becan Cont. Aug. p. 131 132. In Fowlis p. 60. b b Oats 's Nar. p. 4. N. 5 c. c c Hist. Ref. p. 110. a a Prout Regalis Officii exposcit utilitas b b Sicome le profit de Office Demaunde The Kingly or Regal Office of this Realm Mar. Sess. 3. cap. 1. Give us a King to judg us 1 Sam. 8.5 6 20. 18 Edw. III. 20 Edw. III. Cap. 1 2. 1 Iac. 1. cap. 1. 35 H. 8. cap. 1. 6 E. 6.11.1 2 3. Om. 10. 1 El. 6. 1 El. 3. Church-man
Burlington Anglesey Rochester Newport Nom. Ebor. W. Asaph Fran. Ely. Tho. Roffen Tho. Petriburg Tho. Oxon. Paget Chandois Osulston We therefore do most earnestly beseech your Majesty That you would be graciously pleased with all speed to Call such a Parliament wherein we shall be most ready to promote such Counsels and Resolutions of Peace and Settlement in Church and State as may conduce to your Majesty's Honour and Safety and to the quieting the Minds of your People We do likelise humbly beseech your Majesty in the mean time to use such means for the preventing the Effusion of Christian Blood as to your Majesty shall seem most meet His Majesty's most Gracious Answer My LORDS WHAT You ask of Me I most passionately desire And I promise You upon the Faith of a King That I will have a Parliament and such an One as You ask for as soon as ever the Prince of Orange has quitted this Realm For How is it possible a Parliament should be Free in all its Circumstances as You Petition for whil'st an Enemy is in the Kingdom and can make a Return of near an Hundred Voices The Lords Petition with the King's Answer may be printed Novemb. 20. 1688. A Modest Vindication of the Petition of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal for the Calling of a Free Parliament THIS Dâ—fence is grounded upon three Fundamental Principles I. The Right of Petitioning II. The Necessity III. The Duty I. It is the undoubted Right of the Subjects to Petition being founded upon an Act of Parliament and the highest Reason in the World for that is a very monstrous Government where the People must not approach their King and acquaint him with their Grievances The People have the greatest Property in the Land and therefore the most concern'd when a Foreign Enemy is upon it their Welfare is the Supream Law and yet they must not desire to meet in order to consult their own Preservation The Jesuits the sworn Enemies to the English Nation will take care of us and our Posterity therefore why should we trouble our selves at this Juncture They can levy Mony with a Proclamation they can dispense with all Laws and what should we do with a Parliament when the whole Statute-Book serves for no other End but to wipe the Tails of these Reverend Satyrs who fly into their Dens and Thickets at the very sound of a House of Commons II. The Necessity and that an indispensible one The Government turn'd Topsy-Turvy no Law no Rule all in a state of War all Treaties broken all Obligations ceas'd and yet the People must not come together to know why or wherefore they Fight or how they may avoid destroying one another they must hack and cut one another to pieces blindfold and to no other End but to save the Iesuits and the Knaves and to ruin themselves But the most Reverend Bishops are told that they shall have a Free Parliament as soon as ever the Prince of Orange has quitted this Realm that is such a Free Parliament as they were like to have had before the Prince came hither shuffl'd cut and pack'd by Mr. Brent and his Missionaries or perhaps ten times worse or rather none at all for the Church of Rome is grown such an infamous Bankrupt that no Body will trust her further than they can command her She may be compar'd to the Tyger which fawns sneaks and lurks as long as the Hunter is arm'd with his Spear and his Gun but when once the Weapons are laid down the Beast flies upon the unwary Forester tears and devours him III. The Duty For what better Office could those pious Prelats and Patriots of their Country do for the Publick-Good than to make all People Friends to save the Lives of many Thousands and to heal all our Wounds and Sores which they of the Roman Faith have inflicted upon a People too kind and good natur'd for such ravenous Monsters who go about seeking whom they may devour France Ireland Hungary and the Valleys of Piedmont are still reeking with the Blood of their poor innocent Preys and ecchoing with the Lamentations of a People ruin'd by trusting these Crocodiles too much and if God in his infinite Mercy had not watch'd over these Kingdoms and sent a Gabriel to guard them they had certainly fallen a Victim to the intollerable Pride the lawless Fury and untractable Barbariety of a sort of Animals call'd Catholicks subtile and treacherous by Custom and Discipline not to be chain'd by any Law either of God or Man and therefore every Body knows how far we may rely upon them when the Arch-Angel leaves us Exeter Nov. 21. 1688. Extract of the States General their Resolution Thursday 28th October 1688. UPon mature Deliberation it is found sit and resolved that notice be given to all their Ministers abroad of all the Reasons which induce their H. and M. to assist the Prince of Orange going over to England in Person with Ships and Forces with Orders to the said Ministers to make use thereof in the several Courts where they reside as they shall think most convenient and that it be also writ to the said Ministers that it is known to all the World that the English Nation hath a good while very much murmured and complained that the King no doubt with the Evil Counsel and Inducement of his Ministers had gained upon their Fundamental Laws and laboured through the violation thereof and by the bringing in the Roman Catholick Religion to oppress their Liberty and to ruine the Protestant Religion and to bring all under an Arbitrary Government That as this inverted and unjust Conduct was carried on more and more and the Apprehensions thereupon were still greater and that thereby such Diffidence and Aversion was stirred up against the King that nothing was to be expected in that Kingdom but general Disorder and Confusion His Highness the Prince of Orange upon the manifold Representations and the reiterated and earnest Desire which was made to His Highness by several Lords and other Persons of great Consideration in that Kingdom as also upon the account that Her Royal Highness and His Highness Himself are so highly concerned in the Welfare of that Kingdom could not well endure that through Strife and Disunion they should run the danger however it went of being excluded from the Crown held himself obliged to watch over the Welfare of that Kingdom and to take care thereof and also had the thoughts of assisting the Nation and giving them a helping-hand upon so many just and good Grounds against the Government that oppressed them in all manner of ways that lay in his Highness's Power for that His Highness was perswaded that the Welfare of this State the Care whereof is also entrusted to him was in the highest manner concerned that the said Kingdom might continue in Tranquillity and that all misunderstanding between the King and the Nation might be taken away That His Highness well knowing that to succeed in
therefore to deal ingenuously with you I confess at the beginning of this Revolution I was under a very great Surprize I who have been in Arms for His Majesty a warm stickler for the Church of England puffed up with all the Bravado's and Excesses of an Oxford Loyalty must needs be Alarmed to hear our Nobility and Gentry beating up for the Prince of Orange even in the Bowels of our Country But when I came more seriously to reflect upon the Foundations of our Government as well as those antecedent Obligations which God Almighty has reserved as his own inviolable Prerogative I began to regulate my Zeal by calmer measures And making a more impartial and strict Inquiry into the Opinions of Learned Men concerning the Regal Power I found this most generally agreed upon viz. That the Obedience and Disobedience of Subjects must be measured by the peculiar Constitutions of every Kingdom without respect either to the Jewish Polity where things were determined by God Almighty's special Command or the Behaviour of the Primitive Christians who had few or no Legal Rights to Assert Diss. Ay but you Churchmen flattered the Court so long till our Constitutions were all swallowed up in the Abyss of Prerogative Ch. I must confess while Kings are a Protection to Liberty Property and Religion the World is naturally prone to flatter them neither would it be good Breeding to make too nice Inquiries into the Limits of a Prince while he does not exceed them but when Distress comes impetuously upon a Nation when Life and All that is Sacred to us lies at Stake then the Inquiry is not only just but necessary Diss. What Conditions therefore will you Churchmen at length confine your Prince too Ch. Why I shall present you with a short but impartial view of the Constitutions of this Kingdom as I find them most faithfully and ingenuously represented by the Royal Martyr in his Answer to the Nineteen Propositions in these Words viz. There being Three kinds of Government among Men Absolute Monarchy Aristoâ—racy and Demoâ—racy and all these having their particular Conveniences and Inconveniences the Experience and Wisdom of our Ancestors hath so moulded this out of a mixture of these as to give to this Kingdom the Conveniences of all Three without the Inconveniences of any one as long as the Balance hangs even between the Three Estates and they run jointly on in their proper Chanel c. In this Kingdom the Laws are jointly made by a King House of Peers and House of Commons chosen by the People all having free Votes and particular Priviledges c. And in this Kind of Regulated Monarchy that the Prince may not make not use of his Power to the Hurt of those for whose Good he hath it and make use of the Name of Publick Necessity for the Gain of his private Favorites and Followers to the detriment of his People the House of Commons an excellent Conserver of Liberty is solely entrusted with the Levying of Monys and the Impeaching of those who for their own Ends though countenanced by any surreptitiously gotten Command of the King have violated that Law which he is bound to protect c. Since therefore the Power Legally placed in both Houses is more than sufficient to Prevent and Restrain the Power of Tyranny c. Our Answer is Nolumus Leges Angliae mutari So far this Royal Author And indeed what could a generous Prince acknowledg or a Priviledg-asserting Subject desire more Therefore upon the whole it appears by the Confession of the best of Men as well as the wisest of Princes that we are under a Government so well appointed for Society and the Exigencies of Humane Kind that nothing but Folly can think of Establishing a better and nothing but a Jesuit disturb it The Scriptures themselves seem to have meant it when they tell us that Caesar's Prerogative must never come in Competition with that of God Almighty and that Governors shall be a Terror to evil Works Here King and People have each their Territories and all the Provision imaginable made against those Distractions which either Interest or Passion should attempt From all which what can be more naturally inferred but that we in this Kingdom are by no means obliged to resign up our selves to Violence and Oppression but that Passive Obedience has its Limits and the Oath of Allegiance its Restrictions A regulated and conditionated Monarch can expect no Obedience from me but what is Conditional too and what an Absurdity does it seem that by a Legal Oath I should swear an absolute Obedience to that Authority which is not Absolute Besides those Subsidies which were granted by the Clergy in several of Queen Elizabeth's Parliaments for the Relief of the French Dutch and Scotch Protestants against their Oppressors plainly shew that it was all along the Opinion of the Church to Resist in case Rights and Religion were Invaded Neither am I perswaded that the learned and unbyass'd Clergy of our present Church ever meant any other Obedience than an active Conformity to the Intent of the Law or a Passive Submiâ—sion to the Penalties of it Therefore â—hough upon the Foundations of our Government an impatient Spirit might with a great shew of Reason establish a very extensive Latitude in asserting the Subjects Right yet in Favour of Monarchy which I Reverence and with Respect to the Present Conjuncture I shall only now trouble you with these four Propositions supposing a mixt Government 1. That Suspicions and Jealousies of a Prince's sinister Designs are no sufficient Grounds for Subjects violently to assert their Rights but in this Case the Event of things muâ—t be left to Providence 2. That though one Man or a greater number of Men receive manifest Injuries by the Abuses of Government yet while they are but an inconsiderable part of the Community they are in Duty bound rather to submit to Oppression than interrupt the common Peace But 3. When Dangers become demonstrable when Religion it self and the very Foundations of Government are so undermined by the Insinuations of an inconsiderable party who have obtained the Ear of their Prince that its unavoidable Ruine must necessarily follow In this Case I cannot see any Reason why Right may not be asâ—erted But 4. When a Foreign Prince with a considerable Army Invades a Nation upon pretence of putting a stop to such violent Proceedings besides perhaps some just Causes of a War I say in this Case That the whole Nation may and ought to rise and put themselves in such a Posture that they may be able to return him Thanks acording to the Merits of his Favours without being jealous of his Greatness And indeed our present Case is so circumstantiated that I Question whether it may be paralle'd in History and let any Man tell me where the Subjects of a Limited Monarchy tired out with the Abuses of Government did by sighting for their King encourage Oppression by the Blood of Thousands
The Necessary Eruâ—ition And consequently that the Bishop could not have or exert any Jurisdiction over the Subject unless warranted and derived from the King without danger of a Premunire which made Bonner wiâ—h others hold his Bishoprick by Commission Upon this ground if it should please His Majesty to chuse some persons of the Dissenters to this Office authorizing them to it no otherwise than by a like Commission which they should also hold with the Judges quam diâ— se benâ— gesseâ—unâ— As none of them could scruple then the acceptance so must a Union from that day forward commence in England especially if he would not leave filling up the Vacancies that fall with such till they in some measure equal the Conformists We are sensible unto what Distress the Ministers of a Particular Congregation of all sorts may be brought in the exercise of Discipline over some potent turbulent and refractory Members and what relief he might find in such an external Ecclesiastical Officer as this We are sensible how many inconvenices of Congregational Episcopacy may by this means only be saved Their work in general should be to supervise the Churches of all parties in their Diocesses that they walk according to their own principles in due Order agreeable to the Gospel and the peace of one another And more particularly in the observance of all Laws and Limitations Rules or Canons which the King as Supreme Head shall by advice of a Convocation oâ— the consent of his three Estates in Parliament make on purpose and impose upon them with respect both to the publick Emolument and the safety of his own Person Dignity and Dominions For example suppose this to be one Canon or Injunction That no Novice but such as are Grave Men only among the Sects be admitted to be Teachers Another this That the doors be kept open in all Conventiâ—les for any that wilâ— to come in and hear that no Sedition be there hatched or broached There are such and many the like Impositions may be found very fit to be laid on some Persons not needful for others and it is Time and the Trial and Experience which must be the Mother to bring them forth and cultivate them after to their best advantage To the making such Canons we humbly motion a third Clerk for the Convocation to be added to the two in every Diocess and chose out of the Dissenters with indifferent respect to all sorts of them that mutual Satisfaction and Concord my thereby be prosecuted with unanimity of Heart and Good will throughout all the Churcheâ— And the two Provinces of Canterbury and York should unite in this Convocation for the making them one National Church and not two Provincial ones in a diverse Assembly By this means shall one Organ more be added to this great Political Society for deriving an influence from the Head to these parts of the Body as well as others which now seem neglected and to have no care taken of them The more especial business of such an equally Modell'd Convocation should be the revising the Book of Canons for the reversing the main body of them having been fitted to that narrow scantling which is unworthy the Church of England and for the leaving only those and making new as we have exemplified in one or two for instance-sake even now which do and will suit to that larger Constitution thereof intended by this Paper And having now said thus much for Explanation of this Design we must say some little also in favour of it The Design of such an Accommodation as this shall advance not lessen the outward power and honour of the Bishop extending it over those who before had no conscientious regard for their Function while yet it would ease them of the tremendous burden of such a Cura Animarum they take on them otherwise as must be of impossible performance This Design which is suppos'd to find us in our Divisions and not to make any shall by little and little with God's blessing on it cool Animosities and enkindle Charity and Holiness among all parties which now is so much wanting while those that are Catholicks and those that are Protestants and much more those that are Conformists and those that are Nonconfrmists do agree in the substance of one Christianity having the same Scriptures the same Articles of Faith in the three Creeds and the same Rule of Manners in the Decalogue There is one Body one Spirit one Lord one Faith one Baptism They cannot indeed have both Communion in the same External Worship but they can have it in the Internal Adoration of the same blessed Trinity and in One Hope of our calling unto eternal Life through Christ Iesus They must separate into several Congregations but there shall be no Schism in the Body by this means for all that For as while the Supreme Power allows only the Parochial Meetings as established by Law it hath bin accounted Schism to go to Separate Assemblies So if the Scene be altered and these Separate Congregations be also made Legal this Schism or Mens being called Schismaticks in that regard must vanish and be at an end Indeed these divers Congregations will Accuse one another as guilty of Sin and Schism before God for each separating from the others Communion and threaten his Judgment but so long as there is no separating from the Church whereof the King is Head while he tolerates the Meetings of both and makes them parts of it as National there shall be no prosecution of Law against any but all quiet as fellow-Members upon that account Only as to the Roman Catholicks it is not indeed for them to imagine that a Protestant King and Parliament should allow of their Mass in Publick as they do of the Service-Book This were not to tolerate the Papists but to set up Popery whereas the Determining what is to be permitted to one Party and what to another so as no Detriment may be brought to the Church or State and no Sin or Guilt upon the Nation by that permission is a nice thing and the business of this Parliament There is one Motion farther should be added and that is for another Bill also to be brought in to take away Pluralities which is the Pest of our present Conforming Clergy I mean both of Livings and Dignities impartially to this end that the King may have wherewithal to engage those he receives into the Church thus enlarged and consequently restores to their Labours by this Accommodation for that is a thing will make the favour indeed significant to such persons I will conclude with one Argument for what I have proposed There is no power given upon Earth for any Man to command that which he in his Conscience does judg to be Sin. Non datur potestas ad malum But to conform in all things to the present Church according to Law is Sin in the judgment of Dissenters Catholicks and others and the Late King was a